The Physical Environment and Child Development: An International Review

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The physical environment and child development: An international review
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DOI: 10.1080/00207594.2013.804190 · Source: PubMed
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The physical environment and child development:

An international review
a b a c
Kim T. Ferguson , Rochelle C. Cassells , Jack W. MacAllister & Gary W. Evans
a
Psychology Faculty Group , Sarah Lawrence College , Bronxville , NY , USA
b
Department of Human Development , Cornell University , Ithaca , NY , USA
c
Department of Design and Environmental Analysis, and Bronfenbrenner Center for
Translational Research , Cornell University , Ithaca , NY , USA
Published online: 28 Jun 2013.
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International Journal of Psychology, 2013
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00207594.2013.804190
The physical environment and child development:

An international review
Kim T. Ferguson1, Rochelle C. Cassells2, Jack W. MacAllister1, and Gary W. Evans2,3

1
Psychology Faculty Group, Sarah Lawrence College, Bronxville, NY, USA
2
Department of Human Development, Cornell University, Ithaca, NY, USA
3
Department of Design and Environmental Analysis, and Bronfenbrenner Center for Translational
Research, Cornell University, Ithaca, NY, USA
A growing body of research in the United States and Western Europe documents significant effects of the physical
environment (toxins, pollutants, noise, crowding, chaos, and housing, school and neighborhood quality) on
children and adolescents’ cognitive and socioemotional development. Much less is known about these relations in other
Downloaded by [Kim Ferguson] at 12:21 30 June 2013
contexts, particularly the global South. We thus briefly review the evidence for relations between child development and
the physical environment in Western contexts, and discuss some of the known mechanisms behind these relations. We
then provide a more extensive review of the research to date outside of Western contexts, with a specific emphasis on
research in the global South. Where the research is limited, we highlight relevant data documenting the physical
environment conditions experienced by children, and make recommendations for future work. In these
recommendations, we highlight the limitations of employing research methodologies developed in Western contexts
(Ferguson & Lee, 2013). Finally, we propose a holistic, multidisciplinary, and multilevel approach based on
Bronfenbrenner’s (1979) bioecological model to better understand and reduce the aversive effects of multiple
environmental risk factors on the cognitive and socioemotional development of children across the globe.
Keywords: Physical environment; Child development; Global South; Chaos; Bronfenbrenner.
U n corpus grandissant de recherches aux États-Unis et en Europe de l’Ouest documente les effets significatifs de
l’environnement (toxines, polluants, bruit, surpopulation, chaos, qualité des logements, des écoles et du voisinage)
sur le développement cognitif et socio-émotionnel des enfants et des adolescents. On en connaı̂t toutefois beaucoup
moins à ce sujet dans d’autres contextes, particulièrement dans les pays du Sud, en général. Nous avons donc d’abord
brièvement revu les relations entre le développement de l’enfant et l’environnement physique dans le contexte occidental
et discuté des mécanismes connus derrières ces relations. Ensuite, nous avons procédé à une recension extensive des
recherches entreprises jusqu’à maintenant en dehors du contexte occidental, avec une emphase spécifique sur les
recherches entreprises dans le Sud. Aux endroits où la recherche est plutôt limitée, nous avons fait ressortir les données
significatives portant sur les conditions de l’environnement physique vécues par les enfants et avons fait des
recommandations pour des recherches futures. Parmi ces recommandations, nous avons insisté sur les limites de
l’utilisation des méthodologies de recherche employées dans les contextes occidentaux (Ferguson & Lee, 2013). Enfin,
nous proposons une approche holistique, multidisciplinaire et multipartite basée sur le modèle bio-écologique de
Bronfenbrenner (1979) pour mieux comprendre et réduire les effets nocifs des multiples facteurs environnementaux de
risque sur le développement cognitif et socio-émotionnel des enfants à travers le globe.
U n cúmulo creciente de investigación en Estados Unidos y Europa occidental documenta los efectos significativos
del ambiente fı́sico (toxinas, contaminantes, ruido, densidad poblacional, caos, calidad de la vivienda, la escuela y
el vecindario) sobre el desarrollo cognitivo y socioemocional de niños y adolescentes. Se sabe mucho menos acerca de
estas relaciones en otros contextos, en particular en la parte sur del globo. En consecuencia, revisamos de manera breve
la evidencia que apoya las relaciones entre el desarrollo infantil y el ambiente fı́sico en los contextos occidentales, y
Correspondence should be addressed to Kim Ferguson, Sarah Lawrence College, 1 Mead Way, Bronxville, NY 10708, USA. (Email:
[email protected]).
This research was supported in part by grants from the W.T. Grant Foundation and the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation.
Special thanks to Jane Gorski for her help in locating and organizing reference materials and to Sheridan Bartlett for advice on this paper.
q 2013 International Union of Psychological Science

2 FERGUSON ET AL.
discutimos algunos de los mecanismos conocidos detrás de estas relaciones. Luego, proporcionamos una revisión más
extensa de la investigación a la fecha fuera de los contextos occidentales, con un énfasis especı́fico en la investigación en
el sur del globo. Donde la investigación es limitada, destacamos los datos relevantes que documentan las condiciones del
ambiente fı́sico que han vivido los niños, y hacemos recomendaciones para el trabajo futuro. En estas recomendaciones
destacamos las limitaciones de emplear métodos de investigación desarrollados en los contextos occidentales (Ferguson
& Lee, 2013). Por último, proponemos una aproximación holı́stica, multidisciplinaria y multinivel basada en el modelo
bioecológico de Bronfenbrenner (1979) para entender mejor y reducir los efectos adversos de muchos factores de riesgo
sobre el desarrollo cognitivo y socioemocional de los niños por todo el globo.
The majority of the world’s children live in the 2004). We close with a call for a holistic, multi-
global South (countries with a low to medium disciplinary, and multilevel approach to investigate
Human Development Index score, including Africa, the impacts of the physical environment on child and
Central and Latin America, and most of Asia), yet adolescent development that employs an extension of
nearly all of the research on relations between the Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological model (Bronfen-
physical environments experienced by children and brenner, 1979; Bronfenbrenner & Evans, 2000;
their cognitive and socioemotional development has Ferguson, Kim, Dunn, & Evans, 2009; Ferguson &
taken place within North America and Western Lee, 2013) as a theoretical framework.
Europe. The purpose of this review is to call
attention to this important gap in the literature and
TOXINS AND POLLUTANTS
to introduce readers to emerging scholarship on
children’s environments in the global South. We do
Lead
not cover work on the physical environment and
children’s physical health because this literature is Needleman et al. (1979) documented the impacts of
extensive (cf. Wigle, 2003). We do, however, lead exposure on young (grade school) children’s
discuss physiological indicators of stress in intelligence quotient (IQ) and externalizing beha-
explaining relations between components of the viors. Since then, many studies have shown that lead
physical environment (e.g., crowding, noise) and significantly impacts the cognitive functioning of
children’s development. children and adolescents in the United States and
We organize our review into a discussion of the Western Europe, even when controlling for socio-
impacts of toxins and pollutants (heavy metals, economic status (SES) and other confounding factors
pesticides, and air and water pollution), noise, (Evans, 2006; Hubbs-Tait, Nation, Krebs, & Bellin-
crowding, chaos, housing quality, school and child- ger, 2005; Koger, Schetteler, & Weiss, 2005; Surkan
care quality, and neighborhood quality on the et al., 2007; Wigle, 2003). A significant body of
cognitive and socioemotional development of chil- research has documented the effects of prenatal and
dren and adolescents across the globe. For each of childhood exposure to lead on children’s current and
these commonly studied physical environment prospective developmental functioning in middle-
factors, we briefly review what is currently known income, newly industrial countries such as China
in Western (North American and Western European) (Shen, Yan, & Guo, 1998; Tang et al., 2008; Wang,
contexts and, where appropriate, discuss some of the Xu, Zhang, & Wang, 1989), India (Ahamed, Singh,
known mechanisms linking each factor and children’s Behari, Kumar, & Siddiqui, 2007; Patel, Mamtani,
development. We also identify when the evidence is Thakre, & Kulkarni, 2006), the Philippines (Solon
especially strong for particular influences. We provide et al., 2008) and Malaysia (Zailina, Junidah,
a more extensive review of the research to date Josephine, & Jamal, 2008). Similar impacts have
outside of Western contexts, with a specific emphasis been documented in Egypt (Mostafa, El-Shahawi, &
on research in the global South. As we do so, we Mokhtar, 2009), Mexico (Acosta-Saavedra et al.,
discuss the strength of the evidence for each 2011; Hu et al., 2006; Kordas et al., 2006), Peru
influencing factor and, where there are gaps in the (Vega-Dienstmaier et al., 2006), and Bolivia (Ruiz-
extant research, we briefly discuss what we do know Castell et al., 2012). Importantly, lead levels in these
(including available statistics) and make recommen- and other countries in the global South are still high
dations for future work. In these recommendations, and largely unregulated (Karrari, Mehrpour, &
we pay particular attention to the limitations of Abdollahi, 2012; Shen et al., 1998; Tong, von
employing the same research methodologies and Schirnding, & Prapamontol, 2000; Walker et al.,
predicting similar results in previously understudied 2007). In fact, it is estimated that around 40% of
contexts (Ferguson & Lee, 2013; Nsamenang, 1992, children living in economically developing countries
PHYSICAL ENVIRONMENT AND CHILD DEVELOPMENT 3
have elevated blood lead levels (Walker et al., 2007). time, and visual – motor integration among elemen-
In addition, some of the most recent work across the tary school aged children (Chiodo, Jacobson, &
globe has found that even very low levels of lead Jacobson, 2004).
exposure can be toxic to infants and young children Estimates of developmental impacts of toxins such
(Canfield et al., 2003; Lanphear, Dietrich, Auinger, & as lead may underestimate effects because of genetic
Cox, 2000; Lanphear et al., 2005; Patel et al., 2006; differences in vulnerability. As an illustration, Nigg
Ruiz-Castell et al., 2012; Zailina et al., 2008). et al. (2008) showed that blood lead levels among 8-
An important characteristic of many toxins is to 17-year-old American children were weakly
that even after emissions are eliminated (e.g., associated overall with hyperactivity and impulsivity.
removal of lead from gasoline and paint, the However, these symptoms were significantly more
banning of the pesticide dichlorodiphenyltrichloro- accentuated in the subset of youth with abnormalities
ethane [DDT] in North America), they remain in in a catecholamine receptor gene.
the ecosystem for a very long time (Meyer, Brown, In the global South, most of the work to date has
& Falk, 2008). There are several pathways that considered the impacts of lead on general cognitive
enable this to occur. Heavy metals settle into the functioning. Mostafa et al. (2009) showed that nearly
ground, and so lead is still found in the soil and in half (43%) of a middle-class sample of 6- to 12-year-
older houses that were painted prior to the banning olds in Cairo had blood lead levels at or above the US
of lead over three decades ago in the US. Lead Centers for Disease Control and Prevention limit of
10 mg/dl. A large proportion (37%) of these children
used to be incorporated in plumbing (e.g., sodder)

