Land Use Policy 100 (2021) 104928

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Land Use Policy

journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/landusepol

The impacts of Acacia decurrens plantations on livelihoods in rural Ethiopia T

a,c, a b a c
Zerihun Nigussie *, Atsushi Tsunekawa , Nigussie Haregeweyn , Mitsuru Tsubo , Enyew Adgo ,
Zemen Ayalewc, Steffen Abeled
a
Arid Land Research Center, Tottori University, Tottori, Japan
b
International Platform for Dryland Research and Education, Tottori University, Tottori, Japan
c
College of Agriculture and Environmental Sciences, Bahir Dar University, Bahir Dar, Ethiopia
d
Department of Sustainable Regional Management, University of Applied Forest Sciences, Rottenburg, Germany

A R T I C LE I N FO A B S T R A C T

Keywords: This study was undertaken to examine local perceptions of the impacts of small-scale tree plantations, notably of
Sustainability Acacia decurrens (J.C. Wendl.) Willd., in Ethiopia’s Upper Blue Nile Basin. A particular focus of our study was on
Livelihood capital the different dimensions of livelihood sustainability centering on economic, social, human, physical, and natural
Cash crop capital. The unprecedented expansion of small-scale tree plantations in degraded agricultural land can be at-
Upper Blue Nile Basin
tributed to farmers’ efforts to overcome the problems of limited income options and land degradation. However,
Sub-Saharan Africa
these initiatives may have differential effects in terms of maintaining the sustainability of the natural en-
Plantation
Drought vironment and rural livelihoods. Interviews conducted with farmers revealed that the plantation system has
Charcoal yielded rich benefits by increasing their incomes, providing them with employment and improving their social
lives. The plantations have also significantly improved degraded soils, thereby increasing natural capital.
However, associated risks have also been found related to rising food prices, caused by a shift from annual to
perennial crops and growing inequalities, with small farmers or those with limited financial resources having
fewer options to invest in plantations. Moreover, in the face of such a positive overall impact of the plantation
systems, the regulation of child labor, a potential issue, could become difficult. Apart from measures to address
the issue of child labor, improved infrastructure and market access are required to help balance food security and
plantation systems through functioning markets and financial systems that enable economically impoverished
farmers to participate in this business. These findings offer important insights for research and policies seeking to
sustain small-scale farmers’ tree plantation systems, land use, and rural livelihoods.

1. Introduction including the provision of non-timber forest products and environ-

mental services; they particularly mention the positive effects of af-
Agroforestry systems, particularly small-scale farmers’ tree planta- forestation on the livelihoods of disadvantaged groups, especially
tion systems, have been receiving positive coverage in discussions in women. Overall, tree plantation systems have been beneficial, parti-
recent decades. This holds on a global scale, where reducing defor- cularly in terms of economic benefits, with only few critical voices
estation is expected to yield environmental benefits (e.g., greenhouse claiming the need for a multi-dimensional assessment considering the
gas emission reduction); however, it also implies potential economic social effects – mainly the distributional effects - of the above-men-
losses for deforesters (Sathaye et al., 2006) on regional and/or national tioned systems.
scales in both developing and developed economies. For example, re- Several authors claim that small-scale farming and subsistence-or-
forestation of degraded landscape has been reported in Uganda (Fimbel iented societies depend not just on economic assets for their livelihood
and Fimbel, 1996). Although Garrity (2004) emphasizes the positive (Baffoe and Matsuda, 2018a); such societies need social and environ-
return on investments in agroforestry as well as the positive social and mental assets as well. In other words, rural societies need to be based on
environmental effects of agroforestry on small-scale farming systems, a diverse structure of assets, not on economic assets alone, and hence
he criticizes the lack of a broader perspective in terms of marketing and they need to diversify their economic activities toward more environ-
processing systems. Appiah et al. (2020) describe the wide range of mental, long-term investments. Based on this argument, Quandt et al.
economic, ecological, and social benefits of afforestation in Ghana, (2017) claim that agroforestry systems are an environmental asset that

⁎
Corresponding author at: Arid Land Research Center, Tottori University, Tottori, Japan.
E-mail address: [email protected] (Z. Nigussie).

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.landusepol.2020.104928
Received 28 June 2019; Received in revised form 3 July 2020; Accepted 14 July 2020
Available online 22 July 2020
0264-8377/ © 2020 The Authors. Published by Elsevier Ltd. This is an open access article under the CC BY-NC-ND license
(http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/).
Z. Nigussie, et al. Land Use Policy 100 (2021) 104928

