Early Sufi Women
Early Sufi Women
Early Sufi Women
ISBN-1-887752-06-4
Fons Vitae
49 Mockingbird Valley Drive
Louisville, KY 40207-1366
email: [email protected]
website: www.fonsvitae.com
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his book could not have been written without the assistance of three
people. The first is Mu~tafa an-Naji, the proprietor of Librairie Dar al-
Turath in Rabat, Morocco. When my husband and I were conducting the
Duke in Morocco summer program in 1994, Mu~tafa pulled the 1993
Arabic edition of as-Sulami's Dhikr an-niswa al-mutacabbidat as- •
~ajiyyiit from the shelves of his bookstore and said to me: ''Do something
with this." Had Mu~tafa not said this, I would not have thought of pursu-
ing my interest in the women of Islam in a way that could be both intel-
lectually and spiritually rewarding.
The second person who was responsible for this book is Gray Henry,
the Editor and Publisher of Fons Vitae. Were as-Sulami alive today, he
would certainly include Gray in a book about modem women devoted to
the spiritual. Without her assistance, I could not have obtained a photo-
copy of the Riyadh ''Sulamiyyat'' manuscript that enabled me to produce
a critical edition and translation of as-Sulami' s book of Sufi women.
Without her friends in Saudi Arabia and the kindness of the Faisal
Foundation Library, this earliest Sulami manuscript and vital contribution
to the history of Sufism might have remained hidden for many more
years. Gray is also responsible for designing the cover of this book and
for discovering the unique artwork used there that evokes so well the spir-
itual women of the Islamic past.
The third person who helped bring this work to fruition is my hus-
band,Vincent J. Cornell. As my partner, teacher, critic, and copy editor, he
was indispensable to its completion. For more than two years, ''my
ladies'' seduced him away from his own projects, enticing us to spend
countless hours discussing ideas, following leads, arguing points, and
immersing ourselves in ~Sulami's world. I especially value the memo-
ry of the long car trips that we took to Northwestern University, taking
our daughter Sakina to and from college. These days were filled with dis-
cussions of as-Sulami and his Sufi women, and I am sure that their bara-
ka (grace or blessing) helped
.
get us safely to our destination. Sometimes,
even Sakina got caught up in my obsession and helped me revise portions
of the translation and Introduction.
Other people have been involved in this work as well. I am especial-
ly grateful to Carl Ernst of the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill,
who read and commented on an early draft of the translation and gave me
invaluable advice on what to include in the Introduction. Special thanks
R.E.C.
Duke University
Department ofAsian and African
Languages and Literature
June, 1999
10
'' uslim women are oppressed." How often does one encounter this
stereotype? This statement is so commonly asserted, and so rarely
questioned, that it passes for general knowledge and is accepted as undis-
puted fact. Yet the people who accept this dictum by and large have never
met with or spoken to a Muslim woman. They might consider themselves
liberal, and would never dream of making racial slurs about blacks or
Jews. Yet somehow it is comforting for Europeans and Americans to con-
sider themselves superior to Muslim men, who seemingly are never con-
tent until they oppress women. It is not often that Westerners pause to
consider that the ideals of our society are frequently betrayed in practice,
and that it may not be fair to compare our ideals to the practice of others.
When considering examples closer to hand, it is easy to acknowl-
edge that facts such as class, ethnicity, the state, or urban or rural loca-
tion may play decisive roles in deterrnining the status of women. But for
some reason it has become axiomatic to assert that Muslims are exempt
from all such historical, social, and political factors. They alone among
all the peoples of the world are believed to be ruled exclusively by reli-
gion-.and that religion is of course identified only with the fundamen-
talism that is so eagerly sought after by media news outlets. Even though
Muslim countries like Pakistan and Bangladesh have had female prime
ministers, while the United States is still very far from having a woman
president, this somehow does not alter their impressions about oppressed
Muslim women.
Most people would agree that a strongly negative opinion about a
large group of people, which is supported neither by evidence nor by rea-
son, should be considered as a prejudice and nothing more. But most
Americans and Europeans have been exposed throughout modem histo-
ry to arrendless stream of negative images and sweeping assertions about
Muslim women. These images were part of the massive complex of colo-
nial discourse that justified European domination over the rest of the
world on the grounds of civilizational superiority. This colonial dis-
course was nourished by the harem fantasies of travel writers and
Orientalist painters (almost all male), and it was sustained by the image
of the veil as a depersonalizing and frightening restriction. In the absence
of any access to the voices of real live Muslim women, it is perhaps
understandable that such abstractions and stereotypes have dominated
their perception in the West.
11
It is therefore truly exciting that the text of as-Sulami's long lost book
on Sufi women has unexpectedly come to light in Saudi Arabia. At a time
when feminist scholars have been unearthing tremendous riches of female
spirituality in the Christian and Jewish traditions, it should not be sur-
prising that the Islamic religion conceals similar treasures. As Rkia
Cornell aptly points out, traces of this important early Sufi work lingered
in Islamic literature for a thousand years. Major scholars such as Jami and
Ibn al-Jawzi drew upon it for their own biographical writings on Sufism,
yet it suffered the fate of falling into oblivion until now.
What does this rediscovered text tell us about women's spiritual lives
in the early Islamic period? Rkia Cornell sensitively describes this as a
"veiled tradition," in which the privacy claimed by modest and saintly
women has in effect conspired to cloak them in mystery. At the same
time, she reveals the existence of several schools of ascetic and mystical
practice among early Sufi women. There is, of course, one Sufi woman
whose name is widely recognized by students of mysticism: Rabi ca of
Basra, whose life and sayings are well known due to the labors of
Margaret Smith. Yet Rabica was one among many women mystics, and
her hagiographic treatment has oddly served to obscure the contributions
of others. Often the mere mention of Rabica sufficed as a minimal refer-
ence to women, and authors frequently felt no obligation to say any more
after this obligatory gesture. The larger biographical dictionaries of
Sufism generally offer only a handful of biographies of women next to
hundreds or even thousands for men. As Cornell demonstrates, one can
indeed find misogynistic tendencies among some Muslim authors
(although the reality is far from the universal stereotype commonly sub-
scribed to).
But what is important about this text is that it displays distinctive
feminine traditions of spiritual practice summarized under the central
Islamic category of service to God. This did not mean subservience to
men, however, as we can see from the women who taught men and criti-
cized the shortcomings of well known male Sufis. There was also a dis-
tinctive tradition of female chivalry (niswiin), corresponding to the wide-
ly spread institution of ethical teachings known among men as futuwwa.
All this was carried out in the atmosphere of intense asceticism that char-
acterized the early Sufi movement in general.
This text also provides another example of the way in which early
Sufism was forrnulated in te1·111s of the central concerns and scriptural
resources of Islam. In the past two centuries, the rise of modem funda-
mentalist movements has led to an unprecedented questioning and even
12
Carl Ernst
University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill
13
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UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
·
Dhikr an-Niswa al-Muta 'abbidat as-Su.fiyyat: Notices L baba a1-'Abida ,
o~
Hukayma ad-Dimashqiyya and Rabi'a al-Azdiyya.
A VEILED TRADITION
w ter1ns in Islam have been more widely debated than ''Sufi.'' To this
day, scholars still disagree over the origins of the Sufis, the nature of
their practices, and the meaning of their doctrines. One of the earliest and
most influential treatments of these subjects is found in Kitab at-tacarruf
li-madhhab ahl at-t~awwuf (Introduction to the Methodology of the
Sufis) by Abfi Bakr al-Kalibadhi of Bukhara (d. ca. 380/990). An exten-
sive discussion of the word ''Sufi'' can be found in the opening chapter of
this work. After giving a long list of possible etymologies for the tet 01 and
quoting a number of famous mystics on the attributes of the Sufis, al-
KalabidhI closes the chapter with a description of an encounter between
the famous Egyptian Sufi Dhii an-Niin al-Mi~ri (d. 246/861) and an
unnamed Sufi woman on the cost of Syria:
Dhii an-Niin said: I saw a woman on the coast of Syria and asked her:
''Where arc you coming from (may God have mercy on you)?'' She
replied: ''From a people who 'are moved to rise from their beds at night
[calling on their Lord in fear and hope]. ''' 1 Then I asked: ''And where
are you going?'' She said: ''To 'men whom neither worldly commerce
nor striving after gain can divert from the remembrance of God. '''2
''Describe them for me," I said. And she recited:
''A people who have staked their aspirations on God,
And whose ambitions aspire to nothing else.
The goal of this folk is their Lord and Master,
Oh what a noble goal is theirs, for the One beyond compare!
They do not compete for the world and its honors,
Whether it be for food, luxury, or children,
Nor for fine and costly clothes,
Nor for the ease and comfort that is found in towns.
1. Qur31n 32 (m-Sajda), 16. the portion of this quotation in brackets is not in the text of at-
Ta~arruf.
2. Qur3 in 24 (an-Nllr), 37.
15
By concluding one of the most important chapters of his book with this
poem, al-Kalabadhi reveals his high regard for its anonymous author's
understanding of Sufism. Dhii an-Niin, who created the Sufi doctrine of
spiritual states (a~wal) and stations (maqlimiit), is reminded by this
woman that the essence of Sufism is not to be found in paranor1nal states
but in spiritual practice, an idea that mirrors al-Kalabadhi's own view of
Sufism as a ''way of proceeding'' or methodology (madhhab ). True Sufis
are Muslims whose hearts vibrate with the spirituality of the Qur:,an.
They ''rise from their beds at night," devoted to the remembrance of God.
They ''stake their ambitions on God'' and aspire to nothing else. Their
goal is God alone. Only by ignoring the world and its honors can they
''hasten to the promise of an exalted station.'' Seeking solitude in their
devotion to God, they are to be found in washes and gullies, or gathered
on mountain-tops. In short, the Sufi is the best of Muslims: if a woman,
she is a person who differs from her fellow believers mainly to the extent
that her devotion to God is an all-consuming vocation.
In al-Kalabadhi's day, nothing proved the quality of a person's
background better than a well-turned phrase or an elegantly composed
poem. Scholars, courtiers, and other intellectuals would demonstrate
their proficiency in the belles-lettres (ad.ab) by displaying their knowl-
edge of rhetoric, metaphor, and similar literary devices. Poetry was
especially valued as a medium of expression because of its ability to
present ideas in an evocative and economical manner. As spiritual intel-
lectuals, Sufis provided some of the most noteworthy examples of this
art. Whether in works of sacred biography, collections of Sufi poetry, or
doctrinal treatises, Sufis such as al-Kalabadhi' s anonymous woman
would be depicted as extemporaneously composing verses in a variety
of poetical for1ns.
3. Abii Bakr Mut:iammad ibn Ist:iaq al-Bukhari al-Kalabadhi, Kitiib at-ta carruf li-madhhab ahl
at-t~awwuf, ed. A. J. Arbeny (Cairo, 1415/1994 reprint of 1352/1933 first editon), IO. See also The
Doctrine of the $u.fis (Kitab al-Ta carruf li-madhhab ahl al-t~awwuf), trans. A. J. Arbeny
(Cambridge, 1991 reprint of 1935 first edition), 11. What is quoted here is my translation. Although
Arbeny accuses the Arabs of being prolix in their literary expression (xiii), his own awkward trans-
lation of this poem suffers form the same defect. For an overview of al-Kalabadhi's life and works,
see Paul Nwyia, "al-Kalabadhi," Encyclopaedia of Islam second edition, hereafter (£12), 467.
16
In the context of such a literary tradition, a poem that was good enough
to be included in a major treatise on Sufism could be composed only by a
person who was recognized as having attained the highest level of Sufi
knowledge. Yet despite the fact that she had attained such knowledge, al-
Kalabadhi never informs his reader of the identity of the woman who so
impressed Dhii an-Niin al-Mi~ri. By remaining anonymous, she poses no
challenge to the unique status of. her more famous interlocutor. In citing
only Dhii an-Niin al-Mi~ri by name, al-Kalabadhi causes the Egyptian mas-
ter to appropriate the Sufi woman's wisdom as his own.
This veiling of women's voices is typical of al-Kalabadhi' s approach
to Sufi history. In Kitiib at-tacarruf, the only Sufi woman cited by name is
Rabica al-cAdawiyya (d. 185/801), the famous saint of Basra, who is men-
tioned three times.4 But these short citations do little or nothing to provide
Rabica with a voice. For al-Kalabadhi, Rabica al-c Adawiyya is more of a
trope, a rhetorical device, than a real person. In his opinion, most women
are deficient in their knowledge and practice of Islam. As such, they can-
not speak authoritatively for either ls1am or Sufism. Although he claims
that this deficiency is not part of a woman's essential nature (Ji a cyiinihin-
na), it is still apparent in women's religious practices. Women are deficient
in religion, says al-Kalabadhi, because during their monthly periods they
are prohibited from praying or fasting. Further1nore, he adds, anyone who
is deficient in religion is also deficient in faith: ''The practice of religion is
faith itself. The two are the same, even in the view of those who do not see
faith as based entirely on works. ''5
Al-Kalabadhi' s low opinion of women was not unique among sufis in
the Islamic Middle Period. He was not the worst, but merely one of the
earliest in a long line of male authorities on Sufism who hid the teachings
and even the existence of Sufi women behind a veil of obscurity. 6 Instead
of serving as exemplars for other women to follow, Rabica al-c Adawiyya
and Dhii an-Nun's anonymous Sufi woman appear in Kitiib at-tacarruf as
exceptions to the norrn of female inadequacy. Because such women were
so rare, their wisdom and high standing among men served as a rebuke to
4. On Ribica al-c Adawiyya, see as-Sulami, Dhikr an-niswa al-muta cabbidiit ~-~ufiyyat, sec-
tion I below.
5. al-Kalabidhi, at-Tacarruf, 53; Arberry, Doctrine, 68--69.
6. Another Sufi writer who sought to minimize the contributions of women was the poet Abii
al-Majd "J:lakim" Sanici ( d. 525/1131) of Ghazna in modem-day Afghanistan. The most he could say
about women was: "A pious woman is better than a thousand bad men." Since even one ordinary man
is better than a thousand bad men, this statement does little to enhance the status of women. See
Annemarie Schimmel, '"The Feminine Element in Sufism," Appendix to idem, Mystical Dimensions
of Islam (Chapel Hill, North Carolina, 1975), 426.
17
the majority of Muslim women, who were considered unable to attain the
same level of spirituality.
However, not all Sufis had such a negative opinion of women. Sufi
writers who included Sufi women in their works clearly had a higher regard
for women than those who excluded them. For example, in NafaJ:,at al-uns
(Breaths of Intimacy), c Abet ar-Ral_unan al-Jami of Herat (d. 899/1492)
opens his appendix on Sufi women with a verse by the poet al-Mutanabbi
(d. 354/965), which appears to assert that women and men are equal:
Yet, even this poem is not as positive as it seems. The assertion of gender
equality in the second verse is contradicted by an implication of gender
inequality in the preceding verse. The use of the conditional (Ar. law
kiina) in the first verse of the poem does not really imply that women are
equal to or superior to men. Rather, it states a grammatical impossibility:
most women will never be ''as those whom we have mentioned.''
Although a few exceptional women might surpass men in their qualities, •
••
•
women in general are not preferred over men because they do not mea-
sure up to their male counterparts. While masculinity should not in itself •
l
18
matter of policy. 9 While many women are the disciples of Sufi masters,
many others do not have the same access to Sufi teaching as do men. In
many Muslim countries, women's participation in Sufism is marginal:
often, women are confined to seeking blessing at the shrines of saints or
participating in public festivals. Women may also be the keepers of saints'
shrines and, in South Asia, may even become itinerant qalandars or
malangs who exist on the margins of both Sufism and Islam. 10 However,
within the context of institutionalized Sufism, the segregation of the sexes
remains the nor1n. In Morocco, for example, women can be found among
the ''lovers'' (mut,ibbin) or hangers-on who attend the public rituals of
popular Sufi orders such as the cisawa or the f:lamadsha. 11 But few
women, if any, are to be found among the adepts (fuqara:1) of these
orders. In Egypt, the Supreme Council of Sufi Orders officially bans
female membership. In Egyptian cities such as Cairo and Alexandria,
women who follow the teachings of Sufi masters must often practice their
Sufism semi-covertly, meeting in houses or other locations that are sepa-
rated from the places where men's devotions are performed.
Occasionally, as a compromise, sessions of invocation might be organized
under the auspices of womens' s sections in Sufi voluntary associations,
such as Egypt's cAshira Mu}:lammadiyya. 12 Although Sufi masters may
give lectures for female audiences, one seldom finds women and men par-
ticipating together in the circles of teaching and invocation that charac-
terize the doctrinal aspect of Sufism.
The continued mistrust of women and their spirituality among many
Sufis is a major reason why as-Sulami' s book of Sufi women is so impor-
tant to the study of both Sufism and Islam today. It is the earliest extant
work to give a sense of identity to the numerous Sufi women who served
their male brethren, studied with them, supported them financially, and
even, at times, surpassed them in their knowledge. As-Sulami' s book of
Sufi women challenges the legitimacy of modem restrictions on women's
9. Partial exceptions to this rule could be found in Turkish Sufism, where a Sufi woman was
called "sister'' (Turk. baci), and in the Jaziiliyya Sufi order of Morocco (fifteenth to seventeenth cen-
turies c .E.), whose shaykhs initiated educated women. See Annemarie Schimmel, My Soul is a
Woman: The Feminine in Islam, Susan H. Ray, trans. (New York, 1997), 44 45~ and Vincent J.
Cornell, Realm of the Saint: Power and Authority in Moroccan Sufism (Austin, Texas, 1998), 248-49.
10. For a description of a female malang, see ''The Qalandar Confronts the Proper Muslim," in
Katherine Pratt Ewing, Arguing Sainthood: Modernity, Psychoanalysis and Islam (Durham, North
Carolina and London, 1997), 201-29.
11 . See, for example, Vincent Crapanzano, The l:lamadsha: A Study in Moroccan
Ethnopsychiatry (Berkeley and London, 1973).
12. For an overview of women' s Sufism in contemporary Egypt, see Valerie J. Hoffman, Sufism,
Mystics and Saints in Modem Egypt (Columbia, South Carolina, 1995), 226-54.
19
AS-SULAMI'S WORLD
COMPE1'ING CALIPHATES
Like Fatima the teacher of Dhii an-Niin, as-Sulami was born in the east-
ern Iranian city of Nishapur. The fourth century A.H. (tenth century c.E.),
13. See, for example, Dhikr an-niswa, section LI below, where as-Sulami notes that c Abda and
Amina, the sisters of the Sufi Abu Sulaymin ad-Darini, attained "an exalted level of intellect (caql)
and religious observance (din)."
14. For as-Sulami' s notice on Fatima of Nishapur, see Dhikr an-niswa, section XXX below.
15. Tor Andrae, In the Garden of Myrtles: Studies in Early Islamic Mysticism, trans. Birgitta
Sharpe (Albany, New York, 1987), 47.
16. For another account of the relationship between Fatima of Nishapur and Dhii an-Nun al-
Mi~ri and Bayazid al-Bistami, see Annemarie Schimmel, Mystical Dimensions, 427. Unfortunately,
because of mistakes in her original sources (al-Hujwiri, al-c Attar, and Jami), Schimmel conflates
accounts of Fatima of Nishapur with those of Umm cAli Faµma of Balkh, the wife of Af:imad ibn
Kha<;lrawayh (See Dhikr an-niswa, section XLI below).
20
during which as-Sulami passed most of his life, was a period of political,
religious, and intellectual fer111ent that for a time propelled Nishapur to
the center of the Islamic world. Sometimes known as the ''Shi cite centu-
ry," this era witnessed no less than three competing caliphs, political suc-
cessors to the Prophet MuJ:iammad, who claimed the right to rule over
Islam. 17 In the west, Muslim Spain had been controlled since the middle
of the eighth century c.E. by Umayyad emirs, descendants of the
Umayyad caliphs who ruled Islam from Damascus in the first and second
centuries A.H. In 3 l 7/929, less than a decade before as-Sulami' s birth, the
Umayyad emir cAbd ar-Ral}Jnan III (r. 301-50/912~1) proclaimed him-
self caliph in his capital of C6rdoba.
The Umayyads of Spain were Sunni Muslims who followed the
Maliki school of Islamic law. cAbd ar-Ral}man III created his caliphate
as a defence against the religious and political influence of Shicism,
which had spread into Islamic Spain as a result of the missionary activ-
ities of the Fatimids. 18 The Fatimid revolt arose in North Africa at the
beginning of the tenth century c.E. The first Fatimid caliph, cubayd
Allah (r. 297-322/ 909-34), was a follower of the Ismacili sect of
Shicism and a descendant of the Prophet Mut,ammad through the
Prophet's daughter Fatima. Upon taking power, he proclaimed himself
the Mahdi (The Guided One), a divinely-inspired leader who would
inaugurate a new era of justice and salvation. Over the next sixty years,
cUbayd Allah's successors established a powerful state in North Africa,
which they governed from their capital of al-Mahdiyya in present-day
Tunisia. In 358/969, the Fatimid caliph al-Mucizz sent an army under
the Sicilian commander Jawhar to conquer Egypt. To commemorate this
victory, Jawhar founded a new capital city called al-Qahira (The All-
Conquering), today's Cairo.
After al-Mucizz moved his court from al-Mahdiyya to Cairo, the new
Egyptian capital of the Fatimids quickly grew into a major metropolis.
Basing their prosperity on the control of the eastern Mediterranean and dom-
inance over the trade with India, the Fatimids commanded vast resources
and spent lavishly on the construction of palaces, public works, and centers
17. On the concept of the "Shici century," see Marshall G. S. Hodgson, The Venture of Islam:
Conscience and History in a World Civilization, Vol. 2, The Expansion of Islam in the Middle Periods
(Chicago, 1974),3fr39.
18. For detailed infonnation on the development of the Fatimid state and Fatimid Ismacilism.
see Farbad Daftary, The lsmacilis: Their History and Doctrines (Cambridge, 1990), 144 255.
21
22
Under the Buyids, the cAbbasid caliph was practically stripped of his
sovereign rights and privileges. All major administrators, from the gover-
nors of provinces to the Vizier (wazir), who actually ran the cAbbasid
state, were appointed by the caliph only after first being approved by the
Buyids. Even the caliph's daily allowance was set by the Buyids. If a
Buyid emir asked for money from the caliph's account, he could not be
refused. Under the emir cA4u4 ad-Dawla (r. in Baghdad, 367-72/978-
82), the caliph was even forced to add the Buyid's name to his own at the
end of the Friday sermon. 22
The lmimi or ''Twelver'' sect of the Shica (the dominant Shicite sect
today) was favored by the Buyids. In Baghdad and the Iranian city of
Qom, scholars such as Jacfar ibn Qawlawayh (d. 369/979) and Shaykh
~aduq (Mul}ammad ibn Bibawayh, d. 381/991) produced theological
works that were to become foundational for contemporary Shicism.23 Yet
despite their patronage of Shicism, the Buyids did not overthrow the
cAbbasid caliph. When the emir Mucizz ad-Dawla (r. 334-56/945-67)
sought to replace the caliph with a Shicite descendant of cAli, his advis-
ers counseled him against it, saying: ''If trouble were to arise between
yourself and the cAbbasid caliph, your followers, who do not believe him
to be the rightful claimant, will not hesitate even if you order them to kill
him. But in case of an cAlid caliph, they will not hesitate to carry out his
commands even if it be to kill you. ''24
22. Amir H. Siddiqi, Caliphate and Kingship in Medieval Persia (Philadelphia, 1977), 34-36.
This is a reprint of a series of articles that first appeared in Islamic Culture, vols. 9-11 (Hyderabad,
1935-37).
23. On the importance of the Buyid period to the development of lmAmi Shicism, see Moojan
Momen, An Introduction to Shici Islam: The History and Doctrines of1welver Shicism (New Haven
and London, 1985), 75 84.
24. Siddiqi, Caliphate and Kingship, 35. This account was transmitted by the historian lbn al-
Athir (d. 631/1234) in al-Kiimilfi at-ta'rilch.
23
Tamim, Azd, and Khuzaca, they were still prominent in Khurasan during
as-Sulami' s lifetime. 25
Today, Nishapur is only a minor city. However, from the time of the
Muslim conquest until the twelfth century c.E. it was one of the most
important cities in the Islamic world. Other important cities of Khurasan
included Merv (in modem Turkmenistan) to the northeast, Herat (now in
Afghanistan) to the southeast, and Balkh (now a ruin in Afghanistan) to
the far east. The key to Khurasan was the Iranian city of Rayy (near mod-
em Tehran) to the west, which controlled the major east-west trade routes
into the region. Nishapur was a large city by the standards of the time. In
as-Sulami' s day its population numbered about 100,000. Lying at the
crossroads of major trade routes, it functioned as a commercial center and
gained additional wealth from the surplus, rents, and taxes of more than
one thousand villages. 26 The mercantile elites of Nishapur, which includ-
ed as-Sulami' s family, owned country estates from which they derived
much of their wealth. These elite families financed religious endowments,
which paid for public buildings and supported students of the Islamic sci-
ences. Many of these elites were Arabs, the descendants of 50,000 Arab
families from Iraq that settled in Khurasan during the Umayyad period.27
Others were Persian in origin, the descendants of rural landowners who
controlled Khurasan at the time of the Muslim conquest.
In the tenth century c.E., Khurasan was ruled by the Samanids, a fam-
ily of Sunni Muslims descended from Persian notables whose capital was
at Bukhara in present-day Uzbekistan. 28 In pre-Islamic times the region of
Bukhara had been the homeland of the Sogdians, a people who acted as
middlemen in the profitable trade between Europe and China. Like the
Sogdians, the Samanids also prospered from trade with Europe. The
Samanid trade route passed from Khurasan through Tabaristan (present-
day Mazandaran) and Daylam on the southern shore of the Caspian Sea,
to Azerbaijan and Armenia, and finally to the lands of Byzantium.
Another Samanid trade route went north up the Caspian Sea.and the Volga
River to the lands of the Bulgars and the Viking Rus, who supplied sables
and other valuable furs. Within this Samanid trade network, Bukhara was
a center for agricultural produce, Merv supplied manufactured goods, and
25. On the Muslim conquest of Khurasan, see M. A. Shaban, 'f~ cAbbasid Revolution
(Cambridge, 1970), 16-34. .
26. For a description of medieval Nishapur see Richard W. Bulliet, The Patricians of Nishapur:
A Study in Medieval Islamic Social History (Cambridge Mass., 1972), 3-19.
27. Shaban, The cAbbasid Revolution, 31-32.
28. On the Samanids, see Hodgson, Venture of Islam vol. 2, 32-34.
24
29. On the Samanid trade system, see Shaban, Islamic History, vol. 2, 175-79 On the Samanid
embassy to the Volga Rus, see Ibid., 149-51. According to the geographer al-Muqaddasi (ca.
378/988), the Samanid army was headquartered in Nishapur. See Abii c Abdallah Mul;lammad al-
Muqaddasi, The Best Divisions for Knowledge of the Regions: A Translation of Ahsan al-Taqasim fi
Mac:rifat al-Aqalim, trans. Basil Anthony Collins (Reading, United Kingdom, 1994), 297.
30. Siddiqi, Caliphate and Kingship, 59.
25
TuRKISH INFLUENCE
The lack of support for the Samanids illustrates the wide gulf that sepa-
rated the ruling dyansties of this period from their subjects. Besides being
a Shicite century, the tenth century c.E. also inaugurated the so-called
Turkish period of Islamic history, in which power increasingly came into
the hands of Turkish horsemen from Central Asia, who were either
recruited as soldiers by regional dynasties or trained as military slaves
(sing. mamluk) for the personal service of caliphs and emirs.