and thus can potentially leach into water supplies. were diagnosed with cognitive dysfunction. The most
Many toys and other common household products significant independent predictor of cognitive dys-
used to be made with lead, a practice that function was a blood lead level at or above 10 mg/dl.
unfortunately continues today in China, for Similar to research in other contexts, a 1 mg/dl
example (Meyer et al., 2008). Another pathway increase in blood lead level was associated with a
that is perhaps more insidious is the crossgenera- two-point decline in IQ. Similarly, in a study of 6.5- to
tional transmission of toxins. Some toxins are 8.5-year-old urban Malaysian children, Zailina et al.
lipophilic, which means they can be stored in body (2008) found that blood lead levels, statistically
fat. Thus prior exposure to some toxins, even controlling for parents’ education, household income,
preconception, can eventually affect the developing and other family demographic factors, predicted
organism (Hubbs-Tait et al., 2005; Koger et al., children’s cognitive functioning. Studies in China
2005). Finally, even when children themselves are across a wide age range have documented similar
not exposed to toxins, they may be susceptible to effects (Shen et al., 1998; Tang et al., 2012), as have
indirect exposure via parental exposures (Bouchard recent studies of 6- to 8.5-year-old children in Peru
et al., 2011). A common example of this is from (Vega-Dienstmaier et al., 2006) and Ecuador
agricultural workers who absorb pesticides into (Counter, Buchanan, & Ortega, 2008).
their skin and/or their clothes (Koger et al., 2005). The evidence for long-term effects of lead on
Tragically, child laborers in many parts of the children’s cognitive functioning following prenatal
world remain in direct contact with toxins in exposure is equally strong. Most recently, Yorifuji,
agricultural, construction, and manufacturing Debes, Weihe, and Grandjean (2011) found that, after
sectors. controlling for SES and other potential covariates, 7-
Numerous studies in North America document a and 14-year-old children living in the Faroe Islands
dose – response function between body lead level exposed to high levels of lead prenatally had deficits
burdens and IQ reductions. These findings have been in short-term memory and attention compared to
replicated and demonstrated in prospective research children exposed to lower levels of lead. Hu et al.
designs, and hold true even when statistical controls (2006) found that maternal blood lead levels in the
rule out alternative explanations such as social class first trimester, but not in the second or third trimester,
(Evans, 2006; Hubbs-Tait et al., 2005; Koger et al., predicted 12- and 24-month-old Mexican infants’
2005). For example, Canfield et al. (2003) found that, general cognitive functioning (Mental Development
after controlling for SES and other demographic Index, MDI). These effects were large: A 1 SD
variables, 3- to 5-year-olds’ blood lead levels were increase in first-trimester maternal plasma lead level
significantly negatively associated with IQ, even at was associated with a 3.5 point decrease on the MDI.
levels of exposure below the US-regulated 10 mg/dl Shen et al. (1998) similarly found that, after
level. Teachers also report more attentional problems confounding factors such as family SES and parental
among children who have been exposed to lead exposure to lead at work were statistically controlled
(Evans, 2006), and at least one North American study for, 3-, 6-, and 12-month-old Shanghai infants with
uncovered lead-related deficits in attention, reaction high umbilical cord lead levels received significantly
4 FERGUSON ET AL.
lower MDI scores than those with lower lead levels. & Neims, 1983) and 6-year-old children’s IQ scores
Current blood lead levels were not associated with and language development (Kjellstrom, Kennedy,
MDI scores. In contrast, Solon et al. (2008) found that Wallis, & Mantell, 1989). In addition, high-level
6- to 30-month-old Filipino infants’ current blood maternal mercury exposure in Japan (Matsumoto,
lead levels significantly predicted their MDI scores. Koya, & Takeuchi, 1965; Takeuchi, 1968) and Iraq
And Patel and colleagues (2006) found that the cord (Cox et al., 1989; Cox, Marsh, Myers, & Clarkson,
blood lead levels of neonates living in Nagpur, India 1995; Marsh et al., 1980) has been reported to
significantly predicted autonomic stability and abnor- adversely affect prenatal and neonatal cognitive and
mal reflexes. In addition, among infants with cord physical development. Two major longitudinal
blood lead levels of 5 – 10 mg/dl, lead levels projects, one in the Seychelles (e.g., Myers et al.,
significantly predicted arousal state regulation, 2009; Stokes-Riner et al., 2011) and one in the Faroe
motor functioning, and autonomic stability. These Islands (e.g., Debes, Budtz-Jørgensen, Weihe, White,
findings suggest that lead exposure has important & Grandjean, 2006), have documented the adverse
effects on early motor functioning, even at very low impacts of prenatal exposure to mercury from
levels. maternal consumption of seafood on young children’s
Much less work on behavioral toxins has examined cognitive functioning. Little work has documented
potential adverse socioemotional consequences. impacts on socioemotional functioning, suggesting
However, in Needleman et al.’s (1979) classic Boston that further work in this area is needed.
school children study of lead and IQ, teachers, blind to In the Seychelles Child Development Study,
the pupils’ lead dentine levels, rated children with maternal and child methylmercury (MeHg) levels,
higher lead burdens with more overt classroom children’s cognitive and behavioral development, and
behaviors indicative of behavioral problems such as various demographic factors have been assessed at the
inhibitory control. Eleven years later, these same ages of 6, 19, 29, 66 and 107 months (Myers et al.,
children had higher rates of juvenile delinquency 2009) following an assessment of prenatal MeHg
(Needleman, Schell, Bellinger, Leviton, & Allred, exposure. In the Faroe Islands study, postnatal MeHg
1990). Several other studies have shown linkages exposure and children’s cognitive and behavioral
between early lead exposure and impulsivity, aggres- functioning have been measured at ages 1, 7 and 14
sion, and hyperactivity in children (Chandramouli, years (Debes et al., 2006), following an assessment of
Steer, Ellis, & Emond, 2009; Chiodo et al., 2004; prenatal levels. In both studies, significant relations
Evans, 2006; Hubbs-Tait et al., 2005). between prenatal and current MeHg and children’s
The research on associations between lead exposure early motor development and later cognitive function-
and children’s socioemotional functioning outside of ing have been found, although the results are more
the Western world is even more limited. However, in consistent in the Faroe Islands study (Myers et al.,
an early study of the impacts of prenatal lead exposure 2009; Stokes-Riner et al., 2011). These differences
on both cognitive and socioemotional functioning at may have resulted from differential sources of MeHg
ages 2, 4, and 7 years in Kosovo, Factor-Litvak, (primarily fish in the Seychelles; primarily pilot whale
Wasserman, Kline, and Graziano (1999) found that meat in the Faroe Islands), as well as lower levels of
children’s behavior problems were associated with aquatic food consumption in the Seychelles. Never-
blood lead levels. Similarly, Bao et al. (2009) found theless, together these projects suggest that young
that levels of lead and zinc in 7- to 16-year-old Chinese children’s motor and cognitive development, and
children’s hair samples predicted their behavioral language, attention and memory in particular, are
functioning. And, in an intervention study in which 6- compromised following prenatal exposure to
to 8-year-old children living close to a metal foundry in methylmercury.
Torreón, Mexico were given iron, zinc, both, or
placebo nutrition supplements over a period of 6
Polychlorinated biphenyls (PCBs)
months, Kordas et al. (2006) found that blood lead
levels were positively associated with passive off-task Prenatal exposure to polychlorinated biphenyls
behaviors within classroom settings and negatively (PCBs), which are used in the manufacture of vinyl
associated with activity levels during recess. and other plastic compounds, has been linked with
children’s cognitive and socioemotional functioning
(Evans, 2006; Lai et al., 2002; Ribas-Fitó, Sala,
Mercury
Kogevinas, & Sunyer, 2001; Williams & Ross, 2007).
The impacts of exposure to mercury on children’s In contrast, postnatal exposure appears to have few
cognitive functioning are well documented. Low- effects, except in the case of severe poisoning (Ribas-
level maternal mercury exposure damages infant Fitó et al., 2001). These compounds have been banned
sensorimotor functioning (Mckeown-Eyssen, Ruedy, in most high-income countries, but they continue to
persist in environments across the globe, particularly Pesticides

as they tend to bioaccumulate in fish and other
Research on the developmental impacts of direct
animals (Faroon, Keith, Smith-Simon, & De Rosa,
residential pesticide exposure or indirect prenatal or
2003; WHO, 2010).
occupational exposure (on the skin or clothing of
A series of studies at two different American
exposed caregivers) is somewhat limited. However,
sites indicate that prenatal PCB exposure due to
there is an extensive research literature document-
fish ingestion from polluted lakes has consistent
adverse effects on neonatal developmental status ing severe impacts of pesticide exposure on both
(especially hyporesponsiveness) and memory rats and in vitro models of the mammalian brain
among preschool and elementary school aged (see, e.g., Aldridge, Meyer, Seidler, & Slotkin,
children (Evans, 2006). In a more recent set of 2005; Jameson, Seidler, & Slotkin, 2007). Since
studies among Native American adolescents, New- pesticides are neurotoxic agents, they may well
man and colleagues (2006, 2009) found that PCB have serious effects on the developing brain.
body burden was associated with memory impair- Indeed, in a recent review, Jurewicz and Hanke
ments and poorer comprehension/reasoning. This (2008) conclude that there is good evidence for the
replicates some prior work with preadolescents impact of various pesticides on motor functioning
(Evans, 2006). An important and sobering aspect of (abnormal reflexes) in the newborn human and both
these recent data is that, although indigenous motor and cognitive functioning (particularly
reaction times, attention, and short-term memory)
populations in both the global North and South are

frequently exposed to higher levels of toxins than in children. We also know that the developing fetus
are other populations, the Native American youths’ and young children have lower levels of the
levels of PCBs were well within the “normal” detoxifying enzymes that may deactivate organo-
range found in American children. Most research phosphate compounds in adults (Furlong et al.,
on PCBs and development has focused on highly 2006). This suggests that the effects of agricultural
exposed populations. pesticides on children may be particularly
No known research has investigated the impacts of problematic.
PCB exposure on the cognitive functioning of DDT and related organochlorine compounds used
children living in the global South, and in fact levels as pesticides have been largely phased out in the
of exposure are also largely unknown (Faroon et al., US and Europe (Rohlman et al., 2005). Thus their
2003; WHO, 2010). However, presumably the effects impacts on children’s developmental functioning in
would be consistent with those reported in other these contexts are understudied. However, a
contexts. This was found to be the case in a longitudinal study in the early 1990s in the United
longitudinal study assessing Taiwanese children’s States found that prenatal dichlorodiphenyldichlor-
cognitive and behavioral development every year oethylene (DDE) exposure impacted motor func-
through age 12 following prenatal exposure to PCBs tioning at 18 and 24 months, but did not impact
in contaminated cooking oil (Lai et al., 2002). In cognitive development at ages 3, 4, and 5 years
comparison to matched unexposed children, children (Jurewicz & Hanke, 2008). Two more recent
exposed to PCBs had long-term deficits in IQ. studies in Spain (Ribas-Fitó et al., 2003, 2006) and
Much less is known about PCB exposure and one in the United States (Eskenazi et al., 2006),
various aspects of socioemotional development. however, using similar assessment tools, did find
There may be problems with executive functioning significant relationships between cord blood and
such as attentional control (Evans, 2006; Hubbs-Tait maternal serum levels of DDE, DDT, and related
et al., 2005; Koger et al., 2005). And Lai et al. (2002) compounds on the cognitive and psychomotor
found that Taiwanese children exposed to high levels functioning of both infants and young children.
of PCBs prenatally exhibited a greater number of More contemporary organophosphate pesticides
externalizing and internalizing symptoms than did may similarly impact reflexes in infants (Jurewicz &
matched unexposed children. Hanke, 2008), reaction times in early childhood
One other developmental aspect of toxin exposure (Rohlman et al., 2005), and infant and early childhood
and children’s maturation worth mentioning is that psychomotor development (Jurewicz & Hanke, 2008;
lower SES contexts appear to accentuate the harmful Rauh et al., 2006; Ruckart, Kakolewski, Bove, &
impacts of toxins on children’s development (Evans, Kaye, 2004). There is also some evidence for effects
2006). This might occur for several reasons, including on specific cognitive skills, particularly short-term
chronic stress, levels of cognitive stimulation in the memory and attention (Jurewicz & Hanke, 2008;
home, co-occurrence of other toxin exposures, co- Lizardi, O’Rourke, & Morris, 2008; Rauh et al., 2006;
occurrence of other risk factors, and, for older Ruckart et al., 2004). In addition, these effects appear
children, poorer quality school environments. to persist over time: Rauh et al. (2006) found that low-
6 FERGUSON ET AL.
income, urban minority children in New York City occupational exposure, which is in fact a primary
who were exposed to high levels of the insecticide mode of exposure for young children working in
chlorpyrifos were more likely than other children to agricultural settings in the global South (Dorman,
have delays in their overall cognitive and motor 2008).
development at 12, 24, and 36 months, and were also The research documenting effects of pesticide
more likely to exhibit attention problems. exposure on children’s socioemotional development
DDT and DDE are currently commonly used in is limited, and the findings are mixed (Ruckart et al.,
the global South (Jurewicz & Hanke, 2008; Mishra 2004). Rodrı́guez (2012), however, found that ADHD
& Sharma, 2011), yet there is almost no research symptoms were more common among pesticide-
documenting the impacts of these compounds on exposed girls, but not boys, in a sample of 7- to 9-
children’s developmental functioning. However, a year-old Nicaraguan children. These findings make
longitudinal study of infant cognitive and psycho- sense, given other results documenting the impacts of
motor functioning following prenatal exposure to pesticide exposure on children’s attention processes.
DDE in Mexico found that maternal serum levels Clearly, more research on the impacts of pesticide
during the first trimester were negatively associated exposure on the socioemotional functioning of young
with infants’ motor development at 1, 3, 6 and 12 children is warranted.
months of age (Torres-Sanchez et al., 2007).
Similarly, Grandjean, Harari, Barr, and Debes
Air pollution
(2006) and Harari et al. (2010) found that prenatal