can improve the resilience of small-scale systems toward environmental socio-economic environment. Sikor and Baggio (2014) argue that tree
shocks. However, there are also voices that question the linkages among plantation systems – in a relative smallholder setting in Vietnam – tend
environmental and social assets, resilience, and livelihoods. For ex- to benefit larger farmers more than smaller ones, which implies nega-
ample, Baffoe and Matsuda (2017) argue that investments in social or tive distributional effects. Similar socio-economic effects are also re-
environmental assets can be economically counterproductive, while ported in Ghana, where Narh (2019) finds that landless and migrant
Cochrane and Cafer (2018) argue that diversification does not auto- farmers are disadvantaged by the establishment of teak plantations. Su
matically imply resilience, particularly if the respective technologies et al. (2014) bring forth the argument that the success of plantation
and systems are maladaptive or socially imbalanced. systems in China depends on households’ resource endowment, in
Based on the above, we question whether the plantation system particular labor endowment, but also on local infrastructural, ecological
under investigation in this study contributes to improving not only and institutional conditions. Other authors state that there seem to be
economic wealth but also social and environmental assets and their trade-offs between environmental services and economic benefits, for
respective benefits toward livelihoods. In examining this, we also aim to example, high carbon stocks and crop yields in West Africa (Tschora
assess the potential for social and environmental resilience of such a and Cherubini, 2020), between the expansion of timber plantations and
plantation system. We hypothesize that plantation systems not only lower pressure on natural forests (Pirard et al., 2016), as well as the
increase economic wealth but also contribute positively to environ- deforestation effect of cash crop systems in China (Li et al., 2018) and
mental and social assets, and thus improve rural livelihoods. Through Laos (Junquera et al., 2020). Su et al. (2014) highlight a trade-off be-
our investigation of local people’s perceptions, we aim to offer some tween expansion of new cash crop plantations (e.g., tea, fruit, mulberry,
broad insights on the contributions (changes and tradeoffs) of rapidly nursery) and food crop (rice) production, on the one hand, and natural
expanding small-scale plantation forestry to sustainable rural liveli- forests, on the other. In Europe, research results also imply trade-offs
hoods. Specifically, we analyze the effects of small-scale tree planta- between ecosystem services and biomass production of tree plantation
tions on livelihood capitals and associated outcomes on rural house- systems (Torralba et al., 2016).
holds located in watershed areas in the highlands of north-western The above literature shows that as much as there are overall benefits
Ethiopia. Such insights may prove valuable for tracking the contribu- from tree plantation systems, there are also trade-offs and risks, which
tions of plantation forestry towards poverty alleviation and rural de- often feature rather on a local or regional scale, due to the fact that such
velopment and for designing local land use policies as well as market- risks are often globally- or government-policy induced (e.g. by the in-
centered and structural adjustment policies for rural areas. creasing global markets or specific support policies) but locally – and
hence quite diversely – expressed due to specific institutional condi-
2. Expansion, drivers and trade-offs in tree plantations tions (laws, resource endowment, social structures, etc.). This implies
that local studies such as the present one have to be conducted, in order
Over the past decades, due to rapid globalization, the world’s to identify the shortcomings of plantation systems and relate them to
agriculture has witnessed a significant shift from traditional to cash benefits which would serve as inputs to meta- (regional or global) scale
crops, threatening local diversity with its associated change in land use analysis. Such case studies will eventually contribute to a bigger, hol-
patterns (Lambin et al., 2001). The area of plantation forests has in- istic picture of tree plantations and agroforestry systems at a regional
creased from 167.5 million ha in 1990 to 277.9 million ha in 2015, and global scales.
mainly distributed in East Asia, followed by Europe, North America,
and Southern and Southeast Asia (FAO, 2020; Payn et al., 2015). Be- 3. The sustainable livelihoods approach
sides, in its latest report, FAO (2020) indicates that forest plantations
cover about 131 million ha, and in the last decade (2010–2020), its area The sustainable livelihoods approach (SLA) encompasses all the
coverage has been annually growing at a rate of 3%. Tree plantations dimensions of sustainability, namely ecological, social, and economic
are managed by both small- and large-scale producers across the globe sustainability. It entails a process of creating sustainable economic and
for a variety of reasons, including, among others, satisfying increasing social outcomes that promote well-being through allocations of re-
demand for timber, fuelwood and pulp productions, restoration of de- sources, institutions, processes, and strategies for creating such out-
graded areas, and for its role in adapting and mitigating the effects of comes within a given political framework (Solesbury, 2003). More
climate change (Gerber, 2011; Payn et al., 2015). specifically, an important insight emerging from the application of the
In the majority of cases, the expansion of tree plantations is often SLA is that the poor rely on a wide range of capital assets, the absence of
driven by public and private sectors’ investments rather than initiatives which can affect their livelihood. Hence, their opportunities to employ
by small-scale producers. In general, large-scale tree plantations have such assets productively to create and augment wealth hinge on their
received little positive feedbacks globally, if not in all regions differential access to and returns from these assets. The commonly ac-
(Malkamäki et al., 2018); particularly in developing countries, they cepted categories of capital are natural, financial or economic, human,
were often associated with concerns about land grabs, displacement of social, and physical. However, the specific dimensions of these different
local populations, poor worker conditions, declining water availability categories of capital vary across studies (e.g. Scoones (1998), Tacoli
and its quality, high chemical use, and low levels of biodiversity (1999), Campbell et al. (2001), Adato and Meizen-Dick (2002), Eren-
(Andersson et al., 2016; Gerber, 2011). On the other hand, small-scale stein et al. (2010) as cited in Quandt (2018)).
tree plantations, particularly agroforestry systems, are argued by many Most of the above-mentioned authors restrict the definition of the
authors to offer various economic and non-economic benefits, among economic capital dimension to actual capital assets, whereas Quandt
them higher crop yields as economic benefits, but also ecological ser- et al. (2017) include access to jobs in the same category along with
vices like nitrogen fixation, and increases in the organic matter and salaries earned from other work (Quandt et al., 2019). Accordingly, we
availability of phosphorus, as well as a reduction in soil erosion, and have included income opportunities and jobs as well as livestock assets
other ecosystems services (Elagib and Al-Saidi, 2020; Garrity, 2004; and market access in the category of financial and economic capital.
Kuyah et al., 2019; Nigussie et al., 2017a; Ota et al., 2020). However, in Baffoe and Matsuda (2018a) define social assets as social resources
some cases like in Southern Asia, the increase in tree plantation systems based on the relationships between people, upon which individuals
is not necessarily assigned to environmental services, but rather simply draw. Consequently, our definition of social capital covers factors that
to increasing global commodity prices in the sector, along with rela- could potentially affect societal cohesion, such as prevalence of crime,
tively cheap land prices (Byerlee, 2014). As commented by Elagib and as well as a wide range of other relevant factors. In the present study,
Al-Saidi (2020), in order to unfold the full benefits of small-scale tree these factors encompass individuals’ contributions to community-in-
plantation systems, there is a need for functioning institutional and itiated soil conservation measures, prevailing agreements regarding