Because of the widespread use of military slaves, and also because elite
families used slaves as trusted managers and assistants, terms associated
with the culture of servitude were used in many areas of discourse, includ-
ing Sufism. Words such as mamluk, cabd (slave), ama (slave-girl), or
ghuliim (''boy'' or personal servant) were often used to describe any person
who served another, whether it be a human being or God. Sufis and other
religious devotees commonly used such terms to refer to themselves. In his
book of Sufi women, as-Sulami emphasizes the concept of ta cabbud, the
disciplined practice of servitude. The official title of the Buyid emir of
Baghdad, a person of free birth, was ''Slave of the Commander of the
Faithful'' (cAbd Amir al-Mu 3 minin), even though the caliph was more his
servant than the other way around. Similarly, historical accounts porb·ay
Sebillctigin (r. 366-87/977-97), the founder of the Ghaznavid dynasty, as
having been a slave, although he was more likely a clan leader from the
region of Ghaznin in Afghanistan who only called himself a slave as a way
of showing his loyalty to Alptigin, his original patron. 32
The economic basis of Turkish power was the iqfa c, a land grant that
was given to military commanders instead of a salary. The iqfac was orig-
inally created to generate revenues from agricultural surpluses when
currency was in short supply. At first, the emirs allowed their commanders
26
SECTARIAN CONFLICTS
The open market for goods that characterized Samanid commercial life
was matched by a similarly open market of ideas, as Imami and Ismacili
Shicites, Sufis, philosophers, partisans of Sunni doctrines, and adherents of
different schools of law all competed for the hearts and minds of local
rulers and their subjects. This climate of sectarian competition led many
Sufis in Khurasan to refo11n Sufi doctrines and practices in order to bring
them more into line with a universal standard of Sunni Islam. Both al-
Kalabadhi and as-Sulami were major contributors to this process. Richard
Bulliet has traced the outlines of sectarian conflict in Nishapur, where reli-
gious disputes were so serious that they led to the downfall of the city in
the twelfth century C.E. 34 The Palestinian geographer al-Muqaddasi, who
visited Khurasan in the year 369/980, remarked that sectarian violence was
the main drawback of this region, which otherwise surpassed the rest of
the Islamic world in its high level of culture and learning:
33. For an introduction to the iqfii c system. see Hodgson, Venture of Islam, vol. 2. 101-2. and
S ~ Islamic History, vol. 2, 95-96 and 163-64. The iqfii c did not constitute a true feudal system.
since lands reverted to the state upon the death of the person who utilized them.
34. See Bulliet, Patricians of Nishapur, 28-46.
27
Digitized by Google Original from
UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
INTRODUCTION
I
'
Ashcarites. At times, even Shi cites might belong to a Sunni school of law.
This was the case, for example, with the Zaydis, the sect to which the
Buyids belonged, who often followed l:lanafi law. More important is the •
•
•
fact that as-Sulami and most other refor1nist Sufis in Khurasan were both I
Shafici in their legal orientation and Ashcari in theology, and that the
Shafi ci school of law showed particular growth and vigor during as- •
I
Sulami' s lifetime. 36 •
•
28
(~al al-fiqh). In its most basic forrn, U$ill al-fiqh is a method of legal
reasoning that privileges certain types of knowledge (cilm) over oth-
ers. 37 The truest forrn of knowledge is that which comes from God.
Thus, in solving a legal problem, the Shafici jurist first had to look to
the Qur:,an, which contains the revealed word of God. If the answer to
a specific problem could not be found in the Qur:,an, the next best forrn
of knowledge was that which was divinely inspired. This type of knowl-
edge can be found in the Sunna, the Tradition of Islam as defined by the
Prophet Mul}ammad. By as-Sulami' s day, the content of the Sunna had
been codified in collections of Prophetic traditions known as lµidith.
Only when the desired answer could not be found in either the Qur:,an
or the hadith was the jurist allowed to resort to his own reasoning
(ijtihad). But even then, his decision had to be based on strict analogy
(qiyas) with a text of either the Qur:,an or the hadith. To help him in his
reasoning, the Shafi ci jurist might also tum to supplementary traditions
(athiir) of the Prophet's Companions or their successors. For as-Sulami,
who was trained in Shafi ci law and closely followed the U$ul method,
the authoritativeness of tradition was so important that he felt obliged to
document the accounts in his book of Sufi women with hadith-style
chains of transmission.
The U$Ul approach to knowledge was opposed to that of the
Muctazilites, who relied less on tradition and more on reason and fo11nal
logic as bases of interpretation. 38 Calling themselves the ''people of [divine]
justice and unity'' (ahl al-cadl wa at-taw~id), they resisted any attempt to
place intermediaries between God and His creatures. For the Muctazilites,
Allah was a God of justice, who could do no evil, and created the universe
and set it in motion according to laws of His own making. The world was
a moral testing-ground for the human being, where each person was judged
on the basis of freely made choices of good or evil. Also belonging to this
world was the Qur:,an, which was seen by the Muctazilites as a revelation
created by God and sent down to the Prophet Mul}ammad at a specific time
and place. For Shaficis and other adherents of the U$ill method, the danger
of this belief was that it undermined the authority of the Sharie a by allow-
ing the possibility that certain rulings of the Qur:,an could be altered if
conditions changed enough to justify such a move.
37. For a good introduction to the ,qui al-fiqh 111ethod, see Mohammed Hashim Kamali,
Principles of Islamic Jurisprudence (Cambridge, 1991).
38. On the history and doctrines of Muctazilism, see Richard C. Martin, Mark R. Woodward,
and Dwi S. Atmaja, Defenders of Reason in Islam: Mu ctazilism from Medieval School to Modem
Symbol (Oxford, 1997), esp. 25-115.
29
39. For an excellent overview of the Muctazila-Sufi dispute, see Florian Sobieroj, "The
Muctazila and Sufism," Islamic Mysticism Contested: Thirteen Centuries of Controversies and
Polemics, ed. Frederick de Jong and Bernd Radtke (Leiden, 1999), 68-92.
40. A similar emphasis on knowledge-based or "epistemological" miracles can be found in early
Moroccan Sufism, which was influenced by the Khurasanian Sufi tradition. See Cornell, Realm of the
Saint, esp. 115-16.
30
-
AS-SULAMI'S LIFE AND WORKS
PRIMARY INFLUENCES
41. Gerhard Bowering, "al-Sulami," EP, 811-12; and Abil cAbd ar-Rat,unan as-Sulami, Tabaqiit
~-$ufiyya, ed. Niir ad-Din Shurayba, 18 (the Common Era date is incorrect in this latter source.) Much
of al-Khashsbab's information on as-Sulami can be found in Shams ad-Din Muhammad •
adh-Dhahabi
(d. 748/1374), Siyar a'lam an-nubalii' , ed. Shucayb al-Arna:,Ot et. al. (Beirut, 1996), vol.17, 247-55.
Adh-Dhahabi also cites another source which claims that as-Sulami was born in 330/942.
42. Jimi, Nafal_,iit al-uns, 312. On lbn Munazil, see as-Sulami, Tabaqilt ~-~ufiyya, 326-29; and
cAbd al-Karim ibn Hiwazin al-Qushayri, ar-Risiila al-Qushayriyyaft cilm at-ta,$awwuf, ed. Macruf
Zurayq and cAli cAbd al-J:lamid Biltarji, (Beirut, 1410/1990), 435. For information on Umm
Kulthiim, a female disciple of lbn Munizil, see Dhikr an-niswa, section LXXIll below.
43. For as-Sulamrs ,qui-based view of the maliimatiyya, see idem, "Risala al-Malamatiyya," in
Abii al-cAII al-cAfifi, al-Maliimatiyya wa ~-,$ajiyya wa ahl al-futuwwa, 86-160.
44. Jami, Nafal_,iit al-uns, 312. The Persian text reads: dar culum mu ciimaleh kiimil bud.
45. Ibid.
46. Qur:,in 9 (at-Tawba), 103.
31
32
originally from Rayy, had been a disciple of the great Persian master of
futuwwa, Shah ibn Shujac al-Kinnani (d. before 300/912-13). Futuwwa
is a type of Sufi chivalry that stresses altruism and brotherhood.
According to as-Sulami, one of his grandfather's favorite sayings about
futuwwa was: ''Putting virtue to work (tarbiyat al-i~an) is better than
virtue itself.''53
Ismacil ibn Nujayd did more than just teach his grandsonfatuwwa, he
also practiced it in all aspects of his life. For example, he would never
take credit for acts of charity.54 When lbn Nujayd's father died and left
him a large inheritance, he anonymously gave it all away for the mainte-
nance of scholars and ascetics. Once, when al-lµti asked for money to be
donated for the defence of Islam, lbn Nujayd gave him two thousand sil-
ver clirhams. But when al-1:liri told his Sufi disciples about the gift, lbn
Nujayd asked for it to be returned, saying, ''I have given you money that
belonged to my mother, so give it back.'' Later that night, he gave the
money once again to al-1:liri, but asked the shaykh to keep the gift con-
cealed. Afterwards, al-1:liri stated, ''I stand ashamed before the spiritual
motivation (himma) of Abii cAmr[ibn Nujayd]."55
LATER INFLUENCES
53. As-Sulami, Tabaqat ~-filfiyya, 455. This saying is a paraphrase of the verse of the Qur:,an:
"Is there any reward for good other than good (ha/ jaiA'u al-i~lin illll al-i~an)?" Qur:,an, 55 (ar-
Ral)lnan), 60.
54. Anonymous acts of charity are recommended in the Qur:,in: "If you disclose acts of chari-
ty, it is well; but if you conceal them and make sure that they reach the poor (al-fuqara'), it is better
for you, for it will absolve you of your evil deeds; and God is fully aware of what you do." Qur:,an,
2 (al-Baqara), 271. Because the term, al-fuqara' (the poor), is commonly used by Sufis to refer to
themselves, this injunction may be understood as recommending that charity be given to the Sufis.
55. adh-Dhahabi, Siyar acliim an-nuballi', vol.16, 147.
56. On Abu Sahl as-Sacluki (also known as "as-Sucluki"), see Bulliet, Patricians of Nishapur,
115-17. Bowering's contention that as-Sacluki followed the l;lanafi school of jurisprudence ["al-
Sulami," EI2, 811) is incorrect. He was known as "al-l;lanafi" only because he was descended from
the Arab tribe of Banu Hanifa
•
.
33
this, as-Sulami asked himself, ''Why?'' I .ater, his teacher said to him: ''Do you
not know that whoever says to his master 'Why?' will never meet with suc-
cess?''57 As-Sacliilci also said: ''Disobedience toward parents can be erased by
forgiveness; disobedience toward teachers can be erased in no way.''58
After his father and grandfather, the most influential teacher of Sufism
for as-Sulami was his spiritual master, Abu al-Qasim Ibrahim an-
N~ribadhi (d. 367/977-78), who resided in Nishapur between the years
340/951 and 365/976.59 It was probably from an-N~ribadhi that as-Sulami
developed his interest in sacred biography, for he tells us that the fo11ner
was educated in many disciplines, including the biographies (siyar) and his-
tory (ta 3 rikh) of the Sufis.60 c Ali ibn cuthman al-Hujwiri (d. ca.
469/1076--77), the author of Kash/ al-~jub (Unveiling the Veiled), calls
an-N~ribadhi the most learned and devout man of his age and ''the master
of the later shaykhs of Khurasan."61
There is no doubt that as-Sulami and an-N~rabidhi were close; as-
Sulami quotes an-N~rabadhi extensively on the subject of Sufism and
accompanied him when he left Nishapur for Mecca in 366/977. Thus, it
is somewhat surprising that in his book of Sufi women he subjects his
shaykh to criticism from Umm al-l:lusayn al-Qurashiyya, a female disci-
ple of an-N~rabadhi who came from one of the most powerful families
of Nishapur. Acting as her teacher's conscience, Umm al-l:lusayn
reproaches an-N~rabadhi for his personal failings, such as when she says
to him during one of his lectures: ''How fine are your words and how ugly
are your morals !''62 In an account related by the biographer Mu~ammad
adh-Dhahabi (d. 748/1374), as-Sulami mentions that despite an-
N~rabadhi's high reputation as a Sufi master, he was beaten, humiliated,
and even jailed for his views, such as when he was accused of telling his
followers to circumambulate the tombs of saints in the same way that one
would circumambulate the Kacba in Mecca. 63
57. Bulliet, Patricians ofNishapur, 116. For the exact text of this report. see adh-Dhahabi, Siyar
aclam an-nubala:i, vol.17, 251.
58. Bulliet, Patricians of Nishapur, 117.
59. Ibid., 150. In Dhilcr an-niswa, as-Sulami mentions three female disciples of an-N~ribAdhi:
Umm Kulthiim, who was previously mentioned as a disciple of lbn MunAzil (section LXXIII); Umm
cAli, the daughter of the Sufi cAbdallah ibn l;lamshidh (section LXXV); and Jumc a hint Multammad,
also known as Umm al-l;lusayn al-Qurashiyya (sections LXVI and LXXVID).
60. as-Sulami, Tabaqat cq-1ufiyya, 484.
61. cAlI b. cUthmin al-JullAbi al-Hujwiri, The Kash/ al-Mahjab: The Oldest Persian Treatise on
Sufism, trans. Reynold A. Nicholson, (London, 1976 reprint of 1911 first edition), 159.
62. Dhilcr an-niswa, section LXVI below.
63. adh-Dhahabi, Siyar acllim an-nubalii:i, vol.16, 264-65.
34
64. as-Sulami, Tabaqat <Ji•1ufiyya, 462. A female disciple of Ibn Khaf'tf was al-Wahatiyya
Umm al-Fadl. •
See Dhikr an-niswa, section LXVII below.
65. as-Sulami, TabaqiJt <Ji•1ufiyya, 462.
66. Introduction to Abii Baler Mu}:lammad ibn ai-Tayyib al-Biqillini, l'jaz al-Qur an, ed. AJ:imad
3
~aqr (Beirut reprint of 1954 Cairo edition), 21 . This account was related by al-Baqillini himself.
67. Ibid., 32.
68. adh-Dhahabi, Siyar a'liim an-nubalii', vol.17, 249. Bowering's contention that as-Sulami
left for Mecca before his grandfather's death ("al-Sulami," EP, 811) is contradicted by this source.
35
her son from making the journey, as-Sulami' s mother willingly gave her
perrnission and told her son to take an advance on his inheritance to
finance his pilgrimage. This consisted of one share in a village, which as-
Sulami sold for one thousand gold dinars. Before he left, his mother said
to him: ''You have set yourself toward the House of God. So make sure
that your guardian angels do not write down anything that you will be
ashamed of tomorrow. ''69
The name of as-Sulami' s mother does not appear in any extant source
on his life, nor does it appear in his book of Sufi women. Similarly veiled
from public view is the name of his maternal grandmother or any infor-
mation about his own wife and children. Since Fakhrawayh hint c Ali, a
wife of as-Sulami' s grandfather who was not related to as-Sulami, is
mentioned in his book of Sufi women, this lack of information must be
70
taken as intentional. In Islamic culture, the mother is respected to the
point of reverence.71 She is the most important female companion to her
son other than his wife, and is an intimate presence whose counsel is so
highly valued that in biographical accounts it is often used for the voice
of one's conscience. Because of this intimacy, the mother, like one's wife
and children, is included within the sacred domain of the mahram, •
the
inner domain of the family, which must be protected from the prying gaze
of the outside world. If as-Sulami wanted to use his mother as an exam-
ple, respect demanded that he preserve her ~urma, her honored status, by
concealing her identity. Since she did not choose to reveal herself to oth-
ers, he had no right to publicize her identity.
Nfir ad-Din Shurayba, the editor of as-Sulami' s Tabaqat a1-1ufiyya,
mentions a total of twenty-eight teachers of as-Sulami, whose specialties
ranged from the Arabic language to Qur:,anic studies, hadith, jurispru-
dence, and Sufism. 72 In order to complete his studies, as-Sulami traveled
throughout Khurasan, Iran, and Iraq, spending long periods of time in
69. Ibid. This account is similar to another related about the mother of Sufyin ath-Thawri (d.
16ln77-78), a famous legist whom as-Sulami mentions in his notice on Rabica al-c Adawiyya (Dhikr
an-niswa, section I below). Sufyin's mother used the profits from her spinning to pay for her son's
education. "Oh my son," she counseled him, "Whenever you put ten letters down on a page, think
back on your progress and see whether you have grown in spirit, maturity, or dignity. If you have not
progressed in this way, then know that your learning will neither harm nor benefit you." Jamil ad-
Din Abii al-Faraj ibn al-Jawzi (d. 597/1201), $ifat ~-$afwa, ed. Mal_uniid Fikhilri and Mu~ammad
Rawwas Qalcanji (Beirut, 1406/1986), vol. 3, 189. See also, Nelly Amri and Laroussi Amri, Les
femmes soufies ou la passion de Dieu (St Jean de Braye, France, 1992), 89.
70. See Dhikr an-niswa, section XLIV below.
71. On the importance of the mother in Islamic culture, see Schimmel, My Soul ls a Woman,
89-97.
72. See Shurayba, introduction to as-Sulami, Tabaqat ~-,uflyya, 19-24
36
Merv and Baghdad. He reached the western limit of his travels during his
pilgrimage to Mecca with an-N~ribadhi, most likely returning to
Nishapur by way of the cities of Isfahan and Shiraz in the region of Fars.
Apart from the individuals already mentioned, the most important of as-
Sulami' s teachers and associates were the Shifici jurist and theologian
Abii Bakr ash-Shishi (d. 366/976-77) and the Sufi biographer Abu
Nucaym al-I~fahini (d. 430/1038-39), a younger contemporary of as-
Sulami who saw himself more as the latter's student than as his colleague.
As-Sulami also may have known Abu N~r as-Sarrij at-Tiisi (d. 378/988),
the author of Kitiib al-luma c ft at-ta$awwuf (The Inspired Treatise on
Sufism), for this work contains accounts about Abii cuthman al-1:firi that
were transmitted by as-Sulami' s grandfather.73
MAJOR WORKS
73. Abii N8'r al-Sarrij, Kitdb al-Lumac fi'l-T~awwuf. ed. R. A. Nicholson, (London, 1963
reprint of 1914 first edition), xviii. Nilr ad-Din Shurayba (Introduction to as-Sulami, Tabaqiit ~-
1iifiyya, 48) sees as-Sarrij as a major link between al-Junayd and as-Sulami. While such a connec-
tion may have exis~ as-Sulami was already linked to al-Junayd via both an-N~ribadhi and his
grandfather, 1sm1cn ibn Nujayd.
74. Gerhard Bijwering, The Minor Qur'iJn Commentary of Abu cAbd ar-Ra~ Mulµ;unmad
b. al-Ijusayn as-SulamI (d. 41211021) (Beirut, 1995). As-Sulami's newly discovered treatises will be
disc1tsSed below.
75. Bulliet, Patricians of Nishapur, 150-53. AI-Qushayri was so much a part of as-Sulami's cir-
cle that he chose to go on the pilgrimage to Mecca with two friends who were also students of as-
Sulami. These were Abii Mul;wnmad al-Juwayni (d. 431/1039 40) and Abii Bakr al-Bayhaqi (d.
458/1066). Ibid., 152, and Shurayba. introduction to as-Sulami, Tabaqiit ~-1ufiyya, 25--26.
37
38
Sufi reforrners of this period discussed both doctrine and practice, each
39
gave a distinct emphasis to one or the other in his works. In Kitiib al-
lumac,for example, Abii N~r as-Sarraj is primarily concerned with situ-
ating Sufism within the theological and juridical sciences of Islam. 86 For
him, Sufism was a distinct school of thought (madhhab), whose roots
could be found in the Qur:,in and the Sunna. Thus, he po1bays the Sufis
as religious specialists (culama") who share a common cause with the
jurists and theologians of no11native Islam. As-Sarrij's argument in favor
of orthodox mysticism is heavily indebted to the scholastic-theological
(kaliim) badition of Islamic thought. By contrast, al-Kalibidhi, the author
of Kitiib at-tacarruf, takes Sufism's status as a school of Islamic thought
for granted, and is more concerned with tracing Sufism's intellectual ori-
gins and providing definitions of mystical stations and states. The doctri-
nal emphasis of this work is reflected in A. J. Arberry's translation of its
title: The Doctrine of the $ufis. Abii Nucaym al-I~fahini returns to as-
Sarrij' s more apologetic agenda in Ifilyat al-awliyii" wa 1abaqiit al-
~fiyii" (Adornment of the Saints and Generations of the Pure). Unlike as-
Sarrij and al-Kalibidhi, but more like as-Sulami, he makes his case for
Sufism's place in 0011native Islam through the medium of sacred biogra-
phy, creating a massive compendium of the heroes of Islamic spirituality
which culminates in the Sufis as the true followers of the Prophet
Mu):lammad and his Companions. Like other authors of sacred biography,
his tendency also was to foreground practice instead of doctrine.
Thus, if as-Sarraj can be seen as the theologian of the Sufi u~iilization
project, al-Kalibidhi was its doctrinal specialist and al-I~fahini was its
biographer. As-Sulami played a crucial role in this project by defining the
boundaries of Sufi practice. First, he sought to purge the Sufi method of its
deviant practices and distinguished Sufism from other forms of Islamic
devotion and asceticism. 87 Second, he developed no11native models for new
approaches to Sufism, such as futuwwa, the popular institution of Sufi
chivalry. These interests are illustrated in the titles of his most famous trea-
tises, such as: Kitiib al-malamatiyya wa ghala!iit ~-~iifiyya (The Path of
Blame and the Errors of the Sufis), Kitiib al-futuwwa (Book of Sufi
Chivalry), Kitiib cuyub an-nafs wa mudiiwiituhii (The Faults of the Soul and
86. For an overview of this work. see R. A. Nicholson's introduction to Kitab al-Lwnac, i-lxiv.
87. A predecessor of as-Sulami in this role may have been Jacfar al-Khuldi (d. 348/959), who
excluded a number of famous mystics of Khurasan, such as al-1:{akim at-Tumidhi (d. ca. 295/908)
from the ranks of the Sufis. As-Sulami relied on al-Khuldi as a source for his information on Sufi
women. See below and Sara Sviri, "l:{akim Tinnidhi and the Malamatf Movement in Early Sufism,"
Classical Persian Sufism: from its Origins to Rumi, ed. Leonard Lewisohn (London and New Yo~
1993), 592-94.
40
Despite this acclaim from the rulers and elites of his day, as-Sulami
and his works also had their detractors. Al-Khatto al-Baghdadi mentions
a scholar from Nishapur named M~ammad ibn Yusuf al-Qanait, who
88. For a list of as-Sulami's edited treatises, see Bowering, "al-Sulami," E/2, 812. As-Sulami's
Kitdb al-futuwwa has been rendered into English as Ibn al-Husayn al-Sulami, The Book of Sufi
Chivalry: Lessons to a Son ofthe Moment, Futuwwah, trans. Tosun Bayrak al-Jerrahi al-Halvati (New
York. 1983).
89. For a description of this work see Gerhard Bowering. '"The Qur3 an Commentary of as-
Sulami," Islamic Studies Presented to Charles J. Adams, ed. Wael 8 . Hallaq and Donald P. Little
(Leiden, 1991). 41-56.
90. See note 74 above.
91 . adh-DhahabI, Siyar a clam an-nubalii', vol.17, 248-49.
41
claimed that as-Sulami lied about the length of time he spent with certain
teachers of hadith. 92 Since al-Qattan appears to have come from a l:{anafi-
Muctazili family of scholars, it is probable that his accusation had more
to do with anti-Sufi or anti-Shafi.Ci sectarianism than with any of as-
Sulami' s actual shortcomings. 93 Another criticism of as-Sulami is voiced
by the biographer adh-Dhahabi, who claims that IJaqa:,iq at-tafsir con-
tains traditions from ''one of the Imams of the bafini heresy'' (bac<! al-
a:,imma min zandaqat al-bafiniyya), an obvious reference to the Fatimid
lsmacilis. 94 This view was shared by adh-Dhahabi's teacher, the l:{anbali
jurist Ibo Taymiyya (d. 728/1328), who reports that a scholar of the
Qur:,an named Abii al-1:{asan al-Wal_tldi went so far as to claim that any-
one who approved of IJaqa:,iq at-tafsir was an unbeliever.95
These criticisms by lbn Taymiyya and other scholars of the l:{anbali
school were due to the fact that in his Qur:,an commentary as-Sulami fre-
quently cites Jacfar ~-~adiq (d. 148n65), the sixth Shicite Imam and the
source of tradition to whom the Ismacru Shica most often refer.96 Despite the
fact that as-Sulami sought to identify Sufism with Sunni Islam, he does not
appear to have been against all aspects of Shicism. Like other Sufi reform-
ers of his time, including al-Kalabadhi and al-I~fahani, as-Sulami considered
the first six Shicite Imams from cAli through Jacfar to be forerunners of the
Sufis, and thus included them among as-Sala/~-$aliJ:,.91 Although this posi-
tion was fully consistent with tenth-century u~uli doctrine, it did not satisfy
later Sunni sectarians, who were not prepared to accept any Shicite even
an honored Imam such as Jacfar-.as a valid source of Islamic ttadition.
42
riyya (The Glittering Spheres) by the Egyptian Sufi c Abd ar-Ra:,iif al-
Munawi (d. 1031/1622).99 Curiously, none of these authors seems to have
known the original title of as-Sulami's book of Sufi women. Although it
is now clear that lbn al-Jawzi copied several of as-Sulami's notices on
Sufi women exactly, he merely cites as-Sulami as one of his sources. Al-
Jami comes closer to providing a title, but because he learned about as-
Sulami' s writings through the translations of al-An~ari, he could do no
more than give an approximation, stating that as-Sulami wrote a book
''mentioning the states of worshipful women and female gnostics'' (Pers.
zikr a~viil nisveh-yi ciibidiit va nisii:, ciirifat). 100
In the age before the printing press, when books had to be copied by
hand, it was not unusual for a rare work to become the subject of hearsay.
The full title might be forgotten, parts of the manuscript might be lost, the
name of the author might be confused with another person, and parts of
two or more different works might be combined. Yet seldom does .the title
of a known work disappear completely. Since the titles of several of as-
Sulami's lost works, such as Ta:,rikh ~-~ufiyya and Sunan a~-~ufiyya,
have been passed down accurately for nearly a thous~d years, why did
this not happen with his book of Sufi women? Might this amnesia of
Islamic scholarship have been due to the fact that unlike his other works,
as-Sulami' s book of Sufi women did not include men, but was written
exclusively about women?
98. Schimmel. Mystical Dimensions of Islam, 90.
99. Margaret Smith, Rabi'a: The Ufe and Work of Rabi'a and Other Women Mystics in Islam
(Oxford, 1994), 11.
100. Jlml, Nafa}µJt al-uns, 615. Jlml was also mistaken about the title of as-Sulamfs Tabaqiit
a,-,ajiyya, calling it instead, ..Tabaqat al-mashii'i/ch" (Generations of the Shaykhs). Ibid.
43
44
105. See the introductory discussion in Abu c Abd ar-R.alpnin as-Sulami, Dhikr an-niswa al-
mutacabbidat ~-,uftyyat, ed.• MaJ:uniid Mul,ammad at-Tanil)i (Cairo, 1993), 7 and 18. Bowering's
assertion that the editor of this work is named "Clriqi" ("al-Sulami," Ef2, 812) is mistaken.
I06. In his introduction to Dhikr an-niswa. at-Tanal:u incorrectly states that this work is the sec-
ond in the "as-Sulamiyyit" collection. Ibid., 7.
107. Ibid., 19.
108. The practice of elevating exceptional women to the status of honorary men is reflected in
the following comment by Farid ad-Din al-cAttar (d. ca. 627/1230). who was also from Nishapur.
"When a woman is a man on the path of the Lord Most High, she cannot be called a woman.., See
Michael Sells. Early Islamic Mysticism: Sufi, Qur'an, Mi'raj, Poetic and Theological Writings
(Mahwah, New York. 1996), 155.
45
46
for only a few cases, [al-I,fahini] did not mention pious women at all,
even though it is well known that given women's apparent shortcomings,
failing to mention female devotees causes men to ignore women in gen-
eral. Yet [the jurist] Sufyin ath-Thawri learned from Ribica [al-
eAdawiyya] and followed her teachings.'' 113
47
A HERMENEUTIC OF REMEMBRANCE
For as-Sulami, the Sufi women who are memorialized in Dhikr an-niswa
al-mutacabbidat ~-$u.fiyyat are fully the equals of the Sufi men in
Tabaqat ~-$iljiyya. As spiritual exemplars, they too are ''masters of the
realities of divine oneness, recipients of divine discourses, possessors of
true visions and exemplary conduct, and followers of the ways of the
prophets." 115 However, unlike their male counterparts, they run a greater
risk of being overlooked. As women, they are more likely to be misun-
derstood and their teachings are more likely to be ignored. Because they
are less socially visible than Sufi men, Sufi women need their own
''hermeneutic of remembrance." 116 In the introduction to Tabaqat ~-
$iljiyya, as-Sulami hints at his intention to create such a her1neneutic by
citing the following Quranic verse: ''And what about the believing men
and believing women whom you did not know and that you might have
fallen upon [in enmity], and upon whose account a crime would have
114. See as-Sulamfs introduction to Tabaqiit ~-~ujiyya, 3 (following the editor's introduction).
115. Ibid., 2.
116. This term was originally used to characterize f e m i ~ c a l works that sought to
recover the "secret history" of women's authority in early Christianity. See Lynda L. Coon, Sacred
Fictions: Holy Women and Hagiography in Late Antiquity (Philadelphia, 1997), xix-xx.