exposure to pesticides adversely impacted Ecuador- With ongoing rapid industrialization and urban
ian children’s cognitive functioning at ages 6– 9 growth, poor air quality is a serious concern in
years. Children’s current exposure was negatively much of the global South, as well as in newly
associated with reaction times, but not with other industrial countries in general (Bartlett, Hart,
cognitive measures. Likewise, Guillette, Meza, Satterthwaite, de la Barra, & Missair, 1999). Here
Aquilar, Soto, and Garcia (1998) found that Mexican we discuss work in both the global North and South
4- and 5-year-olds’ prenatal and current exposure to documenting the impacts of exposure to air pollution,
pesticides delayed their motor development and primarily resulting from proximity to industrial plants
some aspects of cognitive functioning. In a study and to air and road traffic, on children’s cognitive and
using a similar design, comparing children living in socioemotional development.
rural areas with high pesticide use to those residing Among the most common pollutants to be studied
in low pesticide use areas, 4- to 5-year-old Indian for its effect on cognition is nitrogen dioxide (NO2), a
children showed a similar profile (Kuruganti, 2005). toxicant produced by fossil fuel combustion and thus
And Rodrı́guez (2012) found that 7- to 9-year-old closely linked to road traffic as well as gas stoves. In
children of Nicaraguan agricultural workers who Quanzhou, China, exposure to traffic-related pollution
were exposed to a variety of pesticides prenatally was found to be associated with poor performance on
had deficits in working memory, verbal comprehen- neurobehavioral tests (Wang et al., 2009). Similarly,
sion, and overall IQ. Eckerman et al. (2007) Dutch children exposed to high levels of NO2 at home
demonstrated similar impacts on 10- to 18-year-old were found to score lower on memory evaluations,
Brazilian children’s memory and attention resulting while no similar correlation was found between NO2
from current exposure. Thus there is some evidence exposure at school and cognitive outcomes (van
that prenatal exposure may be particularly proble- Kempen et al., 2012). A related study of children
matic, but that later exposure may also impact some living near London’s Heathrow airport, however,
aspects of children’s cognitive development. In found no association between exposure to NO2 and
addition, there is good evidence for high levels of cognitive performance in 9- to 10-year-olds (Clark
prenatal and childhood exposure to both organo- et al., 2012).
chlorine and organophosphate compounds in low- In other work on air pollution, prenatal exposure to
and middle-income countries, including India environmental tobacco smoke was negatively associ-
(Mathews, Reis, & Iacopino, 2003; Mishra & ated with cognitive performance at age two in African
Sharma, 2011), Kazakhstan (Zetterström, 2003), American and Dominican children in New York City
Ghana (Mull & Kirkhorn, 2005), Nigeria (Okafor, (Rauh et al., 2004). Within the same populations,
2010) and Egypt (Kishk, Gaber, & Abd-Allah, exposure to high levels of airborne polycyclic
2004). In Ecuador, Corriols & Aragón (2010) aromatic hydrocarbons (PAHs) (largely from road
estimated that there have been 18,516 cases of traffic fuel combustion) was associated with lower
acute pesticide poisonings between 1995 and 2006 cognitive scores and moderate developmental delay at
among children aged 5 –14 years, based on the 2069 age three (Perera et al., 2006), and lower IQ scores at
reported cases. Many of these were due to age five (Perera et al., 2009). Similarly, exposure to
PAHs was significantly associated with lower ance, memory, pattern recognition, and structured
nonverbal IQ scores among 5-year-olds in Poland play was found.
(Edwards et al., 2010). In China, children living in
proximity to a coal-fueled power plant were found to
have higher cord PAH levels than those in both the
Water pollution, sanitation, and access
New York City and Poland studies, and these levels
were associated with a greater risk of delay in motor Many families in the global South have limited access
development and language abilities at age two (Tang to clean water and sanitation facilities (Bartlett, 1999;
et al., 2008). There are also potentially prolonged Bartlett et al., 1999; Walker et al., 2007). This section
consequences of overexposure to PAHs. Noting that will outline the effects of water quality (specifically
children highly exposed to PAHs were 2.89 times pollution and sanitation) on children’s cognitive and
more likely to have lower MDI scores than unexposed socioemotional development in the global North and
children at the age of three, Perera et al. (2006) South.
suggested that greater exposure to such high levels of The most common water pollutant studied in
pollution could adversely affect language, reading, relation to children’s development is arsenic. Rosado
and math abilities later on. et al. (2007) found that among 6- to 8-year-old
Changes in brain structure as a result of children attending school near a smelter complex in
exposure to high levels of air pollution have been Torreón, Mexico, those with higher concentrations of
proposed as a possible explanation for resulting urinary arsenic performed worse on several measures
cognitive defects. In Mexico City, urban air of cognitive and language development than did
pollution was found to be associated with children with lower concentrations. This relationship
prefrontal white matter hyperintense lesions in was not impacted by lead exposure, demographics, or
both children and dogs; these lesions are believed nutritional factors, although lower SES children had
to be associated with poor cognitive outcomes higher levels of urinary arsenic. Likewise Tsai et al.
(Calderón-Garcidueñas et al., 2008). Calderón- (2003) found that young Taiwanese adolescents
Garcidueñas and colleagues found that 56.5% of exposed to arsenic in well water had lower scores
children living in highly polluted Mexico City than unexposed adolescents on cognitive assessments
possessed such lesions, in comparison to just 7.6% of memory and attention switching, even after
of children living in Polotitlán, an area with lower controlling for education and gender. And in a study
levels of pollution. The former also performed of 9.5- to 10.5-year-old children using tubewells in
more poorly on psychometric tests. However, 7- Bangladesh, Wasserman et al. (2004) found that water
and 8-year-olds in Mexico City exposed to high arsenic levels were associated with poorer cognitive
pollution levels generally scored lower in evalu- functioning. Asadullah & Chaudhury (2011) similarly
ations of short-term memory, attention, and found that eighth-grade children exposed to arsenic-
learning ability than those in Polotitlán, whether contaminated tubewells in rural Bangladesh had
they possessed such lesions or not (Calderón- lower mathematics scores than those not exposed,
Garcidueñas et al., 2011). Thus, as Calderón- even when controlling for schooling history, prior
Garcidueñas and Torres-Jardon (2012) note, arsenic exposure, and parental factors. Wang et al.
exposure to high levels of air pollution is just (2007) likewise found that rural Chinese 8- to 12-
one aspect of the environmental inequalities year-olds living close to wells with high levels of
experienced by children from lower socioeconomic arsenic received lower IQ scores than those who did
backgrounds in both the global North and South not, although it should be noted that this relationship
(Evans, 2004). was only documented for children with high levels of
Against the backdrop of such settings as New York exposure, and sociodemographic factors were not
City, Mexico City, and the rapidly growing cities of controlled for.
China, most of the literature on the subject seems to High manganese levels in the public water system
suggest that the relation between air pollution and may also impact children’s behavior, as documented
developmental outcomes is one largely tied to by Bouchard et al. (2007) in a study of 6- to 15-year-
industrialization and urbanization. A notable excep- old children’s behavioral functioning in Canada. After
tion is Munroe and Gauvain’s (2012) investigation of controlling for potential confounding variables (age,
the association between indoor open-fire cooking—a sex and income), they found that hair manganese was
common practice in the global South—and cognition significantly associated with hyperactivity and oppo-
in four communities: Garifuna in Belize, Logoli in sitional behavior, as measured by teachers’ report.
Kenya, Newar in Nepal, and Samoans in American Interestingly, the positive relationship between hair
Samoa. A moderate negative correlation between manganese and hyperactivity was greater for older
indoor open-fire cooking and block-building perform- children (above 11 years old).
8 FERGUSON ET AL.
Research suggests that a lack of proper water were exposed to water contaminated with tetrachlor-
sanitation and waste management exposes many oethane (PCE, a solvent used in dry cleaning) during
children to water-borne diseases. For example, the prenatal period and/or early childhood. They
Copeland et al. (2009) found that 30% of households found that, after controlling for parental SES and
in Brazilian shantytowns had fecal contaminated other potential covariates, highly exposed individuals
drinking water. Besides their health effects, water- had higher rates of cigarette, alcohol, and other drug
borne diseases also have adverse developmental use in adolescence and early adulthood.
consequences for children. Guerrant and colleagues
(1999) explored the relationship between diarrheal
illness (a common water-borne disease) early in NOISE
childhood and the cognitive functioning of 6.5- to 9-
year-old children living in a Brazilian shantytown. Numerous studies in high-income countries reveal
A significant negative correlation was found between that chronic noise exposure early in childhood
children’s cognitive functioning and early childhood interferes with reading acquisition (Evans, 2006).
diarrhea (see Niehaus et al., 2002 for similar results). Although most studies are cross-sectional with
And Lima et al. (2004) found that the availability of statistical controls for SES, several studies have
garbage collection and access to a toilet partially demonstrated a dose –response function. Adverse
explained differences in cognitive and psychomotor impacts on reading have also been replicated in
performance of low-income 12-month-olds living in prospective longitudinal studies with the introduction
northeast Brazil. Likewise, in an investigation of the of a new major noise source such as an airport, as well
environmental conditions (including poor access to as in experiments with noise attenuation interven-
drinking water, an inconsistent electricity supply and tions. Children in higher elementary school grades
inadequate sewage drains) impacting 7- to 8-year-old suffer greater adverse reading outcomes; this has been
children’s cognitive development in war-torn Bagh- attributed to longer duration of exposure (Evans &
dad City, Ghazi and colleagues (2012) found that Hygge, 2007) but might also reflect greater awareness
below-average water quality (as reported by parents) of noise (Dockrell & Shield, 2004). Some studies have
was associated with lower IQ scores, and that access shown worse reading outcomes for children exposed
to services (including water quality, electricity supply to noise at home and school, bolstering the duration of
and access to grocery stores) independently predicted exposure explanation. Children with poorer cognitive
IQ, after adjusting for parent education and income. skills appear more vulnerable to the induction of
In addition to direct impacts on cognitive reading deficits from noise exposure (Evans, 2006;
functioning, diarrhea and intestinal parasites resulting Dockrell & Shield, 2006).
from bacteria-contaminated water (often from sew- Several cognitive deficits reliably associated with
age) contribute to malnutrition and stunting, both of noise exposure are candidate mechanisms for the
which impact children’s IQ and school performance, well-documented noise – reading link. Long-term
and may also contribute to behavioral problems memory is adversely affected by noise, and
(Bartlett, 2003). These associations may result as attentional strategies are altered by noise exposure
early malnutrition and exposure to environmental (Evans, 2006). Interestingly, a few studies have also
toxins and stress can alter both brain structure and shown linkages between chronic noise exposure and
function, thus leading to long-term changes in deficits in auditory discrimination (e.g., phoneme
cognitive and socioemotional functioning (Gran- perception), a critical aspect of speech perception
tham-McGregor et al., 2007). In addition, both illness (Evans, 2006; Evans & Hygge, 2007). Speech
and malnutrition may lead to increased absences from perception is a major building block of reading
school and attention problems when in school. acquisition. Finally, emerging work in neuroscience
Further, access to water may impact school indicates potentially detrimental noise effects on brain
attendance directly, particularly for girls in the global speech function and structure (Kujala & Brattico,
South, who frequently have to walk long distances to 2009).
collect clean water (Bartlett, 2003). Finally, it is worth Chronic noise exposure, similar to many of the
noting that global climate change is likely to affect environmental conditions described herein, is not only
access to clean water for millions of low-income aversive but also uncontrollable and sometimes
families in the global South, particularly in Africa and unpredictable. Repeated exposures to uncontrollable
parts of Asia, in the next 20 years (Bartlett, 2008). as well as unpredictable events can undermine human
A recent article suggests that contaminated motivation (Cohen, Evans, Stokols & Krantz, 1986),
drinking water in childhood may have lasting effects. thus impacting the persistence and effort needed
Aschengrau et al. (2011) conducted a retrospective (among other things) for academic achievement. The
study of children from eight towns in the US who first human studies of learned helplessness employed
uncontrollable noise as the induction stimulus exposure is stressful, creating irritation and annoy-
(Hiroto, 1974; Krantz, Glass, & Snyder, 1974). ance and elevating cardiovascular indicators of stress
Since then, many studies have shown that uncontrol- such as blood pressure and neuroendocrine stress
lable noise exposure can cause learned helplessness hormones (e.g., cortisol) (Evans, 2006; Paunovic,
(Evans & Stecker, 2004). Stansfeld, Clark, & Belojevic, 2011). In most of these
The bioecological perspective (Bronfenbrenner & studies, resting physiological stress measures were
Morris, 1998) suggests a complementary set of taken under quiet conditions. Thus the indications of
processes that might also be related to noise and elevated stress are in relation to chronic noise
reading acquisition. Noise might alter caregiving exposure. There are more studies of aircraft relative