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resource distribution (especially land contracts), associations, co- and is a rapid expansion of Acacia decurrens (J.C. Wendl.) Willd.1
operatives, and community activities, market access and performance (hereinafter called acacia) plantations, comparable with the rapid ex-
(food price development), and women’s household burdens. Human pansion of Khat (Catha edulis) in the past decades (Cochrane and
assets are skills, knowledge and abilities of individuals that are vital to O’Regan, 2016; Feyisa and Aune, 2003; Wondie and Mekuria, 2018). In
engage in various livelihood strategies (Baffoe and Matsuda, 2018a). particular, the expansion of acacia plantations in this locality, given
Hence, human capital in this study features itself as children’s schooling their potential for higher financial returns (Berihun et al., 2019;
opportunities and adults’ non-formal knowledge. Natural capital is the Teshager Abeje et al., 2019; Yibeltal et al., 2019), could have varying
stock of natural resources from which resource flows (e.g. land, water, impacts on the livelihood capitals of small-scale farmers.
soil) and services (e.g. erosion protection, biodiversity change) bene-
ficial for livelihoods are derived (Baffoe and Matsuda, 2018a; Quandt 5. Study site
et al., 2019), comprising here the dimensions of soil fertility and the
degree of soil degradation and erosion. Physical capital, on the other The Guder watershed is situated in Fagita Lekoma District (10°57′ to
hand, refers to the basic infrastructure and producer as well as con- 11°11′ N and 36°40′ to 37°05′ E) in the Amhara region of UBNB in
sumer goods (e.g. transport, shelter, communications, machinery) en- Ethiopia (Fig. 1). Acacia plantations constitute one of the dominant
abling the pursuit of various livelihood strategies (Baffoe and Matsuda, managed ecosystems in this region (Berihun et al., 2019; Nigussie et al.,
2018a). Here, physical capital is expressed as access to communication 2017a; Sultan et al., 2017). The Guder watershed has an elevation
infrastructure through owning communication devices such as mobile range of 1800 m – 2900 m, and its total area is 741 ha. The mean
phones as well as assets such as housing and their quality. While the annual rainfall in this region is 2454 mm, which occurs during Ju-
definition of physical capital in other studies tends to be infrastructure ne–September, with a unimodal rainfall pattern, and the daily tem-
oriented (see e.g. Baffoe and Matsuda, 2018a; Quandt et al., 2019), we perature ranges between 15 °C and 24 °C (Yibeltal et al., 2019). The
consider assets that are physical but are not directly or solely attributed Guder watershed represents a typical watershed in the Ethiopian
to productive activities. They may provide access to infrastructure highlands, which falls within the moist subtropical climatic condition
(mobile phones), but do not refer to the infrastructure itself (e.g., streets (Berihun et al., 2019; Yibeltal et al., 2019). It is characterized by a
and telecommunication networks), which comes under the political mixed rainfed crop–livestock farming system, with crop cultivation,
arena and is therefore outside the scope of farmers’ decision making. livestock husbandry, and charcoal production being the most important
The aforementioned assets can be employed both for productive and livelihood activities (Nigussie et al., 2017a; Teshager Abeje et al., 2019;
non-productive (consumptive) purposes. The same holds for housing, Yibeltal et al., 2019). Major crops grown in the watershed include teff
which is a consumptive rather than a productive asset. (Eragrostis tef Zucc.), barley (Hordeum vulgare L.), wheat (Triticum aes-
tivum L.) and potato (Solanum tuberosum L.). Horses, cattle, sheep, and
4. Contextualizing the expansion of the tree plantation system donkeys are the most common livestock kept by farmers. Acrisols and
Leptosols are the major soil types (Yibeltal et al., 2019).
Several factors have contributed to the poor performance of Acacia is the principal fast-growing exotic tree species, followed by
Ethiopia’s agricultural sector, the most significant being severe land eucalyptus, extensively grown by small-scale farmers in the Guder
degradation (e.g., Nigussie et al., 2017b, c; Schmidt and Tadesse, 2019). watershed (Abebe et al., 2020; Alemu et al., 2020; Kassie, 2015;
This is of particular concern in the highland areas that support highly Nigussie et al., 2017a). Acacia has been introduced into state-owned
concentrated human and livestock populations. Extensive clearing of plantations of the north-western highlands for land rehabilitation since
natural forests (Duguma et al., 2019; Wondie and Mekuria, 2018; the 1990s (Nigussie et al., 2017a). Since 2006, the area coverage of
Zeleke and Hurni, 2001) has exacerbated deforestation in the Ethiopian acacia plantation has progressively increased across the watershed
highlands caused by the expansion of crop cultivation into fragile en- (Kassie, 2015). In 2017, the main land use types found in the watershed
vironments, such as degraded hillsides. Apart from causing soil de- are acacia plantation (35.4 %), cultivated land (32.7 %), grazing land
gradation (Nigussie et al., 2017c), the high deforestation rate has di- (13.4 %), bushland (6.6 %), forest land (9.5 %), and settlement (2.4 %)
minished households’ wood supplies required for cooking, heating, and (Berihun et al., 2019).
construction purposes (Duguma et al., 2019; Guta, 2018). Cultivation of acacia starts with raising seedlings during the dry
From the 1970s onward, successive governments of Ethiopia have season (January–May). Seedlings are planted during the rainy season
sought to address the dual problems of land degradation and firewood (June–August) so that there is sufficient moisture for the outplanted
shortage through externally funded land rehabilitation and reforesta- seedlings and they can be manage alongside the intercrop. Plantations
tion programs entailing the establishment of plantation forests on de- are usually harvested at 4–5 years (Kassie, 2015). Charcoal is the key
graded hillsides (Nigussie et al., 2017a). In addition, small-scale agro- bioenergy product derived from acacia woodlots, and it is produced
forestry, entailing the dissemination of a number of fast-growing, exotic mainly to be sold at the farmgate to local traders. These local traders
multi-purpose tree species, such as eucalyptus and acacia species, to then pass the charcoal to wholesalers in nearby towns, who in turn sell
farmers has been promoted in this region (Nigussie et al., 2017a; it to wholesalers in major urban markets. Rising population and ex-
Wondie and Mekuria, 2018). Despite substantial investments in refor- panding urbanization are the driving factors for the growing demand
estation and afforestation programs and widespread adoption of the for charcoal in the major urban areas of Ethiopia (Kebede et al., 2002;
introduced tree species by small-scale farmers, these initiatives have Mondal et al., 2018).
had varying degrees of success across the drought-prone rural land-
scape of the Upper Blue Nile Basin (UBNB), as in the other regions for a
6. Methods
number of reasons: the performance of individual tree species in a
particular context, market incentives, risk and uncertainty, and poli-
This study is aimed at acquiring a deeper understanding of how the
tical, biophysical, and socioeconomic conditions (Le et al., 2012;
spontaneously expanding acacia plantations are generally perceived by
Nigussie et al., 2019, 2017a).
local stakeholders and, specifically, how these may influence rural li-
Historical shifts in land use, earlier from natural forest to field
velihoods. To address the latter question, we applied the SLA, which
cropping systems and in recent decades to smallholder plantation sys-
tems, have shaped traditional land use practices and decisions in the
UBNB (Ahmed et al., 2019; Sultan et al., 2017; Wondie and Mekuria, 1
Acacia decurrens, a fast-growing multipurpose tree species native to
2018; Yimanie et al., 2019), which in turn have implications for sus- Australia, has been cultivated outside its native environment. It grows to a
taining the livelihoods of small-scale farmers. For example, there was height of 6–12 m or more (Kassie, 2015).

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Z. Nigussie, et al. Land Use Policy 100 (2021) 104928

Fig. 1. Map of the study area.

allows for a conceptual integration of environmental issues within a analysis.

holistic rural development framework (Solesbury, 2003). Accordingly,
a qualitative design was selected for the study. Data, contextualized
7. Results
within the SLA framework, were collected during two periods of
fieldwork: June to September 2018 and January to February 2019
7.1. Changes in land use
through 42 in-depth interviews, 3 focus group discussions (FGDs), 8 key
informant interviews, and multiple field observations. We conducted
In some watersheds in the UBNB region, such as Guder, the ex-
observations and key informant interviews to familiarize ourselves with
pansion of plantation areas is indicative of local communities’ interest
the local context and to identify pertinent issues related to the acacia
in this land-use type. All the respondents indicated seeing significant
plantation system. We selected key informants based on their knowl-
changes in land use over the last decade. They reported the steady
edge of the locality. They comprise the chairperson of a cooperative,
expansion of acacia plantations across the watershed. In addition, they
four agricultural experts (two local-level and two district-level), two
recognized that the plantations had expanded at the expense of other
charcoal traders, and one NGO expert working on the site.
forms of land use, notably annual crops and pasture. The effects of this
The researchers took photographs and field notes during field ob-
increase in plantation areas and land use change on the dimensions of
servations. Each of our in-depth interviews held with respondents
livelihood assets in the region are discussed below.
provided a detailed portrayal of the plantation system and its effects on
the environment and on rural livelihoods. The interviews were guided
by a set of open-ended questions. The three FGDs, each with eight to ten 7.2. The impact of the plantations on the social capital
participants, were conducted at different stages of the research. The
first FGD was held at the start of the first round of fieldwork to enable In response to a question about post-plantation tenancy changes, all
the researchers to become familiar with the local context and to identify the respondents disclosed a shift in the tenure arrangement from a so-
important aspects of the plantation system. Two further FGDs were held cial to an economic foundation. This perception was affirmed by an
at the end of the first and second rounds of fieldwork, respectively, to elderly farmer in the following recollection:
triangulate the findings from the interviews and field observations and Besides [wanting] equal shares at the end, land owners base their deci-
to elicit different perspectives. The FGDs were conducted by a mod- sions these days on the sharing-out of land, comparing the initial pay-
erator, with an assistant who took notes during the discussions. On ments offered by lessees. In the past, however, we preferred to lease out
average, each in-depth interview, key informant interview, and FGD our land to people near us, and sometimes we would even go so far as to
lasted approximately 60 min, 45 min, and 90 min, respectively. The use beg fellow farmers to take it through sharecropping or by paying a very
of multiple qualitative data sources yielded rich contextual details. All small fixed amount. But now, thanks to girar2 , land is as scarce as gold.
the interviews were recorded and later transcribed for analysis. The
themes, which were preselected, were related to livelihood capitals/ A few respondents also revealed rising conflict among farmers over
assets. A thematic approach was adopted in the data analysis, as the land informally transferred to lessees for long periods prior to the
theoretical SLA discussion enabled sorting and categorizing the data.
Manual rather than computer-assisted techniques were applied for the 2
Vernacular name for Acacia decurrens