48
49
authority, even when its subject matter had little or nothing to do with
hadith. The likely prototype for the first Sufi fabaqat works was at-
Tabaqat al-kubra (The Greatest Generations) by Mul)ammad ibn Sacd (d.
230/845). Before composing this work, lbn Sacd had been the assistant of
Mul)ammad al-Waqidi (d. 207/823), a famous biographer of the Prophet
Mul)ammad. In at-Tabaqat al-kubra, lbn Sacd included portraits of all
bearers of tradition from the time of the Prophet until his own day, includ-
ing many women. 121
As-Sulami' s pot traits of Sufi women are similar in form to those of
lbn Sacd and are prefaced by similar hadith-style chains of authority
(sing. isniid). For each account, one or two to several individuals are cited
as passing down infor1nation from an original source (preferably an eye-
witness) to the author. Thus, for as-Sulami as well as for lbn Sacd, the
chain of authority acted in a way that was analogous to the modem foot-
note, for it mediated between the historical past, in which the interpretive
presence of the author was not supposed to appear, and the actual present
of the work being composed, in which the author's presence is inevitably
involved. 122
In a work of sacred biography, each chain of authority constitutes a
chain of evidence, whose ''reality effect'' 123 depends on the reliability of
each authority cited. 124 This is particularly important when an account
describes paranonnal phenomena or when the author makes an assertion
that goes beyond expectations. Although as-Sulami' s book of Sufi women
is not, strictly speaking, a hagiography and as-Sulami seldom portrays his
subjects as miracle-workers, he does attempt to demonstrate that Sufi
women possess levels of intellect (caql) and wisdom (~ikma) that are
equivalent to those of Sufi men. Since this assertion contradicts cultural
expectations, the ''footnoting'' that he employs by citing chains of author-
ity is crucial to his argument. Just as in a modem academic work, the
strength of as-Sulami' s argument depends both on his own rhetorical skills
and on the prior knowledge of his audience. This prior knowledge is
121. Ibid., 44 48. Among lbn Sacd's notices are the earliest accounts of some of the women
mentioned by as-Sulami. Cross-references to lbn Sacd can be found in the footnotes to al-Sulami's
Dhikr an-niswa. below.
122. I am grateful for this insight to my student Catherine Chin, who brought up the isnad-foot-
note analogy in a class paper entitled, "Between Two Worlds: Past and Present in the Source-Citations
of Eusebius and Tabari" (Dulce University, Fall, 1998).
123. See Roland Barthes, "The Reality Effect," trans., R. Carter, in French Literary Theory
Today, ed., T. Todorov (Cambridge, 1982), 11-17.
124. On the evidentiary nature of accounts in Muslim sacred biography, see Cornell, Realm of
the Saint, 63-66.
50
crucial in the case of the isnad, for the truth-value of an isnad can be
assessed only by a reader who is aware of each authority's background and
reputation as a transmitter of tradition. This unspoken, subtextual dimen-
sion of the he1·1neneutics of remembrance, in which an authority's name
stands for an entire body of background inforrnation, is an important aspect
of the rhetoric of sacred biography, both in Islam and in Christianity. 125
In order to help the modem reader approximate the experience of an
info11ned reader in as-Sulami' s time, I have included in the footnotes to
Dhikr an-niswa al-muta cabbidiit ~-~ufiyyat background infor1nation on
most of the transmitters cited in the text. Whenever possible, I relied on
information supplied by as-Sulami himself in Tabaqat a~-~ufiyya or on
the works of his students or contemporaries, such as al-I~fahani and al-
Qushayri. This background inforrnation, which tends to be ignored by
most modem editors and translators of Islamic sacred biography, adds an
important sub-narrative to the main text of as-Sulami' s work. It allows the
reader to gain a deeper understanding of the work as a whole by provid-
ing historical, intellectual, and doctrinal contexts in which to situate the
author's arguments.
As-Sulami was not the first Sufi author to make use of the fabaqat
genre. In fact, this type of literature had become so common by as-
Sulami' s time that in many cases he could dispense with oral tradition
entirely and rely on written sources alone. The fact that he felt able to do
so is a strong indication of the extent to which literacy and the culture of
the written word had penetrated Nishapur by the beginning of the
eleventh century c.E. Elsewhere in the Muslim world, oral tradition was
still preferable to the written word, and written works were not consid-
ered properly transmitted unless a text had been verbally recited to an .
interlocutor by its author or by someone whom the author had designat-
ed. Although as-Sulami was a product of the same intellectual tradition,
and felt obliged to support most of his accounts with oral chains of trans-
mission, he in fact used written materials on a regular basis. Occasionally,
he is explicit in his use of the written word, such as when he states:··''I
found [this account] in the handwriting of my father,'' or ''I found this in
the handwriting of [the Sufi shaykh] Abu Jacfar A}:lmad ibn I:Iamdan." 126
In most cases, however, he omits the titles of written works and cites their
51
127. On al-Burjulani, see Andrae, In the Garden of Myrtles, 8-12 and 32, and Louis Massignon,
Essay on the Origins of the Technical Language of Islamic Mysticism, Benjamin Clark, trans. (Notre
Dame, Indiana, 1997 translation of 1968 Paris edition), 160. See also, al-Baghdidi, Ta:,rikh Baghdad.
vol.2, 219, where AI:imad ibn }:lanbal cites al-Burjulani as a reliable source for information on Muslim
ascetics.
128. al-I~fahani, lfilyat al-awliyii:,, vol.IO, 150-51.
129. al-Baghdidi, Ta:,rikh Baghdad, vol.6, 119.
130. Abii al-Faraj Mut,ammad ibn Abi Yacqiib Ist,aq al-Warraq an-Nadim, Kitab al-jihrist, ed.,
lbn cAli ibn Zayn al-cAbidin al-1:fa:iiri al-Mazandarani (Beirut, 1988), 237.
131. On Ja'far al-Khuldi see as-Sulami, Tabaqiit ~-$iifiyya, 434-39; al-l~fahani, lfilyat al-
awliyii:,, vol.IO, 381-82; and lbn al-Jawzi, $ifat ~-$afwa, vol.2, 468-69.
52
al-Junayd and Abu al-1:lusayn an-Nfiri (d. 295/908). Besides being a Sufi
poet who composed more than 150 mystical poems, al-Khuldi was also
known for a fabaqiit work entitled lfikayiit al-awliyii:, (Tales of the
Saints), which al-Khapb al-Baghdadi called ''one of the three wonders of
Baghdad.'' 132 A small portion of this work is reproduced in the section on
Sufis in an-Nadim's Kitiib al-fihrist (Bibliographical Index).1 33
Unfortunately, this section of an-Nadim's bibliography is itself incom-
plete and appears to consist only of the latter's notes and not of al-
Khuldi' s actual text. As-Sulami cites al-Khuldi three times in his book of
Sufi women, twice as a source for al-Burjulani, and once (section LXII)
as a transmitter of inforrnation from al-Junayd's associate Ibrahim al-
Khaww~ (d. 291/904). It is impossible to deterrnine whether as-Sulami
possessed his own copy of lfikayiit al-awliyii:,, because every reference to
al-Khuldi is mediated by another authority. However, the Riyadh manu-
script contains a text attributed to as-Sulami entitled Kitiib al-muntakhab
min J:,,ikayiit ~-~ufiyya (Selections from ''Tales of the Sufis''), which may
be an abridgment of al-Khuldi's book. 134
The only fabaqiit work that as-Sulami cites by name is Tabaqiit an-
nussiik (Categories of the Ascetics) by Abu Sacid ibn al-Acrabi (d.
341/952-53). 135 lbn al-A crabi was originally from Basra but died in Mecca,
where he served as Imam of the Sacred Mosque. Although he is mentioned
only once (section VI), he is one of the most important authorities to be
cited in as-Sulami' s book of Sufi women. In his unique position as both a
respected Sufi master and the holder of one of the most honored teaching
posts available to a scholar of his time, lbn al-Acrabi influenced an entire
generation of Sufis from Khurasan to Muslim Spain. 136 His work of sacred
biography, which is now lost, is the earliest recorded use of the ter1n
,abaqiit in a Sufi work. It would thus be of great value to the history of
Sufism if this work were to be found, like as-Sulami' s Dhikr an-niswa al-
muta cabbidiit ~-~ufiyyiit, in some overlooked comer of a major library.
132. al-BaghdidI, Ta'rikh Baghdad, vol. 7, 235.
133. an-Nadim, al-Fihrist, 235-38. For a translation of this section, see The Fihrist ofal-Nadim:
A Tenth-Century Survey of Muslim Culture, ed. and trans. Bayard Dodge (New York, 1970), vol.I,
455-61.
134. I am indebted to Professor Carl Ernst of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill
for this insight.
135. On Abil Sacid ibn al-Acribi, see as-Sulami, Tabaqiit ~-,ufiyya, 427-30, and al-I~fahani,
Ifilyat al-awliya', vol.2, 25. See also Ali Hassan Abdel-Kader, The Life, Personality and Writings of
Al-Junayd: A Study of a Third/Ninth-Century Mystic (London, 1976), x-xii.
136. Portions of Ibn al-Acribi's Kitiib al-wajd (Book of Ecstasy) can be found in Nicholson,
ed., The Kitdb al-Lumac, ~314. On Ibn al-Acribfs influence on Sufism in Islamic Spain, see
Manuela Marin, "Abil Sacid ibn al-Acribi et le Developpement du Soufisme en al-Andalus," Revue
du Monde musulman et de la Mediterranie, 63-64 (1992), 28-38.
53
A THEOLOGY OF SERVITIJDE
In Ifaqii'iq at-tafsir, his exegesis of the Qur an, as-Sulami discusses the
3
54
139. Trois Oeuvres inedites de Mystiques musulmans: Saqiq al-Bal/Ji, lbn cA!d, Niffari, ed. Paul
Nwyia (Beirut, 1973), 45.
140. Ibid., 60.
141. Ibid., 63.
142. Dale B. Martin, Slavery as Salvation: the Metaphor of Slavery in Pauline Christianity
(New Haven and London, 1990), 56--57.
55
loyalty and intimacy with a powerful patron were also expressed through
the rhetoric of servitude. By making a vocation out of service to their
divine Master, as-Sulami' s Sufi women, like the oikonomos of late antiq-
uity, could free themselves from the constraints that would no11nally have
limited their role in society.
It is in this wider socio-historical context that we must understand
some of the statements made by Sufi women such as c A:,isha hint Al}mad
of Merv: ''When the slave seeks glory in his servitude, his foolishness is
revealed." 143 Just as the religious metaphor of slavery stands for more
than humility, this statement is more than just a warning against the ego-
ism of virtue. The Islamic culture of servitude inherited much from late
antiquity, including the social stratification of slave professions and the
relationship of slavery as an institution to wider, patronage-based social
structures. In the Gospel of John, the Apostles of Jesus, as slaves (Gr.
douloi) of Christ, are rhetorically transforn1ed into the ''friends'' (Gr.
philoi) of Christ, and thus become figures of religious authority. 144
Likewise, for as-Sulami, being a ''slave of God'' ( cabd Allah) was a nec-
essary prerequisite to becoming a ''friend of God'' (walr Allah}-in other
words, a saint. Thus, the glory that c A:,isha hint ~mad warns her associ-
ates to avoid is not only that of pride in one's virtue, but also the vain-
glory of seeking sainthood for the worldly patronage that it bestows. 145
Further comparisons can be made between the Christian metaphor of
slavery and the Islamic metaphor of servitude as understood by as-Sulami
and his contemporaries. Besides sharing a common soteriological under-
standing of slavery as a path to salvation, Sufis and early Christians both
saw servitude as a way of overcoming the limitations of human nature
(bashariyya). Earlier in this introduction we saw how some Middle-
Period Sufis such as al-Kalabadhi attributed woman's inadequacy to the
deficiencies of the female nature. Therefore, it is not surprising to find
that overcoming human nature is a prominent concern for as-Sulami' s
Sufi women. Commenting on the famous tradition: ''He who knows him-
self (lit. 'his self) knows his lord'' (man carafa nafsahu carafa rabbahu),
Futayma the wife of 1:lamdiin al-Q~~ar remarks: ''When a person truly
56
knows himself [i.e., the limitations of his human nature], his only charac-
teristic is servitude and he takes pride in nothing but his Master.'' 146 Even
more to the point is the statement of cunayza of Baghdad: ''Human for1ns
[lit. 'the molds of human nature] are the mines of servitude'' (qawalib al-
basha.riyya macadin al-cubadiyya). 141
For as-Sulami, the spiritual path of servitude fieed Sufi women from
the constraints imposed on them by their physical natures. 148 As slaves of
God, they could separate themselves from the ordinary masses of women
who did not share the same spiritual vocation. Choosing an independent life
as ''career women'' of the spirit, they could travel without a chaperone, mix
socially with men, teach men in public assemblies, and develop intellectu-
ally in ways that were not accessible to their non-Sufi sisters. This voca-
tional focus explains the surprising comment made by Nusiyya hint Salman
upon the birth of her son: ''Oh, Lord! You do not see me as someone wor-
thy of Your worship. So for this You have preoccupied me with a child!'' 149
As explained by al-Hujwiri some two generations after as-Sulami, the
worldly nature of the human being has both an outward and an inward
aspect. Physicality, which interacts with the world through sensation, is
the outward aspect of human nature. The inward aspect of human nature
is the nafs, which interacts with the world through the passions. The inter-
dependency of sensation and passion is what is meant by lbn cAta:,' s
comment (reported as a hadith by al-Hujwiri) that ''the worst of your ene-
mies is the nafs that is between your two sides.'' 150 Overcoming the limi-
tations of human nature requires the person to master passion and physi-
cal sensation by cultivating both outward and inward for1ns of servitude.
Slavery to passion can be overcome by outward acts of servitude such as
self-denial and altruistic service on behalf of others, while slavery to sen-
sation can be overcome by inner acts of servitude such as invocation and
complete devotion to God. This is the doctrine that lies behind the saying
of Ghufayra al-c Abida as reported by lbn al-Jawzi in $ifat a~-$afwa: ''I
have sinned against You, oh God, with each of my extremities. By God,
if You aid me, I will do my best to obey You with every extremity with
which I have disobeyed You.'' 151
146. Dhikr an-niswa, section LVll below.
147. Ibid., section LXXVIl below.
148. This "anti-establishment" role of the slave of God is a common theme of sainthood in both
Islam and Christianity. See, for example, Heffernan, Sacred Biography, 127-28 and Cornell, Realm
of tM Saint, 114-15.
149. Dhikr an-niswa, section Vll below.
ISO. al-Hujwiri, The Kash/ al-Mahjub, 206.
151. Sec $i/at Qf-$afwa Appendix section V below.
57
58
and Dhii an-Niin al-Mi~ri, and Ribica al-c Adawiyya, who was a teacher of
the jurist Sufyan ath-Thawri, the reader is introduced to al-Wahaµyya
Umm al-Fa4}, a companion of lbn Khafif of Shiraz, whose public teach-
ing sessions in Nishapur were attended by most of the Sufi masters in that
city. 157 Another female teacher was Shacwina of the port city of al-Ubulla
on the Persian Gulf, who ''preached to the people and recited the Qur:,in
to them. Her sessions were attended by ascetics, worshippers, those who
were close to God, and the masters of hearts and self-denial.'' 158
The fact that such women transcended the social limitations of their
femininity is revealed in as-Sulami' s use of the masculine ter1n ustadh
when referring to their teaching roles. We already have seen this in the
case of Fiµma of Nishapur, whom Dhii an-Niin described as his ''male''
teacher (ustadh). As-Sulami's repetition of this tertn in his portrait of
l:lukayma of Damascus (section XXID) proves that it was not a linguistic
anomaly. l:lukayma, an important figure in Syrian women's Sufism, is
described as the ustiidh of the female Sufi Ribica hint Ismicil.
Surprisingly, however, this term does not appear in as-Sulami' s portrait of
Rabi ca al-cAdawiyya of Basra. In this latter case, Sufyin ath-Thawri
refers to Ribica as his ''mentor,'' using the feminine term mu:,addiba.
Why is it that as-Sulami uses only the te1n1 ustiidh in its generic,
masculine form, while he does not do so for mu:,addiba? The most like-
ly answer has to do with the relative status of these two types of teacher.
The mu:,addib specialized in personal training, and thus transmitted a
fortn of knowledge that was practical in nature. The ustadh, however,
was a specialist in matters of doctrine and in the fo11nal Islamic sciences.
The knowledge of the ustadh was thus more theoretical in nature and
required a greater level of for1nal education. This is why the highly edu-
cated jurist Sufyin ath-Thawri called Ribica al-c Adawiyya a mu:,addiba:
since she had not acquired her knowledge through formal means, it
would not have been proper for him to refer to her as an ustadh. Sufis,
however, were more flexible in their use of this ter111, and often used the
word ustiidh to refer to a spiritual master. In this case, being an ustadh
meant that one had acquired mastery of both doctrine and practice,
whether one had the benefit of a for111al education or not. Just as the ter1n
rijal (men) might be used in hadith studies to denote authoritative trans-
mitters of tradition, regardless of whether they were male or female, so
the term ustiidh might be used to denote authoritative teachers of Sufism.
59
159. See chapter 4, 'The First Mystical Vocations in Islam" and chapter 5, '"The Schools of the
Third Century A.H.," in Massignon, Essay, 94-214.
160. The concept of clientship (Ar. muwaliit) is discussed in the footnotes to as-Sulami's notice
on Rabi ca aJ.cAdawiyya, section I, below.
161 . On conversion and clientship in early Islam, see the footnotes to Dhikr an-niswa, section
I below.
60
ness. This practice appears to have reflected remorse for the sinful nature of
humanity. The practice of weeping sometimes occurred in conjunction with
wara c, the systematic avoidance of anything that might be either ritually or
ethically impure. Whereas weeping brings to mind the Christian concept of
original sin, wara c entails an understanding of the human body as a ''sacred
vessel," a metaphor that can also be found in early Christianity. 162 If the
vessel of the body were to be polluted through contact with even the slight-
est impurity, it would be rendered unfit for worship, and hence would not
be worthy to become a container for divine grace. This idea is clearly
expressed in the statement of Umm al-Aswad, a disciple of Mucadha al-
cAdawiyya from the Arab tribe of Banfi cAdi, whom Mucadha had nursed
as a child: ''I would not eat anything suspicious lest it cause me to miss
either a prescribed prayer or a supererogatory invocation." 163 Through her
162. On the concept of the body as a "sacred vessel" in early Christianity, see Peter Brown, The
Body and Society: Men, Women, and Sexual Renunciation in Early Christianity (New York, 1988),
259-84. .
163. Dhikr an-niswa, section XL below.
61
164. Ibid.
165. See Sells, Early Islamic Mysticism, 157.
62
166. See, for example, Sirij ad-Din Abu l:laf~ cumar ibn al-Mulaqqin (d. 804/1401-2), Tabaqiit
al-awliylJ', Niir ad-Din Shurayba ed. (Beirut, 1406/1986), 408. See also, Hodgson, The Venture of
Islam, vol.I. 227-29; and Massignon, Essay, 154.
167. Dhikr an-niswa, section LI below.
168. Ibid.
63
64
65
niswan. This unusual ter1n is best understood in relation to its Arabic cog-
nates, all of which come from the same root. In as-Sulami' s usage, nisa 3
,
the most general te11n for women, signifies ordinary women-those who
do not follow the Sufi way. Niswa, another te1m for women that has
already been discussed, is the diminutive form of nisa This grammatical
3
•
66
240/854): ''I used to dislike stories about the niswiin until I met Umm
c Ali, the wife of Al)mad ibn Kha4fawayh. Then I learned that God Most
All of Sufism consists of appropriate actions (adab): for every time there
is an appropriate action; for every station there is an appropriate action;
and for every state there is an appropriate action. He who obliges him-
self to perf01 ,n the appropriate actions at the appropriate times has
attained the rank of the ''men'' (rijiil); but he who squanders his actions
is far from the nearness to God he imagines he has attained and has been
rejected from the acceptance of God that he imagines he has earned. 182
For as-Sulami' s Sufi women, adab was an important part of the path of
servitude. In addition, adab is closely related to the concept of service
(khidma), which was an essential aspect of bothfutuwwa and tacabbud.
The second half of as-Sulami' s book of Sufi women contains numerous
examples of women who were the personal servants (khiidimii.t) of Sufi
shaykhs or combined futuwwa and service by acting as the servants of
male fityiin. The best example of a servant of Sufi shaykhs is Fatima of
Baghdad (section XXXVII), who successively served the spiritual mas-
ters Abu l:lamza al-Baghdadi (d. 289/902), Abu al-1:lusayn an-Niiri and
Abu al-Qasim al-Junayd. As-Sulami also describes two women, Amina
67
183. Although Sufi traditions trace the origins of futuwwa as far back as al-1:fasan al-B~ri (d.
110n28), there is no verifiable evidence of the tcnn being used before the mid-ninth century c.E. See
Mahjub, "Chivalry and Early Persian Sufism," 551-52.
184. Dhikr an-niswa. section LXXD below.
68
the full context of this report, Amat al-cAziz's behavior is something that
would normally be done in preparation for initiating a new disciple into
the Sufi way.
Until other early sources on Sufi women come to light, we must
remain in the dark about the exact meaning of the term niswan for as-
Sulami and his contemporaries. Although much important information
has been added to our knowledge of Muslim women's spirituality by the
discovery of as-Sulami' s book of Sufi women, even more remains to be
uncovered. An indication of what we are looking for can be seen in Asrar
at-tawt,idfl maqamiit ash-shay/ch Abi Sacid (The Secrets of Divine Unity
in the Exploits of Shaykh Abii Sacid), a twelfth-century sacred biography
of one of as-Sulami' s most famous disciples, the malamati Sufi Abii sac id
Abii al-Khayr (d. 440/1049). While traveling in Khurasan, Abii Sacid vis-
ited Nasa, a city north of Nishapur, which was a major regional center of
Sufism. Muhammad
•
ibn al-Munawwar, the author of Asrar at-tawhid,•
info11ns us that in Abu Sacid's (and hence as-Sulami's) day, Nasa was
known as ''little Syria'' because, just as in the regions of Jerusalem and
Damascus, more than four hundred saints were buried in its vicinity.
More importantly for our purposes, however, he also implies that Nasa
was like Syria because it was a center of women's spirituality:
In this city [Nasi] there are a number of women of high spirituality
who are veiled from others and of whom one finds no example in other
lands. Just like the majority of the men of God, they follow the [divine]
ttadition: 'They are beneath the veil of My coat; no one other than Me
can recognize them.'' Although they are far from the regard of men, the
effects of their life of piety, their acts of grace, and their prayers are
very numerous. 185
The metaphor of veiling that Ibn al-Munawwar uses in this passage pro-
vides a fitting postscript to as-Sulami' s book of Sufi women. Although
the text of Dhikr an-niswa al-mutacabbidat a$-$afiyyat provides more
information than ever before on the identities and teachings of early Sufi
women, there is still too little infor1nation to write an adequate history
of women's Sufism, much less a history of women in Islam. However,
this work does provide enough evidence to claim that the ''Islamic'' posi-
tion on women is not static and unchanging, but has changed repeated-
ly in accordance with the social and intellectual transfor1nations that
have occurred in Muslim society. As-Sulami' s book of Sufi women also
185. lbn al-Munawwar, Les £tapes mystiques, 56. My translation.
69
70
Praise be to God, Sustainer of the Worlds from the beginning until the end.
May God preserve MuJ:,ammad and his family and bless them profusely.
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ibica was from Basra and was a client (mawlat)2 of the clan of Al
R c Atik. 3 Sufyan ath-Thawri (may God have mercy upon him) sought
her advice on legal matters and referred such issues to her.4 He also
sought her spiritual advice and supplications. Both ath-Thawri and
Shucba [ibn al-l:la.ijaj]5 transmitted Rabica's words of wisdom.
1. Rlbica al-cAdawiyya was bolo in 95nl4 or 99nl7-18 and died in her native city of Basra
in 185/801. Rlbica, Mucldha al-cAdawiyya (see section V below), and Umm ad-Dardi 3 , the wife of
a noted ascetic and Companion of the Prophet MuJ:uunmad, are the three great female saints of Basra.
Medieval sources locate Rlbica•s tomb on the outskirts of Basra, not in Jerusalem or Egypt as some
have claimed. For a summary of infu11nation on Rlbica. see Margaret Smith and Charles Pellat,
"Ribica al-c Adawiyya al-tcaysiyya." in Encyclopaedia of Islam Second Edition (EF), vol. 8, 354-56.
See also, $ifat ~-$afwa Appendix section I. Although it is somewhat outdated, the most complete
work on Rlbica remains that of Margaret Smith, Rabi'a: The Ufe and Work of Rabi'a and OtMr
Women Mystics in Islam (Oxford, 1994). This is a reorganized version of Smith's original work,
Rabi'a tM Mystic, A.D. 717-801, and Her Fellow Saints in Islam (Cambridge, 1928). For a transla-
tion of Farid ad-Din al-cAnAr's (d. ca. 627/1230) influential notice on Rlbica in Tadhlclratal-awli,a~
(Memorial of the Saints), See Michael A. Sells, Early Islamic Mysticism: Sufi, Qurcan, Micraj, Poetic
and Theological Writings (Mahwah, New York. 1996), 151-70.
2. From the time of the Islamic conquests through the end of the Umayyad caliphate (634-750
c.E.), a non-Muslim could only convert to Islam if he or she were sponsored by an Arab patron, who
either adopted the convert into his or her clan or maintained the convert in a state of clientship (muwalat),
which was often fonnaliz.ed by a contract of mutual assistance (~ur). This client was known as a
mawld (fem. mawldt). 1be same tel111 was also 11std to designate a ftoed slave who remained tied to a
network of mutual obligations between herself and her fu1111« master's clan. Since Rlbica was a mawldt
of the clan of Al cAtlk, this meant that she was either a fieed slave of that clan or was the client of a
member of Al cAtik who sponsored her conversion to Islam. In either case, it appears likely that her ori-
gin was both non-Arab and non-Muslim. On the use of the ter111 rnawla in pre-Islamic and early Islamic
times, see Jacob Lassoer, The Shaping of cA.bbiisid Rule (Princeton, 1980), 96--98; and Mahmood
Ibrahim, Merchant Capital and Islam (Austin, Texas, 1990), 59-60 and 182--83.
3. Al cAtlk was a subclan of cAdi ibn Qays, a clan of the Quraysh tribe of Mecca.
4. Sufyin ibn Sacid ath-Thawri was born in Kufa in 97nt5-16 and died in Basra in 16ln77--8.
He was one of the most important figures of the formative period of Islamic law. He was highly regard-
ed for his knowledge of Jiadith and wrote a commentary on the Qur:,in (See idem, at-Tajsfr, Imtiyiz cAli
cArshi ed. [Beirut, 1983].). His school of jurisprudence was popular among early Sufis, and his teaching
~ions were open to both men and women. Margaret Smith calls him "the founder of the school of Sufi
tradition" (See idem, An Early Mystic of Baghdad: A Study of tM Ufe and Teachings of 1:ldrith b. Asad
al-MuJ.rasibf, A.D. 781-857 [London, 1977 reprint of 1935 first edition], 72-73). Sources indicate that he
disapproved of the corruption of political figures. He was said to have always been fleeing for his life and
wrote notes on his shirt be:Cause he could not carry his books with him. Toward the end of his life he was
exiled to Basra. Among his sayings is the following: • ~ scholar is the doctor of religion and money is
the disease of religion. When the doctor himself contracts the disease~ how can he cure another?'' The
most detailed account of Sufyin ath-Thawri's life can be found in Abu Nucaym al-~fahini. 1:lilyat al-
awliya' wa ,abaqat al-a.giya', Abu Hijir as-sacid ibn Basyilni 2.aghliil, ed. (Beirut, reprint of 1357/1938
edition), vol. 6, 3~93 and vol. 7, 3-143. See also, Jamal ad-Din Abii al-Faraj ibn al-Jawzi, $ifaJ ~-
$afwa, Mal;uniid Fikhiiri and Mu}:wnmad RawwAs Qalcanji eds. (Beirut, 1406/1986), vol. 3, 148-52.