behaviors salient to reading acquisition. We know, for to street traffic noise, with evidence for the former
example, that teachers in high noise impact schools having stronger physiological impacts than the latter
alter their teaching methods and also complain about (Evans, 2006). However, Babisch, Neuhauser,
interruption and fatigue (Evans, 2006). It is Thamm, and Seiwert (2009) found that a nationally
conceivable that parents might talk less to their representative sample of 8- to 14-year-old German
children, be less responsive to children’s verbaliza- children whose bedrooms faced a high-traffic street
tions, and not read aloud as much to their children in had higher blood pressure than those with a bedroom
high noise settings. facing a low-traffic street. These relations were
Research on the relation between noise and independent of various sociodemographic factors.
children’s cognitive development outside of the Studies in Slovakia (Regecova & Kellcrova, 1995)
United States and Europe is extremely limited. and Serbia (Belojevic, Jakovljevic, Stojanov, Pauno-
However, what evidence there is suggests that noise vic, & Ilic, 2008; Paunovic et al., 2009) also revealed
levels impact children in varying contexts similarly. adverse impacts of road traffic noise on children’s
Seabi, Goldschagg, and Cockcroft (2012) found that blood pressure, even after statistically controlling for
9- to 13-year-old South African children attending a variables such as maternal education. Nine- to
public school in a high aircraft noise area had poorer 13-year-old children residing near airports in Russia
reading comprehension and reduced visual attention in the mid-1960s had higher blood pressure than their
in comparison to a matched group of children peers in quiet areas (Karagodina, Soldatkin, Vinokur,
attending a public school with typical levels of noise & Klimukhin, 1969). In a study also conducted in the
exposure. No differences in working memory were mid-1960s in former East Germany, Karsdorf and
found, however. Clearly, further work in the global Klappach (1968) found that secondary school children
South is desperately needed, particularly as there is attending urban schools located proximate to busier
some evidence to suggest that noise levels might be streets with higher noise levels had significantly
significantly higher than in higher-income countries. higher resting blood pressure. Finally, Wu, Chiang,
For example, in a recent comparison of quiet versus Huang, and Chang (1993) found that, among 7- to 12-
noisy public schools in urban India, Lepore, Shejwal, year-old Taiwanese children attending schools in high
Kim and Evans (2010) recorded a decibel level of 85 road traffic noise areas of Taipei, those with typical
dBA. Since decibels are a logarithmic scale, and about hearing had significantly higher blood pressure than
45 dBA is considered appropriate, this is very loud. those who were deaf.
Outside of the global South, Hiramatsu and Data are mixed on chronic noise exposure and
colleagues (2004) found deficits in long-term but children’s socioemotional development. Prospective,
not short-term memory among 8- to 11-year-olds longitudinal data show that German elementary school
residing proximate to a large air force base in children report lower levels of psychological well-
Okinawa, Japan compared to their peers living in being with increases in noise exposure from aircraft
quiet areas. Similarly, Karsdorf and Klappach (1968) (Bullinger, Hygge, Evans, Meis, & Mackensen, 1999).
found that secondary school aged children attending A cross-sectional Austrian study of traffic noise
noisy schools (proximate to road traffic) in Halle, reported a dose – response function between noise
former East Germany, had more focused attention levels and teacher ratings of psychological wellbeing
problems compared to their peers in relatively quiet among elementary school children if the child had
secondary schools. Finally, recent work in Belgrade, biological risk factors such as prematurity or low birth
Serbia indicates that chronic residential noise weight (Lercher, Evans, Meis, & Kofler, 2002). Two
exposure from road traffic can interfere with different cross-sectional studies of European school
executive functioning, but only among elementary children have uncovered relations between aircraft
school aged boys (Belojevic, Evans, Paunovic, & noise exposure and elevated symptoms of hyperactiv-
Jakovljevic, 2012). ity (Haines et al., 2001a; Stansfeld et al., 2009; but see
Evidence from both laboratory and field studies in Haines, Stansfeld, Job, Berglund, & Head, 2001b).
North America and Western Europe shows that noise None of these European studies found a link between
10 FERGUSON ET AL.
noise levels and general, overall indices of psycho- Crowding in educational environments has also
logical wellbeing. Finally, Ristovska, Gjorgjev, and been linked to more off-task time (Kantrowitz &
Jordanova (2004) compared several measures of Evans, 2004; Krantz, 1974). For example, Liddell and
mental health among 4th grade children in Macedonian Kruger (1987) found that levels of crowding within a
schools varying in traffic noise exposure. Children in crowded urban South African childcare center were
the noisier schools had decreased social skills and negatively associated with 32- to 64-month-old
more oppositional behaviors but were similar in levels children’s levels of cooperative play and positively
of anxiety compared to their peers attending quieter associated with the percentage of time spent
schools. Recall also that, as indicated above, several unoccupied. In a follow-up study, they found that
studies have shown a link between chronic noise children from more crowded homes spent less time
exposure and elevated learned helplessness among engaged in play with objects, more time unoccupied,
children (Evans, 2006). and more time as onlookers (Liddell & Kruger, 1989).
Similarly, in an investigation of relationships between
the home environment and Egyptian toddlers’
CROWDING adaptive behavior, Wachs et al. (1993) found that
24- to 29-month-olds’ simultaneous involvement with
The most consistent crowding metric with human persons and objects in their environment was
consequences is people per room. Indices of external negatively correlated with density.
density such as people per census tract typically yield Residential crowding can also disrupt parent – child
no associations with human behavior (Evans, 2006). interactions (Evans, 2006; Wachs & Corapci, 2003).
Studies that have teased apart residential density from In more crowded homes, parents talk less with their
family size find the former rather than the latter to be infants and toddlers (Wachs et al., 1993) and use less
the more critical variable. Although many believe complicated vocabulary and sentence structures with
there are differences in tolerance for crowding across their toddlers (Evans, Maxwell, & Hart, 1999). Not
different cultural contexts, the cognitive and beha- surprisingly, in an investigation of the influences of
vioral development of children living in contexts as parental SES on South African children’s outcomes,
diverse as the United States, India, Thailand, Egypt, Goduka, Poole, and Aotaki-Phenice (1992) found that
Hong Kong, South Africa, and Jamaica indicates crowding predicted 5- to 6-year-olds’ vocabulary
similar developmental correlates of crowding in both scores. Children’s physical development and quanti-
residential and school settings (Evans, 2006; Liddell tative skills were also adversely associated with
& Kruger, 1987, 1989; Wachs & Corapci, 2003). household crowding.
It is important to note that children in the global Evans et al. (1998) showed that some of the adverse
South, relative to North America and Western Europe, effects of residential crowding, statistically control-
tend to live in more crowded home environments. For ling for SES, on Indian elementary school children’s
example, Evans, Lepore, Shejwal, and Palsane (1998) academic achievement were mediated by heightened
found that densities among primarily working-class family conflict. Another variable that may help
Indian families ranged from .67 to 5 persons/room, account for the link between household crowding and
with a mean of 1.81. The US Census considers . 1 diminished academic achievement is inadequate
person/room to be crowded. space to do homework. In a study of low-income
Significant research across multiple contexts families living in apartments in Singapore, Hassan
documents the impacts of crowding on general school (1977) found an inverse relationship between apart-
achievement and IQ, reading comprehension, and ment square footage and school performance among
object spatial relations (Evans, 2006). In a study of children. More crowded apartments also had
low-SES rural Eygptian 3- to 6-month-olds, Rahma- inadequate privacy for students to study. The latter
nifar et al. (1993) found that infants in more crowded relation was also reported among secondary school
households were more lethargic and drowsy, con- pupils living in apartments in Hong Kong (Mitchell,
ditions associated with delayed development. In their 1971). These effects of crowding on children’s
examination of 12-month-old children of recent cognitive functioning have similarly been reported
Haitian immigrants to the US, Widmayer and in North America and Western Europe (Evans, 2006),
colleagues (1990) found similarly that residential with consistent differences found for standardized
crowding was linked to delays in psychomotor, but achievement scores in grade school children. More-
not cognitive, development. These associations may over, the adverse associations uncovered between
result from disruptions of children’s exploration, play, residential density and diminished academic achieve-
and engagement with both objects and people in their ment continue through secondary school, independent
immediate environments (Heft, 1979; Liddell & of family SES (Evans, 2006). In addition, in an
Kruger, 1987, 1989). instrumental variable analysis of national data in
France, Goux and Maurin (2005) showed that the One of the ways in which crowded family members
probability of having to repeat a grade among 15- appear to cope with crowding is to socially withdraw
year-olds was strongly linked to overcrowding in the from one another, which can have the unintended
household. consequence of diminishing socially supportive
Crowded home and school environments signifi- relationships (Evans, Saltzman, & Cooperman,
cantly impact the behavior and socioemotional 2001b). A number of studies, including some with
functioning of both children and their parents random assignment, have shown that crowded
(Evans, 2006; Wachs & Corapci, 2003). For example, children tend to be more socially withdrawn (Evans,
Ani and Grantham-McGregor (1998) found that 2006). Parents in more crowded homes are also
crowding independently predicted Nigerian elemen- typically less responsive to their children (Evans,
tary school boys’ levels of aggressive behavior in 2006).
school. Parental perceptions of residential crowding Given greater social withdrawal among children in
were inversely associated with positive social high-density homes and lower levels of parental
behavior among 3- to 35-month-old Burundian responsiveness in similar situations, some investi-
refugee children living in the United States (McAteer, gators have explored whether crowding might also be
2012). Interestingly, in a study of feeding practices in linked to psychological distress among children. As
Jamaican primary schools, Grantham-McGregor, indicated above, there is already evidence of elevated
Chang, Walker, and Powell (1998) found that the rates of aggression, withdrawal, and behavioral
negative impacts of classroom crowding on children’s conduct disorders such as juvenile delinquency.
behavior were exacerbated by poor nutrition. A small number of studies in North America and
One of the effects of high-density living may be Europe have shown that children in more crowded
greater difficulty monitoring and regulating children’s homes have higher levels of psychological distress
behaviors. Less parental monitoring is a well- (Evans, 2006). They are also more susceptible to
documented predictor of behavioral conduct dis- learned helplessness (Evans, 2006; Evans & Stecker,
orders, including juvenile delinquency. Parents in 2004). This effect has been produced in a laboratory
both Singapore (Hassan, 1977) and Hong Kong experiment on crowding and persistence on puzzles,
(Mitchell, 1971) noted greater difficulties monitoring and at least two field studies showed a dose – response
their children as a function of household crowding, function between residential density and learned
and in the former case this appeared to contribute to helplessness (Evans, 2006).
greater juvenile delinquency rates. In a study of 10- to 12-year-old Indian children,
Greater family conflict and tension have been Evans et al. (1998) showed that residential density
reported among crowded Indian and Thai families was inversely related to teacher ratings of behavioral
(Evans et al., 1998; Fuller, Edwards, Vorakitphoka- adjustment at school, and elevated conflict and lower
torn, & Sermsri, 1993), and a number of studies in levels of social support within the family. SES was
low-income countries have documented positive included as a statistical control. For girls but not boys,
associations between household crowding and physi- density was also related to learned helplessness.
cal punishment of children (Afifi, El-Lawindi, Family conflict partially mediated these relationships.
Ahmed, & Basily, 2003; Gage & Silvestre, 2010; The authors also found that resting blood pressure was
Sumba & Bwibo, 1993; Vega-Lopez et al., 2008; elevated among more crowded boys, but not girls.
Youssef, Attia, & Kamel, 1998). In a survey of This matches several studies indicating elevated
parenting values conducted in 34 low- and middle- indices of physiological stress among children living
income countries around the globe, Cappa and Khan in more crowded homes or attending more crowded
(2011) documented a relatively consistent link schools/childcare (Evans, 2006).
between household crowding and maternal endorse-
ment of the need for physical punishment in child
CHAOS
rearing.
In high-income countries both children and parents
Household chaos
report more strained, negative familial interactions in
high-density homes (Evans, 2006), as well as Research on children’s environments focuses on the
instances of elevated punitive parenting practices. intensity of exposures, largely ignoring temporal
Children in more crowded preschools and elementary issues such as duration and stochasticity. The paucity
schools also evidence more aggressive behaviors of research on duration of exposure is unfortunate,
towards their classmates (Evans, 2006). One of the particularly in thinking about the maturation of
factors believed to drive part of the crowding– developing processes over time. This section brings
aggression link is conflict over scarce resources such attention to another largely unexamined property of
as toys (Evans, 2006). children’s environments—their degree of structure
12 FERGUSON ET AL.
and predictability. One of Urie Bronfenbrenner’s Residential mobility