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establishment of the plantations. production. We asked interviewed farmers to recall the ease with which
An advantage associated with the expansion of plantations men- they were able to meet their food needs from their own production. In
tioned in all the individual interviews and group discussions was the congruent terms, the majority acknowledged that their community re-
reduction in the mandatory annual free labor contribution by farmers lies on staple crops (e.g., maize, finger millet, and teff) purchased from
within ongoing public work schemes for implementing soil conserva- nearby areas and considered the plantations the main reason for the
tion technologies. displacement of food crops. However, none of the interviewed farmers
A few respondents also mentioned that the establishment of farmers’ openly identified the above concern as a significant problem.
associations and cooperatives (e.g., the Endewuha Bee and Natural Another perceived benefit of the plantations, as indicated by several
Resource Product Development Cooperative) and of youth groups (e.g., respondents, was the improved market access and the rapid commer-
groups engaged in the production of acacia and its by-products, the cialization of charcoal through trade to urban areas. As one farmer
seedling business, market facilitation, and loading and unloading ac- observed, “I don’t need to go physically to district marketplaces to sell
tivities) was an important outcome of the plantation system. charcoal as I do for other crops. Instead I inform commission agents or local
All the interviewed women noted that after the plantations were assemblers; then, the traders come to my doorstep.” A related point noted
established, their on-farm firewood supplies and usage of charcoal for by traders is that increasing demand for energy in major urban areas
cooking and heating purposes were significantly enhanced. Female re- (e.g., Addis Ababa, Bahir Dar, Gonder, and Dessie) has been one of the
spondents were also asked to assess how their labor requirements for critical factors contributing to the expansion of acacia plantations at the
firewood collection changed after the plantations were established. local scale.
They responded that their work burden, in terms of the time they spend
collecting firewood, has declined slightly. Furthermore, our own ob-
servations indicated limited charcoal consumption by rural households. 7.4. The impact of the plantations on the human capital
In addition, an ancillary advantage mentioned by some of the inter-
viewed farmers included a reduction in the silvicultural practices as- In response to a question about observed changes in human capital
sociated with plantations, which gave farmers more free time to engage after engaging in plantation work, the majority of the respondents re-
in both productive and non-productive livelihood activities. ported a slight improvement in parental practices of sending children to
With the expansion of employment opportunities associated with schools and using healthcare services. One of the interviewed farmers
the plantations, all the interviewees perceived a significant decline in made the following observation:
crimes, notably theft, in their locality. The interviewees further opined
In the past, let alone sending children to school, poor farmers had no
that past incidents of theft in the neighborhood were strongly corre-
choice other than to send them (mainly sons) to wealthy farmers for
lated with unemployment of the rural youth. For example, one young
tending livestock. Moreover, when it was essential to receive health ser-
respondent observed, “nowadays, everybody in our area is very busy with
vices, we sold animals. But now this culture is changing because of girar.
girar and charcoal-related activities. [There is]no time for theft.” According
to the discussants, there were associated increases in youths’ incomes, Thus, respondents directly attributed the observed changes to the
leading to an apparent decline in crime. plantations, which have augmented their incomes and provided more
reliable earnings than traditional farming as well as more spending
7.3. The impact of the plantations on the economic capital money.
According to most of the interviewed farmers, charcoaling is an
The most common economic benefit associated with the plantations important skill that they acquired after the plantations were introduced.
was a rise in employment opportunities at the level of the watershed. In Production techniques were most likely developed by seasonally mi-
this context, a young respondent explained how the situation had grating farmers based on their observations of charcoal production
changed: outside the area, and they subsequently introduced these techniques in
their area on their return. This was confirmed by a respondent: “We
Some years back, my colleagues and I had no option other than to mi-
learned charcoal making from our previous migration areas when we were
grate seasonally and become employed as daily laborers in areas where
mobile.”
cash crops (e.g., sesame and coffee) are produced. However, we are
All the respondents indicated that using the earth mound kiln is the
currently considering this livelihood strategy as a last resort because of
prevailing method for producing charcoal throughout the community
the job opportunities created by girar in our locality.
(Fig. 2). Some of the interviewed farmers reported the increasing po-
All the respondents indicated that they had established plantations pularity of a new technique of using leaves collected from the planta-
primarily to produce charcoal for the market. The interviewees clearly tion instead of teff straw to cover the wood piles during the charcoaling
underscored the importance of charcoal sales as the principal source of process. We observed this practice during our fieldwork. During the
monetary income for all farmers. The respondents also mentioned that discussions, all the farmers stated their preference for charcoaling their
firewood is an important tree product that is widely collected from woodlots in the same plot of land where they farm. One farmer ela-
plantations and consumed, but rarely sold. Other benefits associated borated as follows:
with plantations and mentioned by respondents were crop and grass
I make charcoal from my woodlots in the same farmland and distribute
hay generated from intercropping practices at the time of establishment
leftovers during farming. When I plant teff afterward, seeds that were
and in the second year of the plantation. While some farmers reported
sown on kiln sites show superior growth, but mostly end up with the stems
an increase in their livestock numbers, the majority of farmers indicated
bent over. However, wheat and barley have better resistance and show
a reduction in livestock numbers and therefore a reduction in their
improved yields at such sites.
capital assets, as livestock is a common source of savings. For instance,
one interviewed farmer noted, “I used to raise more than 20 animals, but The majority of respondents sourced tree seedlings from their own
now I am limited to only five (two horses for tilling, a cow and two sheep).” nurseries. Farmers stated that their knowledge of plantation develop-
They partly attributed their declining livestock holdings to reduced ment and management has improved substantially. When asked to state
land availability for forage production, both grazed and hayed, because one area of improvement, they noted that their skills in nursery prac-
of the expansion of plantations. tices, specifically in seed treatment, have improved. However, all the
An extension expert who was interviewed also raised the point that farmers reported planting tree seedlings without removing the poly-
the spontaneous expansion of plantations has constrained the ability of thene bags; none of them recognized this practice as a potential en-
poor farmers to meet their annual food supplies from their own vironmental problem.

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Fig. 2. Charcoal production (a) cut wood of acacia stacked for charcoaling (b) charcoal burners’ preparing an earth mound kiln.