5. Abii Bis~ Shucba ibn al-J:lajjaj (d. lflJ/776-77 or 165n8t--82) was a hadith transmitter and
74
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UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
RABlc A AL-c ADAWIYYA
Reynold A. Nicholson, trans. (London, 1976 reprint of 1911 original), 118-119. See also, Louis
Massignon, Essay on the Origins of the Technical Language of Islamic Mysticism, Benjamin Clark,
trans. (Notre Dame, Indiana. 1997 translation of 1922 original), 152-58.
11. On its surface, this aphorism may appear problematical from a doctrinal point of view. 1\vo
terms are involved: macrifa, which literally means "knowledge" but in a Sufi context is usually translated
as "gnosis," and iqbdl, which means ''turning one's face toward God" or "orienting oneself toward God."
According to the · g of macrifa most common to Sufism, orienting oneself toward God would
76
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Also on his authority, Rabica said: ''I ask God's forgiveness for my
lack of truthfulness in saying, 'I ask God's forgiveness.'''
Also on his authority, Ribica was asked: ''How is your love for the
Prophet (may God bless and preserve him)?'' To which she replied,
''Verily, I love him. But love for the Creator has turned me away from love
for created things.''
[Shayban al-Ubulli] also said: One day, Ribica saw Rahm, [al-Qaysi] 12
kissing a young boy. ''Do you love him?'' she asked. ''Yes," he said. To
which she replied, ''I did not imagine that there was room in your heart to
love anything other than God, the Glorious and Mighty!'' RabiQ was over-
come at this and fainted. When he awoke, he said, ''On the contrary, this is
a mercy that God Most High has put into the hearts of His slaves.''13
I heard Abu Bakr ar-Razi 14 report from Abu Salama al-Baladi that
Maymun ibn al-A~bagh related through Sayyar15 from Jacfar [ibn
Sulaymin]: Mu)}ammad ibn Wasic 16 came upon Ribica while she was
staggering like one inebriated. ''What causes you to stagger?'' he asked.
''Last night I became intoxicated with love for my Lord and woke up ine-
briated from it," she replied. -
normally precede gnosis, thus making ma'rifa the '4fruit" of iqbdl and not the other way around. If,
however, macrifa is translated as ..knowledge of God," with the same meaning as the phrase al- cilm
bi-llNi, Rlbica•s statement would make sense as it is. The above translation of Rlbica•s aphorism fol-
lows the interpretation of c Abd ar-Rat:unln ib~,Al;lmad al-Jimi (d. 899/1492) in idem, Nafal)dt al-uns
min l;,a4arat al-quds, Mehdi Tawhidipur, ed. (Tehran, 1337/1918-19), 616.
12. Abil al-Muhijir Rabll) ibn cAmr al-QaysI (d. 180'796) of Basra was an ascetic and hadith
transmitter who was known for his fear of God and weeping. He practiced mortification of the flesh in
ways that were ~ representative of Christian asceticism than of the Islamic variety. Al-1'fahinI, for
example, reports that Rabll) used to put a heavy iron collar on his neck when he perfonned his nightly
devotions. He also advocated vows of chastity, acts of contrition, and pious visits to cemeteries.
According to Massignon, Rabil) introduced the early Sufi doctrines of divine friendship (/chulla) and the
superiority of saints to prophets (ta/.dil al-watr). Because of copyists' errors, he is sometimes listed as
"Riyllt." See al-1'fahlnI, IJilyat al-awli-ylJ', vol. 6, 192-197 and Ibn al-Jawzi, Si/at ~-$afwa, vol. 3,
'367-70. See also, Smith, Rabi'a, 33-34, idem, An Early Mystic, 73-74; and Massignon, Essay, 150-52.
13. Although it contradicts his reputation for chastity, some hercsiographers, such as the
Hanbalite scholar al-Khushaysh an-Nisi3I (d. 253/867), accused Rablli al Qaysl of belonging to a
group of "spirituals" (riVJaniyya) who belived that their friendship with God allowed them to take lib-
erties with the moral teachings of Islam. According to al-Khushaysh, such practices included licen-
tiousness with women and young boys. See Carl W. Ernst, Wonts of Ecstasy in Sufism (Albany, New
York, 1985), 100, 118-22.
14. Abil Baler Muhammad
•
b. c Abdallih b. cAbd al-c Aziz b. Shidhin ar-Rizi was from the
Iranian city of Rayy (near modem Tehran) and died in Nishapur in 376198~7. He traveled widely
in Iran and Central Asia, and was a major source of Sufi traditions for as-SulamI. See idem, Tabaqat
~ -,ufiyya, np. 18-19.
15. This individual may be Abu al-1:falcam Sayylr ibn Dinlr (or ibn Wardin) al-c An~ari, a
weeper (baklcil' ) who was an associate of Milik ibn Dinlr (d. 128n45). See Ibn al-Jawzi, Sifat ~-
Safwa, vol. 3, 13-14.
16. Abu cAbdallih Mui,ammad ibn WAsic b. JAbir (d. ca 120n38) was a noted hadith transmit-
ter, Qur:,in reciter, and ascetic from Khurasan who settled in Basra. His self-mortification included
78
79
she said. ''Say instead, 'How little is my sorrow!' If you were truly sor-
rowful, life itself would not please you.''
Also on his _authority Rabica said: ''My sorrow is not from feeling
sad. Rather, my sorrow is from not feeling sad enough.''
Also on his authority: In Basra, Rabica came across a man who had
been arrested and crucified for immorality. She said: ''Upon my father!
With that tongue you used to say, 'There is no god but God!''' Sufyan
said: ''Then she mentioned the good works that the man had done."
Also on his authority: ~ali}:l al-Murri17 said in her presence, ''He who
persists in knocking at the door will have it opened for him."18 ''The door
is already open," she replied. ''But the question is: Who wishes to enter it?''
the wearing of rough wool and chains. He was a disciple of al-l:lasan al-B~ri (d. 110n28) and died
as a defender of the faith in Khurasan. He is said to have stated: "I never saw anything without see-
ing God therein." He was also a companion of Malik ibn Dinar and could only have known Rabica
in the early part of her career. See lbn al-Jawzi, $ifat ~-$afwa, vol. 3, 266--71 and al-I~fahani, Ijilyat
al-awliyii', vol. 2, 345-57. See also al-Qushayri, ar-Risiila, 277, and al-Hujwiri, The Kash/ al-
Ma~jub, 91-92. See also, Massignon, Essay, 114, 147.
17. Abu Bishr Sa.lit, ibn Bashir al-Murri (d. 176n92-93) was a preacher, Qur:,an reciter, and
transmitter of early Muslim traditions. He had his own mosque in Basra where he taught Quranic
studies. He was fonnerly the slave of a woman of the Banfi Murra bedouins. After she freed him, he
remained a mawlii of her clan. See al-I~fahini, ljilyat al-awliyii', vol. 6, 165-77 and lbn al-Jawzi,
$ifat ~-$afwa, vol. 3, 350-52. On his knowledge of the Qur:,an see also, cAbdallah ibn al-Mubarak
al-Marwazi (d. 18ln97), Kitiib az-zuhd wa yalihi Kitiib ar-raqii'iq, l:labib ar-Rat,man al-cA~mi, ed.
(Beirut, n.d.), 88.
18. This·•'B paraphrasis of the famous saying of Jesus from the Sennon on the Mount: "Ask,
and it shall be given you; seek, and ye shall find; knock, and it shall be opened unto you; for every-
one that asketh receiveth; and he that seeketh findeth; and to him that knocketh it shall be opened."
New Testament, King James Version, Matthew 7:7-8.
80
81
ibn RawI:t20 related: Lubaba the Worshipper said: ''I am ashamed lest God
see me preoccupied with other than Him.''
Lubaba also said: ''The more I observe self-denial, the more com-
fortable I become with its practice. Thus, when I get tired from human
encounter, I find intimacy in the remembrance of God. And when human
discourse tires me, I take my rest in dedication to the worship of God and
fulfilling His service.''
A man said to her: ''This is the question.21 I want to perfor1n the pil-
grimage to Mecca, so what invocation should I make during this period?''
She said: ''Ask God Most High for two things: that He will be pleased
with you, so that He will make you attain the station of those who find
their satisfaction in Him, and that He will magnify your reputation among
His friends (awliya 22 3
)."
82
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83
23. cAbd al-c Aziz ibn cumayr (fl. 200/815-16) was originally from K.hurasan, but lived in
Basra. He was a contemporary of the Syrian Sufi AJ:imad ibn Abi al-1:lawiri and was noted for his
aphorisms on asceticism. Sec lbn al-Jawzi, $i/at ~-$afwa, vol. 4, 234.
24. This anecdotal form of Qur3 in commentary (ta/sir al-Quriin) is typical for traditionists in
early Islam. When used by Sufis, it serves as the basis for a particular interpretation of a point of fiqh
al- cibadat. In this account, Maryam of Basra validates the practice of tawakkul, leaving all initiative
to God, by referring her audience to the Qur3 in's promise of future sustenance for those who trust in
God. As-Sulami also uses this type of commentary as a form of pro-Sufi apologetics, demonstrating
that the roots of Sufism come from the Quranic roots of Islam itself. On Sufyan ath-Thawri' s use of
this exegetical method, sec C. H. M. Versteegh, Arabic Grammar and Quranic Exegesis in Early
Islam (Leiden, 1993), 111-14.
84
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25. I have been unable to detennine whether Mu'mina was the daughter of the famous Bahlill al-
Majnun (BahlOJ the Madman). Although most accounts place Bahl(il in either Kufa or Baghdad. it is
possible that his daughter may have moved to Damascus. BahlQJ was a contemporary of the c Abbasid
caliph Hlriin ar-Rashid (r. 170n86-t93/809). See lbn al-Jawzl, $ifat ~-$afwa, vol. 2, 516-18. In this
wo~ Ibo al-JawzI cites only a single aphorism from Mu'mina hint Bahlill: "Bliss is only to be found
in intimacy with God and in living in accordance with His decree." See Ibid., vol. 2,527.
26. This passage is missing from the at-Tanal:u edition.
86
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27. See also, $ifat ~-$afwa Appendix section I below. The earliest notice on Mucidha al-
e Adawiyya is in Mul,larnrnad ibn Sacd (d. 230/845), af-Tabaqilt al-kubril (Beirut, 1405/1985) vol. 8,
483. Apart from the biographical infonnation reproduced above, the only account of Mucidha given
by lbn sacd depicts her as sitting with her legs drawn up (muJ:,tabiyya) and discoursing to a group of
women who surround her.
28. Mucadha al-c Adawiyya could not have been RAbica al-c Adawiyya's contemporary, as as-
Sulami claims, because she was a figure of the early Umayyad period. Her husband, ~ila ibn
Ushaym al-c Adawi, died in battle in the year 75/694-95. As-Sulami does not cite a chain of trans-
mission (isniid) for his notice on Mucidha. saying only that he obtained his information from bis
father. lbn al-Jawzi reports from other, more authenticated sources that Mucadha al-c Adawiyya
transmitted traditions from the Prophet Mu}:tarnrnad's wife cA:,isha. Mucidha died in either 83n02
or lOinI9-20, around the time of Rabica al-cAdawiyya's birth. In passing on as-Sulami's erro-
neous infonnation, Margaret Smith (Rabi'a, 173-74) relies on Jami (idem, Nafal,uit al-uns, 617).
29. As-Sulami's father, al-1:fusayn ibn Mul,lammad as-Sulami, died around the year 345/956-
57. when Abii cAbd ar-Ral,lmin as-Sulami was still a young man. This explains why as-Sulami states
that he found this information about Mucidha al-c Adawiyya "in the handwriting of my father"
rather than receiving it orally. See Niir ad-Din Shurayba's introduction to as-Sulami, Tabaqat ~-
1ufiyya, 16-17.
30. This woman probably was Unaysa hint cAmr. See section XXXIX below.
88
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89
31. Neither cOITOborating evidence for Shabaka nor infonnation about her brother could be
found in the sources consulted for this worlc.
32. The Swedish Islamicist Tor Andrae noted that "during the earliest period of Islam certain
&SCJ'!tics arranged for a cell or subterranean chamber to be built in or under their own houses, where,
periodically, they practiced a life of quasi-eremitism." Idem, In tM Garden of Myrtles: Studies in
Early Islamic Mysticism, Birgitta Sharpe, trans. (Albany, New York, 1987 translation of 1947 origi-
nal), 10. Although Louis Massignon docs not mention the Persian term sardiJb (subterranean vault,
cellar) in Essay, be docs discuss the map,u,ra (Pers. shilcdft, underground storehouse). First used as
cells by Nestorian Christian ascetics, underground storehouses were also used by early Sufis in
Khurasan. See Ibid.. 107 and n. l 03.
33. Abii Sacid AJ:imad ibn al-Acribi (d. 34ll'J52-53) was from Basra but died in Mecca. wbcrc
he served as Imam of the Masjid al-J:larim. He was a companion of al-Junayd. cAmr ibn cuthmln al-
Makki, and Abii al-J:lusayn an-Niiri. He was a respected traditionist and was known for bis knowledge
of both Prophetic hadith and accounts of the Sufis. Both as-Sulami and al-I~fabinl transmitted tradi-
tions from Ibo al-Acribi's Kitab ,abaqdt an-nussalc (Categories of the Ascetics). See as-Sulami,
Tabaqat ~-~a.fiyya, 427-30, and al-~fablni, l:lilyat al-awliyii:1, vol. 2, 25. See also Ali Has.un Abdel-
Kader, The Life, Personality and Writings of Al-Junayd: A Study of a Third/Ninth Century Mystic
(London, 1976), x-xii; and Manuela Marin, "Abii Sacid ibn al-Acribi et le ™veloppement du
Soufismc en al-Andalus," Revue dM Moruk musulman et de la Mediterranle, 63-64 (1992), 28-38.
90
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91
siyya was the wife of Yusuf ibn Asbit. 34 She once said to Yusuf ibn
Asbat: ''You will be asked by God on my behalf whether you have
provided me with any food other than that which is lawful, and whether
you might be suspected of any wrongdoing for my sake.''
[Yusuf ibn Asbat] said: When Nusiyya gave birth to a son she said:
''Oh, Lord! You do not see me as someone worthy of Your worship. So for
this You have preoccupied me with a child!''
34. Yilsuf ibn Asblt ash-Shaybini (d. 199/814-1 S) was an ascetic preacher and traditionist who
speciali:zed in the way of humility (tawQ{iu'). When asked, "What is the limit of humility?" he
replied, "It is that when you leave your house you see everyone you meet as better than you." He
transmitted hadith from Sufyin ath-Thawri and othen. It is said that he buried his books because be
was dissatisfied with the quality of his memory. Although as-Sulami does not count him as a Sufi, he
is mentioned as such by al-Kalibidhi in Kitiib at-ta'arruf, 11 . See also, as-Sulaml, TabaqiU as-
1ufiyya, np. 36; al-I~fahini, IJilyat al-awliya', vol. 8, 237-43; lbn al-JawzI, $ifat ~-$afwa, vol. 4,
261-66; and Smith, An Early Mystic, 15.
92
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93
35. See also. Sifat ~•Safwa Appendix section X below. where she is called "Rayl,llna al·
Majnuna.. (Rayl,lana the Possessed).
36. This would put the date of Rayl,llna's death in the second half of the second/eighth century.
94
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.,
r•
•- -~
.,
.,
97
41. This account implies that cAfiyya was a contemporary of lbrlhlm ibn al-Junayd. It is there-
fore likely that she also lived in the second half of the third/ninth century.
98
..
•
v°
99
42. Khllid ibn Mac din was a noted hadith transmitter and early Sufi from Syria. He was an as.w-
ciate of the founder of the Syrian school of jurisprudence. AbO cAmr cAbd ar-Ral;unin al-Awz1c1 (d.
15In68 or 157n74). According to al-1'fahini. Ibn Macdin defined Sufism as "The exertion of effort
for the sake of witnessing the Object of Worship... He had two daughters, Umm cAbdalllh and cAbela.
Both transmitted traditions from al-Awzici. See al-lffahini. /:filyat al-awliycl~, vol: 5, 210-21.
43. Ismacn ibn cAyylsh (d. 18In97) was a student of Sufyin ath-Thawrl and was considered
one of the greatest hadith transmitters of his time. He was born in the Syrian city of Hims. See as-
Sulami, Tabaqat ~-1ufiyya, np. 392.
44. Although this phrase was left as a lacuna in the at-Tanil_u edition. it is legible in the origi-
nal manuscript.
100
101
45. See also, section XXXIX below. Either as-Sulaml or the copyist of the Riyadh manuscript
included two notices on Unaysa bint cAmr al-c Adawiyya.
46. This would put the date of Unaysa' s death in the middle Umayyad peri~ around the year
1oon1s-19.
47. Ismicn ibn Nujayd (d. 366/976-7) was the grandfather of as-Sulaml on his mother's side.
He was a noted Sufi and traditionist. He was a companion of Abil cuthmln al-f:liri (2981910) and met
Abu al-Qisim al-Junayd (d. 2981910). He was adept at concealing the onset of spiritual states and
was noted for his Sufi aphorisms. See as-Sulaml, Tabaq4t <q-1Dfiyya. 454-57 and al-Qushayri, ar-
Risdla, 435-36.
102
103
48. See also, section XL below. The notice on Umm al-Aswad in lbn al-Jawzi's $i/at ~-$afwa
is a verbatim copy of section XL. See Ibid., vol. 4, 32.
49. Umm al-Aswad and her brother al-Aswad ibn Yazid ibn Qays (d. 75/694 95) were the niece
and nephew of cAlqama ibn Qays an-Nakhaci (see note 58 below), an important traditionist of the
second generation after the Prophet Mw,ammad. Al-Aswad was older than his uncle cAlqama and
died in Kufa, nearly a generation before the latter. He was an extreme ascetic and was said to have
mortified his flesh so severely from fasting and worship that it became "giecn and yellow." cAlgama
worried that al-Aswad would be harmed by his ascetic practices. It is said that he lost the sight of one
eye because of his fasting. Al-Aswad's contemporaries called him "one of the monks" (rahib min ar-
ruhbiin) of his time. See al-~fahini, lfilyat al-awliyii', vol. 2, 102-5; and lbn al-Jawzi, $ifat ~-
$afwa, vol. 3, 23-24. On the controversy over the use of the term "monk" (rilhib) in Islam, see
Andrae, In the Garden of Myrtles, 9-14; and Massignon, Essay, 98-104.
50. This information puts the date of Umm al-Aswad's death in the middle Umayyad period,
around the year I oon 18-19.
S l. Umm al-Aswad' s commentary on this verse refers to the concept of humility (tawti{lu ') dis-
cussed above in the footnote on Yusuf ibn Asbit. She implies that to know one's human nature is to
acknowledge the existence of faults in oneself and others. Thus, one must always be tolerant of one's
fellow human beings.
104
52. See also, $ifat ~-$afwa Appendix section IX below. According to Ibn al-Jawzi, Shacwlna
was a contemporary of the famous Sufi al-Fu48yl ibn c1y14 (d. 187/803). See also, Zaynab bint Yiisuf
Fawaz al-c Amill, ad-Du" al-manthar fl /abaqat rabbilt al-khudur (Beirut. reprint of the Bfiliq edi-
tion of 1312/1894-95), 256.
106
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xv
-
SACIDA BINT ZAYD
The Sister of l:famtnad ibn Zayd53
acida was one of the female gnostics of Basra. She was similar to
~ Ribica [al-c Adawiyya]. She frequently practiced self-denial, and was
always in a meditative state (tafaklcur).
It was reported that she used to say: ''When one reflects upon the
bounties that God has bestowed on him, and how little he is thankful for
them, he becomes ashamed of asking for more because of how much he
has attained thus far."
53. AbQ lsmlcn l;lammld ibn Zayd (d. 177n9~94) was a traditionist and opponent of AbO
l;lanifa (d. IS<V767), the founder of the l;lanatl school of jurisprudence. l;lammld advocated a literal
interpretation of the Prophet Mul_wnmad's Sunna and did not accept the J:lanatl school's practice of
deriving new laws from the Sunna by analogy. When AbO J:lanifa died, he said: ·•Piaise be to God
who has swept the innards of the earth with him!" l;lammld died in the latter half of the second/eighth
century. See al-lffahlnl, /jilyat al-awliylJ', vol. 6; 257-67; and lbn al-Jawzl, $i/at a,-$afwa, vol. 3,
321-25, where he is called uc Abd al-Wll;lid ibn Zayd." He also appears under this name in
Massignon, Essay, who attributes to J:lammld ibn Zayd the use of the te11n cishq (ardent desire) for
the love of God and the founding of the ~ t i c community of Muslim accetics at Abaclan (for-
mally c Abbidln) in present day Iran. See Ibid., 147-48. See also note 77 below.
108
109
54. See also, $i/at ~-$afwa Appendix section XI below. Bilil ibn Abl ad-Dardi 3 (d.
96/714-15) was the son of Abo ad-Dardi3 cuwaymir ibn Zayd (d. 311652), a noted Companion of
the Prophet Mul;lammad. He transmitted hadith from his father and was appointed as a judge in Syria.
According to lbn al-Jawzi, cAthima's son was named Mul_lammad ibn Sulaymin b. (the son of) Bilil
ibn Abt ad-Dardi 3 • If this is true, as-Sulaml' s version of cAthima's name would indicate that she had
married her own brother. It is thus likely that cAthlma was either the niece of Bilil ibn Abl ad-Dardi 3
or that her husband Sulaymin was his nephew. See as-Sulaml, Dhikr an-niswa, ~-Tanil_u ed., np. 46.
See also al-Qushayri, ar-Risdla, np. 365. On Abo ad-Dardi3 see Smith, An Early Mystic, 63; and
Massignon, Essay, 108.
55. Abo al-Fatl_l Yusuf ibn cumar al-Qawwls al-BaghdldI (d. 3851995) was known for his
asceticism and uncompromising honesty (1idq). He was also known for his piety and goodness. It was
said that his supplications were answered by God. See as-Sulami, Tabaqat ~-,afiyya, np. 84.
56. Jacfar ibn Mul;lammad b. Nu~yr al-Khuldi (d. 348/959 60) was born and died in Baghdad.
He was a companion of al-Junayd and Abo al-1:fusayn an-No.rt. He is said to have written over 150
Sufi poems. He also wrote a well-known hagiographical work entitled J:lilciJyat al-awliyd' (Stories of
the Saints). The Riyadh manuscript of ''Sulamiyyit" from which the present work is taken also con-
tains a work entitled Kitilb al-muntalchab min f,ilciJyat ~-1ufiyya (Selections from the Tales of the
Sufis). This may be an abridged version of al-Khuldi's work. Another portion of al-KhuldI's work
can be found in the partially incomplete section on Sufis in an-Nadim's Kitilb al-fihrist, 235-38. See
also as-Sulaml, Tabaqat ~-1ufiyya, 434-39; al-l~fahini, 1:lilyat al-awliyd', vol. 10, 381--82; and lbn
al-Jawzi, $ifat ~-$afwa, vol. 2, 468-69. See also, Abdel-Kader, al-Junayd, xii-xiii, and al-Hujwiri,
The Kash/ al-MaJ:,jub, 156--57.
57. AJ.tmad ibn Mul_lammad b. Masrilq (d. 299/911-12) was from the Iranian city of TOs (near
mode111 Mashhad) but lived and died in Baghdad. He was one of the most important early Sufis and
110
111
was a companion of al-}:{arith ibn Asad al-Mw,isibi (d. 243/857) and Sari as-Saqap (d. 253/867). He
said: "He who docs not guard his intellect with his intellect from his intellect, is destroyed by his
intellect." See as-SulamI, TabaqiJt <q-fufiyya. 237-41 and al-l~fahini, lfilyat al-awliylJ:,, vol. 10, 213.
See also, al-Hujwiri, The Kash/ al-Mal,ajub, 146-47.
112
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XVII
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UMM SAcm 'l'HE DAUGH'l'ER
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OF cALQAMA AN-NAKHAcl58
58. cAlqama ibn Qays an-Nakhaci (d. before 110/728) was an early ascetic of Kofa. He is
counted among the "Followers" (at-Tabiciln), those who transmitted traditions from the Companions
of the Prophet Mul;wnmad. He is said to have married outside of his own clan as a sign of humility.
cAlqama's mother, known as Umm cAlqama. related hadith from the Prophet's wife cA:,isha. which
she passed on to her son. See lbn Sacd, a/-TabaqiJt al-lcubro, vol.8, 490. See also al-1'fahinl, l:lilyat
al-awliyli' , vol. 2, 98-102; and Massignon, Essay, 112.
59. Abii Sulaymin Dawiid ibn Nu~yr a~-Ti3I (d. 165n81) was also from Kofa. He is often
counted among the Sufis, although he was not seen as such by as-Sulami. At the beginning of his
career, he was a jurist and studied under Abil l:fanifa. Later in life, he renounced the study of law,
threw his books into the Euphrates river, and turned to asceticism. See al-Qushayri, ar-Risdla,
422-23; al-l~fal;llni, l:lilyat al-awliyli' , vol. 7, 335-67; Ibo al-JawzI, $ifat ~-$afwa, vol. 3, 131 46.
See also, al-Hujwiri, The Kash/ al-Mal,ajab, I 09-10.
60. The original phrase, "Your grace" (mannuka), was replaced by at-Tanll,ll with ''concern for
You" (hammuka) following modem editions of al-lffahlnl's l:lilyat al-awliyd', al-Khatib al-
Baghdadi' s Tlirikh Baghdad, and lbn al-JawzI' s $ifat a,•$afwa.
61. The phrase, "came between me and ..." (~la baynl wa bayna) in the original manuscript
was changed by at-Tan~ to "caused me to ally myself with" (1)4lafa bayni wa bayna), following a
modem edition of lbn al-Jawzi's $ifat ~-$afwa.
114
115
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. ..
117
lower soul from attaining its desires, God makes me a ruler over it.''
Umm Talq also said: ''The lower soul is a king if you indulge it, but
it is a slave if you to11nent it.''
64. Sec also, $i/aJ Ql-$afwa Appendix section VII below. The earliest mention of Umm Talq is
in lbn Sacd, af-Tabaqdt al-/cubriJ. vol. 8, 486. In this work, a certain lbn ar-ROmi (Son of the Roman)
is depicted as visiting Umm Talq and observing that the roof of her house is extremely low. By way
of explanation she notes that the caliph cumar ibn al-KhanAb (r. 13/634-23/644) told his gove,11\)rs
not to erect tall buildings, lest ''the evil of your days come when you erect tall buildings... See also,
al-l~fahini, J:lilyat al-awliya', vol. 3, 63-66; lbn al-JawzI, $ifat Ql-$afwa, vol. 3, 258; and Smith, An
Early Mystic, 189-90.
65. AbO al-Mujashshir cA~im al-J~dari (d. before 13M48-49) was a f~(?.US Qur;,an reciter
from Basra. His companionship with Umm Talq puts the date of her death in the later Umayyad peri-
od, around the first quarter of the second/eighth century. Sec al-Malcki, Qat al-qulub, vol. 1, 45. See
also, as-Sulami, Dhikr an-niswa, at-Tanil;u ed., np. 49.
118
119
asna was one of the female devotees of Yemen and a specialist in the
way of desire. She was endowed with great spiritual states.
• Abii al-Fadl Muhammad ibn Ibrahim b. al-Fadl al-Muzakki related
• • •
from Mul}ammad ibn lsmacil al-Isma~ili through Al}.mad ibn Abi al-
1:{awari of Damascus through Mul}ammad ibn Abi Dawiid al-AZ<fi, who
reported that c Abd ar-Razzaq66 said: There was a woman in Yemen who
was called }:lasna hint Fayriiz and she used to say: ''Oh, God! How long
will you keep Your friends burl~~ in the ground and under the earth? Why
don't You bring about the Day of Resurrection so that You can fulfill that
which You have promised them?''
66. This individual may be the ascetic c Abd ar-Razziq ~-Sancini (d. 211/826), who gave coun-
sel to the caliph Harlin ar-Rashid in Mecca. See al-Hujwiri, The Kash/ al-MaJ:,jub, 98.
120
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UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
121
af~a was one of the female devotees of Basra. Like her brother,
MUQammad ibn Sirin, she was a specialist in the ways of asceticism
and scrupulousness. She used to manifest exemplary signs and miracles.
I heard Mul)ammad ibn Tahir al-Waziri report from al-}:lusayn ibn
Mul)ammad b. lsl)iq through Sac:id ibn c:Uthmin al-}:lannif9 of Baghdad
through Sayyar ibn }:litim that Hishim ibn }:lassin70 related: }:laf~a hint
Sirin used to light her lamp at night, and then would rise to pray in her
prayer area. At times, the lamp would go out, but it would continue to illu-
minate her house until daylight.
