Position of Fundamental Rights During Emergency
Position of Fundamental Rights During Emergency
Position of Fundamental Rights During Emergency
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since ADM jabalpur till today, the situation with reference to the
position of FR's during emergency has seen a complete change,
this article will the same issue....
Title of the topic basically talks about two main and important factors of Indian
constitution of India i.e. “Emergency provision & fundamental rights”
When the Constitution of India was being drafted, India was passing through a
period of Stress and strain. Partition of the country, communal riots and the
problem concerning the Merger of princely states including Kashmir. Thus, the
Constitution-makers thought to Equip the Central Government with the necessary
authority, so that, in the hour of emergency, When the security and stability of the
country is threatened by internal and external threats. Therefore, some emergency
provisions were made in Constitution to safeguard and protect the security,
integrity and stability of the country and effective functioning of State
Governments.
Keeping in view the above stated points constitution makers inserted three kinds
of emergency.
Emergency provision falls in PART-XVIII of the constitution of india from art.352 to
art. 360 Top
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Before moving to other points first we shall look into emergency provision and
elaborate them.
NATIONAL EMERGENCY
As it is very clear from the opening words of the above stated heading,national
emergency deals with constitutional provisions to be applied,whenever there are
inbalance in the society in the whole country and not in a particular or specific
region or state.
Provisions have been made in the Constitution for dealing with extraordinary
situations that may threaten the peace, security, stability and governance of the
country or a part thereof.
The Constitution of India has provided for imposition of emergency caused by war,
external aggression or internal rebellion. This is described as the National
Emergency. This type of emergency can be declared by the President of India if he
is satisfied that the situation is very grave and the security of India or any part
thereof is threatened or is likely to be threatened either, by war or external
aggression by armed rebellion within the country. The President can issue such a
proclamation even on the ground of threat of war or aggression. According to the
44th Amendment of the Constitution, the President can declare such an
emergency only if the Cabinet recommends in writing to do so.
armed rebellion within the country-the word “armed rebellion” was not there in
the constitutional provisions from the very beginning.before 1978 an emergency Top
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In case the Lok Sabha stands dissolved at the time of proclamation of emergency
or is not in session, it has to be approved by the Rajya Sabha within one month
and later on by the Lok Sabha also within one month of the start of its next
session. Once approved by the Parliament, the emergency remains in force for a
period of six months from the date of proclamation. In case it is to be extended
beyond six months, another prior resolution has to be passed by the Parliament.
In this way, such emergency continues indefinitely.
In the case of Minerva Mills ltd.vs Union of India held that there is no bar to judicial
review of the validity of the proclamation of emergency issued by the president
under 352(1). However, court's power is limited only to examining whether the
limitations conferred by the constitution have been observed or not. It can check if
the satisfaction of the president is valid or not. If the satisfaction is based on mala
fide or absurd or irrelevant grounds, it is no satisfaction at all.
The most significant effect is that the federal form of the Constitution changes into
unitary. The authority of the Centre increases and the Parliament assumes the
power to make laws for the entire country or any part thereof, even in respect of
subjects mentioned in the State List.
The President of India can issue directions to the states as to the manner in which
the executive power of the states is to be exercised.
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During period, the Lok Sabha can extend tenure by a period of 1 year at a time.
B t th tb t d db d6 th ft th l ti t
But the same cant be extended beyond 6 months after the proclamation ceases to
operate. The tenure of State Assemblies can also be extended in the same
manner.
The Fundamental Rights under Article 19 are automatically suspended and this
suspension continues till the end of the emergency.
(a) assume to himself all or any of the functions of the Government of the State
and all or any of the powers vested in or exercisable by the Governor or any body
or authority in the State other than the Legislature of the State;
(b) declare that the powers of the Legislature of the State shall be exercisable by or
under the authority of Parliament;
(c) make such incidental and consequential provisions as appear to the President
to be necessary or desirable for giving effect to the objects of the Proclamation,
including provisions for suspending in whole or in part the operation of any
provisions of this Constitution relating to any body or authority in the State:
Provided that nothing in this clause shall authorise the President to assume to
himself any of the powers vested in or exercisable by a High Court, or to suspend
in whole or in part the operation of any provision of this Constitution relating to
High Courts.
Reason being-
It is the duty of the Union Government to ensure that governance of a State is
carried on in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution. Under Article 356,
the President may issue a proclamation to impose emergency in a state if he is
satisfied on receipt of a report from the Governor of the State, or otherwise, that a
situation has arisen under which the Government of the State cannot be carried
on smoothly. In such a situation, proclamation of emergency by the President is
called ‘proclamation on account of the failure (or breakdown) of constitutional
machinery.’ In popular language it is called the President’s Rule.