7.5. The impact of the plantations on the physical capital degraded hillsides. Respondents noted that since the introduction of
plantations, soil loss resulting from erosion has considerably reduced.
According to the respondents, the plantations have played a positive As noted by one farmer, “in the past, the soil was easily washed away in the
role in improving the community’s physical assets. Our in-depth inter- rain and flowed down in streams to rivers carrying with it lots of mud. But
views revealed that farmers perceived changes in these assets, notably now, as we are planting girar densely, only pure water flows down.”
their ownership of mobile phones and solar photovoltaic cells, and Farmers also felt that plantations have helped them stabilize gullies,
improved lifestyles, as important outcomes relating to the establish- although experts challenge this (Fig. 3(b)). Furthermore, interviewees
ment of the plantations. The majority of the respondents felt that the perceived that the expansion of the plantations has resulted in a re-
plantations had positively influenced the availability of important duction in flooding events.
communication assets, notably mobile phones. All male respondents, Our own observations indicated that farmers are adversely affecting
barring some of the older farmers, reported that they possessed at least hillsides by sourcing and extracting “forest” soil for their nursery pro-
one mobile phone in their homes. During an FGD, one farmer stated, duction, leading to environmental degradation (Fig. 3(a)). Interviewed
“every household in our village has at least one mobile phone. We use them farmers justified this practice as follows: “mixing forest soil, farmland
mostly for communication and listening to music and radio programs.” soil, and manure when preparing potting media facilitates the growth of
However, only a few female respondents reported owning such assets. seedlings and their survival when they are outplanted.”
In addition, a few respondents mentioned that plantations have had a An important negative effect perceived by a few respondents was a
positive impact on their households in terms of their acquisition of solar decline in dry season cropping, mainly of vegetables, because of the
photovoltaic cells. extension of plantations to irrigated fields and swampy or wetland
When asked about post-plantation lifestyle changes, all the re- areas.
spondents reported an overall improvement in their housing conditions,
mentioning how thatched roofs were now changed to roofs of corru-
8. Discussion
gated iron as an important outcome. Most of the interviewees reported
that they have been able to create separate spaces within their home-
8.1. Land pressure borne by increased plantation areas
steads for their livestock, which was not possible earlier.
In Guder, rapid and successful expansion of plantations happened
7.6. The impact of the plantations on the natural capital mainly at the expense of annual crop and grazing lands (Berihun et al.,
2019; Wondie and Mekuria, 2018; Yibeltal et al., 2019), implying that
An important goal underlying the introduction of plantations was to its introduction represents the most prominent change in land use and
improve the ecological conditions of degraded areas in addition to that local farmers are more interested in cash crop production than in
improving farmers’ livelihoods. When asked about the observable subsistence agriculture. In recent years, the area covered by plantations
ecological benefits, all the respondents noted improved soil fertility as in the Guder watershed has exceeded areas under any other type of land
one of the important benefits associated with the plantations, indicated use (Berihun et al., 2019; Yibeltal et al., 2019). The replacement of
by productivity gains—by as much as two-fold—for successive crop agricultural and grazing lands by plantations (Berihun et al., 2019;
production (Fig. 3(c) and (d)). As one farmer observed, “some years ago, Yibeltal et al., 2019) directly affects farmers’ livelihoods by increasing
my farmland’s teff productivity was limited to not more than 6 quintals per the costs of their food and feed, which may also increase their pro-
ha. However, because of girar, the current yield of this same farmland has duction costs and the prices of agricultural products in local markets.
more than doubled.” The majority of the interviewed farmers and focus A decline in livestock numbers, particularly cattle, as reported by
groups associated gains in terms of yields with the dual role of the the majority of the respondents, could also reduce farmers’ risk-bearing
plantations in enhancing land productivity: The addition of significant capacities. In Ethiopia, livestock usually serve as “saving accounts” and
amounts of leaf residue, that is, plant organic matter, commencing from safety nets as they can be easily sold to meet farmers’ urgent livelihood
the second year of plantation, improves the fertility and the nitrogen- needs in addition to providing traction power and organic manure
fixing ability (i.e., nutrient cycling role) of the acacia trees. One farmer (Teshager Abeje et al., 2019; Tschopp et al., 2010). Moreover, farmers
described the latter role as follows: “Girar is wetting the soil like beans with livestock can participate in the practice of overnight cattle
do.” kraaling, which traditionally entails reciprocal relations within net-
Another important benefit attributed to plantations by all the re- works of individuals, aimed at recycling nutrients and sustaining soil
spondents was the improved ecological condition of the farmlands and fertility (Ikpe and Powell, 2002). Thus, livestock are critical for soil

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Z. Nigussie, et al. Land Use Policy 100 (2021) 104928

Fig. 3. Degraded land (a) extracted “forest” soil for seedling production (b) planted with acacia for rehabilitation (c) ploughed site after charcoal making (d) teff
lodging in a kiln site.

replenishment within a low-input production system such as the system addition to providing the landowner with half the net gains at the end
in the Guder watershed. Hence, the declining trend in livestock will of the plantation cycle (Nigussie et al., 2020). This shift in tenancy
inevitably limit the farming system’s ability to maintain the fertility of could also be related, inter alia, to the capacity of the innovation (a
crop fields. However, our own observations suggest that apart from the short rotation tree-based system) to solve the problem of loss of effi-
lack of grazing land resulting from the expansion of plantations, an- ciency resulting from under-investment (limited use of inputs such as
other factor that may contribute to the depletion of cattle stocks in the labor, fertilizer, and manure, thereby minimizing crop yields) in the
Guder watershed could be the shift in the farming system to an alter- case of customary land tenure. Other reasons for changes in tenancy
native plowing method entailing horse traction (Asmare and Yayeh, could be the lack of or minimal requirements for external inputs in the
2017). plantation system or the system’s better financial performance com-
pared to annual crops (Nigussie et al., 2017a, 2020). Furthermore, re-
spondents noted that farmers no longer engage in cash-based land
8.2. Access to land and plantations rentals as they are realizing higher financial benefits from acacia
plantations. A few farmers also reported that previous land transfers
Studies have highlighted the significant influence of land access via through informal rental contracts are engendering conflict between
social relations on economic performance and agricultural productivity farmers because the lessors’ awareness of new economic opportunities
in Ethiopia and more widely in Sub-Saharan Africa (Lawry et al., 2017). could incentivize them to default on agreements. It is also noteworthy
In the case of the Guder watershed, this is exemplified in the con- that extensive soil conservation programs are underway throughout the
tracting of land through exchanges transacted among different social country in a concerted effort to rehabilitate degraded environments
networks. For example, some years back, it was customary for those (Nigussie et al., 2017b). Because of the wide plantation coverage in the
lacking financial as well as labor resources to make further investments Guder watershed, the expectation from farmers to contribute free labor
in crop farming on their land by agreeing to sharecropping contracts. In has significantly reduced. They are, therefore, able to allocate time that
such cases, farmers would lease their land through contracts made with would otherwise have been spent working in public work schemes to
kin and with close friends and neighbors to reduce the costs entailed in other productive activities.
monitoring lessees. However, over the past decade, such customary At the country level, market demands for charcoal in major urban
land agreements based on social bonds have declined because of the areas remain high (Kebede et al., 2002). This has contributed sig-
expansion of commercial crop production (Nigussie et al., 2017b), nificantly to the expansion of plantations. Farmers in the Guder wa-
which could be associated with the lessors’ interest in producing cash tershed are benefiting from their access to the Addis Ababa–Bahir Dar
crops on their land on their own, or their desire to find lessees who will Highway. Those who are situated closer to the highway indicated that
pay them more than those to whom they previously leased land. In they now have greater access to additional market outlets for charcoal
addition, as confirmed by respondents, the willingness of well-to-do (e.g., passersby) unlike those in remote communities. This increased
farmers to pay more to increase their land acreage by leasing more land accessibility of markets for charcoal has occurred in parallel with the
is driving the rise in rental prices. Consequently, land transactions now
hold true so long as the sharecropper agrees to acceptable rental fees
(e.g., 8000–16,000 ETB3 per ha) at the commencement of the lease in 3
ETB denotes the Ethiopian Birr (currency), 1 USD ≈ 28 ETB.