67. See also, $ifat a1-$afwa Appendix section II below. The earliest account of 1:1~ bint Sirin
can be found in lbn Sacd, af-Tabaqat al-kubra, vol. 8,484.
68. Abii Bakr Mul;lammad ibn Sirin (d. 110/728-29) is reputed to be the, earliest master of
dream interpretation in Islam. He was also known for his weeping and fasting. According to
Massignon, he was the first to transmit the so-called "Hadith of Suffering" (Qadlth al-IbtiliJ'): "When
God loves one of His slaves, He tests him with suffering." He would refer people to his sister for com-
mentaries on the Qur:,in. See al-Hujwiri, The Kash/ al-MaJ:,jub, 92-93; al-lffahinl, Qilyat al-awliyd',
vol. 2, 263-82. See also, Massignon, Essay, 11 O; and £12, vol. 3, 947-48.
69. Abii CUthmin sacid ibn cuthmln al-J:lannit (d. 294/906-7) was a disciple of the Egyptian
Sufi Dhii an-Niln al-Mi~ri (d. 245/859) and an important transmitter of esoteric traditions. The name
al-l;lannlif means "seller of herbs and perfumes used to prepare bodies for burial." See lbn cArabi,
IA vie merveilleuse de Dha-1-Nun l'Egyptien, Roger Dcladriere trans. and ed. (Paris, 1988), 379-80.
70. Abii cAbdallih Hishim ibn J:lasvn al-Firdawsl (d. 148n65) was a traditionist and ascetic
who would spend his nights in devotion and weeping. He was the main source for information about
J:laf~a hint Sirin. In $ifat ~-$afwa, Ibn al-Jawzl reports nearly the same story about Hishim ibn
J:lassan that he gives for J:laf~. In his notice on Hishim, the latter's servant states: "What sin has this
one committed? Whom has he killed? For he weeps the entire night!" See $ifat ~-$afwa Appendix
section II below and idem, $ifat ~-$afwa, vol. 3, 312.
122
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123
71 . See also, section ll above, where she is called "Lubiba the Devotee" (al-mutacabbida).
72. This individual is probably Abu Mul;lammad c Abdallih ibn Khubayq al-Antild, who was a
follower of the Sufi way of an-Niiri (d. 295/908) and an advocate of ethical scrupulousness (wam').
In ljilyat al-awliya', al-I~fahini records an account transmitted by Ibo Khubayq through Al;unad ibn
Abi al-1:fawiri about a Sufi woman who appears to be Lubiba. As-SulamI seems to have confused
Ibo Khubayq, who lived in the fourth/tenth century, with the earlier Al;unad ibn c A~im al-An~ (d.
220/835), who was a source for Ibo Abi al-1:fawiri. In TabaqiJt cq-1ufiyya, as-Sulami claims that Ibo
Khubayq was a companion of both Yusuf ibn Asbit (d. 199/814-15) and the Sufi disciples of an-Niiri.
This appears to be impossible, since nearly a century separates these two masters. On Ibo Khubayq
al-Antlki, see as-Sulami, TabaqiJt cq-1ufiyya, 141-145; al-Qushayrl, ar-RisiJla, 408; al-~fablni,
ljilyat al-awliya', vol. 10, 168--89; and lbn al-Jawzi, $ifat cq•$afwa, vol. 4, 280-81. In at-Tacamlf,
al-Kalabidhl mentions a third Antaki,•
Abu Muhammad
•
c Abdallah ibn Muhammad al-Antikl, whose
• •
name most closely matches that given in the text. He provides no other information on this individ-
ual, however, merely listing him with the other two Antilds as the author of a work on Sufi practice.
Ibid., 12.
73. This individual may be Abu c Abdallih A):unad ibn c A,im al-AntikI (d. 220/835). Known as
the "Spy of Hearts" (jasus al-qulub), he wrote KitiJb dawa' da' an-nufus (Cure for the Disease of
Souls). He said: 'That which brings you nearest to God is the abandonment of secret sins, because if
you fail inwardly, both your outward and your inward acts are voided." He also said: 'The most harm-
ful act of disobedience is being obedient out of ignorance; this is more harmful to you than being dis-
obedient out of ignorance." See Smith, An Early Mystic, 77-79. See also, as-Sulami, Tabaqat cq-
~ajiyya, 137-40; and al-I~fahini, ljilyat al-awliya', vol. 9, 280-97.
124
•"' ,, • •
~WJlj.AI~
125
74. On Ribi'a bint lsmicn, the wife of Af)mad ibn Abi al-l;lawiri, see section XXIX below.
75. The word used in this account for "teacher'' (ustiidh) is in the masculine rather than the fem-
inine fonn. This grammatical novelty indicates that for as-Sulami, l;lukayma of Damascus bad
attained the status of the "men" (rijd/) of the Sufi tradition. 1be same tenn is also used to describe
Fatima of Nishapur, in section XXX below.
76. Abii Sulaymin ad-Dirini (d. 215/830) lived for a time in Basra, but spent the latter part of
his life in the village of Diriyi, near Damascus. He was influential in establishing the Sufi doctrine
of hope (rajiJ') and fear (/chQwj), linking the fear of God to self-discipline (mujlihada) and hope with
the contemplation of God (mushahada). He was the spiritual master of Af)mad ibn Abi al-l;lawiri.
See Smith, An Early Mystic, 76-77; and Massignon, Essay, 152-54. See also, as-Sulami, Tabaqat Q.1·
~ufiyya, 75-82; al-I~fahini, l:filyat al-awliyiJ', vol. 9, 254 80; Ibo al-Jawzi, $ifat Q.1-$afwa, vol. 4,
223-34; and al-Hujwiri, The Kash/ al-Ma/Jjub, 112-13.
126
. I.a
127
abica was one of the greatest companions of the Sufis of Basra and
was a specialist in the way of scrupulousness.
cAbd al-Wal:iid ibn Zayd77 was her companion and transmitted
reports about her.
Abii Jacfar [ar-Razi] reported from al-c Abbas [ibn 1:lamza] through
AJ).mad [ibn Abi al-1:lawari] that Biler [ibn cAbdallah] 78 b. Mu~ammad of
Basra related: cAbd al-Walpd ibn Zayd asked Rabica al-Azdiyya to marry
him. She refused and kept away from him, and he was greatly distressed.
However, he bore her refusal patiently until one day she gave him per-
mission to see her. When he entered her house she said, ''Oh lustful one!
What did you see in me that aroused your desire? Why don't you ask a
lustful person like yourself to marry you?''79
77. Given cAbd al-Wif.lid ibn Zayd's advocacy of solitude and world-renunciation, it is ironic
that he was noted for dreams of slave girls and houris. In a dream reported by lbn al-Jawzi, lbn Zayd
sees a beautiful slave-girl dressed in green silk, whose sandals and ankle bracelets praise and magni-
•
fy God. She entices him to buy her, saying that her price is the love of God and that God will never
reject the money of the one who asks for her hand. It is this "lustfulness" that Ribica al-Auliyya crit-
icizes in the above account. See lbn al-Jawzi, $ifat ~-$afwa, vol. 3, 321-24. See also, Massignon,
Essay, 147-48.
78. This name is missing from the at-Tanil)i edition.
79. By making Ribica al-Auliyya the object of cAbd al-WiJ:lid ibn Zayd's affections, as-
Sulami cotie<,;ts a mistake in al-Makki's Qut al-qulab, where lbn Zayd asks Ribica al-c Adawiyya to
marry him. The widespread popularity of Qut al-qulab has caused this mistaken version to become
better known than the original. See al-Makki, Qut al-qulub, vol. 2, 57. See also, Smith, Rabi'a,
29-31.
128
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Ill
129
130
.. •
fl
131
83. See also. Si/at ~-$afwa Appendix section XVI below. Although as-Sulami lists Umm
Sllim as a native of Basra. Ibn al-Jawzi includes her among the "bedouins and country-folk." She
may have come from a village near Basra. Neither gives a date for her death.
84. The verb al,arama in Arabic means to declare something sacred. sacrosanct. inviolable. or
taboo. The verbal noun i~rilm thus refers to a state of taboo or ritual consecration. To perform the
l:fajj pilgrimage to Mecca. each pilgrim must enter a state of i~ram: to purify oneself with a full bath
and to put on the ••garment of consecration" (libas al-i~rilm). which consists of two white linen or
woolen sheets for men and a plain linen or woolen garment for women. and to refrain from sexual
relations and bodily adornment for the period of the pilgrimage. One must also devote oneself entire-
ly to thoughts of God and the requirements of the l:fajj. Because gender distinctions are effaced in
this state of consecration. women are allowed to leave their faces uncovered and to mix among men
while performing the rites of the pilgrimage. It has also been observed that the absence of face veil-
ing during the 1:fa.ij has to do with the elimination of class distinctions; face veiling was associated
with upper-class Christian women of Najran in southern Arabia during pre-Islamic times. See the
notices on the upper-class martyrs Elizabeth and Ruhm (d. ca. 518-22 c .E.) in Sebastian P. Brock and
Susan Ashbrook Harvey eds. and trans .• Holy Women ofthe Syrian Orient (Berkeley and Los Angeles,
1987). 105--7 and 111-15.
85. 1be meaning of this statement is that every resolution to serve God must be made with as
much seriousness as the vow to perform the l:fajj pilgrimage. Once a person has consecrated himself
to God, the vow must be carried out, even if it results in one's death. Muslims believe that those who
die on the l:fajj pilgrimage enter heaven as a reward for their efforts. A tradition of the Prophet
M ~ states: "Required of women is a holy war (jihiid) without fighting: the l:fajj and the
'umra (off-season pilgrimage) ... See AbO c Abdallih Mul)ammad ibn Mija al-Qazwini, Sunan lbn
Miija, Mal)miid Fu'id c Abd al-BlqI, ed. (Beirut. n.d.), vol. 2, 968.
132
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133
86. See also, $ifat Q1-$afwa Appendix section VI below. cUbayda was a contemporary of Milik
ibn Dinlr (d. 128n4S), and thus was a figure of the late Umayyad period.
87. The person who possesses sound judgment (rajul 'iJqil, fem. mar'a 'iJqila) is considered
competent to provide testimony in an Islamic court of law. As-SulamJ uses this term to indicate that
cUbayda bint Abi Killb was fully the equal of a man in her judgment.
88. DlwOd ibn al-Mul)abbir, who appears to be a figure of the third/ninth century, is mentioned
by Massignon as the author of a Kitab al-'aql (Book of the Intellect). See idem, Essay, np. 147.
134
• ... ...
bj•O ·'' t J.,A1 ~
135
89. This isnad indicates that Hind bint al-Muhallab lived at the beginning of the third/ninth
century.
136
137
abica was one of the great women of Syria. She was extremely rich
and spent all of her wealth on Al}mad [ibn Abi al-1:{awari] and his
•
companions.
Abu Jacfar ar-Razi reported from al-c Abbas ibn l:{amza that Al}mad
ibn Abi al-1:{awari related: Rabica said to me one day: ''I used to pray to
God Most High that someone like you or your companions would con-
sume my fortune.,,
I heard Abu Baler ibn Shadhan [ar-Razi] report from Yusuf ibn al-
1:{usayn [ar-Razi] 92 that Al}mad ibn Abi al-1:{awari related: Rabica said to
us: ''Take that wash basin away from me! For I see written on it: 'Harlin
[ar-Rashid], the Commander of the Believers93 has died.'''
Al}mad said: We looked into the matter, and found that Harlin had
indeed died on that day.94
90. See also, $ifat ~-$afwa Appendix section XIII below. Ribic:a hint Ismic:Il's name has
also been rendered as "Rayic:a.. (see Roded, Women in Islamic Biographical Collections, 94). A
more probable alternative, however, is "Rabica." Rablc:a was the name of one of the two branch-
es of the "northern" or Qays Arabs of Syria, the region where Ribic:a hint Ismic:n lived. The
Rabic:a allied themselves with the Qat.itin or Yemeni Arabs against the other northern branch, the
Mu(.iar. Rablc:a and Qal.ltin were closely associated with the sedentary and urbanized peoples of
Syria and Iraq and their members were often patrons of non-Arab Muslim converts. Ribic:a•s bur-
ial place is in Jerusalem, on the Mount of Olives next to the tomb of the female Christian saint
Pelagia of Antioch. Later writers have often confused her with Ribic:a al-c: Adawiyya of Basra.
See, for example, Sirij ad-Din Abu l:laf~ cumar ibn al-Mulaqqin (d. 804/1401-2), Tabaqat al-
awliyli', Niir ad-Din Shurayba ed. (Beirut, 1406/1986), 408. Sec also, Marshall G. S. Hodgson,
The Venture of Islam: Conscience and History in a World Civilization (Chicago, 1977), vol. I,
227-229; and Massignon, Essay, 154. For another notice on Rabic:a hint Ismicil, see al-c Amill, ad-
Durr al-manthur, 203.
91. Al)mad ibn Abi al-1:fawirf died in 230/845 (see note 10 above).
92. Abu Yacqiib Yusuf ibn al-1:fusayn ar-Rizi (d. 304/916-17) was a disciple of Dhii an-Non al-
Mi~rl (d. 245/859) and studied under Al;lmad ibn l:fanbal (d. 241/855), the founder of the l:fanbali
school of Islamic jurisprudence. He was a noted stylist in the Arabic language and a great traveler,
visiting Iraq, Syria. and Egypt. See al-I~fahini, IJilyat al-awliya', vol. 10, 238-43; and lbn al-Jawzi,
$ifat ~-$afwa, vol. 4, 102-3. See also, Abdel-Kader, al-Junayd, 32-34.
93. "Commander of the Believers" (Amir al-Mu'minin) was the official title of the caliphs of
Islam.
94. Harlin ar-Rashid, the fifth c: Abbasid caliph, died in the year 193/809.
138
•
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• • •
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- -
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, .
-~.JJ~ ~ ;JI .r.-'I uLo : L ~ ~
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. - Sutt
ot1
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-r~' ~ ~ uLo_,. ,~µ, 1.,~ :J. ► I JLi
139
Mul}ammad ibn Al)mad b. Sacid reported from al-c Abbas ibn l:lamza
that Al)mad ibn Abi al-1:fawari related: I heard Ribica say: ''Sometimes I
see spirits (al-jinn) in the house coming and going. At times they are
houris (al-~ur al-cayn),95 who veil themselves from me with their
sleeves.'' She said this swearing with her hand upon her head.
[Al)mad ibn Abi al-1:fawari] said: I heard Ribica say: ''I never look at
blowing snow without thinking of the dispersal of the pages of destiny; I
never look at a swarm of locusts without thinking of the gathering of souls
at the Resurrection; and I never hear the muezzin without thinking of the
Caller of Souls on Judgment Day."
And on the same authority Al)mad said: Once I called for Ribica and
she did not answer. After an hour had passed she answered me: ''What
prevented me from answering you was that my heart was filled with hap-
piness from God Most High. For this reason, I could not answer you.''
95. The Arabic noun J;,ur; rendered in English as "houris," is the plural of both al;,war (masc,)
and hawriJ' (fem.), which denote a person distinguished by ~war, intense whiteness of the eye and
lustrous black of the iris. In a more general sense, ~war signifies whiteness, or as a moral attribute,
purity. Hence, the compound expression J;,ur cayn, used in this passage and in the Qur3 an, signifies
"pure beings'' or "companions pure" that are pleasing to the eye. cAyn may also be understood as "the
essence of the soul." Some early Qur3 in commentators, such as al-):Jaqn al-83'ri (d. l lOl728) inter-
preted al-1;,ur al-cayn as meaning ''the righteous among women." See, for example, Qur3 in 56 (al-
Waqica), 22-23: "And with them will be their companions pure. most beautiful of eye, like unto
pearls still hidden in their shells." See also Muhammad Asad, The Message of the Qur'iin (Gibraltar,
1984), 831 and n. 8.
140
-atima
•
was a woman from one of the oldest families of Khurasan. She
was one of the greatest female gnostics. Abu Yazid al-Bistann-97
praised her and Dhu an-Nun [al-Mi~ri] 98 sought her advice on doctrinal
matters. She used to spend time devoted to worship in Mecca. Possibly,
she also went to Jerusalem and then returned to Mecca. There was no
other woman like her in her time.
It is related that she once sent Dhu an-Nun a gift. Dhu an-Nun sent it
back to her and said: ''A~cepting the gifts of Sufi women is a sign of
humiliation and weakness.'' Fapma replied: 'There is no Sufi in this
world more lowly than one who doubts another's motives.''99
96. Sec also, lbn al-JawzI, $ifat <J1•$afwa. vol. 4, 123-24; lbn cArabi, Dhu-1-Nun l'Egyptien,
236-37; and al-c Amill, ad-Durr al-manthur, 367-68.
97. Abil Yazld (or Blyazld) TayfOr ibn cJs1 b. Surilshln al-Bis~ (d. 261/875 or 264/877-78)
was the grandson of a convert from Zoroastrianism and the son of one of the notables of Bistam in
northern Iran. Al-Junayd said about him: ''Biyazld holds the same rank among us as Gabriel does
among the angels." Al-Hujwiri calls him one of the "Ten Imams of Sufism." He was a master of the
station of love (mat,Dbba) and a founder of the malamatiyya. or "path of blame!' He was also known
for his ecstatic utterances (shata~t). He was an ascetic for over 30 years, but later abandoned this
discipline, saying: 'Those who are most veiled from God are three: First is the ascetic who is veiled
by hi~ asceticism, second is the worshipper who is veiled by his devotion, and third is the scholar who
is veiled by his knowledge." See as-Sulami, Tabaqat <J1•1ufiyya. 67-74; al-Hujwiri, The Kash/ al-
Mal;,jab, 106-108; Abdel-Kader, al-Junayd, 31-32, and al-Qushayri, ar-RisiJla, 395-97. See also, al-
~fahini, !Jilyat al-awliylJ', vol. 10, 33-42; and £12, vol. 1, 162-63.
98. Abu al-Fay<;I Dhtl an-Nun Thawbin ibn lbrihlm al-Mi~ri (d. 246/861) was of Nubian
descent and was from the town of Akhmim (ancient Panopolis) in Egypt, about 350 miles south of
Cairo. Like Abo Yazld al-Bistlml, he followed the path of blame. According to al-Hujwirl, "the
people of Egypt were lost in doubt as to his true state, and did not believe in him until he was
dead." However~-,late in life he was favored by the cAbbasid caliph al-Mutawakkil (r.
232/847-247/86). He is reputed to be one of the first to discuss the doctrine of spiritual states
(al;,wal) and spiritual stations (maqiimlit) in Sufism. He is said to have recited the following vers-
es on his death-bed: "Oh Ultimate Goal of all lovers, grant me a favored place among Your visi-
tors! For I care not for bygones, so long as You are my only Companion in the two abodes!"
According to lbn al-Jawzi, he died in Giza and was taken by boat to al-Fustat out of fear that
bridges would collapse from the number of people attending his funeral. He was buried in the
graveyard of Ahl al-Macifir in Old Cairo. See as-SulamI, TabaqlJt <Jl·lilfiyya, 15-26; al-Qushayri,
ar-Risala, 433-34, al-I~fahini, IJilyat al-awliya"', vol. 9, 331-95 and vol. 10, 1-4. See also, al-
Hujwiri, The Kash/ al-Mal;,jilb, 1~103; lbn al-Jawzi, Sifat ~-$afwa, vol. 4, 315-21; Smith, An
Early Mystic, 80-82; and El2, vol. 2, 242-43.
99. Literally, "investigates the cause." This means that the person who rejects such a gift is
needlessly suspicious or lacking in thankfulness, as in the English expression, "One who looks a gift-
horse in the mouth."
142
143
Abu Yazid al-Bistanu said: ''In all of my life, I have only seen one
true man and one true woman. The woman was Fatima of Nishapur.
Whenever I info11ned her about one of the stages of spirituality, she would
take the news as if she had experienced it herself.''
Dhu an-Nun said to her when they were together in Jerusalem:
''Advise me." So she said to him: ''Make truthfulness obligatory and mor-
tify yourself in your actions and your words. God Most High has s~d:
'And when a matter is resolved, it would be best for them if they were
true to God' [Qur'in, 47 (Mu/µlmmad), 21)."
~ad ibn Mu\}ammad ibn Miqsam reported with certification 100
.
(ijazatan) from Abu Mu\}ammad al-1:lusayn ibn c Ali b. Khalaf from lbn
Malul (a very aged shaykh who met Dhu an-Nun al-Mi~ri), who related:
I asked [Dhu an-Nun], ''Who is the most excellent person you have ever
seen?'' To which he replied, ''I have never seen anyone more excellent
than a woman I saw in Mecca who is called Fatima of Nishapur. She
used to discourse wonderfully on matters pertaining to the meaning of
the Qur'in.''
I asked Dhu an-Niin about her and he said: ''She is a saint from
among the friends of God, the Glorious and Mighty. She is also my
teacher (ustadhi).''
[Dhu an-Nun said]: ''I heard her say: 'When God ignores a person, he
will wander aimlessly in every city square and will prattle constantly with
every tongue. When God does not ignore a person, He silences him except
for the truth and compels him to hold Him in reverence and ~ncerity. '''
[Dhu an-Nun] said: Fatima of Nishapur said: ''Today, the person who
speaks the truth and the person who is aware of God finds himself in a
wave-tossed sea. He calls upon his Lord with the prayer of the drowning
man and asks his Lord to be saved and rescued.''
Fatima said: ''One who acts for the sake of God while desiring to wit-
ness Him is a gnostic ( carif), whereas one who acts in the hope that God
will notice him is the sincere believer (mukhli~)''
Fatima (may God have mercy on her) died in Mecca in the year
223/838 while on her way to perforrn the lesser pilgrimage (cumra).
100. An ijlJ1.D is a written certificate given by a teacher of oral traditions (riwiiya) to his or her
pupil. This certificate entitles the pupil to transmit the traditions that are stipulated in the ijiiUJ to his
or her own students.
144
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, ,
145
mm Hiriin was one of the great women of Syria. Abii Sulaymin ad-
~ Dirini used to say: ''I never thought that in Syria there would be a
woman such as Umm Hiriin." 102
Abii Jacfar ar-Rizi (may God have mercy on him) reported from al-
e Abbas ibn l:lamza through Af}mad ibn Abi al-1:fawiri, who said: I said to
Umm Hiriin, ''Do you desire death?'' ''No," she said. ''Why?'' I asked.
She replied, ''If I were disobedient to a human being, I would not want to
encounter him. So how could I desire to encounter God when I have dis-
obeyed Him?''
Also on his authority [Af}mad ibn Abi al-1:fawiri] said: Umm Harlin
was leaving her village, when a man shouted out to a boy, ''Take him!''
Umm Hiriin fell to the ground. She hit her head on a rock, and blood
appeared on her veil. Abii Sulaymin [ad-Dirini] said: ''He who wishes to
see one who is truly thunderstruck should look at Umm Hiriin!'' 103
l Ol. See also, $i/Dl ~-$afwa Appendix section XIV below; and aJ.c: AmilJ, ad-Durr al-manthur, 10.
102. Umm HlrOn's association with Abu Sulaymln ad-Dlrinl and Al;lmad ibn Abl al-J:{awiri
indicates that she lived in the first half of the third/ninth century.
103. When Umm Hlriln heard the man shout "Take him!" she thought that God had com-
manded the Angel of Death to take her soul. Accounts about Umm Hiriin indicate that she was in
such fear of God that she expected her death at any moment.
146
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147
al)riyya was one of the female gnostics of Basra. She was a compan-
ion of Shaqiq [al-Balkhi] 105 and his contemporary. Once she stopped
to see Shaqiq and said: ''Teach me a tradition that has neither been record-
ed by pens nor polluted by inaccuracy, and is near in time to its infor-
mant.'' Shaqiq was shocked by her words and exclaimed, ''Look at what
this one is saying!''
Abu Jacfar ar-Razi reported from al-c Abbas ibn l:{amza through
.AJ:unad ibn Abi al-1:{awlri, who said: An old woman from the people of
Basra told me that she heard Bal)riyya say: ''When the heart abandons its
desires, it becomes habituated to knowledge and pursues it, bearing
everything which this entails.''
l 04. See also, $ifm Ql·$afwa Appendix section VIll below, where she is called ''BaJ:uiyya the
Worshipper."
105. AbO cAll Shaqlq ibn Ibrlhim al-Ami (d. 1941810) was from the city of Balkh in Khurasan
(present-day Afghanistan). He was knowledgeable in all of the Islamic sciences including the exegesis
of the Qurln. He was a companion of lbrlhlm ibn Adham (d. lflJ/777) and was said to have given a
vast amount of wealth away in alms. In his youth he was a merchant and traveled widely in the land of
the Torts. Sources indicate that he was in the region of Baghdad in the year 1ssn1s. It was probably
around this time that he associated with BaJ:uiyya. See as-Sulami, Tabaqat Ql-~ufiyya, 61-66; al-
~fahlnl, ~ilyat al-awliyd', vol. 8, 58-83; al-Qushayri, ar-Ris4la. 397-98; lbn al-Jawzi, $ifat Ql-$a/wa.
vol. 4, 159 60. See also, al-Hujwiri, The Kash/ al-MaJ:,jub, 111-12; Smith, An Early Mystic, 1S.
148
149
106. A Persian translation of this notice can also be found in Jimi, Nafa/Jdt al-was. 619-20.
Flpma al-Barda~iyya most likely flourished around the middle of the fourth/tenth century.
107. There is some question about the actual name of Abo al-1:{asan as-Salimi (d. 374/985).
Whatever it may have been, he was a widely-traveled traditionist of Khurasan. He recorded traditions
from Iraq, Khurasan, Transoxania, Bukhara, and Samarqand. He was particularly interested in unusu-
al stories and oddities. He died in Bukhara. See as-SulamI, Tabaqdt Ql-1ufiyya, np. 28.
150
151
V
- -
CA:>ISHA OF DINAWAR
said: 'Entrust me with something.' He said: ''Take blessings from all that
the Sufi shaykhs give you.''
108. Mul)ammad ibn al-Fa<Jl al-Balkhi (d. 319/931) was born in Balkh but was forced to move
to Samarqand (in present-day Uzbekistan) because of his beliefs. He was one of the major shaykhs
of Khurasan. He was a strong believer in asceticism. He said: 'The people who know the most about
God are the strongest in self-denial and its requirements; they are also the best in following the Sunna
of His Prophet, may God bless and preserve him." See as-Sulami, Tabaqi1t ~-,uflyya, 212-16; al-
I~fahAni, /Jilyat al-awliya', vol. 10, 232-33; al-Qushayri, ar-Risala, 398-99; and Ibo al-Jawzi, $i/at
a1-$afwa, vol. 4, 165.
109. Abu Is}:taq Ibrahim ibn Shayban al-Qirmisini (d. 337/948-9) was the paramount Sufi of the
region of al-Jabal, south of the Caspian Sea in Iran. He was a specialist in the Sufi doctrines of spir-
itual states (a~wal) and complete reliance on God (tawalclcul). Like Ibrahim al-Khaww~ (d. 291/904),
another specialist in tawalclcul, he was a disciple of the North African Sufi Mul;uunmad ibn lsmicil al-
Maghribi (d. 299/911). He said: 'The knowledge of extinction in God (Jana') and continued exis-
tence through God (baqd') revolves around the sincere belief in the oneness of God and COliCX.t wor-
ship. Anything other than this is error and heresy." He also said: "Tawalclcul is a secret between God
and the slave. No one else should attain the knowledge of this secret." Ibrahim ibn Shayban was the
spiritual master of c A3 isha ad-Dinawariyya. See as-Sulami, Tabaqat ~-,afiyya, 402-5; and al-
l~fahani, JJilyat al-awliya', vol. 10, 361-62.
110. The fact that c A3 isha of Dinawar was present at lbrihim ibn Shayban •s death indicates
that she was one of his closest disciples. This particular tradition cannot have been transmitted
through Mul)ammad ibn al-FacJI because he died before lbn Shaybin.
152
,.
•
t;.t
.,
,.
,. ,. .
:Jli . u<·cc'•',;I=· ,4 • I
- ., .,
J
.,, ,,
;..,.._..-.....,~.,.,J', ~ -,I k.J..\J- Lo
. "-=
.,
153
111. Ama (slave) is the feminine fOllll \)f the Arabic word cabd. Amat al-Qamid (Slave-Girl of the
Praiseworthy) is thus the feminized version of the name cAbd al-Qamld (Slave of the Praiseworthy).