fundamental contributions to child development was
Poverty, substandard housing, and slum dwellings
the insight that proximal processes, the exchanges of
without security of legal tenure often lead to excessive
energy between the developing child and the persons
residential mobility. Reliable housing is critical for
and objects in their immediate settings, need to occur
children’s security and stability, and is essential if
on a regular, sustained basis in order to be effective
families are to establish daily routines (Bartlett et al.,
(Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 1998). Bronfenbrenner
1999). High levels of residential mobility in North
also argued that proximal processes need to be
America are associated with poorer psychological
reciprocal between the child and her surroundings and
adjustment, less socially supportive peer relation-
become progressively more complex as she matures.
ships, and deficits in academic achievement (Adam,
Settings that are unpredictable and unstructured may
2004; Jelleyman & Spencer, 2008; Oishi, 2010). In
destabilize children’s development because they
addition, students and teachers in classes with high
interfere with effective proximal processes (Bronfen-
levels of mobility face considerable challenges
brenner & Evans, 2000; Bronfenbrenner & Morris,
because of the instability of their members. Early
1998). This thinking has led to emerging interest in
childhood residential instability can also influence
chaos and children’s development (Evans & Wachs,
developmental trajectories. Adolescents with more
2010; Fiese, 2006). Most studies use parental or
frequent moves tend to have diminished social
observer ratings of levels of structures and routines
networks and hold comparatively less central
coupled with indications of noise, crowding, and