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Z. Nigussie, et al. Land Use Policy 100 (2021) 104928

increased availability of traders, who link farmers with distant mar- soil properties and, thereby, on crop production. Farmers also reported
ketplaces and information. Consequently better market opportunities that teff planted on kiln sites was vulnerable to stem lodging. The
have emerged enabling farmers to expand their plantations further. problem of lodging in these sites could be closely related to the pre-
Additionally, increased incomes from plantations enable farmers, sence of a higher amount of nitrogen in the soil (Jactel et al., 2009). A
but not poor and women-headed households, to purchase mobile further consideration is that even if farmers wish to produce teff that
phones. Owning mobile phones can also help farmers organize them- fetches higher prices in the market (Nigussie et al., 2017a), they often
selves into groups, enabling them to sell their charcoal in bulk, build plant other crops that are resistant to lodging, such as wheat and barley
new market connections with local and external actors in the charcoal to reduce the risk of lodging. This soil management strategy could
value chain, and overcome constraints in accessing market information improve farmers’ livelihoods by reducing their use of external inputs for
about charcoal price developments (Haile et al., 2019). This organiza- the following crops that are planted and increasing their productivity
tional process could further promote the integration of rural producers (Nigussie et al., 2017a; Oguntunde et al., 2004), which, in turn, could
into local, regional, and central charcoal markets. In addition, the have positive implications for the economic returns of small-scale
possession of photovoltaic solar cells, even if this was reported by only a farmers. However, responses obtained from some of the interviewees as
few respondents, could help improve the welfare of rural households well as our own observations revealed that farmers appear to be re-
through enhanced access to energy for lighting purposes (Guta, 2018). sorting to substituting teff straw with acacia leaf litter as a covering
Instead of relying on kerosene, dry cell batteries, dung cake, and fire- material during the charcoaling process, which could diminish the
wood, farmers can use solar appliances to light their homes and charge amount of leaf residue available as mulch for restoring nutrients to the
their mobile phones. For small-scale farmers, using solar photovoltaic soil (Abebe et al., 2020; Harmand et al., 2004). The new type of residue
cells to generate energy could save household energy expenditure. management associated with the charcoaling process may entail a
These savings can then be used for other productive and non-productive considerable ecological trade-off with the disruption of nutrient cycling
purposes. Moreover, children could study for long hours into the night, and the accumulation of soil organic matter (Abebe et al., 2020; van
and households could reduce indoor air pollution from using traditional Dijk and Keenan, 2007), which, in turn, could influence the availability
fuels (Guta, 2018). of plant nutrients in the soil and, hence, crop yields.
The perception of interviewed farmers that plantations promote the
8.3. The impact of the plantations on land rehabilitation stabilization of gullies has been rejected by agricultural experts, who
argue that these trees have shallow roots. Consequently, their effec-
The Guder watershed receives a higher rainfall distribution and has tiveness in anchoring gully walls and preventing their collapse is lim-
a greater population density than the other watersheds in the UBNB ited. However, this view of the experts is questionable; Gyssels et al.
(Nigussie et al., 2017a, c). It has been subjected to centuries of con- (2005) have argued that tree species with a shallow but dense laterally
tinuous cultivation, entailing unsustainable agricultural practices spreading root system could be more effective for stabilizing shallow
(Nigussie et al., 2017b; Yibeltal et al., 2019). These factors along with gullies, a fact that may apply here. Another observed ecological trade-
extensive deforestation could have resulted in acidic soils of low ferti- off relates to farmers’ nursery practices. To stimulate the growth of
lity (Kassie, 2015), which in turn can directly impact agricultural pro- seedlings in the nursery and to ensure their survival after being trans-
ductivity and ultimately local livelihood systems. Therefore, acacia has planted to the farmland, farmers inoculate nursery soil with soil from
been promoted within the watershed by the government as a species communal land. This traditional nursery inoculation practice is known
well-suited for rehabilitating degraded environments and consequently to introduce mycorrhizal fungi that facilitate the uptake of soil nutrients
improving the livelihoods of farmers who depend on them (Kassie, in sites with low fertility (Benites, 1990; Michelsen, 1992), which fur-
2015). This plantation system has helped farmers stem the problem of ther contributes to the need for fewer inputs, such as a reduced need for
soil erosion in their fragile land. The control of soil erosion through fertilizer, that would otherwise have been applied to maintain soil
plantations of acacia trees can be attributed to (a) the dense and fibrous productivity. However, considering the ongoing expansion of planta-
root system of these trees in stabilizing of soil (Zegeye et al., 2018) and tions, this soil extraction activity of farmers in procuring inoculating
(b) the high-density stands (Nigussie et al., 2017a). Other factors in- soil from communal lands is very likely to exacerbate the deteriorating
clude slowing the surface runoff from heavy rains and the associated conditions of the surrounding degraded environments unless timely
soil loss (Baziari et al., 2019; Sultan et al., 2017; van Dijk and Keenan, action is taken to counter this trend. Furthermore, all farmers reported
2007). A further factor could be the less intensive interactions of planting tree seedlings without removing the polythene bags around
farmers with the land during the plantation cycle, which could also them, to save labor, thereby minimizing production costs in addition to
promote better conservation (Baffoe and Matsuda, 2018b). minimizing lateral roots and encouraging long taproots. Even if none of
In their interviews, farmers revealed that they were aware of the the farmers currently alluded to any problems arising from this prac-
poor growth of understory plant species after the second year of tice, a previous study (e.g., Jalil et al. (2013)) found that burying
planting acacia, which might be due to the planting of higher-density polythene bags with seedlings has long-term detrimental effects on the
stands for maximizing profits (Nigussie et al., 2017a). In turn, this si- environment and agriculture, such as reduced water percolation and
tuation may have contributed to a reduction in the system’s ability to inadequate soil aeration.
withstand biotic (e.g., insect pests, and fungal pathogens) or abiotic
stressors (e.g., frost) and to recover quickly from disturbances (Jactel 8.4. The impact of the plantations on food production
et al., 2009; Wondie and Mekuria, 2018). The low undergrowth coupled
with the sealed soil crust surface may also have contributed to reduced Some of the respondents expressed frustration, attributing a decline
water infiltration and increased runoff (Sultan et al., 2017). in the staple food supply and irregular crop yields to expanding plan-
Respondents also recognized the role of plantations in rehabilitating tations. These impacts may result from the displacement of food crops
degraded soils, comparing this to the nutrient cycling potential of le- by plantations (Wondie and Mekuria, 2018; Yimanie et al., 2019),
guminous crops (e.g., faba beans). They reported enhanced soil fertility which may undermine a household’s ability to produce sufficient food
of previously less productive cropping lands after adding leaf mulch to to sustain its members during the entire plantation cycle. Additionally,
the soil. In addition, farmers attributed improved soil productivity to an important concern raised by a few respondents was the expansion of
the kiln sites used for charcoal production, which are located in same plantations into cropping land that has access to irrigation and into
land used for crop cultivation (Nigussie et al., 2017a). This finding is in swampy areas. In the past, farms with access to irrigation produced
tandem with that of Dubiez et al. (2019), who reported that the spread vegetables (e.g., cabbage, carrot, and beetroot). However, because of
of charcoal fines from earlier carbonization sites has positive effects on the financial stability associated with acacia cultivation, farmers have