112. AbO Sac:IdAl;lmad ibn c:lsi al-Kharrlz (d. 277/8~91) was a companion of al-Junayd and
fellow disciple of al-Junayd's uncle Sari as-Saqatf (d. 253/867). He is said to have been the first to
discuss the doctrine of /anlJ', extinction in God, and baqd', existence through God. He supported
himself as a shoemaker (lcharrdz.). Al-Junayd said about him: ••He remains at his bench year after
year, and never forgets to mention God between each two stitches." Al-Hujwirl mentions a Sufi
school named after al-Kharrlz and quotes extensively from the latter's writings on/an/J' and baqa'.
Al-Kharriz said on this subject: "Fan/J' is annihilation from the consciousness of personhood
(cubiidiyya), whereas baqd' is peisistence in the contemplation of God-hood (ildhiyya)." See al-
Hujwirl, The Kash/ al-MaJ;,jab, 143, 241 46; Abdel-Kader, al-Junayd, 41; and Massignon, Essay,
203-05. See also, as-Sulami, Tabaqdl Ol•1Dfiyya, 228-32; al-Qushayri, ar-RisiJla. 409; and al-
qfahini, Qilyat al-awliylJ', vol. 10, 246-49. AI-Kharrlz is also cited numerous times by al-Kalibldhi
in at-Tacarruf. Ibn al-Jawzl, $i/at tq-$a/wa. vol. 2, 435-38, mentions that al-Kharriz used to teach
his female disciples from behind a curtain (fz.iJr).
113. It is unusual for a wornan. to issue an ijdza for the transmission of a body of traditions, as
was done in this ease. This means that Amat al-J:lamld was an especially close disciple of Abu sac:id
al-Kharrlz and that her traditions about his sayings were highly regarded.
154
155
found this in the handwriting of Abii Jacfar ~ad ibn 1:famdan: 115
c A~isha the wife of Abii J:laf~ asked her husband about the practice of
weeping (bukii 3 ). Abii J:laf~ said: ''The weeping of the truthful person
(1iidiq) is that he sheds tears and cries for his weeping because he is not
truthful enough in his weeping. He hopes, thereby, that God Most High
may be satisfied with his weeping. This is because his shedding of tears
for his lack of truthfulness in weeping is of greater value to him than all
of the weeping that he did at the beginning of his spiritual path. No state
is more elevating for the slave than his awareness of his shortcomings in
attaining it.''
114. Abu l:laf~ c: Amr ibn Salama al-J:laddid of Nishapur (d. 270/883 84) was the Sufi master of
his time in Khurasan. AI-Hujwiri cites him as a specialist in virtuous conduct (mucclmalat) and opens
his section on this subject with the following quotation from Abu J:laf~: "All of Sufism consists of
appropriate actions (ooab): for every time there is an appropriate action (adab); for every station there
is an appropriate action; and for every state there is an appropriate action. He who obliges himself to
perform the appropriate actions at the appropriate times has attai11ed the rank of the "men" (rija/); but
he who squanders his actions is far from the nearness to God he imagines he has attained and has been
rejected from the acceptance of God that he imagines he has earned., (my translation). Although al-
Hujwiri reproduces this statement in Arabic, he claims that Abu l:laf~ did not speak the Arabic lan-
guage, but miraculously became fluent in it as a student of al-Junayd in Baghdad. This may either be
an example of hiding one's true state on AbO J:{af~' part (an action of the malamatiyya), or an expres-
sion of Persian nativism on al-Hujwiri' s part. Kash/al-MaJ.,jub was the first work on Sufism to be writ-
ten in the Persian language. See Ibid., 41-42, 123-25. Other sources maintain that Abu l:laf~ was a
Muc:tazilite, a follower of theological rationalism, and that he composed works on scholastic theology.
See Abdel-Kader, al-Junayd, 28-31; and Sara Sviri, "l:lalcim Tmnidhi and the Malclmatf Movement in
Early Sufism," in Leonard Lewisohn ed., Classical Persian Sufism: from its Origins to Rumi (London
and New York, 1993), 596-99. See also as-Sulami, Tabaqlit ~-,ajiyya, 115-22; al-l~fahini, l:lilyat al-
awliyii3, vol. 10, 229-30; and Ibn al-Jawzi, $i/at ~-$afwa, vol. 4, 118-20.
115. Abu Jac:far Ahmad
•
ibn Hamdan,
•
also known as Ibn Sinin (d. 311/923-24) was one of the
most important Sufi shaykhs of Nishapur. According to as-Sulami, "his house was one of asceticism
(zuhd) and scrupulousness (wara')." He was known for his statements on asceticism and his knowl-
edge of hadith. See as-Sulami, Tabaqlit a,-,ufiyya, 332-34.
156
157
158
''Then I left him and passed by the headman of the quarter where I
lived. Suddenly, a woman grabbed me and said, 'The parcel that was here,
you stole it!' The headman of the quarter took me to the Amir. When the
news of this reached an-Niiri, he hurriedly came to look for me. When we
went before the Sultan an-Niiri said to him, 'Do not go against her, for she
is a friend of God!' The Sultan replied, 'What else can I do, since some-
one is present to accuse her?' Then a black slave-girl appeared with the
missing parcel. 'We have found the parcel,' she said.
An-Niiri took me by the hand and we left the ~ultan. 'Why did you
say, ''How uncivilized and filthy are God's friends?''' he asked. 'I repent
before God most High for that statement of mine!' I replied.''
'
160
161
162
163
122 This infomation places the date of Unaysa's death in the early Umayyad period, around
the end of the first/seventh century.
123. This may have been Ab6 (; Abd ar-Ral)man ibn Jabala of Merv (d. 221/836). He was an
important traditionist who transmitted reports from Shu(;ba and othen. See as-Sulami, Tabaqdt ~-
1ufiyya, np. 441.
164
165
124. See also, $ifat Ql·$afwa, vol. 4, 32. Umm al-Aswad was a figure of the middle Umayyad
period, flourishing at the end of the first/seventh century.
166
167
Ali was one of the daughters of the leaders and the high elites. She
c
- was very rich and spent all of her wealth on the Sufis. She helped Al}mad
[ibn Kha(;lrawayh] in all matters pertaining to his spiritual practice. 126
She met both Abii Hafs
• •
an-Nisabiiri and Abii Yazid al-Bistimi. •
She
consulted Abii Yazid on doctrinal matters. 127
It was reported that Abii }:laf~ said: ''I used to dislike stories about the
practitioners of female chivalry until I met Umm c Ali, the wife of AIJmad
ibn Khac;trawayh. Then I learned that God Most High bestows His knowl-
edge on whomever He wishes.''
Abii Yazid al-Bistarm said: ''Whoever practices Sufism should do so
with the spiritual motivation (himma) of Umm c Ali, the wife of AIJmad
ibn Khac;trawayh, or with a state similar to hers.''
It was reported that Umm c Ali said: ''God Most High calls humanity
to Him through charity and kindness, but they do not respond to Him.
Then He afflicts them with misfortune in order to bring them back to Him
through misfortune, because He loves them.''
125. Abu J:limid AJ:irnad ibn Khw;lrawayh al-Balkhi (d. 240/854) followed the path of blame
(malamatiyya) and wore the dress of a soldier. He was famed as a specialist in Sufi chivalry
(futuwwa). He said: "Kill your lower soul (na/s) so that God may bring it back to life." He also said:
"He who serves the Sufis is honored by three things: humility, good conduct, and generosity." See as-
Sulami, TabaqtJt ~-,ajiyya, 103--6; al-Qushayri, ar-Rislila, 410; al-I~fahini, IJilyat al-awliylJ:1, vol.
10, 42-43; Ibn al-Jawzi, $ifat ~-$afwa, vol. 4, 147-48.
126. According to al-Hujwiri, Umm c: Ali was the daughter of the Emir of Ballch. When she
wished to leave her former life and embrace Sufism, she asked Al}mad ibn Khac;trawayh to petition
her father for her hand in marriage. When he refused, she sent another letter to Ibn IOuM;lrawayh, say-
ing: "Oh Al;lmad, I thought you would have been too manly to attack those who travel on the way to
God. Be a guide, not a brigand!" Idem, The Kash/ al-MaJ.,jub, 119-20.
127. Al-Hujwiri is one of the first to recount the following well-known story of Umm c:Ali's
encounter with al-Bis~: When Al;lmad went to visit Biyazid she accompanied him, and on seeing
Biyazid she removed her veil and talked to him without embarrassment. Al)mad became jealous and said
to her: "Why dost thou take this freedom with Biyazid'r' She replied: "Because you are my natural
spouse, but he is my religious consort; through you I come to my desire, but through him to God. The
proof is that he has no need of my society, whereas to you it is necessary." She continued to treat Biyazid
with the same boldness, until one day he observed that her hand was stained with henna and asked her
why. She answered: ''Oh Biyazid, so long as you did not see my hand and the henna I was at my ease
with yo~ but now that your eye has fallen on me our companionship is unlawful." Ibid., 120. In IJilyat
al-awliya' al-I~fahini reports a very different story: Umm c: Ali asked Al;lmad ibn Khac;trawayh to take
back his bride-price so that she could marry al-Bistamf. Upon aniving before Biyazid, she unveiled her
face. When asked by her husband why she had done so, she replied, "When I looked at Abii Yazid I lost
all sense of self. But when I look at you [Al)mad], I return to my awareness of self." Ibid., vol. 10, 42.
168
~ V'° ~ ~; lS
,
..
_..~.,. Lo~ J .... ,
169
Umm c Ali said: ''I have never mentioned my poverty (Jaqr) without
also mentioning my sufficiency (istighna') in my Lord and my wealth
(ghina) in Him, for He relieves me of the circumstances of poverty. Thus,
I say: ''How can anyone be poor who bas a master like God?''
She said: ''Transcending a need is easier than being humiliated by it''
She said to a woman who came to see her from Balkh: ''What are
your needs?'' The woman answered,'' I came so that I could be closer to
God by serving you.'' Umm c Ali replied, ''Why don't you become closer
to me by serving your Lord?''
170
171
128. This information puts the probable date of Flpma hint c Abdalllh •s death at the beginning
of the fourth/tenth century.
172
o,, • •
,,,,
173
u:,nisa was one of the female devotees of Syria. She was tough and
stem.
I heard Mwa_.161.n'u-r'Laa. ibn C Abdallih al-l:lifii report from al-l:lusayn ibn
Mut:iammad ibn Ist:iaq through Abu cuthmin al-l:lannit 129 that
MuI:iammad ibn Yacqub b. Yusuf related: I asked Mu:,nisa ~-~iifiyya the
female devotee: ''Why do you wear this hair?'' 130 Is it out of fear of God
or love for Him?'' ''To learn how to endure suffering,'' she replied.
129. Abu cuthmin al-};lannit (d. 294/906-7) was a disciple of Dhil an-Nun al-Mi~rl (see note
69 above). His position in the isndd indicates that Mu :,nisa flourished in the middle of the third/
ninth century.
130. This account probably refers to Mu:inisa ~-SOfiyya's practice of wearing a hair shirt (Ar.
mas~). Massignon (Essay, 99) mentions this as one of the practices learned by Sufis from Christian
ascetics.
174
175
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UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
XLIV
-
FAKHRAWAYH BINT CALI
From the Natives of Nishapur
h~wayh was the wife of Abu c Amr ibn Nujayd [the grandfather of
as-Sulami]. 131
I heard my grandfather Abu cAmr ibn Nujayd say: ''What I gained from
my companionship with my wife Fakhrawayh was no less than what I gained
from my companionship with Abu cuthman [Sacid al-lµri of Nishapur]. 132
I also heard my grandfather say: I heard Fakhrawayh say: ''A weak spir-
itual state [leads to] grave danger, a vast pretense, and insufficient honesty!'' 133
Once Fakhrawayh said to Abu cAli ath-Thaqafi 134 (may God have
mercy on him): ''When a person speaks with knowledge, he puts his heart
and his spirit at ease. Then he magnifies himself because of the excellence
of his speech. But when he puts knowledge to use, his spirit and his heart
become weary, and he belittles himself because he is aware of the lack of
sincerity in his behavior.''
Abu cAli wept at this statement and said: ''I will say only what the
Caliph cumar ibn al-Khattab (may God be pleased with him) said: ''This
woman is superior in understanding to cumar!''
131. Fakhrawayh bint cAli was not the grandmother of as-Sulami, but another wife of Abii
cAmr ibn Nujayd.
132. Abii cuthmin Sacid ibn Ismacn al-J:liri (d. 2981910) was originally from Rayy. His first Sufi
master was Yat,ya ibn Mucadh ar-Rizi (d. 258/872). Then he went to the city of Kinnan and joined the
master ofjutuwwa Shah ibn Shujac al-Kirrnini (d. before 300/912-13). Al-1:firi traveled to Nishapur with
Shih ibn Shujac and stayed there, becoming a disciple of Abii ijaf~ al-f:laddad an-~ISibiirI (d. 27CV883),
whose daughter he married. He was given a fonnal lectureship in Sufism at a mosque in Nishapur and
was the Sufi shaykh of as-Sulami's grandfather. Al-Hujwiri states that al-1:firi attained three Sufi stations
(maqamii/) through his te.achers: the station of hope for God's blessings through Yat,yA ibn Mucadh, the
station of jealousy for God's love from Shah ibn Shujac, and the station of God's affection through Abii
ijaf~. See al-Hujwiri, The Kash/al-Mal)jub, 132-34. See also, as-Sulami, Tabaqat ~-,ajiyya, 17~75; al-
QushayrI, ar-Risala, 401; al-1$fahini, lfilyaJ al-awliya', vol. 10, 244 46; lbn al-Jawzi, Sifat ~-$afwa, vol.
4, 85-88. On al-ijaldm at-Trrmidhi's (d. ca 295/908) letter to al-1:firi, in which he criticizes the latter's
concern with the lower soul (nafs), se:e Sviri, "ijalcim Trrmidhi and the MalamatiMovement," 61~12.
133. The original of this statement in Arabic is written as an equational sentence, without a
verb. It should thus be understood as the semantic equivalent of a mathematical equation: weak spir-
ituality = danger to the soul + pretensiousness + dishonesty.
134. Abu cAII M~ammad ibn cAbd al-Wahhab ath-Thaqafi (d. 328/940) was a native of
Nishapur. Like Abu cUthmin al-ijiri, he was a disciple of Abu ijaf~ an-Nisabiiri. He started his career
as a specialist in Islamic jurisprudence but later turned to Sufism. He was known for his aphorisms
about the dangers of the lower soul and the pitfalls of the Sufi path. Given the high level of his scrupu-
lousness in Sufi practice, his praise of Fakhrawayh is particularly meaningful. See as-Sulami,
Tabaqiit ~-,ufiyya, 361-65; and al-Qushayri, ar-Risiila, 302.
176
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177
It was reported that Fakhrawayh said: ''One who makes as his reason
for attaining to his Lord anything other than the obligation of obeying
God and following His Messenger (may God bless and preserve him) has
lost the way to Him.''
She died in the year 313/925-26.
178
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179
135. 2.akariyi ash-Shukhtaol was from Shukhtan, a village in the region of Nishapur. Although
no date can be found for his death, he is known to have been a disciple of Abil cuthm1n al-l;liri. See
al-Qushayrl, ar-Risdla, 233-34.
136. Abo al-cAbbis Al;tmad ibn MuI,ammad ad-Dinawiri {d. after 340/951-52) ended his
days in Samarqand. He stayed in Nishapur for a time and was a popular preacher on the subject of
gnosis (macrifa). It appcan that Fipma hint Al;tmad's attacks on his sincerity may have played a
part in his sudden departure for Samarqand. As-Sulami cites a report in which someone asks him:
"What has made you leave for Samarqand while the people of Nishapur tum toward you and love
your• In response, ad-Dinawiri recited the following lines of poetry: "When destiny's final con-
tract is decreed for you, Only destiny itself can annul its decree. So why should you remain in the
abode of humiliation, While the abode of glory lies in destiny's expanse?" See as-SulamI, TabaqiJt
a~-~ufiyya, 475-78.
137. This sentence is missing in the at-Tanil;u edition.
180
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UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
XLVII
- -
CA =>JSHA THE DAUGH'I'ER OF ABU C ,._.... - ~
f all the children of Abu cuthman [al-f:liri], cA:,isha was the most
ascetic and scrupulous. She was the best among them in her spiritu-
al state and in confor1ning to the requirements of the moment. 141 She .w as
also known for her prayers being answered.
I heard her daughter Umm Alµnad bint cA:,is~a142 say: My mother
said to me: ''Oh daughter, do not take pleasure in that which perishes, ~d
do not anguish over that which vanishes. Rather, take pleasure in God,
and be anxious about falling out of God's favor.''
I also heard her say: My mother said to me: ''Commit yourself to
good conduct (adab) both outwardly and inwardly; for whenever one
transgresses the bounds of conduct outwardly, he is punished outwardly,
and whenever one transgresses the bounds of conduct inwardly, he is pun-
ished inwardly."
[As-Sulami] said: cA:,isha said: ''When one feels lonely in his soli-
tude, this is because of his lack of intimacy with his Lord.''
She also said: ''He who shows contempt for God's slaves shows his
lack of knowledge of the Master. For he who loves the Craftsman glori-
fies the Craftsman's handiwork."
She died in the year 346/957-58.
141. As-Sulami's student al-Qushayri (fl. 438/1046) defined "the moment" (al-waqt) as fol-
lows: "The Sufi is 'the son of his moment.' In other words, he is only concerned with what concerns
him in his present state, firmly maintaining what is required from him at the present moment" (idem,
ar-Risiila. 55-56). In the tradition about cA:,isha hint Abi cuthman given above, as-Sulami similarly
links the mastery of the moment to the maintenance of one's present state. For a detailed description
of this concept see Gerhard Bowering, "Ideas of Time in Persian Sufism," in Lewisohn, ed., Classical
Persian Sufism, 199-233.
142. On Umm A1,lmad, see section LXIll below.
184
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185
atima was one of the greats. She was a master of spiritual states and
the understanding of Sufi doctrine and was an eloquent speaker.
I heard one of our companions say: Fatima, the wife of Abii c Ali ar-
Riidhbiri, used to say: ''How could I not desire to obtain that which You
[God] possess, since 'to You is my return [Qur:,in 2 (al-Baqara), 156]?'
How could I not love You, since whatever good I have comes only from You?
And how can I not yearn for You, since You have made me yearn forYouT'
It was also reported that she said: ''No action benefits the slave as
much as seeking one's sustenance from lawful sources.''
Fatima
•
also said: ''The ascetic seeks his fortune because he seeks
relief from seeking the world and its burdens and nothing more.''
[As-Sulami] said: Fatima went out of al-Fustat144 when the people
were leaving to perforrn the l:la.ij pilgrimage. When the camels passed by
her, she wept and cried, ''Oh my weakness!'' Then immediately thereafter
she recited:
143. Abfi c All Al)mad ibn Mul)ammad b. al-Qisim ar-RtldhblrI (d. 3221934) was a native of
Baghdad but lived and died in Egypt, where he introduced the doctrines of his teachers al-Junayd and
an-Nfiri. He was said to have been of royal Persian descent. He was trained in the Law, proficient in
hadith, and well-versed in the doctrines of Sufism. He said: '"lbe seeker (murul) is he who desires
for himself naught but what God desires for him; the one who is sought (murrJd) desires nothing in
the two worlds but God." See as-SulamI, Tabaqat ~ -,uftyya, 354-60; al-Qushayri, ar-Risdla,
416-17; al-l~fahini, IJilyat al-awliya', vol. 10, 356-57; lbn aJ-JawzI, $ifat ~-$afwa, vol. 2, 454 55.
See also, Abdel-Kader, al-Junayd, 41; and al-Hujwiri, The Kash/ al-Ma}Jjub, 157.
144. The term al-Mi,r. given in the manuscript, was used since pre-Islamic times to refer to the
populated areas of Egypt in the Nile valley. More specifically, it refers to the city of Old Cairo, then
called al-Fusta\. Modem Cairo was founded by the Shi'ite Fatimid dynasty in 3581969.
145. This poem describes the frustration felt by Fatima Umm al-Yumn at being unable to per-
form the J:laij pilgrimage whenever she wished. As a woman, she could not go on the pilgrimage
without the permission of her husband and could not travel in the pilgrims' caravan without a prop-
er male escort. A hadith transmitted from the Prophet Mu.l)ammad states: "A woman cannot travel for
three days or more without the company of her father, her brother, her son, her husband, or her clos-
est male relatives." Ibn Miija, Sunan, vol. 2, 968.
186
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187
Fatima also used to say: ''If this is the sorrow of one who is prevent-
ed from reaching the House of God, imagine the sorrow of one who is
prevented from attaining to Him!''
188
c mra was the unique one of her age in ethical conduct (khuluq),
spiritual states(~, and clairvoyance (firiisa).
In Merv [a city in northern Khurasan], Abii Man~iir Mut,ammad ibn
Ahmad
•
b. c Abdin related that c A:,isha, the wife of Ahmad •
ibn
[Mut,ammad] as-Sari 146 used to say: c Amra al-Farghaniyya said: 'The
legacy of silence is wisdom and contemplation. One who accustoms him-
self to retreat in the pursuit of knowledge inherits intimacy with God
without loneliness.''
c Amra said: ''One who dedicates himself to the service of the actual-
ized Sufis (a~riir) and chivalrous youths (fityiin) inherits glory and digni-
ty in the eyes of mankind. It also leads him to divine guidance, and makes
him attain the rank of the friends of God.''
c Amra was asked: ''Is the way of the gnostic in hannony with the way
of the ascetic?'' She replied: ''If the one who is alive is in hannony with
the one who is dead, then the gnostic is in hannony with the ascetic!''
c Amra was asked: ''How did Moses (peace be upon him) know that
what he heard was the speech of God Most High?'' She said: ''Because
that speech annihilated all of his human characteristics, and afterwards
made human discourse hateful to him.''
146. Abu Bakr Af:imad ibn Mul}ammad as-Sari (d. 352/963) was a Shi'ite (rafa!() traditionist
from Kufa. Sunni Muslims doubted the veracity of his reports because he would criticize the
Companions of the Prophet Mut,uunmad. See as-Sulami, Tabaqiit ~-1ufiyya, np. 109. c Arora al-
Farghaniyya would have been a contemporary of this individual. See also, section Lil below.
190
191
ubda and Muc;lgha were both known for their states of scrupulousness
......and asceticism.
149
Ahmad
•
ibn Hanbal
•
said: ''If one wants to know how far he is from
the ways of the scrupulous, he should visit the sisters of Bishr al-}:lafi. He
should listen to their counsel and observe their ways.''
Zubda, the sister of Bishr, said: ''The heaviest thing for the slave is
sinfulness, and the lightest is repentence. So why does one not relinquish
that which is heavy for that which is light?''
Muc;lgha, the sister of Bishr, said to a client (mawlii) of her family
who visited her: ''How strange it is that you are not guided toward God,
and are not seeking the way to Him!''
147. See also, $ifat ~-$afwa Appendix section XV below. Bishr al-J:lifi also had a third sister
named Mukhkha (Marrow).
148. Abii N~r Bishr ibn al-J:larith al-J:lifi (d. 226/840 or 227/841-42) was born in Merv and
lived a life of celibacy and asceticism in Baghdad. He was a student of Yilsuf ibn Asblt (d.
199/814-15), followed the legal school of Sufyin ath-Thawri (d. 16ln77-78), and had an ambigu-
ous relationship with AJ:imad ibn J:lanbal (sec below). Abu Talib al-Makki mentions that Bishr was a
specialist in jurisprudence and that Ibn J:lanbal would refer questions about Sufi practice to him and
his sisters. Although he is not specifically identified as such, Bishr may also be considered one of the
founders of the malamatiyya, the path of blame. He said that the Sufi should count it good fortune to
be neglected by the public and have his true state concealed from them; for when people contend for
superiority, it means ruin. The unusual names of his sisters follow the maliimafl pattern. See as-
Sularni, Tabaqat ~-~ufiyya, 39-47; al-Qushayri, ar-Risiila, 404-6; al-l~fahini, #ilyat al-awliyii', vol.
8, 336-60; and Ibn al-Jawzi, $ifat a~-$afwa, vol. 2, 325-36. See also, Smith, An Early Mystic, 79-80;
al-Hujwiri, The Kashf al-Mal)jub, 105-106; al-Makki, Qut al-qulub, vol. 1, 131; Massignon, Essay,
159-60; and EP, vol. 1, 1244 46.
149. Af:imad ibn J:lanbal (d. 241/855) was a traditionist and jurist who is credited with found-
ing the J:lanbali school of jurisprudence. He advocated a strict interpretation of the Qur 3 an and Sunna
and was opposed to many aspects of Sufi doctrine. However, he associated with a number of Sufis,
including Bishr al-J:liff, whose asceticism and scrupulousness he admired. See Smith, An Early
Mystic, 80-81; and EP, vol. 1, 272-77. See also, al-I~fahani, #ilyatal-awliyii', vol. 9, 161-233; and
lbn al-Jawzi, $ifat a~-$afwa, vol. 2, 336-59.
192
193
150. See also, $i/at ~-$afwa Appendix section XII below. c Abda and Amina flourished in the
first half of the third/ninth century. Like their brother AbO Sulaymln ad-Dirinl, they lived in the
region of Damascus.
151. See note 76 above.
152. In the context of early Sufism, poverty (faqr) meant both poverty in the material sense and
emptiness for God's presence. It is important not to Christiani:,e this concept by thinking only of the
spiritual meaning of poverty in the Gospels, nor to anachronistically refer to the later Sufi meaning
of the concept, which down-played the idea of material poverty. The majority of as-Sulami' s Sufi
women were extreme a.,cetics by the standards of later generations. It was felt that their spiritual
poverty was both reinforced and proven by their material austerities.
194
from anywhere seeks me out, I sense the light of his intention in my inner
soul until he arrives. If I am successful in serving him and fulfilling his
needs, that light becomes fully mine, but if I cut short my service to him,
the light goes out.''
153. On Ahmad
•
ibn Muhammad
•
as-Sari, see note 146 above.
154. Since c: A3 isha was married to AJ:tmad ibn as-Sari, it would be very unusual for her to live
apart from her husband, in the home of her Sufi shaykh, without a compelling reason to do so.
Equally noteworthy is as-Sulami' s silence on the cause of her action. Could it have been that c: A3 isha,
as a Sunni, rejected the Shic:ite sympathies of her husband and considered him a heretic? As a noted
scholar and religious figure, Abii c:uthmin al-1:Dri would have been able to act as her guardian (wakil)
in a case of separation for religious reasons.
155. The term takbira refers to the phrase Alli1hu akbar (''God is most great") which is recited
at the beginning of the Muslim prayer.
196
.. .,,
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- •
197
-µma was a companion of Abii cuthmin [al-l:firi] 156 and spent much
of her wealth on him and his companions.
Abii cuthman used to say: ''Fipma's open-handedness towards the
Sufis was the same as the open-handedness of the practitioners of Sufi
chivalry (fityiin ). She never sought anything in return for it, neither from
this world nor from the Hereafter.''
Fatima asked Abii cuthman: ''What is the way to the knowledge of
God the Glorious and Mighty?'' He replied: ''Through complete forget-
fulness of yourself and humankind, and through the renunciation of
everything but God, until you attain the reality of the knowledge of God.''
Fatima
•
said: ''The world is a snare for the insane. No one stumbles
into it except he who has neither good sense ( caql) nor good fortune
(tawftq).''
156. This information places Fiµma in the first half of the fourth/tenth century.
198
199
157. AbO cAbdallih as-Sijzi (d. 271/884-85) was one of the great sbaykhs of Khurasan and a
master of Sufi chivalry (futuwwa). He was a disciple of al-Junayd's student Abu J:laf~ al-1:faddld an-
Nisibiiri (d. 270/883 84). He said: "He who docs not sanctify his knowledge docs not sanctify his acts;
he who does not sanctify his acts docs not sanctify his body; be who does not sanctify his body does
not sanctify his heart; be who does not sanctify his heart does not sanctify bis intentions; all of Sufism
is built on one's intentions." When asked the meaning of futuwwa. he said: "It means accepting the
excuses of humankind and your own shortcomings; seeing their perfections and your imperfections;
and having compassion for all creatures, in their goodness and evil. The perfection of futuwwa is that
you not busy yourself with humankind at the expense of God. the Glorious and Mighty." See as-
SulamI, Tabaqat ~-,ufiyya, 254-55; and al-lffahiru, lfilyat al-awliya', vol. 10, 350-51.