positions therein (South & Haynie, 2004), and are
various other interruptions of household activities to
vulnerable to earlier onset of sexual activity (South,
evaluate levels of chaos. Evans and Wachs (2010), in
Haynie, & Bose, 2005). Bures (2003), using a
a recent volume on chaos and child development,
nationally representative sample of middle-aged
provide an in-depth discussion of the measurement of
American adults, found that more frequent moves
chaos.
during childhood were associated with poorer mental
Chaos has been linked, primarily in cross-
health and more strained social relationships in
sectional studies in North America, to academic
midlife, independent of race, income, and education.
achievement and socioemotional development,
In the global South, residential mobility is high,
including behavioral conduct difficulties and
particularly for low-income families living in urban
symptoms of internalization (e.g., depression,
areas (Bartlett et al., 1999), who frequently face
anxiety) (Ackerman & Brown, 2010; Fiese &
forced evictions (Chatterjee, 2007). Although little
Winter, 2010). Chaos has also been linked to
work in the global South has directly evaluated the
learned helplessness and deficits in self-regulation
impacts of high residential mobility on children’s
(Brody, Flor, & Gibson, 1999; Evans, Gonnella,
cognitive and socioemotional functioning, it is likely
Marcynyszyn, Gentile, & Salpekar, 2005) and to
that high mobility disrupts proximal processes
difficulties comprehending social cues (Dumas
(Bronfenbrenner & Evans, 2000). Further, children
et al., 2005).
whose families are evicted from their homes in a
Although most of the work on chaos and child
violent manner may experience trauma. For example,
development has been conducted in Western contexts
Dizon and Quijano (1997) have documented the
(Wachs & Corapci, 2003; Weisner, 2010), a recent
impact of violent forced evictions in Manila on young
study by Shamama-tus-Sabah, Gilani, and Wachs
children’s emotional functioning, noting that many
(2011) found that levels of chaos in the homes of 8- to
children report recurring nightmares and/or become
11-year-old Pakistani children uniquely predicted
withdrawn.
internalizing and externalizing behavioral problems
and lower levels of adaptive behavior, as rated by both
mothers and teachers. No relations between chaos and HOUSING
cognitive development were found. Using the same
data set, Shamama-tus-Sabah and Gilani (2010) also An extensive body of international research, much of
found that home chaos predicted children’s conduct it employing adapted versions of the HOME scale
problems. Clearly, further work in low-income (Bradley & Caldwell, 1980), has documented the
countries is warranted, particularly as at least some impacts of the quality of the home environment on
components of chaotic environments (specifically the children’s cognitive and socioemotional development
interruption of daily routines, and thus children’s (Bradley & Corwyn, 2005; Evans, Wells, & Moch,
proximal processes) likely impact children growing 2003; Iltus, 2007). The HOME scale and its variants,
up in the global South in similar ways to their however, primarily consist of indices of parent – child
American and European counterparts (Wachs & interactions, with fewer items focused on the physical
Corapci, 2003; Weisner, 2010). environment. Furthermore, most studies with the
HOME do not look at the impacts of individual addition, although children’s outcomes were not
physical environment items on children’s develop- measured, Levi, Ekblad, Changhui, and Yueqin
mental outcomes. Wachs and colleagues’ Purdue (1991) found that parents living in high-rise
Home Stimulation Inventory (PHSI; Wachs, Francis, apartments in Beijing showed anxiety regarding the
& McQuiston, 1979) provides more detailed infor- lack of easily monitored play spaces for children. In a
mation about the quality of the physical environment study of families living in high- versus low-rise
experienced by children, but it has not been employed apartments in Israel, Churchman and Ginsberg (1984)
as widely. In addition, although the HOME has been similarly found that the outdoor play behavior of 4- to
widely used in various cultural contexts, the scale as a 5-year-old children living in high-rises was more
whole, and the physical environment items in restricted than that of other children, although it
particular, may not adequately assess the full range should be noted that these effects were not found at
of physical affordances offered by housing for other ages (within the range of 2– 13 years).
children, particularly in the global South (Hayes, In the global South, housing type is inextricably
1997; Iltus, 2007; Ngorosho, 2010). In this section, we connected to housing quality. There is little research
focus on what is currently known regarding the effects investigating the impacts of housing type alone.
of housing type, physical housing quality, and the Further, the variations in housing type are somewhat
availability of resources for children, such as books different from those in the global North, with high-
and toys in the home. rise dwellings being uncommon. However, there is
some evidence that a high percentage of families,

particularly low-income families in urban areas, live
Housing type
in informal housing, and that such housing often lacks
Research on housing type in more affluent countries basic amenities such as access to clean water (Bartlett
has focused primarily on the potential developmental et al., 1999; Hall & Lobina, 2006). The implications
implications of high-rise housing. There is a long of an unclean water supply have been discussed
history of popular discourse about the allegedly above. In addition, informal housing is typically
harmful effects of living on the upper floors of large unstable, and children living in such areas frequently
buildings on children’s development. These concerns face eviction and therefore frequent residential
are rooted in the association of large, multistory mobility (Bartlett et al., 1999), the implications of
housing blocks with crime in public housing in the which have already been discussed. Children living in
US, and with well-documented associations between informal housing may be more vulnerable to injury,
building scale and crime (Newman, 1972; Taylor & and are more likely to be exposed to toxins from
Harrell, 1996). However, although a few studies in industrial waste. And children who are homeless or
high-income countries have shown an association who live in informal housing may be less likely to
between children’s academic achievement and attend school, as they lack a formal address (Wegelin
residence in high-rise compared to low-rise buildings, & Borgman, 1995). For example, a recent survey in
there are also several nonreplications of these Delhi found that only 54.5% of children in slums
relations (Evans, 2006; Evans et al., 2003). One enrolled in school, as compared to 90% across the city
study showed that the effects held only for boys, as a whole (Aggarwal & Chugh, 2003). For those in
which could also explain the mixed set of findings school, homelessness has significant impacts on
since most studies have not investigated gender school performance and socioemotional wellbeing
differences in response to high-rise housing (Saegert, (Hicks-Coolick, Burnside-Eaton, & Peters, 2003; Neil
1982). & Fopp, 1992). There is also some evidence that
Several studies in high-income countries have children’s self-esteem is negatively impacted by
found that children and youth in high-rise buildings residence in slum dwellings and other informal
manifest greater levels of behavioral conduct settlements (Kruger, 2002).
disorders (e.g., delinquency, aggression) (Evans, In addition to direct effects, housing type may
2006; Evans et al., 2003). In an investigation of interact with other physical characteristics of
relationships between high-rise dwelling and Japa- children’s early environments to influence human
nese children’s behavior, Oda, Taniguchi, Wen, and development. Delays in cognitive development
Higurashi (1989) found that infants living on lower associated with residential density among preschool
floors received higher scores on independent beha- children are attenuated if children have access to a
viors (such as greeting and potty training) than did room where they can spend time alone (Wachs &
those living on higher floors. However, these Gruen, 1982). Negative self- and teacher-ratings of
differences were not significant for kindergartners. Austrian primary school children’s psychological
These findings largely mirror those in Western wellbeing in more crowded homes are exacerbated by
contexts (Evans, 2006; Evans et al., 2003). In residence in multifamily complexes in comparison to
14 FERGUSON ET AL.
living in either single-family or small-row family the housing found in the global South. Note that,
housing units (Evans, Lercher, & Kofler, 2002). unlike the potential problem of unaccounted for
confounds in cross-sectional research that might lead
us to overestimate the impacts of housing quality on
Housing quality
children’s development, the truncated range in
With ongoing urbanization, the number of families housing quality leads to the opposite estimation bias.
living in substandard housing in the global South is A high percentage of children growing up in the
only likely to increase (Chawla, 2002; Meng & Hall, global South live in substandard housing (Bradley &
2006). In addition, there is some evidence that Putnick, 2012; Govender, Barnes, & Pieper, 2011)
indigenous populations in Australia, for example, are constructed with inferior building materials, leaking
disproportionately exposed to substandard housing pipes, and cracks or holes in the walls and ceilings
(Dockery et al., 2010). Yet most research to date on (Chaudhuri, 2004). In 2002 it was estimated that more
housing quality and children’s development has been than half the housing units in Zimbabwe, 52.6%, were
conducted in the US and Europe (Bradley & Putnick, considered semipermanent dwellings (United Nations
2012; Evans, 2006; Leventhal & Newman, 2010). Statistics Division, 2012). In 2010, 30.6% of the
There is a desperate need for further work in this area. housing units in Mexico did not possess basic
A small number of studies in North America and amenities such as bathrooms, kitchens, and piped
Europe have examined housing quality and cognitive water within the household.
development. A few, including a large national British Substandard living conditions lead to higher levels
cohort, reveal that, independent of SES, children of exposure to lead and other toxins, air pollutants,
living in substandard housing have lower academic and pests (Govender et al., 2011). In addition, poor-
competency (Evans, 2006; Evans et al., 2003). These quality housing, and particularly unsafe dwellings,
effects are amplified by duration of exposure to place additional stress on low-income parents already
substandard housing (Douglas, 1964), and one study facing multiple stressors (Evans & English, 2002).
showed that when families moved into better housing, This may result in parental fatigue and thus reduce
elementary school performance improved (Wilner, caregivers’ capacity to be warm and responsive
Walkley, Pinkerton, & Tayback, 1962). Dunifon, (Bartlett et al., 1999; Bradley & Putnick, 2012; Evans
Duncan and Brooks-Gunn (2004), using a US national et al., 2003; Leventhal & Newman, 2010). Further-
data set, also showed that residential clutter during more, in unsafe home environments parents and other
childhood predicted adult educational attainment. caregivers may constrain children’s play and other
A number of cross-sectional studies in North activities, so as to reduce the risk of injury (Bartlett
America and Europe show that children living in et al., 1999; Bradley & Putnick, 2012; Evans et al.,
substandard housing suffer from greater psychologi- 2003; Ferguson, 2008). Such constraints are not
cal distress (Evans, 2006; Evans et al., 2003). Nearly unfounded: Dal Santo, Goodman, Glik, and Jackson
all of these studies incorporate statistical controls for (2004) found that preschoolers’ estimated risk of
SES, and the effects replicate in longitudinal studies unintentional injury is almost four times greater for a
examining changes in housing quality (cf. Blackman child living in a household needing repair. In rural
& Harvey, 2001). Learned helplessness is also greater sub-Saharan African contexts, limited space renders
among children living in substandard housing, with household items such as kerosene easily accessible for
statistical controls for SES (Evans et al., 2001b), and children, and open fires for heating and cooking pose
two studies reveal elevated physiological stress a serious injury risk (Munro, Van Niekerk, & Seedat,
among low-income children inhabiting poorer quality 2006). Play constraints in particular likely have
housing. In a cross-sectional study, low-income important implications for children’s cognitive and
primary school children living in substandard housing socioemotional development, given the importance of
coupled with noise and crowding had higher levels of play for healthy development (Bartlett, 1999; Milteer
overnight stress hormones (e.g., cortisol) (Evans & et al., 2012).
Marcynyszyn, 2004). In a second, longitudinal study, Research on direct impacts of housing quality on
low-SES children residing in lower quality housing children’s cognitive and socioemotional development
had elevated cortisol over their first four years of life in the global South is very limited. However, in one
(Blair et al., 2011). Differences were already present study Ferguson (2008) found that the quality of
at 7 months of age. Malawian orphanages appears to be associated with
An important conceptual limitation of North infants’ cognitive functioning. Space and furnishings
American and European research is the rather limited (e.g., room arrangement, displays for children)
range of variation in housing quality. Because of predicted children’s cognitive outcomes. This effect
building codes and general levels of affluence, “bad” may partially be explained by the fact that the
housing in these contexts is a lot better than most of provision of separate, soft, cozy areas for children
may both offer comfort and help regulate social A retrospective evaluation of developmental
interaction. Such processes may help counter some of impacts of the availability of learning materials and
the negative effects of crowding and institutionaliza- material resources associated with modernity (writing
tion on children. In addition, separate, enclosed areas tablets, books, electricity, piped water, a radio, a
with comfortable furnishings provide a more television, and a transportation vehicle) on children’s
“homey,” and less institutional, setting for young cognitive development at ages 3, 5, 7 and 9 years in
children (Evans, 2006; Greenman, 1988; Olds, 2001; Belize, Kenya, Nepal, and American Samoa was
Sanoff, 1995). conducted by Gauvain and Munroe (2009). Access to
Given the limited work directly linking housing these resources was positively correlated with
quality to children’s developmental outcomes in the children’s general cognitive functioning, perspective
global South, further research in this area is taking, and levels of exploratory play. Similarly,
desperately needed. One useful data source may be Hamadani et al. (2010) found that, after controlling
the Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey (MICS), an for socioeconomic variables, the variety of play
international household survey that has been materials and the availability of magazines and
implemented across a large number of countries in newspapers in rural Bangladeshi homes indepen-
the global South. dently predicted 18-month-olds’ cognitive develop-
ment. And, in Ferguson’s (2008) investigation of
relations between the quality of the physical
Resources for children
environments of Malawian institutions and infants’