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Z. Nigussie, et al. Land Use Policy 100 (2021) 104928

been establishing plantations on irrigated land as well as encroaching pursuing alternative livelihood strategies by providing employment
into wetlands to acquire more land for such woodlots. It is widely held opportunities for the community in general and for youth and women,
that increased incomes from plantations raise the total incomes of in particular. An improvement in employment conditions has been one
households, which may offset the decline in food crop production. of the main factors contributing to a decrease in crime levels.
However, as most rural households rely on subsistence agriculture to Respondents noted that planting and harvesting (e.g., clearfelling,
meet a large portion of their food needs (Teshager Abeje et al., 2019), stripping branches, and sawing trunks) were the main labor-demanding
the reduced production of staple food crops can increase farmers’ re- activities in which large numbers of individuals, particularly youth, are
liance on crops produced in other areas. Moreover, it can increase the engaged. When respondents were asked for further details on the labor
vulnerability of local livelihoods to fluctuating yields as well to the required for such activities, they replied that a woodlot with an area of
volatility of prices of food crops produced outside the watershed area. one hectare would require as much as 240 person-days casual labor in
This situation may lead to a major imbalance in staple food production, total. In most cases, farmers are compelled to hire casual labor.
with the majority of farmers converting their land use from food crops Respondents also noted that previously women were not commonly
to plantations. It could also limit the availability of land-based options hired to provide labor (e.g., sawing trunks) and for the seedling busi-
for farmers to respond to market signals. As investments in woodlots do ness. However, in the post-plantation period, the hiring of women for
not, in general, generate immediate yields, in the case of acacia plan- these activities has increased, further illustrating the shifting social
tations, farmers have addressed this issue by developing a tanguay norms that have occurred alongside the economic opportunities created
system, entailing the intercropping of acacia with annual crops (e.g., by cash crops. In addition, communities in the watershed area were
teff, wheat, and barley) during the initial woodlot cycle (Kassie, 2015; earlier used to traveling to remote areas (e.g., in the Jawi, Metema, and
Nigussie et al., 2017a). Intercropping is a well-accepted practice among Benishangul Gumuz) and in other nearby areas, seeking additional in-
farmers, enabling them to obtain early returns and optimize total re- come opportunities. Charcoaling practices were prevalent in these
turns per unit of land (Nigussie et al., 2017a; Wondie and Mekuria, areas, which were the destinations of migrants (Betru et al., 2019).
2018). Deploying this strategy minimally guarantees them the yield Consequently, seasonal migrants acquired such knowledge while
that would have been obtained had they planted cereals; besides, it working in these areas and brought it back to their home areas.
requires no more labor than if the two crops were cultivated in separate Nonetheless, as all farmers have not yet acquired sufficient experience,
plots, thus contributing directly to households’ food availability. Apart skilled charcoal burners, mostly landless, are engaged to perform
from the crop produced during the establishment phase of the planta- charcoaling chores. Charcoal burners receive 8–10 ETB per sack for
tion, farmers obtain grass hay valued at about 3300 ETB ha–1 for their their services (Nigussie et al., 2020). In addition, some of the farmers
livestock during the second year of plantation (Nigussie et al., 2020), mentioned an increased tendency to send children to school and their
which contributes to their livelihood systems. This intercropping ability to pay for healthcare services because increased incomes from
practice not only provides additional food and a livestock feed source acacia plantations enable them to spend part of their earnings. It is thus
for farmers, but also ensures that tree seedlings receive better care likely that the improved incomes of rural households have encouraged
during the early phase of their growth. This finding suggests the plau- them to invest more in human capital (e.g., education and health).
sibility of farmers changing their land management when they are sure
of getting quick returns on their investments, usually within the time 8.6. The economic impact of the plantations on rural livelihoods
span of a growing season (Nigussie et al., 2017a; Thomas et al., 2018).
The pursuit of autonomy and economic growth led small-scale
8.5. The impact of the plantations on the human and social capital farmers to practice plantation farming because this practice generated
higher incomes compared with incomes derived from traditional
Environmental constraints have had an impact on human capital in farming. All the respondents reported an improvement in their post-
the Guder watershed for a long time, given that the livelihoods of the plantation economic situation. Moreover, they all stated that charcoal
majority of households in this region have centered on the exploitation sales were a critical cash income source compared with other possible
of degraded cultivated lands and agriculture, characterized by low re- income sources. One study found that a farmer generates higher returns
turns and low productivity (Wondie and Mekuria, 2018). All the re- from producing charcoal; the mean annual net cash flow amounts to
spondents reported that their human capital has improved significantly about 35,000 ETB ha–1 from charcoal sales from a five-year old plan-
as a result of the acacia plantations. In the past, poor households suf- tation, which is considerably higher than the cash that can be earned
fered from a lack of livelihood alternatives and were often compelled to annually from teff monocropping (about 13,600 ETB ha–1) (Nigussie
send their children (mainly boys) to well-to-do families to engage in et al., 2020). Farmers earning these higher incomes may be able to
paid work as one of their strategies for diversifying their household accumulate savings and thus become more resilient to shocks than
income bases (Admassie, 2003). However, the interviewed farmers re- farmers who lack such income (Kassie, 2015; Nigussie et al., 2020;
ported a decline in this practice and a corresponding upward trend in Teshager Abeje et al., 2019). The higher incomes may also enhance
sending children to school. The latter trend is presumably the outcome farmers’ access to food through improved spending ability or allow
of farmers’ increased income from the plantations or their perception them to enjoy the benefits of increased purchasing power. Farmers were
that farm-based livelihoods would not be feasible for their children. asked to quantify firewood benefits, producing an estimate of about
This observation could have some validity in that farming households 10,000 ETB ha–1, which is comparable to the value reported in an
may respond to limited resources relating to livelihood options in part earlier study (Nigussie et al., 2020) of approximately 8500 ETB ha–1
by investing in the education of their children. However, local experts from a five-year old plantation. Farmers noted that given the limited
and our periodic observations of children transporting charcoal have supplies of firewood in the local market, they often consume their own
sparked concern regarding the plantations’ negative effect on children’s supplies, which contributes to their firewood self-sufficiency. As fire-
school attendance. Plantations have opened up opportunities in the wood collection is one of the tasks performed by women, the existence
labor market for children (e.g., filling polythene seedling bags, and of readily available on-farm supplies has implications for promoting
packing and transporting charcoal), which could affect children’s aca- gender equity. Consequently, women are able to reallocate their time
demic achievements and raise the opportunity cost of schooling (Alfaro for other productive and non-productive activities. Additionally, by
and Jones, 2018; Teopista et al., 2020). Consequently, children could supplying rural households with firewood that would otherwise have
drop out of school, with implications for the future educational been harvested from natural forests in their vicinity, the plantations
achievements of youth in the community. potentially contribute to a reduction in deforestation.
Our findings also confirmed that plantations offer possibilities for A final consideration relates to the fact that there is a ready market