Every Proclamation shall be laid before each House of Parliament and shall, except
where it is a Proclamation revoking a previous Proclamation, cease to operate at
the expiration of two months unless before the expiration of that period it has
been approved by resolutions of both Houses of Parliament:
The President can assume to himself all or any of the functions of the State
Government or he may vest all or any of those functions with the Governor or any
other executive authority.
The President may dissolve the State Legislative Assembly or put it under
suspension. He may authorise the Parliament to make laws on behalf of the State
Legislature.
The President can make any other incidental or consequential provision necessary
to give effect to the object of proclamation.
In view of the above facts, Article 356 has become very controversial. In spite of
the safeguards provided by the 44th Amendment Act, this provision has been
alleged to be misused by the Union Government. That is why, there is a demand Top
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either for its deletion or making provision in the Constitution to restrict the misuse
of this Article The Sarkaria Commission which was appointed to review the
of this Article. The Sarkaria Commission which was appointed to review the
Centre–State relations also recommended that Article 356 should be used only as
a last resort. The Commission also suggested that the State Legislative Assembly
should not be dissolved unless the proclamation is approved by the Parliament. It
further suggested that all possibilities of forming an alternative government
should be fully explored before the Centre imposes emergency in a State on
grounds of breakdown of Constitutional machinery. The Supreme Court held in the
Bommai case that the Assembly may not be dissolved till the Proclamation is
approved by the Parliament. On a few occasions such as when Gujral Government
recommended use of Article 356 in Uttar Pradesh, the President returned the
recommendation for reconsideration.The Union Government took the hint and
dropped the proposal.
FINANCIAL EMERGENCY
3.1:- Art. 360 reads that-
360. Provisions as to financial emergency.—If the President is satisfied that a
situation has arisen whereby the financial stability or credit of India or of any part
of the territory thereof is threatened, he may by a Proclamation make a
declaration to that effect.
The third type of Emergency is Financial Emergency provided under Article 360. It
provides that if the President is satisfied that the financial stability or credit of India
or any of its part is in danger, he may declare a state of Financial Emergency. Like
the other two types of emergencies, it has also to be approved by the Parliament.
It must be approved by both Houses of Parliament within two months. Financial
Emergency can operate as long as the situation demands and may be revoked by a
subsequent proclamation.
Art 360 provides that if the president is satisfied that a situation has arisen
whereby the financial security of India or the credit of India or of any part of India
is threatened, he may make a declaration to that effect. Under such situation, the
executive and legislative powers will go to the centre. This article has never been
invoked.
FUNDAMENTAL RIGHTS
4.1:-DEFINITION-
Fundamental Rights are those basic conditions of social life without which a citizen
cannot be at his best self or those basic conditions which are very essential for the
good life of a citizen.
In pre-constitutional india we didn’t had any concept of fundamental rights,We
have borrowed the concept of Fundamental Rights from U.S.A. which was the first
country in the world, to include a Bill of Rights in its constitution.
fundamental rights falls In Part III of the Constitution from art. 12 to art. 35.
the Fundamental Rights are justiciable when we say word“justiciable” It means that
the citizens can seek the assistance of the courts for the enforcement of their
Fundamental Rights under article 32 (Supreme Court) and article 226 (High
Courts).
An individual as well as group of people can ask the court to issue the writs-
The writ of certiorari is one of the writs issued by the High Court or the Supreme
court to protect the Fundamental rights of the citizens. It is issued to a lower court
directing it that the record of a case be sent up for review with all the files,
evidence and documents with an aim to overrule the judgement of the lower
court.
The Fundamental Rights can also be suspended during the Emergency under
Article 359 of the Constitution by the President of India.as we discussed earlier
during national emergency
these rights can be suspended but not those conferred in art. 20 and art. 21.
there are some restrictions too,Due to these very restrictions it has been
contended them that the Indian Constitution which has granted the fundamental
rights with one hand has taken them away with the other hand.
Following are the Fundamental Rights granted under the Constitution of India:
(i) Right to Equality
Articles 14 to 18 of the Indian Constitution have been devoted to the Right to
Equality. This right ensures social and political equality to the citizens of India. The
Right to Equality means the following things:
(a) Article 14 guarantees to all persons equality before the law and equal
protection of laws within the territory of India. This Article asserts the supremacy
of law or Rule of law.
(b) Every citizen irrespective of his status is subject to the same law and the same
courts. Any law which is discriminatory in its character will be held
unconstitutional.