200
201
abiba was one of the great female gnostics. 158 Mul)ammad ibn
A1)mad b. Sacid ar-Rizi reported from al-c Abbas ibn l:famza through
Aflmad
•
ibn Abi al-Hawaii
•
that Abii Muhammad
•
al-Maklci related: When
l:fabiba perfo11ned her nightly prayer, she would stand on the roof of her
house. She would enfold herself tightly in her wrap, put her blouse under
her veil, and say: ''My God! The stars have set, everyone's eyes are
closed, the rulers have locked the gates of the city, and every lover is
alone with his beloved; this is when I devote myself to You." 159
And just before dawn she would say: 'The night has slipped away
and the day is drawing near. If only You had accepted my worship, I
would be at peace, or if You had reciprocated it, I would be consoled.
Upon Your glory! Thus shall persist my devotion and Your devotion as
long as You allow me to remain alive. Even if You were to drive me away
from Your door, I would not leave, because my heart has become aware
of Your kindness and generosity!''
158. The following isndd indicates that f:lablba al-c Adawiyya lived in the first part of the third/
ninth century. She most likely belonged to the generation after Rlbic a al-cAdawiyya.
159. This passage is similar to a tradition recounted in the Andalusian Sufi Abu Madyan's
Biddyat al-murid, where God speaks of His worshippers to the Prophet David: "When night falls,
when darkness overcomes [the light]. when the bedcovers are spread out, when the family is at rest.
and when every lover is left [alone] with his beloved-then they arise, pointing their feet toward Me,
turning their faces to Me, and speak intimate words, adoring Me by virtue of My grace" Vincent J.
Cornell ed. and trans .• The Way ofAba Madyan: Doctrinal and Poetic Works ofAbu Madyan Shucayb
ibn al-lJusayn al-A~tlri (c. 509/1115-16-594/l 198) (Cambridge, 1996). 74. The original version of
this tradition can be found in al-Makkl, Qat al-qulub, vol. 2. 60.
202
....
203
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FATIMA
•
OF DAMASCUS
tima was unique in her age. She used to rebuke the Sufi shaykhs. I
heard c Ali ibn AIJmad of Tarsus•<io say: When Abu al-1:fasan al-Miliki
entered Damascus, he lectured at the Umayyad mosque of Damascus and
spoke well. Fipma attended his session and said to him: ''Oh, Abu al-
1:fasan! You spoke very eloquently, and you have perfected the art of
rhetoric. Have you perfected the art of silence?'' Abii al-1:fasan became
silent, and did not utter a word after that.
160. AbO Bakr cAII ibn ~ at-Tarsilsl (d. 3641974-75) was a Sufi traditionist who was a
source for both as-Sulaml and AbO N-.r as-Sarrij (d. 3781988-89), the author of Kit/Jb al-lumac. He
was from the Syrian city of Tarsus and died in Mecca. See AbO Nqr as-Sarrij, Kit/Jb al-hunac fi'l-
T~awwuf, R. A. Nicholson, ed. (London, 1963 reprint of 1914 first edition), xxi.
204
205
tayma attained a high rank in her spiritual state and was very highly
regarded.
It was reported that Futayma said: '"The ethical rules of the Sufi in his
relationship with others include: When a person seeks him he accepts
him; when a person is away from him he does not forget about him; when
a person associates with him he shapes his conduct; and when a person
refuses to asssociate with him he will not force him to be his companion.''
Futayma was asked about the sage (al-caqil). She said: '"The sage is
he who revives your heart when you sit with him.''
Futayma also said: ''When a person truly knows himself, his only
characteristic is servitude (cubudiyya), 162 and he takes pride in nothing
but his Master.''
Futayma also said: '"The fulfillment of the heart is in rejection of the
world and the destruction of the heart is in reliance on humankind.''
Futayma also said: ''When one reflects on the bestowal of God's
bounties upon him, maintaining his gratitude for them should preoccupy
him from everything else.''
161. Abo ~ilil:i l:famdOn ibn Al;lmad b. c Ammlra al-Q~ir (d. 271/884) introduced the
maldmatiyya to Nishapur. He was an expert in both theology and jurisprudence and followed the legal
school of Sufyin ath-Thawri. He was asked to preach to the people of Nishapur but refused, saying:
"My heart is still attached to the world, so my words will make no impression on the hearts of oth-
ers. To speak unprofitable words is to despise theology and deride the sacred Law. Speech is pennis-
sible to him alone whose silence is injurious to religion, and whose speaking would remove the
injury." According to al-Hujwiri, a Sufi sect known as the Q~s continued to follow l:famdiin's
way after his death. See al-Hujwiri, The Kash/ al-Mal,,jub, 125-26, 183 84; and Sviri, "l:fakim
Tannidhi and the Maldmatr Movement," 596-99. See also, as-SulamI, Tabaqat Ql-1afiyya, 123-29;
al-Qushayri, ar-Risala. 426; al-l~fahinl, IJilyat a/-awliya', vol. 10, 231-32; lbn al-Jawzl, $ifat <Jl·
$afwa. vol.4, 122-23
162. Literally, the Arabic word "ubadiyya means "slavery." It describes the state of being a
slave ( "abd) of God. When used by the Sufis, it may also refer to service, as when the virtues of pious
behavior are seen as one's service to the Lord. In the value system of the premodem Islamic world,
the relationships between master and slave, master and servant. and master and disciple were often
culturally intertwined.
206
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UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
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AMAT ALLAH 163
AL-JABALIYYA
This woman also said to her husband c Abdallah: ''What would you
say if your Lord asks you tomorrow, 'With what did you return to Me?'''
He replied, ''I would say to Him, 'I trusted in You to provide this fried
bread.'' She said: ''I would be ashamed of myself before God Most High
to answer His question with fried bread!''
163. This is the feminine form of the name cAbdalllih (Slave of God).
164. This information indicates that Amat Allih and her husband flourished around the end of
the third/ninth century.
208
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LIi J¥r il.,--1 ~., .~Li_,; : l+J JL.i-t 41..} ~ ,~l...ol.) J~ ~ '-·JlS"
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165. Tmnis is a town on the eastern edge of the Nile Delta in Egypt.
166. Abu c Abdallih AJ,mad ibn c Ati=> ar-Rildhblrl (d. 369/979-80) was the nephew (son of the
sister) of Abu c Ali ar-Rudhbiri. He lived and died at $fir (lyre) in the south of present-day Lebanon.
For information on his mother Fitima bint Al;unad, see section LXI below. See also as-Sarrij, Kitab
al-Luma', xviii-xix.
210
'~Jlt~.,)I --.. ,,_,_l"'t J.: e Lti .,....; ~ .4 • 4-;J., ~ ~l~I J4S ~ ~,;LS_,
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211
arha:, was a companion of Abii cAli ibn al-Kitib, 168 Abii cAbdallah
ibn Jamir, Abii Bakr ad-Duqqi, 169 Abu al-l:lusayn al-B~ri, 170 Abii
cAbdallah ar-Riidhbiri, and cAyyish ibn ash-Shicir (Son of the Poet). She
was comparable to al-Wahapyya in spiritual rank. 171
She used to say: ''Poverty is a garment of glory when the Sufi attains
realization through it.''
167. Nisibis is a town in northern Mesopotami, between the Euphrates and Tigris rivers. In
pre-Islamic ti111CS it occupied the border between the Byzantine and Persian empires. See J.B. Drury,
History of the Later Roman Empirr from the Death of Theodosius I to the Death of Justinian (New
York. 1958). vol. 2, 94 and 122.
168. Abo c Alf al-ijasan ibn Al)mad b. al-KAtib (d. 3451956-57) was one of the great Egyptian
Sufis of his time. He was a disciple of Abo e AU ar-ROdhblrl and advocated complete withdrawal
from the world for the sake of God. He said: '"1be aroma of the breeze of love emanates from the
lovers. Even if they conceal it, its traces are apparent on them, and even if they hide it, it reveals who
they are." See as-Sulaml, TabaqiJt ~-fafiyya. 386-88; al-Qushayri, ar-RisiJla, 426; al-1'fahini,
lfilyat al-awliya', vol. 10, 360; and lbn al-Jawzi, $ifat ~-$a/wa. vol. 4, 323.
169. Abii Bakr Mul;wnmad ibn Dlwild ad-Dlnawari ad-DuqqI (d. 3591970) was originally
from Dlnawlr in Khuruan, but resided in Baghdad and settled in Damascus, where he died. He dis-
coursed on the difference between poverty and Sufism. He said: "Poverty is but one of the Sufi states.
The tnae Sufi occupies himself with everything that is most important to him other than his own soul;
he is thus protected from performing blameworthy acts." He was a major source of Sufi traditions for
as-Sarrij. See idem, Kitdb al-lumac, xvi. See also, as-Sularni, Tabaqiit ~-1ufiyya, 448--50; and al-
Qushayri, ar-Risiila, 412.
170. This is probably Abu al-J:lasan e Ali ibn lbrihim al-1:f~ri al-B~rI (d. 3711981--82). He was
a native of Basra but lived in B ~ where he was a disciple of the famous ecstatic Sufi Abu Bakr
ash-Shibll (d. 3341946). He was considered the paramount shaykh of his time in Baghdad and was a
noted poet. See as-Sularni, Tabaqdt ~-1ajiyya. 489-93; and al-Qushayri, ar-Risala, 406.
171. See section LXVII below. The list of Marhl 3 an-N~Ibiyya's Sufi associates indicates that
she traveled widely, from Iraq to Syria and Egypt.
212
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213
..... tima
•
was the sister of Abii c Ali ar-Riidhbiri. She was one of the
greatest practitioners of female chivalry (niswan) and was also a gnos-
tic (min al- cariflit).
She used to say: ''My son Abii c Abdallah is not a Sufi. Instead, he is
a righteous man (rajul 1ali~). But my brother Abu c Ali173 is a real Sufi."
She was also known for her signs of sanctity and miracles.
172. Although the manuscript states that Fiµma was the wife (lit. ''woman") of Abn cAbdallih
ar-Riidhbl.ri, this is clearly a mistake, probably made by the copyist. It is well-established that AbO
cAbdalllh ar-ROdhblrl' s mother was the sister of Abti cAli ar-Rudhbiri.
173. "My brother AbO cAbdaltlh" in the original manuscript must also be a copyist's error.
214
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215
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UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
LXII
-
MAYMUNA 174
174. See also, lbn al-Jawzi, $ifat ~-$afwa. vol. 2, 527. lbn al-Jawzi transmits one tradition that
is not reported here: AJ:unad ibn Salim said: Someone knocked on the door of lbrihim al-Khaww1'.
"Who do you want?" asked his sister. "lbrihim al-Khaww1'," he replied. "He bas left," she said.
"When will he return?" the caller asked. "If somone's soul is in the hands of another," she answered,
"who could know when he will return?"
175. Abu lsf:iaq Ibrahim al-Khaww~ (d. 291/904), originally from the royal town of Simarri,
north of Baghdad, was a companion of al-Junayd and a disciple of Abo cAbdallAh al-Maghribi (d.
299/911-12). He is one of the early masters of tawailul. the complete reliance on the will of God.
-
He said: "Tawaklcul has three degrees: patience in the face of adversity, satisfaction with what God
provides, and love for God." See as-Sulami, Tabaqat cq-~ajiyya, 284 87; al-Qushayri, ar-Risiila.
411; al-I~fahani, lfilyat al-awliya', vol. 10, 325-26; lbn al-Jawzi, $ifat cq-$afwa. vol. 4, 98-102. See
also, al-Hujwiri, The Kash/ al-MaJ;,jub, 153-54.
176. This account, along with the above tradition related by lbn al-Jawzi, implies that
Maymiima may have divorced her husband and gone to live with her brother.
177. Abu al-Khayr al-Aq~c (d. 340/952) was originally from North Africa. but lived in at-
Tinat, on the Syrian coast near Antioch. He was known for clairvoyance and other miracles, and was
a master of tawaklcul. He was called "al-Aq~c" (The Amputated One) because his right hand was
amputated when he was falsely accused of belonging to a gang of thieves. See as-Sulami, Tabaqiit
cq-~ajiyya, 370-72; al-Qushayri, ar-Risala, 394; al-I~fahini, lfilyat al-awliya', vol. 10, 377-78; Ibn
al-Jawzi, $ifat cq-$afwa, vol. 4, 282-85.
216
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L I AL
217
178. In the manuscript Umm Abroad is mi,rakenly listed as the daughter of AbO cudunln al-
1:firi. See section XLVIl above. As his grand daughter, she would have flourished in the first half of
the fourth/tenth century.
218
179. This tradition indicates that c Awna lived in the generation before as-Sulami, at the end of
the fourth/tenth century.
220
221
awra was one of the female Sufis (<L1•1ufiyyat), gnostics (al- carijat),
and masters of spiritual states (arbab al-a~wal). She was one of the
most altruistic practitioners of female chivalry in her day (min afta
waqtiha ft an-niswiin).
I heard Abu N~r ibn Abi ls)Jaq b. Abi Bishr b. Marawayh say: A
woman visited Hawra. The woman was wearing ajubba [a long outer gar-
ment, open in the front, with wide sleeves] and a blouse made of wool.
Hawra said to her: ''The person who wears wool must be the purest per-
son of his age, the best person in morals, the noblest of humankind in his
actions, the sweetest person in his nature, the most generous of them in
spirit, and the most open-handed in his liberality. Just as he is distin-
guished from humanity in general by his clothing, he must also be distin-
guished from them in his spiritual characteristics.''
180. Amat al-'"Aziz is the feminine fonn of cAbd al-'Aziz (Slave of the Glorious). This person
should not be confused with the famous philanthropist, Amat al- c Aziz (d. 2161831 ). the wife of the
c Abbasid caliph Hiriin ar-Rashid. Also known as Zubay~ she was originally the slave of ar-
Rashid' s father al-Hldl (r. 169-70/785-86) and distinguished herself by building roads. wells, and
even a school for women in the city of Mecca. Zubayda was an associate of the jurist Sufyin ath-
Thawri (d. 16tn77-78) and the Sufi Bahltil al-Majnlln and was said to have kept a hundred slave-
girls whose sole occupation was chanting the Qur:,in in successive relays. See Nabia Abbot, 1wo
Queens of Baghdad: Mother and Wife of Hiirun al-Rashid (Chicago. 1946). 137-264.
222
223
urashiyya was one of the greatest of those called to God. She experi-
enced sudden spiritual states (1ii/:iibat aJ:,wiil).
t was reported that she said: ''God Most High has created heaven for
those who worship Him and fear Him, not for those who disobey Him and
put worldly hopes in Him.''
It was also reported that she said: ''Enduring silence is easier than
making excuses for lies.''
One day she said to [Abii al-Qasim] an-N~rabadhi: 182 ''How fine are
your words and how ugly are your morals!''
It was reported that one day an-N~rabadhi said to her, ''Be quiet!''
She replied, ''I will be quiet when you are quiet!''
On another day an-N~rabadhi said to her, ''Don't attend my teaching
sessions!'' She replied, ''We won't come if you don't invite us!''
Qurashiyya said: ''Nothing drives me crazy like doubts. If I had
attained the realization of anything, I would have become silent. My fires
would have been extinguished, and God's blessings would have been
revealed in me.''
181. Sec also, section LXXVID below where Qurashiyya is called "Jumca hint Al;lmad ibn
Mul;lammad b. cUbayd Allih, known as Umm al-J:{usayn al-Qurashiyya." She was also called "al-
Mal;lmiyya al-cUthmaniyya" because her family (the Malunis) were descended from the third caliph
of Islam, cuthman ibn cAffin (r. 23-3S/644 56). The Malunis were one of the most important fam-
ilies of Shaficite jurists in Nishapur. See Richard W. Bulliet, The Patricians of Nishapur: A Study in
Medieval Islamic Social History (Cambridge, Massachusetts, 1972), 91-92.
182. Abu al-Qisim lbrihim ibn Mu}:lammad an-N~ribldhi (d. 367/977-78) was as-Sulami's
spiritual master. He was learned in many disciplines, including sacred biography (siyar) and history.
Al-Hujwiri said: "He was like a king in Nishapur, save that the glory of kings is in this world, while
his was in the next world." He was a companion of Abii c Ali ar-Riidhbiri and Abii Baler ash-Sbibll (d.
334/946) and discoursed on the Divine Realities. He resided in Nishapur between the years 340/951
and 36S/976. Later, he moved to Mecca, where he died. See as-Sulami, Tabaqiit ~-~ufiyya, 484 88;
and al-Hujwiri, The Kash/ al-Mal_ijub, 1S9-60. See also, Bulliet, Patricians of Nishapur, ISO.
224
.. ..
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225
1-Wahaµyya was unique in her age in her speech, her knowledge, and
er spiritual state. She was a companion of most of the spiritual mas-
ters in her time, and at the end of her life she joined Shaykh Abu c Abdallah
ibn Khafif [in Shiraz]. 183 She visited Nishapur and met there [as-Sulami' s
maternal grandfather] Abu cAmr ibn Nujayd and [Abii al-Qisim] an-
N~ribidhi. The shaykh and imam Abii Sahl M . mnl80 ibn Sulayman
(may God have mercy on him) 184 used to attend her teaching sessions and
listen to her lessons, as did a group of Sufi shaykhs, such as Abu al-Qisim
ar-Razi, 185 M . -~....-.-:-~. . . al-F81Tl 3 , 186 cAbdallah al-Mucallim [the Teacher],
and others from their generation.
I heard al-Wahaµyya say: ''Beware not to be occupied with seeking
peace of mind, assuming that you are pursuing knowledge; for the one who
seeks knowledge is one who acts on it Acting on one's knowledge is not in
the amount of fasting, almsgiving, and praying that one does. Rather, acting
on one's knowledge is in sincerely dedicating one's actions to God with cor-
rect intention and the awareness that God Most High is observing him, even
if he is not observant toward His Lord and witnessing Him at all times.''
I heard her say: ''Among the requirements of the actualized Sufi is not
to beg, not to aggrandize oneself through anything, not to reject a wind-
fall when it is not from a doubtful source, and not to put off one time for
another or for any time at all.''
183. AbO c Abdalllh MuJ:uunmad ibn Khaftf of Shiraz (d. 371/982) was considered by as-
Sulaml to be the greatest shaykh of his age. He was a master in both the exoteric and the esoteric sci-
ences. He was personally known to as-Sulami and gave him certificates for the transmission of oral
traditions. See as-Sulaml, Tabaqdl a,-1afiyya, 462-66; al-Qushayri. ar-Risala, 420-21; al-1,fahinI.
#ilyat al-awliya', vol. 10. 385-89. See also. al-HujwirJ. 7M Kash/ al-MaJ;,jub, 158.
184. AbO Sahl Mul;wnmad ibn Sulaymln as-SaclOkI (d. 369/980) was a traditionist and spe-
cialist in the Shifict school of Islamic jurisprudence. After studying in Iraq and occupying an impor-
tant position in Isfahan. he moved to Nishapur in 337/949. He was the pre-eminent teacher of Shifici
law in Nishapur and was also important in the introduction of Ashcarite theology in that city. He fol-
lowed the Sufi way and was a teacher of as-Sularnl. The vizier $11:ub ibn aJ.c Abbid said about him'.
"I have never seen the like of him- and he has never seen the like of himself... See Bulliet, Patricians
of Nishapur, 115-17.
185. Abil al-Qlsim Jacfar ibn AJ:imad al-Muqri 3 (the Qur3 1n Reciter) ar-Rlzl (d. 378/988-89)
was an eminent Sufi and transmitter of hadith. He lived and died in Nishapur. He said: "Sufi chival-
ry (futuwwa) is to see the excellence of other people through your own shortcomings... See as-Sulaml.
Tabaqdl a,-,ufiyya, 509-12.
186. Abo Baler Mul)ammad ibn AJ:imad b. l;lamdOn al-Fan'i 3 (d. 370,'980-81) was an eminent
Sufi and hadith transmitter of Nishapur. He was personally known to as-Sulami. He said: "Concealing
virtuous acts is better than concealing evil acts; for through their conct.alment you can attain salva-
tion." See as-Sulaml. Tabaqat a,-1afiyya, 507-8. See also, as-Sarrtj. Kit4b al-lumac. xvi.
226
227
I heard her say: ''The master of reality (,1ii~ib lµiqiqa) does not return
to temporary spiritual states (a~wiil) after attaining realization
(talµiqquq); rather, all of the states occur through his agency."
I heard her say: ''The reality of love (ma~ba) is that the lover is
mute before all but his Beloved and deaf to all but His speech, for the
Prophet (may God bless and preserve him) has said: 'Your love for a thing
makes you blind and deaf.'''
I heard a trustworthy person relate about al-Waha\iyya: I asked her
to define Sufism and she said: ''Sufism means rejecting all worldly
means of support (naq(i al-asbiib) and ending all worldly attachments
(qafc al-calii'iq)."
228
187. Al-lffahlnl lists Ziylda's father as "Khafflb al-cAbid" (Khantb the Worshipper), but
gives almost no infonnation about him. The fact that he was a disciple of AbO Yazld al-Bisflml (d.
261/875) indicates that Ziyida flourished at the beginning of the fourth/tenth century. See al-1'fabiotl
J:lilyat al-awliytJ', vol. 10, 144.
230
231
alika was the wife and paternal cousin of al-J:lasan ibn c Ali b. J:layy-
awayh.188 Her father [Al,mad ibn J:layyawayh] was the ruler of
Damaghan. She experienced spiritual states (,1al;iibat ~I).
Her husband al-J:lasan took her with him on the pilgiimage to Mecca
and took her to visit [Abii Bakr] ash-Shibli. When ash-Shibli saw her he
said to al-J:lasan, ''You are a man and this is a woman, but she is greater
than you in her spiritual state.''
Al-l:lasan said: 'This statement did not enter my heart until we
reached Medina, the City of the Messenger of God (may God bless and
preserve him). She had with her only a few dirhams [a silver coin based
on the Persian drahm] left over from our J:laij allowance, and nothing
else. She saw some people from sub-Saharan Africa sitting by the head of
the Prophet [i.e., at the Prophet's tomb], so she passed out all of the
money to them.'' I remonstrated with her about this two times, saying:
'Only some of that money would have been enough for those blacks, or
even less than that!' She replied: 'How long will you go on with your
words, oh J:lasan? It is as if you see nothing but blacks!'''
188. Al-1:fasan ibn c Ali ibn l:{ayyawayh was personally known to as-Sulaml. No other infor-
mation about him is given in Tabaqdt ~-~ufiyya. This indicates that Malika and bee husband flour-
ished at the end of the fourth/tenth century. Ibid., 69.
232
-µma was great in her spiritual state (~[), strong in her ecstasy
(wajd), and frequent in her self-denial (ijtihad). She was a companion
of Abii cAbdallah az-Zlhid (The Ascetic) at Damaghan.
I heard cAli ibn Mul}ammad report that al-}:lasan ibn cAli related:
Abii Mul}ammad of Mosul came to see us. He met Fatima and said,190
189. Part of this account is duplicated in lbn al-Jawzi, $ifat ~-$afwa, vol. 4, 107.
190. The fact that three generations separate as-Sulaml from his subject suggests that Fipma
hint c1mr1n probably flourished in the middle of the fourth/tenth century.
234
,
-1t1 J..Sr LI. L~"'-,4 . ,)' ...__~,.
. . . ~ ~
..~ , J:.-'Y11 oJ.,~
- ,JWI • ~
... ~~,.;IS
.~Li-tlJ.t , .af;JI
235
c bdiisa served the Sufis of her country for thirty years. A man once
asked her, ''What is your spiritual state?'' ''Asking about one's
spiritual state is folly," she replied.
236
,,
237
191. Abil Jacfar AJ:imad ibn l:{amdin ibn Sinln (d. 311/923-24) was one of the great tradition-
ists and Sufi shaykhs of Nishapur. He was a companion of Abu cuthmln al-1:firi and Abu l:laft al-
1:{addid of Nishapur. His family was known for their asceticism and scrupulousness. He said: 'ne
beauty of a man is in the excellence of his speech; the perfection of a man is in the sincerity of his
actions." See as-SulamI, Tabaqlit cq-1afiyya, 332-34.
192. Abu Bishr Mul_lamrnad ibn AJ:imad (d. 387/997). called "al-1:{aliwr• by as-SulamI in
Tabaqlit cq-1ufiyya, was the grandson of Abmad ibn l:{amdin. He moved from Nishapur to Mecca,
where he spent twenty years until his death. He was one of the most important Sufis of his day in the
holy city. See Ibid.• 332.
238
239
193. Abu Mu):lammad c Abdallah ibn Munizil (d. 329/941) was a well-known leader of the
malamatiyya in Nishapur. As-Sulami states that he followed a unique spiritual method. He was a dis-
ciple of l;lamdiin al-Q~~ (d. 271/884). He was also learned in the exoteric sciences of Islam and
transmitted hadith. He said: "When one banishes the shade of his soul from his soul, people live in
his shade." See as-Sulami, Tabaqat ~-1ufiyya, 326-29; and al-Qushayri, ar-Risala, 435.
194. See sections LXVI and LXXVID for information on this individual.
240
241
c ziza was sagacious, pious, and scrupulous. She was eloquent and
experienced spiritual states (1a~ibat lisan wa ~[). She moved to
Nishapur and died there. She was a companion of c Abd ar-Rm,min ibn
Shahran in Herat [a city of Khurasan, now in present-day Afghanistan].
I heard c Aziza say: 195 ''The ascetic (zahid) seeks out the King for his
needs, but the King seeks out the gnostic (cari/) for His fellowship.''
I heard her say: Sufyin [ath-Thawri] used to say: ''God Most High
mentioned four things in one place. He said: 'It is God who created you.
Next, He provided for your sustenance. Next, He will cause you to die.
Then, He will bring you back to life' [Qur:,in 30 (ar-Rum), 40]. Insofar
as another person cannot increase the span of your life, he cannot increase
your sustenance. So why suffer?'' 196
I heard Umm al-J:lusayn al-Qurashiyya say: I heard cAziza al-
Harawiyya say: ''The ascetic and the person who seeks close proximity to
God look down at other people from the perspective of the aggrandize-
ment and glorification of their egos. For this reason, other people appear
insignificant to their eyes."
195. This notice indicates that c Aztu al-Harawiyya was a contemponry of as-Sulami, and
flourished in the latter half of the fourth/tenth century.
196. This Quranic exegesis probably comes from Sufyln ath-Thawrf' s Tafslr.
242
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243
197. Although Umm c:All's father cannot be located in the sources consulted for this work, her
brother Abo M°'Or Mul)ammad ibn c: Abdallah ibn }:{amshidh (d. 3881998) was a well-known
preacher who maintained his own school (madrasa) in Nishapur. See as-Sulami, Dhilcr an-niswa, at-
Tanil)I ed., np. 116. See also, Bulliet, Patricians of Nishapur, 250.
244
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245
urayra was noble in spirit, great in her spiritual state, far-sighted, and
---~ very unusual among her contemporaries. There were no women like
her in her age. She was a companion of Abu Bakr al-Farisi. 198
I heard Umm al-1:fusayn al-Qurashiyya say: I heard Surayra say: ''The
greatest cause of divine disapproval is the inability to understand.''
[Umm al-1:fusayn] said: I heard Surayra say: 'The ultimate of what is
said to be the best of knowledge is the knowledge of lordship and its oppo-
site, servitude. Eventually, servitude vanishes and only lordship remains.''
[UDllll al-1:fusayn] said: I heard her say: ''Correctness in the confir-
mation of one's spiritual state (iqriir) is that one has been emptied of all
ignorance. Correctness in gnosis (macrifa) is that one's knowledge of
God has been cleansed of all traces of anthropomorphism. Correctness in
spiritual practice ( cama[) is that one is purified from attributing partners
to God.''
[Umm al-1:fusayn] said: I heard Surayra say: ''Adversity and good
fortune are both from a single source. However, the truthful person is
revealed by his fortitude when adversity befalls him.''
198. Abo Bakr at-Tamastini al-FirisI (d. 340/951) was a major Sufi shaykh from the region of
Fars. in southwestern Iran. He spent the latter part of his life in Nishapur and was noted for his apho-
risms. He said: 'The entire world is but one lesson; each person learns it according to how much of
it is revealed to him." He also said: "Sufism is struggle; when the struggle ceases. it is no longer
Sufism." See as-Sulami, Tabaqdt ~-,ajiyya, 471-74; al-Qushayri, ar-Risiila, 423; al-~fahini, IJilyat
al-awliya', vol. l 0, 382.
246
..
247
he served Abu Muhammad al-Jariri. 199 She was one of the wittiest
•
....... female Sufis and was full of spirit. She experienced great spiritual
states.