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for plantation stands that can be sold at any stage of the woodlot cycle. Matsuda, 2017). However, it can also be argued that diversification is a
This adds to the appeal of making such investments, as reported by the sign of vulnerability and that specialization techniques orientating to-
respondents. The incomes obtained from distress sales of plantation ward crops that are specifically adapted to a risky environment will
stands at any stage of the woodlot cycle enable poor farmers to leverage yield higher household income and food security (Cochrane and Cafer,
their vulnerability to food shortages and also tackle rising food prices. 2018). In the case of acacia plantations, the above discussion could
This factor has contributed considerably to the increase in the popu- either lead to the interpretation that acacia plantations represent a di-
larity of this species among poor farmers and women who have few versification from a lower to a higher income source (annual cropping
resources (Nigussie et al., 2017a, 2020), who cannot produce or culti- vs. plantation) or a specialization on adapted and thus high-income
vate enough crops to be self-sufficient during the growing periods. This technology, which yields more benefits than the traditional diversifi-
pattern of early selling of plantations could be related to the frustrations cation practice and enhances the environment, thus reducing risks and
of poor farmers connected to their lack of income or to food shocks that opening opportunities for further specialization.
could prevent them from perceiving the potential gains from such long- Expansion of acacia plantation has also induced changes in land
term investments (Di Falco et al., 2019). At the same time, it should be leasing and tenure practices, reflecting a shift from a socially and
pointed out that it is usually individuals with more financial resources economically balanced land lease-based system toward a sharecropping
and a comparative advantage over other social groups (such as women, system that is solely profit oriented. This shift is disadvantageous for
the landless, and the poor) who avail the market opportunities asso- small or landless farmers, who depend on rental or sharecropping sys-
ciated with plantations, at least in the context of the study area. This is tems. The situation could worsen if investments in acacia plantations
a further factor contributing to growing inequality in relation to rural are profitable (and feasible) only for farmers who are well-endowed
livelihoods (Nigussie et al., 2020), necessitating an exploration of sui- with land or financial resources, or both. Another concern is that saving
table options for embedding equity within the plantation system, par- systems in the form of livestock appear to be declining. While this has
ticularly to enable socially disadvantaged farmers to participate in the some positive effects, like reduction in overgrazing, it has negative
plantation markets. impacts as well on economic security and on the availability of manure.
The exploitation of forest soils, used as fertile growing substrate for
8.7. Summary of findings nurseries, undermines the positive effects of the plantations themselves.
Charcoal making is another aspect, which is considered a positive as-
The above findings lead us to reject the hypothesis that economic- pect for income generation, but could have a negative impact on the
ally beneficial systems – in this case small-scale plantation systems – are environment through biomass burning, or on health, affecting the re-
also socially and ecologically beneficial, as they give rise to questions spiratory system (Alfaro and Jones, 2018). Last, but not the least, the
about social and even natural impacts, which are or could be potentially establishment of these plantations could involve the risk of encouraging
negative. Findings from other studies also imply that while there are child labor, thus offsetting the positive social effects of schooling or
benefits for small-scale farmers from plantations, these benefits could availing health services.
be limited because of economic and social constraints, such as risks, Notwithstanding these issues, the predominant perception of posi-
lack of capital, knowledge, or access to land (Ota et al., 2020). This is in tive effects will likely make it difficult to regulate the newly established
line with the arguments of the authors cited in the introduction section, plantation and charcoal production systems, as such regulation could
particularly Cochrane and Cafer (2018). In case the restrictions men- negatively affect the overall system and its entailed economic benefits.
tioned in the literature and the ones revealed in this study cannot be Usually, the main considerations underlying the formulation of rural
eased, small-scale plantation systems would soon face the same pro- development policies center on questions of how to derive maximum
blems that persist in large-scale timber plantations, such as inequality gains from a positive situation; experiences from cases where a positive
and other social issues, in turn leading to social conflicts like protests phenomenon has escalated beyond the planned outcome, necessitating
and lawsuits (Gerber, 2011). its regulation, are rare. From the above findings and the issues men-
tioned in the literature (e.g., Gerber, 2011; Ota et al., 2020), political
9. Conclusions measures should aim at social balance, equity and access to resources,
and opening the markets – both for production factors (land, labor,
The above findings and discussion have shown that the acacia capital), as well as for outputs to create and secure value chains, em-
plantation system, promoted through national and international pro- ployment, and income at a broad societal scale.
jects, has had a number of positive effects on all dimensions of sus- In any event, it is essential to ensure the prevention or immediate
tainable livelihoods in the region where they have been implemented. It handling of serious issues that could arise. The first concern is to pre-
has produced economic benefits like higher incomes and increased vent child labor. Case studies of West African cocoa plantations have
labor opportunities, enabling farmers and rural households to purchase shown that child labor can be reduced through sensitization as well as
assets like housing and communication equipment. Its introduction has by allaying or preventing pressure associated with costs. This is because
lightened women’s labor burden, enhanced social capital and social rising costs and declining yields or revenues entice farmers to employ
cohesion within communities, increased schooling opportunities for cheap child labor. In addition, provisions must be made for (free)
children, and decreased the need for seasonal labor migration. These schooling (Abenyega and Gockowski, 2003; Bøås and Huser, 2006).
plantations have also enhanced natural capital by reducing soil erosion Another point would be to prevent land grabbing and thus avoid the
and improving soil fertility. problems of plantations growing larger on account of smallholder sys-
The extent of these positive benefits could serve to impede a con- tems.
sideration of the potential social and economic risks that have also Regulating acacia plantations to offset increases in food prices or
accompanied the introduction of the plantation system. The spread of potential inequality among farmers may, however, prove difficult to
wood plantations reduces the area of food crop production, potentially justify, given the plantation system’s overall positive effects. An alter-
increasing food prices. Further, it decreases crop diversity, which native approach to pursue could be fast-paced improvement of infra-
however, in the literature, is seen as an important means of risk man- structure and its extension from main roads deeper into the hinterlands,
agement in vulnerable rural societies, wherein such societies or in- thereby enabling more farmers to participate in the charcoal business or
dividuals forego specialization benefits for the sake of risk reduction supply markets with food items as their prices increase. Raising taxes to
(Abele and Twine, 2006). Moreover, some authors argue that diversi- finance such investments in infrastructure may be a feasible option.
fication of income sources (particularly farm and off-farm) increases However, there is a risk that this strategy could lead to lower profit-
household income and thus resilience against risks (Baffoe and ability and therefore reduce the spread of the plantation system. In

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turn, the appeal of cultivating annual crops may increase. However, it is economy: can they be compatible? Int. J. Educ. Dev. 23, 167–185.
difficult to determine an “optimal tax” because taxation could reduce Ahmed, I.U., Mengistie, H.K., Godbold, D.L., Sandén, H., 2019. Soil moisture integrates
the influence of land-use and season on soil microbial community composition in the
profitability for farmers and encourage them to exploit child labor to Ethiopian highlands. Appl. Soil Ecol. 135, 85–90.
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and their long-term ecological effects. In addition, there is a need for a vironments of Ethiopia. Land Use Policy 87, 1–15.
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pact of Acacia auriculiformis woodlots growing in rotation with cassava and maize on
We wish to confirm that there are no conflict of interest associated the carbon and nutrient contents of savannah sandy soils in the humid tropics
with this publication. All of the sources of funding for the work de- (Democratic Republic of Congo). Agrofor. Syst. 93, 1167–1178.
Duguma, L.A., Atela, J., Minang, P.A., Ayana, A.N., Gizachew, B., Nzyoka, J.M., Bernard,
scribed in this publication are acknowledged. We also attest that all
F., 2019. Deforestation and forest degradation as an environmental behavior: un-
authors contributed significantly to the creation of this manuscript. packing realities shaping community actions. Land 8, 1–17.
Elagib, N.A., Al-Saidi, M., 2020. Balancing the benefits from the water–energy–land–food
nexus through agroforestry in the Sahel. Sci. Total Environ., 140509 https://doi.org/
Acknowledgement
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