(c) According to Article 15 the state shall not discriminate against any citizen on
grounds only of religion, race, caste, sex or place of birth.
(d) The citizens will not be subjected to any disability on any of the above
mentioned grounds in regard to access to shops, hotels, places of public
entertainment or the use of wells, tanks, ghats, roads and other public places
wholly or maintained out of state funds.
(e) Article 16 has guaranteed equality of opportunity in matters relating to
employment or appointment to public services to all citizens irrespective of
religion, race, sex, descent, place of birth or residence.
(f) Article 17 has declared untouchability in any form as unconstitutional.
(g) Article 18 has laid down that no titles, not being military or academic
distinction, shall be conferred by the State.
(h) But nothing in the above Article 16 will prevent the state from making any
provision for the reservation of appointments or posts in favor of any backward
class of citizens which, in the opinion of the State, is not adequately represented in
the services under the State.
(f) This right relating to constitutional remedies was rightly described by Dr.
Ambedkar as the "heart and soul of the Constitution". This description is quite
justified as in the absence of this right all other rights are of no consequence since
they could not be enforced. This right makes the other rights as justiciable.
For the first time,emergency was declared on 26 October 1962 after China
attacked our borders in the North East. This National Emergency lasted till 10
January 1968, long after the hostilities ceased.
For the second time, it was declared on 3 December 1971 in the wake of the
second India-Pakistan War and was lifted on 21 March 1977. While the second
emergency, on the basis of external aggression, was in operation,
The basic need for an emergency occurs whenever there is imbalance within the
country, whether wholly or partly.
The ultimate aim and object of every government or political entity is to secure
good life and safe life to its citizen, and the time we say citizen it means the public
of country at large.
Whether we talk about the first emergency caused by china attack or the second
or the third emergency, in all the cases the social equilibrium of the country was
imbalanced and security of citizen was on the stack.
secure its citizen. this is what the concept and policy of “welfare state”-“greatest
happiness to greatest number”
Fundamental rights are given to individual, and the only reason they are
suspended during an emergency is to secure the people of country at large.
In 1986, emergency was imposed in Jammu and Kashmir due to terrorism and
insurgency.
In all, there are more than hundred times that emergency has been imposed in
various States for one reason or the other. However, after 1995 the use of this
provision has rarely been made.
suspend the right to move any court of law for the enforcement of any of the
Fundamental Rights. It means that virtually the whole Chapter on Fundamental
Rights can be suspended during the operation of the emergency. However, such
order are to be placed before Parliament as soon as possible for its approval.
Fundamental rights are moral rights which have been made legal by the
Constitution. These constitutional rights which are ‘fundamental’ in character
represent rights in the ‘strong sense’. They are distinct from ordinary legal and
constitutional rights because they may not be restricted on ground of general
utility.
The very essence of these rights is that they are guaranteed even if the majority
would be worse off in doing so,that fundamental rights are necessary to protect
the dignity of an individual. Invasion of these rights is a very serious matter and it
means treating a man as less than a man. This is grave injustice and it is worth
paying the incremental cost in social policy or efficiency that is necessary to
prevent it.
fundamental rights are not absolute in nature. The government may impose
restrictions on three grounds.
The government might show that the values protected by the original right are not
really at stake in the marginal case or at stake only in some attenuated form.
Alternatively if it may show that if the right is defined to include the marginal case,
then some competing right, in the strong sense, would be abridged. This is the
principle of competing rights of other members of society as individuals. Making
this ‘rights’ choice and protecting the more important at the cost of the less
important, does not weaken the notion of rights. Hence the government may limit
rights if it believes that a competing right is more important.
The third possibility is if it may show that if the right were so defined then the cost
to society would not be simply incremental but would be of a degree far beyond
the cost paid to grant the original right, a degree great enough to justify whatever
assault on dignity of the individual it may result in.
But another principle is there which is used in many human rights treaties and in
national constitutions as well.
government may not arbitrarily deprive persons of their fundamental rights, Most
of debates on the issue assume a necessary ‘trade off’ between rights
and security, however it is submitted that the relation between the two is more
complex than that.
Restrictions on rights on ground of security are not justified per se. This may be
because the trade off is unnecessary where the government may pass effective Top
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laws which do not violate rights or when harsh laws restricting rights will not yield
lt H t i d i If th it t t i l i li t
results.However tensions do arise. If the security strategy genuinely implicates
rights, then it may be justified and must be governed by the principle of
proportionality.Proportionality analysis is an uphill task and involves balancing of
the two social goods of liberty and security.