Another aspect of the physical environment that may developmental functioning, access to learning
influence young children’s development is the materials independently predicted infants’ language
availability of learning materials (Bradley & Corwyn, and socioemotional development.
2005; Bradley & Putnick, 2012). However, the
availability of such materials is seldom disentangled
from parent – child interactions in the literature. SCHOOLS AND CHILDCARE
Nevertheless, there is a strong relation between
income and the provision of both stimulating Unfortunately, continual innovation in the design of
materials and experiences for young children from schools and classrooms throughout the world is
birth through adolescence (e.g., Bradley, Burchinal, & typically not based on evidence, instead reflecting
Casey, 2001; Evans, 2004; McLoyd, 1998). Several current trends in architecture and design (Lackney,
studies have shown that cognitive enrichment in the 2005). Much of instructional facility innovation at
home mediates much of the covariation between present is driven by the infusion of information
parental income and child cognitive development technology into learning environments. Although this
(Duncan, Brooks-Gunn, & Klebanov, 1994; Linver, practice has some potential benefits, we simply do not
Brooks-Gunn, & Koben, 2002; Smith, Brooks-Gunn, know how to train teachers and designers in the use
& Klebanov, 1997). Access to other material and configuration of learning environments to take
resources such as electricity, a radio, a television, a advantage of the affordances offered by information
telephone, and transportation may also impact technology in schools. This explosion of learning
children’s cognitive development in particular technologies in the West inevitably will be trans-
(Bradley & Putnick, 2012). ported to the global South. Yet evidence to date from
There is much debate over what constitutes low-income countries indicates no clear impacts of
appropriate learning materials in the home, particu- exposure to computers and related technologies on
larly cross-culturally (Bornstein et al., 2012; Bradley children’s academic achievement (Glewwe,
& Putnick, 2012; Ferguson, 2008). Nevertheless, the Hanushek, Humpage, & Ravina, 2011; Riddell,
UNICEF-developed MICS, which has been adopted 2008).
for use in evaluating factors contributing to the There is a significant body of research investigating
wellbeing of women and children by a large number the impacts of school quality on children’s school
of governments worldwide, includes items evaluating achievement (Evans, 2006; Glewwe et al., 2011;
the number of books, the number of children’s books, Irwin, Siddiqi, & Hertzman, 2007; Riddell, 2008).
and the availability of various types of homemade and However, as is true for the work on home
store-bought toys and other play materials. There is environments, little research has specifically investi-
some evidence that such materials are rarely available gated the impacts of the physical environment of
in the global South and in rural areas of newly schools on children’s developmental outcomes,
industrial countries such as India, Thailand, and China particularly in the global South. Most research in
(Bradley & Putnick, 2012). The availability of other the US and Europe on the physical characteristics of
material resources in the home is likewise limited. educational settings has focused on open versus
16 FERGUSON ET AL.
traditional plan configurations (Evans, 2006). household size and density shows that the critical
Because this issue has tangential relevance at best to variable is density, not family size (Evans, 2006).
children throughout most of the world, we focus here Insufficient work exists to tease apart school/class size
instead on school and classroom size; the quality of from crowding.
building infrastructure (structural quality, lighting,
and indoor climate, and access to electricity, water,
Physical quality
and sanitation); and access to basic resources
(classroom furniture, blackboards, books, computers, A surprisingly large number of school spaces for
laboratories, and libraries), as these have the clearest American children are in disrepair. In a 2000 survey
documented impact on children’s school achievement of school principals in 32 countries in both the global
in the global South (Glewwe et al., 2011; Riddell, North and South, nearly 30% of US principals noted
2008). that the quality of their school’s buildings and
grounds impacted student learning, and almost 40%
noted the same for available instructional space (von
School and classroom size
Ahlefeld, 2007). Estimates were much higher for the
There is a large body of research on school and majority of other participating countries, including
classroom size. Because nearly all of this work has the United Kingdom, Norway, Turkey, Uruguay, and
been conducted within the US and Western Europe, the Slovak Republic. In the global South, the majority
we do not know what happens when much larger scale of rural schools in particular have inadequate building
schools or bigger classrooms occur. Although there is facilities, including a lack of finished flooring
some variation across regions, primary school pupil – (Glewwe et al., 2011; Riddell, 2008). In many
teacher ratios (PTRs) in the global South are typically countries, half to two thirds of schools lack electricity,
much higher than those in the global North. For water, and basic sanitation facilities (UNICEF, 2010).
example, compare PTRs of 81:1 (Central African For example, the 2005 UNESCO EFA Global
Republic), 76:1 (Malawi), 61:1 (Chad) and 58:1 Monitoring Report found that just 39% of classrooms
(Rwanda) to 18:1 (UK), 14:1 (US) and 13:1 in Senegal had sanitation facilities, and even fewer
(Germany) (World Bank, 2012). Notably, though, (33%) had access to drinking water.
PTRs in East Asia and the Pacific (average: 17.9:1) One important limitation in most work on
and Latin America (22:1) are much lower than in educational settings and student achievement, how-
South Asia (40:1) and sub-Saharan Africa (42.5:1). ever, is over-reliance on school professionals’ ratings
Students in smaller schools in the US and Western of building quality. Since teachers and administrators
Europe perform slightly better on standardized tests are well aware of children’s achievement profiles in
and feel more connected to their school (Evans, their own schools and are themselves likely affected
2006). There is some evidence that the benefits of by building quality, the potential for spurious
smaller school size are greater for low-income associations in this measurement approach is
children, and for children in lower grades (Woess- considerable. However, assessments of building
mann & West, 2006). Similarly, classroom size quality conducted by independent raters (e.g.,
research yields a relatively consistent picture of small, structural engineers) have also been consistently
adverse effects on children in both high- and low- associated with standardized test scores (Evans,
income countries with increasing size (Blatchford, 2006). Further strengthening these conclusions are
2003; Ehrenberg, Brewer, Gamoran, & Willms, 2001; several studies comparing performance before and
Woessmann & West, 2006). For example, in an after building improvements (Evans, 2006). In two
investigation of linkages between school physical recent studies utilizing the New York City school
quality and rural Kenyan first grade children’s facilities building quality database, Duran-Narucki
cognitive functioning and behavior, Daley et al. (2008) showed that the significant association
(2005) found that the number of students per between these expert rating measures of school
classroom predicted levels of off-task behavior and building quality and academic achievement in
teachers’ ratings of general behavioral functioning. elementary school children was largely mediated by
There is also some evidence that smaller classrooms attendance. Moreover, children in New York City
support more student- as opposed to teacher-directed primary schools with higher rates of student mobility
learning and, similar to school size, are associated suffer even worse achievement outcomes as a
with more socially supportive settings (Blatchford, function of substandard school facilities (Evans,
2003; NICHD Early Child Care Research Network, Yoo, & Sipple, 2010b).
2004). Given that nearly all of the research on school
It is worth noting that both school and classroom facility quality and student performance emanates
size are confounded with crowding. Work on from wealthy countries where the range of school
quality is truncated, this is an area of particular physical conditions adversely influence teacher
importance to examine in the global South where the satisfaction and retention (Buckley, Schneider, &
range of quality is considerably broader. And, in fact, Shang, 2004).
improvements in the physical structure of schools in
the global South do appear to positively impact
Resources
students’ test scores (Glewwe et al., 2011). However,
the research to date in this area is very tentative, and In the global South, there is some evidence that access
typically the schools being compared have multiple to basic resources in school environments, such as a
factors that differ in quality, making it difficult to sufficient number of desks, tables and chairs; access to
clearly identify individual influences on children’s blackboards; access to textbooks and other books; and
outcomes. the availability of a school library all impact
In a recent meta-analysis of the research to date on children’s school achievement (Glewwe et al., 2011;
the impact of school quality, including both physical Riddell, 2008). However, frequently these physical
and psychosocial factors, on children’s school environment factors are correlated with each other
achievement in low-income countries, Glewwe et al. and with other physical and psychosocial factors such
(2011) found that there appears to be good evidence as class size, building quality and teacher training, and
for the impact of access to electricity on children’s so it can be difficult to clearly identify key factors
educational outcomes. And, in their investigation of impacting child outcomes. In addition, the mechanism
the relations between school physical quality and rural explaining learning outcomes is somewhat unclear;
Kenyan first-grade children’s cognitive functioning perhaps the availability of these resources partly
and behavior, Daley et al. (2005) found that the signals a commitment on the part of the school
availability of natural light (in schools without administration and relevant local and national
electricity) predicted students’ test scores. In high- government agencies to quality education (Glewwe
income countries, where lighting is typically suffi- et al., 2011). Nevertheless, a number of carefully
cient, research has focused more on potential benefits controlled studies across multiple contexts document
of exposure to natural light. Although the work on the importance of having a desk, chair, and textbook
natural light exposure and children’s health and per student. For example, in their investigation of the
performance is limited, some rigorous work relations between school physical quality and rural
suggesting the potential importance of natural light Kenyan first-grade children’s cognitive functioning
for young children has been conducted in Sweden and behavior, Daley et al. (2005) found that the
(Küller & Lindsten, 1992). These investigators found number of books per student independently predicted
evidence for the importance of sufficient natural light standardized test scores.
exposure for primary school children’s wellbeing In preschool and childcare settings across the
during periods of the year when daylight hours are global South, there is a growing interest in improving
limited. the quality of both physical and psychosocial
In North America, upper respiratory infections, environments for children (Engle et al., 2007; Hyde
asthma and allergies are the most common cause of & Kabiru, 2003; Irwin et al., 2007; Myers, 1992; Van
primary school absenteeism and have been routinely der Gaag & Tan, 1998). And, indeed, the most
linked to exposure to mold and other allergens as well commonly used assessment of the quality of childcare
as ambient pollutants inside both schools and environments, the Early Childhood Environment
children’s homes (United States Environmental Rating Scale (ECERS; Harms, Clifford, & Cryer,
Protection Agency, 2003). Poorly maintained heating 1998), includes two rating scales that assess children’s
and ventilation systems as well as low levels of interactions with the physical environment: Space and
indoor – outdoor air exchange exacerbate these Furnishings, and Activities (which includes both the
adverse indoor climate impacts on children (Evans, availability of learning materials and their use).
2006). Although work in this area in the global South However, although a significant body of research in
is limited, similar impacts of poor-quality ventilation the United States indicates an association between
and heating would be expected. childcare quality and children’s cognitive and socio-
Consistent with the bioecological perspective emotional outcomes (e.g., Sylva et al., 2006), there is
(Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 1998), in addition to little research that considers the impact of the physical
focusing on the direct effects of school setting environment directly.
physical conditions on children themselves, it is There is almost no work documenting the impact of
important to keep in mind that substandard working the quality of childcare environments on children’s
conditions influence labor satisfaction and retention, developmental outcomes in the global South.
and the same holds true for teachers. Several However, as part of a preschool intervention program
studies have shown that poor-quality school in rural Bangladesh, Moore, Akhter, and Aboud
18 FERGUSON ET AL.
(2008) implemented a series of changes, including UNESCO’s Growing Up in Cities (Chawla, 2002)
increasing the availability of learning materials for provides some interesting insights into children’s
reading and mathematical problem-solving. They experiences in neighborhood environments in Argen-
found that preschool scores on the Activities tina (Cosco & Moore, 2002), India (Bannerjee &
subsection of the ECERS-R increased, and that Driskell, 2002), and South Africa (Kruger, 2002). In
children’s cognitive outcomes and school readiness all three contexts, children aged 10 –15 years reported
improved. However, it should be noted that the a keen awareness of the physical quality of their
Activities subscale does not separate the availability neighborhood environments, noting specific aspects
of learning materials from their use. In addition, many of these environments (e.g., high traffic, litter, poor
researchers in the global South debate the applica- sanitation, a lack of open green spaces) that limited
bility of the ECERS-R in evaluating childcare and play opportunities. Similar data have been found
preschool quality in non-Western contexts (Aboud, among Australian primary school children (Homel &
2006; Moore et al., 2008). Burns, 1989). Perhaps most salient in children’s
narratives across these and the other contexts studied
(Australia, the United Kingdom, the United States,
Norway, Poland, South Africa) was the importance of
NEIGHBORHOOD QUALITY access to green play spaces. Other work in low-
income countries has similarly documented the
Sadly, most children growing up in the global South importance of play spaces and access to natural
live in neighborhoods of poor physical quality settings for children (e.g., Bartlett et al., 1999).
(Bartlett, 1999; Chawla, 2002; Hardoy, Mitlin, & However, little work has specifically investigated the
Satterthwaite, 2001). Physical characteristics of these impacts of natural settings on the cognitive and
environments include high levels of air and water socioemotional development of children in the global
pollutants; nonexistent or inadequate collection of South.
household waste; poor drainage; poor sanitation;
proximity to busy street traffic; and limited or absent
Neighborhood physical quality
access to childhood resources such as open green
space, grocery stores, schools and hospitals, and play Parents rated their 9- to 12-year-old children in two
space (e.g., Bartlett, 1999; Bartlett et al., 1999; Canadian cities as higher in psychological distress if
Chawla, 2002; Hardoy et al., 2001; Kruger & Chawla, the neighborhood was rated by trained observers as
2002). Many of these neighborhoods are also unsafe lower in physical quality (Gifford & Lacombe, 2006).
because of high traffic volumes and limited street Both longitudinal and cross-sectional studies (Diez
lighting (e.g., Bartlett et al., 1999; Kruger, 2002; Roux & Mair, 2010) show that neighborhood upkeep
Kruger & Chawla, 2002). However, the research influences adults’ psychological distress. To illustrate
linking children’s cognitive and socioemotional the potential power of neighborhood physical quality
development to neighborhood physical conditions, on adult mental health, adjusting for income, race, and
beyond those already discussed (exposure to toxins, neighborhood poverty, New York City adults living in
air and water pollution, sanitation, and high mobility) poor-quality neighborhoods were more than 30%
is very limited. The situation is similar in high-income more likely to suffer from depression in the past six
countries. There is a large literature on neighborhood months compared to adults residing in better physical
quality and human health and wellbeing (Diez Roux quality neighborhoods (Galea, Ahern, Rudenstine,
& Mair, 2010) and more specifically child develop- Wallace, & Vlahov, 2006). Psychological distress in
ment (Leventhal & Brooks-Gunn, 2000), but this adults is a central risk factor for healthy parenting.
work is bereft of considerations of the physical Close proximity to street traffic caused Zurich
environment of neighborhoods. In nearly all of the parents to restrict children’s outdoor play activities,
extant research, neighborhood quality is defined by which in turn was associated with diminished social
the socioeconomic profile of the population. Two and motor skills among preschoolers (Hüttenmoser,
areas of neighborhood physical environment that are 1995). High levels of street traffic have also been
receiving considerable attention because of the associated with less social interaction among
obesity epidemic are access to places for physical neighbors in San Francisco neighborhoods (Apple-
activity and proximity to healthy food sources. This yard & Lintell, 1972).
work, although still in its early stages, indicates that
both of these neighborhood characteristics are related
Natural settings
to obesity in children and are much more likely to be
wanting in low-SES neighborhoods (Diez Roux & As has been discussed above, most research on the
Mair, 2010; Evans, Wells, & Schamberg, 2010a). impacts of access to the natural environment on
children’s wellbeing has taken place in the US and CONCLUSIONS AND FUTURE DIRECTIONS
Europe. Parallel to findings in North America and
Western Europe (Evans, 2006), children across the As can be seen on reviewing the current state of the
global South prefer natural areas and engage in more evidence on the physical environment and child
complex levels of play in such settings (Bannerjee & development, very little work has documented the
Driskell, 2002; Bartlett, 1999; Bartlett et al., 1999; impacts of environmental conditions on the develop-
Chawla, 2002; Cosco & Moore, 2002; Kruger, 2002; ment of children growing up in the global South and
Kruger & Chawla, 2002). Given the potential for other low-income countries. This is unfortunate for
access to natural play spaces to mitigate some of the many reasons. Foremost, the majority of the world’s
impacts of poor-quality physical environments on children grow up outside of the affluent countries
where most of the work has transpired. In fact,
low-income children’s cognitive and socioemotional
Bornstein and colleagues (2012) argue that less than
development, further work in this area is warranted.
10% of developmental science research has studied
A few North American studies suggest that
communities that account for 90% of the world’s
children’s executive functioning may be enhanced population.
by access to nearby natural outdoor play spaces What we do know suggests that the physical
(Evans, 2006), and a meta-analysis revealed that the environment experienced by children impacts their
greening of school yards across multiple sites in cognitive and socioemotional development across the
North America and Western Europe has been
lifespan, from the prenatal period through adulthood.