It involves analysing if there exists a rational connection between the aims of the
legislation and the means employed, if there is a less restrictive means available in
order to achieve the aim. Thirdly, comparing the effectiveness of the means with
the infringement of rights.
The President issued orders under the Constitution of India, art. 359(1) suspending
the right of any person to move any court for enforcement of fundamental rights
under arts. 14, 21 and 22 and 19 for the duration of the emergency. Following this
declaration hundreds of persons were arrested and detained all over the country
under the swoop of the Maintenance of Internal
Security Act, 1971.
Various persons detained under Maintenance of Internal Security Act, 1971, s. 3(1)
filed petitions in different high courts for the issue of the writ of habeas corpus.
The balance between rights and security may be enhanced by making further
changes than those recommended in the 1978 amendment. This includes making
the information withheld by the government under art. 22(6) justiciable.
Seervai suggests this may be achieved by allowing a judge to examine the claim of
the government that the information of grounds of detention has to be withheld in
public interest.This via media is on the lines of the special advocate system in
Britain.
The Indian experience with emergency powers reveals a mixed record. These
powers were used more responsibly in 1962 than in 1970. The principle of
proportionality must thus be the governing principle to ensure that rights are not
subverted in the name of security.
to make the directive principles more comprehensive and give them precedence
to make the directive principles more comprehensive and give them precedence
over those fundamental rights which have been allowed to be relied upon to
frustrate socio-economic reforms for implementing the directive principles.
It is also proposed to take away the jurisdiction of High Courts with regard to
determination of Constitutional validity of Central laws and confer exclusive
jurisdiction in this behalf on the Supreme Court so as to avoid multiplicity of
proceedings with regard to validity of the same Central law in different High Courts
and the consequent possibility of the Central law being valid in one State and
invalid in another State.
Insertion of new article 31D.-After article 31C of the Constitution and before the
sub-heading "Right to Constitutional Remedies", the following article shall be
inserted, namely:---
(b) the prevention of formation of, or the prohibition of, anti-national associations,
Insertion of new article 131A.-After article 131 of the Constitution, the following
article shall be inserted, namely:-
44th AMENDMENT
The Forty-fourth Amendment Act of 1978 (officially the "Constitution (Forty-second
Amendment) Act, 1978") was an amendment to the Constitution of India that
reduced or removed the provisions made by 42nd amendment. This amendment
was taken plance durin the government of janta party.
A Proclamation of Emergency under article 352 has virtually the effect of Top
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amending the Constitution by converting it for the duration into that of a Unitary
State and enabling the rights of the citizen to move the courts for the enforcement
State and enabling the rights of the citizen to move the courts for the enforcement
of fundamental rights---including the right to life and liberty---to be suspended.
Adequate safeguards are, therefore, necessary to ensure that this power is
properly exercised and is not abused. It is, therefore, proposed that a
Proclamation of Emergency can be issued only when the security of India or any
part of its territory is threatened by war or external aggression or by armed
rebellion. Internal disturbance not amounting to armed rebellion would not be a
ground for the issue of a Proclamation.
As a further check against the misuse of the Emergency provisions and to put the
right to life and liberty on a secure footing, it would be provided that the power to
suspend the right to move the court for the enforcement of a fundamental right
cannot be exercised in respect of the fundamental right to life and liberty. The
right to liberty is further strengthened by the provision that a law for preventive
detention cannot authorise, in any case.
-Art.358 makes it clear that things done or omitted to be done during emergency
could not be chal lenged even after the emergency was over.in other words the
suspension os art.19 was complete during the period in question and legispative
and excutive action which contravened art.19 could not be questioned even after
the emergency was over.
B )suspension of art.20,21
A.D.M. Jabalpur Vs. shivkant shukla
The President issued orders under the Constitution of India, art. 359(1) suspending
the right of any person to move any court for enforcement of fundamental rights
under arts. 14, 21 and 22 and 19 for the duration of the emergency. Following this
declaration hundreds of persons were arrested and detained all over the country
under the swoop of the Maintenance of Internal Security Act, 1971.
Various persons detained under Maintenance of Internal Security Act, 1971, s. 3(1)
filed petitions in different high courts for the issue of the writ of habeas corpus.
The high courts broadly took the view that the detention may be challenged on the
grounds of ultra vires, rejecting the preliminary objection of the government.
Aggrieved by this the government filed appeals, some under certificates granted
by high courts and some under special leave granted by the Supreme Court.
Despite every high court ruling in favor of the detenus36. The Supreme Court Top
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ruled in favor the government. What the court except for Khanna, J. failed to
realise is that the right to personal to life and liberty are human rights and is not a
realise is that the right to personal to life and liberty are human rights and is not a
‘gift of the Constitution’. International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights ,art. 4
recognises the right to life and personal liberty to be a non- derogable right even
during times of
emergency.