associated with improved academic performance The development of interventions to improve the
and better psychological wellbeing among pupils physical environments experienced by children across
(Bell & Dyment, 2008). the globe is thus warranted. Interventions would also
Evaluations of outdoor nature experiences such offer tremendous research opportunities to examine
as Outward Bound in high-income countries reveal how environmental improvements can change devel-
consistent, positive associations with psychological opmental trajectories. This would help address
wellbeing (Hattie, Marsh, Neill, & Richards, 1997). perhaps the major methodological weakness in most
Part of the apparent psychological benefits of work on children and the physical environment:
access to outdoor play areas is likely related to potential selection bias. Comparisons between chil-
enhanced physical activity, which has been dren living in different environmental conditions
consistently linked in both children and adults to nearly always face the alternative explanation that
proximate, outdoor recreational spaces (Evans some individual characteristic rather than environ-
et al., 2010a). In a recent WHO study of mental conditions might be the root cause of
approximately 1200 6- to 18-year-olds residing in developmental changes. Another critical reason for
eight European cities, the well-documented inverse studying children in the global South and elsewhere
relation between household income and childhood outside of high-income countries is the severely
obesity was explained, in part, by proximity to restricted range of environmental conditions typically
open green space. Children from wealthier house- monitored in research on child settings in North
holds had greater access to open green spaces, America and Western Europe. Essentially every
which in turn was linked to higher levels of single environmental factor reviewed herein exists
physical activity. The latter largely accounted for in a substantially greater range in low-income
the inverse household income –BMI correlation countries. Thus not only is 90% of the research on
(Evans, Jones-Rounds, Belojevic, & Vermeylen, children and the environment from samples of less
2012). than 10% of children, but the same goes for the
Adults living in Los Angeles neighborhoods with environmental side of the equation. We know a
more parks, independent of SES characteristics, reasonable amount about how variability within the
perceived greater collective efficacy, an index top 10% or 20% of conditions matters. We know
reflecting greater social cohesion and social control almost nothing about how variability from the top to
(Cohen, Inagami, & Finch, 2008). There are also the bottom 10% of environmental conditions affects
several studies showing that adults’ physiological children.
stress responses to aversive stimuli are attenuated by With these caveats in mind, the evidence to date
natural surroundings (Evans, 2003). Thus some of the documents adverse impacts of individual environ-
benefits of nearby nature for children may also mental risk factors, particularly environmental toxins
operate via their parents. One study also revealed that and pollutants, on children’s cognitive development.
children’s psychological reactions to stressful life However, the impacts on socioemotional functioning
events were attenuated by proximity to outdoor nature are less certain. In addition, the documented evidence
(Wells & Evans, 2003). for impacts of noise, crowding, and chaos on the
20 FERGUSON ET AL.
cognitive and socioemotional development of chil- same time considering when the methodologies
dren growing up in the global South is tentative at employed in related work are appropriate for filling
best. And, across the globe, the impacts of individual in the gaps in the research literature, and when they
aspects of the physical environment of housing, are not. When they are not, it is important to identify
schools and neighborhoods are unclear, primarily what is currently known in a particular context, for
because multiple factors tend to be correlated. This is example identifying relevant country-level statistics
especially true for low-income families, underfunded and databases. In addition, new tools for assessing
schools and poor neighborhoods in both the global children’s development in varying cultural contexts
North and South, where poverty is frequently might be needed (Ferguson & Lee, 2013; Nsamenang,
associated with multiple environmental risks (Evans, 1992). Second, key factors—what public health
2004; Ferguson et al., 2009). It is also important to researchers call “leverage points”—influencing chil-
recognize that when cumulative environmental insults dren’s developmental outcomes should be identified
have been studied, they typically reveal worse (see Ferguson et al., 2009). Where possible, those
outcomes than singular environmental risks (De Fur leverage points most susceptible to change should be
et al., 2007; Evans, Li, & Whipple, in press). noted. Third, all of this information can be
Furthermore, for low-income children, the confluence incorporated into an overarching bioecocultural
of deteriorating physical conditions along with framework, as outlined above, that identifies all
inadequate psychosocial conditions is a primary, known and hypothesized factors influencing a
underlying pathway that helps account for the ill particular developmental outcome (e.g., literacy),
effects of poverty on child development (Evans & key leverage points, known interacting influences
Kim, 2013). between factors and, when possible, the mechanisms
In order to better understand the effects of multiple behind the relations between each factor and
environmental risk factors on children’s cognitive and children’s development. Once this is done, inter-
socioemotional development, a holistic, multidisci- disciplinary, international research teams should
plinary, and multilevel approach that encompasses the develop and implement a collaborative research
complex interactions between biological, physical, program to test the model, with a specific focus on
and psychosocial factors impacting children’s devel- filling in the gaps in the research literature in
opmental outcomes is needed. Such an understanding understudied contexts, namely the global South. In
will allow us to more effectively intervene in doing this work, the intimate involvement of
children’s actual lived environments. In other work individuals, communities, local and national govern-
(Ferguson & Lee, 2013), we have proposed a mental agencies, and researchers living in each
bioecocultural framework that integrates key com- context studied is essential (Dawes & Donald, 2000;
ponents of Bronfenbrenner’s bioecological model Weisner, 2010). In fact, ideally relevant individuals
(Bronfenbrenner & Evans, 2000; Bronfenbrenner & and communities should be involved in every stage
Morris, 1998) with Nsamenang and colleagues’ outlined above. This will ensure that similarities and
ecocultural approach (e.g., Nsamenang, 1992; Nsa- differences between contexts are adequately con-
menang & Dawes, 1998), and Li’s (2003) cross-level sidered. Finally, in collaboration with all of these
dynamic biocultural coconstructivist paradigm (see important constituents, key leverage points can be
also Boivin & Giordani, 2009). We thus focus here on confirmed and leveraged in implementing a holistic
outlining key steps involved in utilizing this frame- program of reform that will effectively address
work to better understand and address the impacts of current environmental inequalities, so as to ensure
the physical environment on the cognitive and healthy developmental outcomes for all children.
socioemotional development of children living in
multiple contexts.
Phase 1: Identifying influencing factors
Conceptually, given their direct impact on children’s
Developing and implementing a
biological systems, it is likely that environmental
bioecocultural framework
toxins and pollutants (specifically lead, mercury,
The first step in developing and implementing a PCBs, various pesticides, NO2, PAHs, environmental
bioecocultural framework is to identify what is known tobacco smoke, arsenic, manganese, and tetrachlor-
and what is not yet known about the impacts of oethane) impact the cognitive and socioemotional
individual and intersecting environmental factors on development of children living in different contexts
children’s development. The present review, in similarly. The limited evidence to date indicates that
conjunction with Evans’ (2006) earlier review that this is the case. Further work on factors impacting
focused on Western contexts, does just that. We socioemotional development is warranted, however,
summarize the evidence to date below, while at the especially in the global South. Similarly, despite
differences in adults’ perceptions of crowding and to provide a good test for the effectiveness of these
chaos, the evidence we have reviewed here suggests methodologies in each context (Ferguson, 2008;
that factors contributing to chaos, including noise and Ferguson & Lee, 2013; Nsamenang, 1992). The
crowding, likely impact children and adults across the questionnaires developed for the MICS, an inter-
globe in similar ways. However, given the limited national household survey, may be a useful beginning.
work in this area, particularly in considering socio- The involvement of key stakeholders living within
emotional development, these predictions need to be each context studied will also be essential in this
tested more thoroughly in low-income countries. process. UNESCO’s Growing up in Cities project
In terms of home and school environments, (Chawla, 2002) provides a nice illustration of a
adequate building quality seems essential, but participatory process in which research questions and
determining what this should entail in differing assessment tools were developed jointly by research-
contexts is challenging. Home, classroom and school ers and community stakeholders.
designs that reduce chaos may be particularly
important. In addition, adequate lighting and comfor-
Phase 2: Identifying leverage points and
table climatic conditions (temperature, indoor air
mechanisms
quality) are important for effective learning in school
environments. Finally, the availability of key material Bronfenbrenner noted that proximal processes, the
and learning resources in both home and school exchanges of energy between the developing child
environments appears to be particularly important for and the persons and objects in her immediate settings,
cognitive development, but the specific resources are the “engines of development” (Bronfenbrenner &
needed in differing contexts is unclear. Further work Morris, 1998; Bronfenbrenner & Evans, 2000). In
in this area is needed. Likewise, although it is clear order for these processes to be effective, they need to
that children growing up in low-income neighbor- occur on a regular, sustained basis and become
hoods in both the global North and South encounter increasingly complex as the child matures. Given this,
numerous disadvantages that impact their cognitive a starting point for identifying key leverage points is
and socioemotional development, little is currently the identification of environmental factors that clearly
known regarding the specific components of the interrupt proximal processes for children. Factors that
physical environment of neighborhoods impacting contribute to chaos, including noise, crowding, and
these developmental outcomes. Neighborhood physi- residential mobility (partially instantiated by informal
cal quality is the most understudied aspect of the housing facilities), are likely candidates here, as they
environmental characteristics discussed herein. are likely to interfere with effective proximal
An important caveat at this point is that most of the processes (Bronfenbrenner & Evans, 2000; Evans &
work discussed in this review, with a few notable Wachs, 2010). As we have discussed above, housing
exceptions (discussed throughout), employs environ- and school design may also contribute to chaos,
mental and outcome measures developed in the West. particularly when a large number of people live or
Yet the specific components of the physical study in a small number of open-plan rooms. In
environment impacting child development in the addition, schools and neighborhoods characterized by
global South may differ from those in the global high residential instability may contribute to chaos at
North, as we have noted throughout. In addition, the macro level.
different cultural contexts, values, and beliefs in the We have noted above that one of the unintended
global South may mean that although, for example, consequences of various coping strategies for dealing
there are documented impacts of lead on Egyptian with crowding, noise, and chaos may be deteriorations
children’s IQ scores, this aspect of children’s in socially supportive relationships and less respon-
development may be less important than socio- sive parenting. The design of spaces, not simply the
emotional competency in this context. Thus a presence of stressors like chaos, can also influence
consideration of what engenders competence within interpersonal relationships, thus affording or inhibit-
particular cultural contexts is essential (Ferguson & ing ease of interpersonal interactions. For example,
Lee, 2013; Weisner, 2010). are typical travel routes likely to lead to unplanned,
The development of culturally appropriate assess- impromptu interactions? Are there spaces that people
ments of both environmental quality and children’s feel comfortable spending time in such as cafes and
developmental outcomes in the global South is sorely common facilities (e.g., a communal laundry area,
needed. This could, and should, go hand in hand with community play spaces)?
an evaluation of the effectiveness of a larger In addition to proximal processes such as parent –
bioecocultural model in capturing the multiple child interactions (e.g., responsiveness, monitoring),
environmental factors impacting children’s specific several other candidate mechanisms are worthy of
developmental outcomes in particular contexts, so as further examination in both the global North and
22 FERGUSON ET AL.
South. One of the common qualities of many of the modify children’s gene expression without altering
suboptimal physical settings children encounter is the nucleotide sequence, as recent work in epigenetics
their uncontrollability. We need more examination of has demonstrated (Meaney, 2010).
mastery, self-efficacy and other control-related
processes in relation to the environment and
Phase 3: Identifying and addressing key
children’s development. Some of the ways in which
inequalities and opportunities
physical settings can influence mastery are:
uncontrollable stressors such as noise and crowding; As we have discussed above, the final step involves
highly unpredictable and variable conditions such as interdisciplinary, international research teams both
chaos; the degree of inflexibility and regimentation of filling in the gaps in the research literature in
settings such as school; the scale and manipulability understudied contexts and implementing interven-
of settings for children; and design and planning tions to improve children’s developmental function-
features that afford crime, such as undifferentiated ing. One key leverage point for both cognitive and
spaces lacking in ownership and defensibility. socioemotional development that might be further
Considerable work shows that time spent in nature studied and then addressed is chaos. Implementing
and other restorative spaces can help counteract interventions within children’s home, school and
cognitive fatigue and stress engendered by the fast- neighborhood environments that reduce chaos and/or
paced, multitasking demands of modern life, increas- moderate its impacts on children may be a particularly
ingly common throughout the world, regardless of effective way to improve children’s developmental
economic development (Kaplan & Kaplan, 1989). outcomes. Interventions could include building sound
Fascination or the experience of involuntary attention barriers to block out aircraft and traffic noise,
(e.g., curiosity) is not the sole purview of natural relocating homes and schools further from busy
elements but can include human-made objects and highways and airports, and redesigning open-plan
spaces that attract and hold attention effortlessly (e.g., homes and classrooms to include quiet, secluded
people-watching in a plaza, gazing at a fountain, spaces for children.
meandering through a museum or good bookstore, or One of the ways in which chaos has a particularly
enjoying street entertainment). insidious effect is in its interruption of play, a key
Stressors such as crowding, noise, traffic, and chaos proximal process for young children’s cognitive and
can directly strain physical and psychological socioemotional development (Bartlett, 1999; Milteer
systems, but they also have the ability to alter et al., 2012). Unsafe housing, school and neighbor-
regulatory processes such as coping and executive hood settings also disrupt play, as was coherently
functioning (Evans & Kim, 2013). Thus another area argued by the children living in such diverse contexts
worthy of further scrutiny in considering children’s as Argentina, India, South Africa, Australia, the
environments is the role of coping and self-regulatory United Kingdom, the United States, Norway, and
processes. When children and their parents encounter Poland involved in UNESCO’s Growing Up in Cities
various suboptimal environments, they often adapt project (Chawla, 2002). Low-income urban children
strategies, be they behavioral, cognitive, or both, to may be at particular risk for interruption of play
right the balance between environmental demands processes (Chawla, 2002; Milteer et al., 2012), and
and human comfort and wellbeing. These adjustments these same children frequently encounter multiple
and adaptations to the environment, in and of environmental risk factors in their home, school, and
themselves, can lead to developmental changes. For neighborhood environments (Bartlett et al., 1999;
example, parents who cope with too much unwanted Evans, 2004). Thus building safe, green play spaces
social interaction by withdrawing from their children for low-income and other children across the global
are likely to be less responsive. North and South will likely have a particularly
The impact of the environment on adult caregivers positive impact on their cognitive and socioemotional
is a particularly important underlying process to development. In addition, the implementation of
consider. Parents in crowded homes are typically less Community Adventure Play Experiences (Child
responsive and less patient (Evans et al., 2001b). Development Institute, 2012)—that is, temporary
Teachers in noisy schools report more fatigue and play spaces within children’s own communities that
frustration, and observations of noisy schools show engage them in interactive play with recycled
substantial reductions in teaching time (Evans & materials—may be a particularly low-cost and
Hygge, 2007). The stress and anxiety engendered by sustainable approach to increasing opportunities for
knowledge of toxic exposures or parental struggles child play in low-resource settings. In low-income
with substandard housing are bound to translate into and highly mobile communities, these may provide a
less than ideal parent –child interactions. Interest- good alternative to constructing new playgrounds, and
ingly, such parent – child interactions may in fact have the added advantage that they can take place
both indoors and outdoors. Such spaces may also Ani, C. C., & Grantham-McGregor, S. (1998). Family and
provide common ground for community members to personal characteristics of aggressive Nigerian boys:
have greater social interaction, forming networks of Differences from and similarities with western findings.
Journal of Adolescent Health, 23, 311 –317.
relationships. Appleyard, D., & Lintell, M. (1972). The environmental
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have important impacts on their cognitive and of the American Institute of Planners, 38(2), 84 – 101.
socioemotional development. Yet the work to date Asadullah, M. N., & Chaudhury, N. (2011). Poisoning the
documenting these impacts in the global South is mind: Arsenic contamination of drinking water wells and
children’s educational achievement in rural Bangladesh.
limited. We thus call for the development of a holistic, Economics of Education Review, 30(5), 873– 888.
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child and adolescent development. Such work should and early childhood exposure to tetrachloroethylene
be led by an interdisciplinary, international team of (PCE)-contaminated drinking water: A retrospective
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Bannerjee, K., & Driskell, D. (2002). Tales from truth town.
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In L. Chawla (Ed.), Growing up in an urbanizing world
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Revised manuscript received April 2013 Bao, Q.-S., Lu, C.-Y., Song, H., Wang, M., Ling, W., Chen,
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The physical environment and child development: An international review

Article in International Journal of Psychology · June 2013

Kim Ferguson Rochelle Cassells

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Jack Macallister Gary Evans

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The physical environment and child development:

Kim T. Ferguson1, Rochelle C. Cassells2, Jack W. MacAllister1, and Gary W. Evans2,3

Keywords: Physical environment; Child development; Global South; Chaos; Bronfenbrenner.

q 2013 International Union of Psychological Science

used to be incorporated in plumbing (e.g., sodder)

persist in environments across the globe, particularly Pesticides

populations in both the global North and South are

(2006) and Harari et al. (2010) found that prenatal

and predictability. One of Urie Bronfenbrenner’s Residential mobility

coupled with indications of noise, crowding, and

some evidence that a high percentage of families,

environments of Malawian institutions and infants’

lifespan, from the prenatal period through adulthood.

actual lived environments of both high- and low-

children. Archives of Disease in Childhood, 94(11),

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