The landmark case of S. R. Bommai v. Union of India, in the history of the Indian
Constitution has great implications in Center-State relations. It is in this case that
the Supreme Court boldly marked out the and limitations within which Article 356
has to function. The Supreme Court of India in its judgment in the case said that it
is well settled that Article 356 is an extreme power and is to be used as a last
method in cases where it is manifest that the constitutional machinery in a State
has collapsed.
The views expressed by the bench in the case are similar to the concern showed by
the Sarkaria Commission.
What are the observations of judges on Article 356 of Constitution of India- In this
case the bench observed that the power conferred by Article 356 upon the
President is a conditioned power. It is not an absolute power. The existence of
material - which may comprise of or include the report of the Governor is a pre-
condition. The satisfaction must be formed on relevant material, and must have
rational.
Similarly, Article 356 of the Constitution confers a power upon the President to be
exercised only where he is satisfied that a situation has arisen where the
Government of a State cannot be carried on in accordance with the provisions of
the Constitution. Under our Constitution, the power is really that of the Union
Council of Ministers with the Prime Minister at its head. The satisfaction
contemplated by the article is subjective in nature. However, the subjective
satisfaction if based on malice may be questioned in court of law.
The proclamation of emergency can be done by governor only after the approval
by both Houses of Parliament under clause (3) of Article 356, and not before. Until
such approval, the President can only suspend the Legislative Assembly by
suspending the provisions of Constitution relating to the Legislative Assembly
under sub-clause (c) of clause (1). However, the dissolution of Legislative Assembly
can be resorted on only where it is found necessary for achieving the purposes of
the Proclamation.
According to Article 356, clause (3) in case both Houses of Parliament disapprove
or do not approve the Proclamation, the Proclamation lapses at the end of the
two-month period, and in such a situation the gvernment which was dismissed
revives. Also the Legislative Assembly, which may have been kept in suspended
gets reactivated. Similarly, as the Proclamation lapses, the acts done, orders made
and laws passed during the period of two months do not become illegal or void.
However, the same laws may be considered for judicial review, repeal or
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modification by various authorities.
On the other hand, if the Proclamation is approved by both the Houses within two
months, the Government which is dismissed does not revive on the expiry of
period of the proclamation or on its revocation. Similarly, if the Legislative
Assembly has been dissolved after the approval under clause (3), the Legislative
Assembly does not revive on the expiry of the period of Proclamation or on its
revocation.
The most important point of the court in the case is, according to it Article 74(2)
merely bars an enquiry into the question whether any, and if so, what advice was
tendered by the Ministers to the President. It does not bar the Court from calling
upon the Union Council of Ministers (Union of India) to disclose to the Court the
material upon which the President had formed the requisite satisfaction.
The material on the basis of which advice was tendered does not become part of
the advice. Even if the material is looked into by or shown to the President, it does
not partake the character of advice. Article 74(2) and Section 123 of the Evidence
Act cover different fields. It may happen that while defending the Proclamation,
the Minister or the official concerned may claim the privilege under Section 123. If
and when such privilege is claimed, it will be decided on its own merits in
accordance with the provisions of Section123.
The remark of the Supreme Court that proclamation of emergency is not beyond
judicial review is welcome step. The court held that the Proclamation under Article
356(1) is not immune from judicial review. The Supreme Court or the High Court
can strike down the Proclamation if it is found to be mala fide or based on wholly
irrelevant or extraneous grounds.
Earlier, with 38th (Amendment) Act by the 44th (Amendment) Act, government had
taken out the power of reviewability of the action of imposition of emergency
under Article 356(1). Now, under the new circumstances, when called upon, the
Union of India has to produce the material on the basis of which action was taken.
CONCLUSION
The history of Indian constitution with respect to fundamental rights and their
stability with emergency provisions is full of vagueness and ambiguity.
From the very beginning of “the case of habeas corpus” and makhan singh to the
landmark case of S.R. bommai,the provisions and conditions are geting beter and
beter.
Initially even the suspension of art. 20 and 21 during emergency was valid,though
those rights are not given by “the constitution”but by nature itself.
No courts had the right and power to look into the matter of cases related to
emergency.
Author Bio: Harshit Khare - I am a third year law student and an active writer. i
mostly write on constitutional issues and family laws.
Email: [email protected]
Website: http://alifeforlives.blogspot.com/search?updated-min=2010-01-
01T00:00:00-08:00&updated-max=2011-01-0
Views: 107027
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