I heard one of our companions say: I said to cunayza: ''Advise me.''
She said: ''Be there for God today as you want Him to be there for you
tomorrow.''
Someone else reported to me that she said: ''One who loves God
never tires of His service. On the contrary, he takes pleasure in it.''
It was also reported that she said: ''The gnostic ( carif) is neither one
who describes God nor one who passes on infonnation about Him.''200
It was also reported that she said: ''Knowledge of God ( cilm)
bequeaths awe, whereas gnosis (macri/a) bequeaths reverence.''
She said: ''Human for1ns are the mines of servitude.''
199. There is some question about the exact name of Abll MuJ:uunmad al-Jarirl (d. 311/923-24).
He was one of the foremost disciples of al-Junayd and succeeded al-Junayd after the latter's death.
Like his shaykh, he was learned in the Law as well as in theology and Sufi doctrine. He died while
making the pilgrimage to Mecca. See as-Sulami, TabaqiJt ~-,ajiyya, 259-64; al-Qushayrl, ar-Risllla,
402-3; al-I,fahlni, IJilyat al-awliyiJ', vol. 10, 347-48; lbn al-Jawzl, $ifat ~-$afwa, vol. 2, 252. See
also, Abdel-Kader, al-JllMyd, 43 44 (where he is called "Jurayrf'); and al-Hujwid, Tht! Kash/ al-
MaJ:,jub, 148-49.
200. The meaning of this statement is that the true knower of God is neither a theologian, who
defines God through His attributes, nor a purveyor of traditions, who merely passes on infonnation
about God. True knowledge of God goes beyond mere description.
248
•
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- ,:, '' J. .., • Ltl .:~~
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.Jl-, JI i_r.$ , ~ I UJ__)
249
201. Sec also, section LXVI above. Umm al-l;lusayn al-Qurashiyya's father Al;unad ibn
Mui,ammad ibn cUbayd Alllh was the head of the Mal;unls, one of the great aristocratic families of
Nishapur. In his children's biographies he is refea.ed to as '1'he Great" (al-Akbar) or '"Chief' (m"is).
He was probably headman of the district of Rukhkh. where he and his relatives possessed large land-
holdings. See Bulliet, Patricians of Nishapur, 89-92, 100.
250
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251
202. This saying refers to the Sufi concept of dhawq (taste, flavor), or direct experience.
203. Abu Bakr Dulaf ibn JaJ:idar ash-Shibli (d. 3341945) of Baghdad was a high c Abbasid offi-
cial until he was converted to Sufism and became a disciple of al-Junayd. He was noted for his use
of symbolic allusions (ishdrdt) and ecstatic utterances (sha,aJ,,iJI). At times he was accused of being
a madman. He said to one accuser: "You think I am mad, and I think you are sensible; may God
increa~ my madness and your sense!" He was highly esteetned by as-SulamI and his tomb in the
Ac:µmiyya quarter of Baghdad is still one of the most popular in the city. Umm al-l;lusayn was not
a contemporary of asb-Shibli, but of as-Sulami. Her information about asb-Shibll very likely came
from a written work which she copied. See EP, vol. 9, 432-33; Abdel-Kader. al-Junayd, 44 45; and
al-Hujwiri, The Kash/ al-MaJ.,jub, 155-156. Sec also, as-SulamI, Tabaqat a,-1iljiyya, 338 48; al-
Qushayri, ar-Risala, 419-20; al-I~fahini, J:lilyat al-awliyd:1, vol. 10, 366 75; and Ibo al-Jawzt, $i/at
~-$afwa, vol. 2, 456--61. On ecstatic utterances in general, see Carl W. Ems'9 Wonts of Ecstasy.
252
204. Religious obligations in Islam are divided into two categories: (1) faf'(l cayn, obligations
that are required of all Muslims, and (2) far9 kifllya. obligations that are required only of a sufficient
number of the Muslim community. As religious specialists, the "friends of God" or Sufi saints are
particularly devoted to kifliyat, acts above and beyond those required by the Law.
254
255
~;-µma was one of the practitioners of Sufi chivalry (fityiin) in her age.
She swore herself (mutacahhida) to the service of the Sufis and held
them in high esteem.
It was reported that she said: ''Sufi chivalry (futuwwa) is to maintain
service to others without discrimination.''
It was also reported that she said: ''The sight of chivalrous youths
(fityiin) brings joy to the hearts of the gnostics and separation from them
brings sorrow."
256
257
c isha was one of the most excellent of the Sufis and specialists in
3
205. 'Abd al-Wll;lid ibn 'Ali as-Sayylri (d. 375/985) was a Sufi of Nisbapur. He was the
nephew on his mother's side of the Sufi master AbO al-'Abbis al-Qisim as-Sayylri (d. 342/953-54).
A native of Merv, al-Qisim as-Sayyiri was a disciple of Abfi Bakr al-Wisitl (d. 3311942), a com-
panion of al-Junayd. AI-Wisip and as-Sayyiri arc credited by as-SulamI and others with bringing the
way of al-Junayd to Khurasan. Al-Hujwiri mentions that the Sayyiris comprised a tightly-knit Sufi
community that adhc1cd closely to their founder's doctrines. They maintained doctrinal continuity
through an exchange of letters between their centers at Merv and Nasl, See idem, The Kash/ al-
Mal:,jub, 157-58, 251--60. See also as-Sulami, TabaqiJt Q.1-1uftyya, 440-47.
206. Note the similarity of this account with that of Fiµma of Nisbapur and Dhii an-Non al-
Mi~ri in section XXX above.
258
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259
Digitized by Google Original from
UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
May God have mercy on all of the Sufis mentioned in this work.
The End.
By the hand of the powerless slave c Abel as-Sayyid ibn Al)mad al-
Khat,.o (may God forgive him, his parents, and all of the believing men
and women with His mercy).
The completion of [this manuscript] was approximately ten nights
before the middle of the month of ~afar in the year 474 (July 17, 1081).
It was completed on a Saturday. On the same day it was put by the
Judge and Imam, the Judge of Judges, Al)mad ibn Sulaymin al-Kashani
in the school (madrasa) of the Shaykh, the Imam and Preacher
Mul}ammad ibn }:lamza (may God have mercy on him).
260
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261
I. The sixteen sections in this Appendix were taken from Jamil ad-Din AbQ al-Faraj ibn al-
Jawzi, $i/at 01-$afwa, MaJ:uniid Flkhilrl and Mut,ammad Rawwls Qalcanjl eds. (Beirut, 1406/ 1986),
vols. 2 and 4. Notices which reproduce as-Sulaml' s text exactly or contain only a line or two of infor-
marinn are not reproduced here, but are mentioned in the footnotes to as-SulamI's Dhilcr an-niswa al-
muta~abbiddt ~-,iifiyydl. above.
263
I
- -
MUc ADHA BINT cABDALLAH AL-c ADAWIYYA2
264
265
Digitized by Google Original from
UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
APPENDIX
Zuhayr as-Salfili reported from a man from the Banfi cAdi that a
woman from the same tribe whom Mucadha Bint cAbdallah had nursed
related that Mucadha said to her: ''Oh daughter, be cautious and hopeful
of your encounter with God, the Glorious and Mighty, for I have seen that
when the hopeful person meets God, he is made worthy by his devoted
servitude, and I have seen the God-fearing person hoping for safety on the
day when humanity stands before the Lord of the Worlds!'' Then she cried
until she was overcome by weeping.
}:lammad ibn Salama5 said: Thabit al-Bunani6 reported that ~ila ibn
Ushaym was in a battle with his son, and he said to him: ''Oh my son, go
forward and fight so that I might claim you as a reward in the hereafter!''
The son charged the enemy and fought until he was killed. Then his
father went forward and fought until he was killed as well. Later, the
women gathered around his wife Mucadha al-c Adawiyya and she said to
them: ''Welcome. If you are here to congratulate me, then you are wel-
come. But if you have come with something else in mind, then return to
your homes.''
Salama ibn }:lassan al-c Adawi said: Al-}:lasan [al-B~ri?]7 reported
that Mucadha did not sleep after that until she died.
5. Abii Salama f:lamm.id ibn Salama (d. 168n84 85) was a maw/a of the Banii Tamim tribe
and lived in Basra. He was a God-fearing ascetic and seldom laughed. According to lbn al-JawzI, "If
someone told him that he would die tol1lOITOw, he would not be able to continue doing anything." He
was devoted to the study of the Qur:,in and died while praying in a mosque. Sec lbn al-Jawzl, $i/at
~-$afwa, vol. 3, 621-23; and al-I~fahini, J:lilyat al-awliyiJ', vol. 6, 249-57. His maternal uncle,
f:lamid at-Tawil (the Tall) ibn Tarkhin al-Khuzaci (d. 142/759-60) was a student of f:lasan al-Ba.¢
(see below) and compiled a volume of the latter's sermons. See Massignon, Essay, 122.
6. Abii Mul)ammad Thibit ibn Aslam al-Bunini of Basra (d. 127n44 45) was a mawla of the
tribe of Banil sacd ibn Lu:,ayy and was a famous transmitter of traditions about the Prophet
Mul;wnmad and the early generations of Muslims. He transmitted hadith from Anas ibn Milik (d.
9lnIO) and was personally acquainted with many of the TiJbican, the followers of the Companions
of the Prophet. See lbn al-JawzI, $i/at a~-$afwa, vol. 3, 260-63; and al-I~fahlnl, IJilyat al-awliytl',
vol. 2, 318-33. See also, Smith, An Early Mystic, 10; and as-Sulami, Tabaqat ~-~iifiyya, np. 207.
7. Abu Sacid al-f:lasan ibn Abi al-f:lasan Yasir al-B~ri (d. l lon28) was one of the most
famous early Muslim ascetics. His mother was a mawklt and servant of the ~phet Mul;wnmad's
wife Umm Salama. Among his known works are collections of sermons (mawacii), short commen-
taries on the Qur:iin (ta/sir), sayings (riwayat), and responses to questions on dogma and morals
(masii'il). He was an important figure in the formation of the doctrines of Sunni Islam and based his
mystical practice on self-reflective contemplation (jikr, tafa/ckur). He said: "Self-reflection is the mir-
ror that makes you see what is both good and bad in yourself." See Massignon, Essay, 119-38; Smith,
An Early Mystic, 68-70; and Smith, Rabi'a, 30-31 and 56-57. See also al-I~fahini, J:lilyatal-awliya:1,
vol. 2, 131--61; and Ibo al-Jawzi, $ifat ~-$afwa, vol. 3, 233-39.
266
c1mran ibn Khalid reported that Umm al-Aswad hint Zayd al-
cAdawiyya,8 whom Mucidha had nursed, said: Mucadha told me after her
husband and her son had been killed: ''By God, my daughter! My desire to
continue living in this world is neither for the sake of luxury nor of relaxation.
By God, I desire to continue living only so that I may get closer to My Lord
the Glorious and Mighty through acts of worship, in the hope that He would
grant me the pleasure of joining Abii ~-~ahba:, and his son in heaven.''
Rawt:i ibn Salama al-Warraq said: I heard Ghufayra the Worshipper9
say: I heard that when Muc idha al-cAdawiyya was near death, she first
cried and then laughed. ''What made you cry and then laugh?'' she was
asked. ''What is the purpose of laughing and then crying?'' She replied:
''As for the crying that you just saw, I cried because I was thinking of
being separated from my fasting, my prayers and my remembrance of
God. As for the smiling and laughing that you saw, it was because I saw
Abii ~-~ahba:, coming into the entrance hall of the house wearing two
green garments. He was among a group of people the likes of which I
swear I have never seen before in this world. So I laughed with him and
from there I could not see myself making it to the next prayer.'' Rawt:i
said: And she died before time of the next prayer.
Mucadha lived in the time of cA:,isha [the wife of the Prophet
Mul}ammad] and transmitted hadith from her. 10 Al-l:lasan al-B~ri, Abii
Qulaba11 and Yazid ar-Rishq [ar-Raqqashi?] 12 transmitted reports on her
authority.
8. See as-Sulami, Dhikr an-niswa, sections XIII and XL above.
9. See section V below, and as-Sulami, Dhilcr an-niswa, section IXabove.
10. cA3 isha, the daughter of the caliph Abil Bakr Sf-Siddiq and the wife of the Prophet
Mul;wnmad, died on 17 Rama4in, 58 A.H. (13 July, 678 C.E.). For an example of a tradition trans-
mitted from cA3 isha through Mucidha al-c Adawiyya. see Abii Zakanyi Ya!,yi ibn Sharaf an-
Nawawi, Riym;I ~-1ali~In min kaUJm Sayyid al-Mursalin (Gardens of the Righteous Made from the
Words of the Lord of Messengers), cAbdalllh A1)mad Abo Zayna. ed. (Kuwait and Beiru~
1389/1970), "Bib istil_tbib ~wm thalithat ayyim min kulli shahr" (section on the desirability of fast-
ing three days out of every month), 369-70.
11. Abo Quliba cAbdalllh ibn Zayd al-Janni (d. 104/723) was an early authority on Islamic
doctrine who lived most of his life in Basra but died in Syria after gaining the favor of the Umayyad
caliph cumar ibn cAbd aJ.c Aziz (r. 99-lOlnl 7-20). J:lammid ibn Zayd (d. 177n93-94) transmitted
accounts from him (see as-Sulami, Dhikr an-niswa, section XV above). Al-lffahAni describes Abo
Quliba's practice of Sufism as: "Purity in compassion and eloquence in morals." According to
Massignon, he advocated a purely Islamic form of spirituality, opposing "pristine religiosity"
(~ifiyya saml_aa) to "monlcery" (rahbi2niyya). Sec al-lffahini, IJilyat al-awliya', vol. 2, 282-89; and
Ibn al-Jawzi, $ifat ~-$a/wa. vol. 3, 238-39. See also Massignon, Essay, 136.
12. This individual is probably Yazid ibn Abin ar-Raqqishi, a disciple of al-l;lasan al-Ba.¢. Ar-
Raqqishi was a severe ascetic and weeper (ba/c.kd') who was said to have fasted continuously for
forty-two years. He transmitted the famous Prophetic hadith which states: "My community will
divide into seventy-two sects, each of which will be in hellfire except for one." When asked which
one this would be, ar-Raqqashi replied, 'The one in the majority." See al-lffahinI, IJilyat al-awliyli',
vol. 3, 50-54; and Ibn al-Jawzi, $ifat ~-$afwa, vol. 3, 289-90.
268
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- -
HAFSA BINT SIRIN• 3
• •
14
C sitn
•
al-Ahwal
•
said: We used to visit Hafsa
• •
hint Sirin. She would
pull her gannent in such-and-such a way and would veil her face
with it. So we admonished her: ''May God have mercy upon you. God has
said: 'Such elderly women as are past the prospect of marriage, there is no
blame on them if they lay aside their outer gannents, provided they make
not a wanton display of their beauty' (Qur:,an 24 [an-Nur], 60]." This refers
to the gannent known as the jilbab [a loose outer gannent for women that
is pulled over the head]. ''Is there anything else after that?'' she asked. We
answered: ''But it is best for them to be modest'' (Ibid.). Then she replied:
''This part of the verse is what confirms the use of the veil (~ijab).''
Hisham ibn f:lassan said: l:laf,a said to us: ''Oh assembly of youths
(shabiib ), give of yourselves while you are still youths. For I see true
spiritual practice only among the youths!'' [Hisham] said: l:laf~a mas-
tered the art of Qur:,an recitation by the age of twelve, and she died when
she was ninety.
Hisham related that l:laf,a used to enter her mosque [i.e., private place
of worship] and would pray the noon (iuhr), afternoon (c~r), sunset
(maghrib), evening (cishii), and morning (~ub~) prayers. She would
remain there until the full light of day; then she would make a single pros-
tration and leave. At this time she would perfor1n her ablution and sleep
until the time for the noon prayer. Then she would return to her place of
worship and perfo1111 the same routine as before.
Mahdi ibn Maymiin said: ''l:laf~a remained in her place of worship for
thirty years, not leaving it except to answer the call of nature or to get
some sun.''
Hisham [ibn f:lassan] reported that whenever [l:laf~a's brother
MuQammad] Ibn Sirin was faced with a difficult question about the dis-
cipline of Qur:,an recitation he would say to his questioners: ''Go and ask
Hafsa
• •
how she recites.''
13. Ibn al-Jawzi, $ifat ~-$afwa. vol. 4, 24-26.
14. Abii cAbd ar-Ral_unan cA~im ibn Sulayman al-A}:lwal (d. 141n58-9 or 142n59-60) was a
mawlii of the tribe of Banii Tamim. He was appointed judge for the Iraqi city of al-Madi'in (near
Baghdad) by Abii Jacfar al-Man~iir (r. 136-58n54-75), who was the first cAbbasid caliph to fill his
provincial administration with mawiili. Before that. he was in charge of weights and measures in the
city of Kufa. He was a close companion of Mut,ammad ibn Sirin. See al-I~fahani, ljilyat al-awliyd 3 ,
vol. 3, 120-22; and Ibn al-JawzI, $ijat a~-$afwa, vol.3, 301. On al-Manfiir and the mawali, see
Lassoer, The Shaping of "Abbasid Rule, 91-115.
270
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UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
APPENDIX
Hisham ibn J:lassin said: Al-Hudhayl the son of J:laf~a used to gather
firewood in the summertime. He would peel it, and then take the reeds
and split them. J:laf~a said: ''I used to feel cold. When winter came, al-
Hudhayl would bring a brazier and put it behind me while I was in my
place of worship. Then he would sit down and kindle a fire that did not
produce hannful smoke with the firewood peelings and the reeds that he
had split into strips. In this way he would make me warm. We would
remain with that fire as long as God pe11nitted." She added: ''One would
have as much of it as one wanted.''
J:laf~a said: ''Sometimes I wanted to go to al-Hudhayl and say: 'Oh
my son, return to your family!' Then I would remember what he desired
by serving me, so I left him alone.''
J:laf~a said: ''When my son al-Hudhayl died, God blessed me with
much patience. However, I had a lump in my throat which would not
go away."
J:laf~a said: ''One night while I was reciting the Sura of the Bee (an-
NaJ:,l), I came upon this verse: 'Nor sell the convenant of Allah for a
miserable price. For with Allah is a reward far better for you, if you only
knew. What is yours must vanish; What is Allah's will endure. And We
will certainly bestow, on those who patiently persevere, their reward
according to the best of their actions' (Qur,an 16 [an-NaJ:,l], 95-96)."
She said: ''I repeated this verse, and God made what I had found in my
throat disappear.''
Hisham [ibn J:lassan] said: Al-Hudhayl used to own a she-camel
heavy with milk. J:laf~a said: ''He used to send me milk in the morning,
and I would say to him, 'Oh my son! You know that I cannot drink it
because I am fasting.' He would reply, 'Oh Umm Hudhayl! The best milk
is that which is left overnight in the camel's udder, so [if you cannot drink
it youself] serve the milk to whomever you please.'''
Hisham ibn J:lassan [reporting from a certain Ibrahim] said: J:laf~a
bought a slave-girl, whom I assumed to be from Sind. 15 The slave-girl was
asked: ''What is your opinion of your mistress?'' Ibrahim mentioned some
words in Persian, to the effect that the slave-girl answered: ''l:laf~a is a
righteous woman, but she must have committed a grave sin because she
spends the entire night weeping and praying.''
272
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16. The canonical feast days in Islam are the f~st day that marks the end of the futing month
of RmruM;tin (c/d al-Fitr) and the feast day that celebrates the end of the l:fajj pilgrimage to Mecca
and the sacrifice of the Prophet Abraham (c/d al-A(l}_uJ).
17. The "Days of Tashrlq" (ayyclm tashrfq) are the three days of the Hajj pilgrimage that fol-
low the cfd al-A41;11 sacrifice. From the 11th to the 13th of the month of DhQ al-l;lijja. the pilgrims
gather at Mini, where they sacrificed on the I 0th, and each day throw stones or date pits (jimiir; sing.
jamra) at the pillars that commemorate Satan's attempt to conupt the Prophet lsmicn. Because the
state of i~riJm is lifted from pilgrims after the cfd sacrifice, Muslims are not encouraged to fast on the
Days of Tashriq. See, for example, Sunan ibn Mdja. "Bib mi jl'a ti an-nahyi can fiyim ayyim at-
tashriq" (section on what has been transmitted concerning the prohibition of fasting on the Days of
Tashrlq). vol. 1, 548; and "Bib rami al-jimlr ayylm at-tashrlq" (section on the throwing of stones
during the Days of Tashrlq). vol. 2, 1014. According to at-Tmnidhl, however. fasting on these days
was allowed by some Companions of the Prophet after the latter's death. See Abii cfsi Mul;uunmad
ibn cfsi at-Tmnidhl (d. 297/909-10). al-Jam;c CJl·laJ.rIJ.a. MuJ;wnmad Fu'ld cAbd al-Biqi, ed. (Cairo,
1396/1976), "Bib mijl'a ff karihiyat 8'-fawm ff ayyim at-tashriq" (section on what has been trans-
mitted concerning the disapproval of fasting on the Days of Tashrlq), vol. 3, 134-35.
274
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275
C bdallah ibn cisa said: I entered Rabica al-c Adawiyya's house and
saw light upon her face. She also used to weep frequently. Once a
man read in her presence a verse from the Qur:,an in which Hellfire was
mentioned. Upon hearing it, Rabica shrieked, then passed out.
[c Abdallah ibn cisa said]: I visited Rabica while she was sitting on a
mat made of the skin of a striped mullet (a type of fish). A man was dis-
cussing something with her. As I listened, I began to hear the sound of
Rabica' s tears falling on the dried mullet skin like pouring rain. Then she
became agitated and cried out. At that point, we got up and left.
Masmac ibn cA~im [al-JaI:tdan] and Rabal_t al-Qaysi said: We
observed Rabica when a man came to her with forty dinars [a gold coin
based on the late Roman and Byzantine denarius] and said: ''Use this
money to fulfill some of your needs.'' Rabica wept, then raised her head
towards the sky and said: ''God knows that I am ashamed to petition Him
for the goods of the world because He alone possesses them. How could
I ever wish to take them from someone who does not possess them?''
Muhammad
•
ibn cAmr said: I visited Rabica when she was an old
woman of eighty years of age. She looked like a shrunken, old water-
skin, and appeared to be on the verge of collapsing. In her house I saw
a worn, rectangular mat and a clothes rack made of Persian reeds,
extending about two spans up from the floor. The door to the house
was covered by a skin, perhaps made from mullet. There were also a
jar, a mug, and a piece of felt that served as her bed and her prayer rug.
On the clothes rack made of reeds she had hung her burial shrouds.
Whenever Rabica mentioned death or passed by people who were
aware of her worshipfulness, she would shake and be overcome by
tremors.
A man once said to Rabi ca: ''Make a supplication for me.'' She
cringed against the wall and replied: ''Who am I to ask God to have mercy
on you? Obey your Lord and call upon Him yourself! For verily He
answers the supplications of those who are troubled!''
276
Sayf ibn Man~iir said: I entered Rabi ca' s house while she was pros-
trating in prayer. When she sensed my presence, she raised her head. To
my surprise, her place of prostration was shaped like a puddle of water
from her tears. She greeted me and approached me, saying: ''Oh my son!
Are you in need of something?'' ''I only came to greet you,'' I replied.
[Sayf ibn Man~r] said: She began to weep and said: ''Oh God, may You
protect us! May You protect us!'' Then she made some supplications for
me. When she stood up and resumed praying, I left.
Al-c Abbas ibn al-Walid said: Ribica said: ''I ask God's forgiveness
for my lack of truthfulness in saying, 'I ask God's forgiveness."
Azhar ibn Marwin said: Rabal:i al-Qaysi, ~ ibn cAbd al-Jalil and
K.ilab 19 visited Ribica. They brought up the world and began to criticize
it. Rabica said: ''Verily, I see the world in its entirety in your hearts!'' They
replied: ''How did you come to imagine this about us?'' She said:
''Because you concerned yourselves with the closest thing to your hearts
and spoke about it.''
Abii Jacfar al-Madini20 related from a leader of the tribe of Quraysh:
Someone said to Rabica: ''Have you ever perfo11ned a deed that you
deemed acceptable to God?'' She said: ''If there had been such a deed, I
would have been afraid that it would be rejected.''
Jacfar ibn Sulayman [a4-l;>ubci] said: Sufyan ath-Thawri took me by
the hand and said about Rabi ca: ''Come with us to the mentor in whose
absence I can find no solace.'' When we entered her house, Sufyan raised
his hand and said: ''Oh God, verily I petition You for safety!'' At this,
Rabica wept. ''What makes you weep?'' he asked. ''You caused me to
weep," she replied. ''How''? he asked. She answered: ''Have you not
learned that true safety from the world is to abandon all that is in it? So
how can you ask such a thing while you are still soiled with the world?''
[Sufyan] ath-Thawri said in Rabica's presence: ''How sorrowful I
am!'' ''Do not lie!'' she replied. ''Say instead, 'How little is my sorrow!'
If you were truly sorrowful, life itself would not please you.''
Jacfar ibn Sulayman said: I heard Rabica say to Sufyan: ''You are but
a set of numbered days. When one day goes, a part of you goes as well.
And with the disappearance of the parts, the whole is nearly lost as well.
You [Sufyan] are aware of this, so remember!''
19. Abu Sayyir Kilib ibn Jura was an ascetic and weeper (baW') from Basra. It was said that
none could equal him in the strength of his fear of God and fervor in his love for God. lbn al-Jawzi
gives no infonnation about the date of his death. See idem, $ifat ~-$afwa. vol. 3, 381.
20. Abii Jae far cAbdallih b. Jacfar al-Madini was a well-known transmitter of hadith. His son,
cAli ibn Jacfar, died in 234/849. See Franz Rosenthal, A History of Muslim Historiography (Leiden,
1968), 363.
278
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APPENDIX
cAbis ibn Mart,iim al-c Attar (the Spice-Merchant) said: cAbda hint
Abi Shawwil (one of the best slave-women of God who also served
Rabica) related to me: Rabica used to pray the entire night. When dawn
began to break she would take a short rest until it had fully appeared. She
would leap up from her place of sleep as if in alarm, and I would hear her
say: ''Oh soul! How long will you sleep? And how long will it be before
you awaken? Your sleep21 is nearly as deep as the sleep from which you
will only awaken when the trumpet heralds the Day of Resurrection!''
cAbda said: That was the way she lived her life until she died. When
her death approached, she summoned me and said: ''Oh cAbda! Do not
info11n anyone of my death. Just wrap me up in this shroud of mine.'' This
was a shroud made of hair that Rabica used to wear during her night vig-
ils when everyone was asleep.
cAbda said: So we wrapped her in that shroud and a woolen veil that
she used to wear.
cAbda said: After a year or so, I saw Rabi ca in my sleep dressed in a
bright green dress and wearing a veil made of green silk brocade. Never
before had I seen anything so beautiful. I said: ''Oh Rabi ca! what hap-
pened to the shroud and the woolen veil in which we wrapped you?'' She
said: ''By God, they were taken from me and were replaced with what you
see on me now. My shrouds were wrapped, sealed, and lifted up to the
highest heaven22 so that God's forgiveness for me on the Day of
Judgment would be complete.''
· 21. In this notice the modem editors of $ifat ~-$afwa have mistakenly used the construction
maniimi (my sleep) instead of manamaki (your [f.] sleep). This latter construction is preferable
because Rabi'a is speaking not to herself, but to her lower soul (na/s [f.]).
22. cllliyyin, ''The High Places," is a reference to Qur:,an 83 (al-Mufafi.fin), 18-21.
280
281
cAbda said: I said to Rabica: ''Is this what you were striving for dur-
ing your time in this world?'' She said: ''Is this not a miracle that God, the
Glorious and Mighty, bestows on His saints?'' cAbda said: ''How did
cAbda [cUbayda] hint Abi Kilab23 fare?'' I asked. Rabica answered:
''What a question! What a question! By God, she has surpassed us and has
reached the utmost degree!'' cAbda said: I asked Rabica: ''How could this
be, while you were so highly esteemed by people?'' Rabic a answered:
''She paid no heed to the state in which she found herself, whether it be
in the morning or at night.'' cAbda said: Then I asked: ''How did Abii
Malik [Qaygham ibn Malik] 24 fare?'' She answered: ''He visits God
whenever he wants." ''How did Bishr ibn Mansiir25 •
fare?'' I asked. ''Well,
well!'' (bakh bakh, a Persian te11n) she replied. ''He was given far more
than he had hoped for!''
cAbda said: I asked Rabica: ''Command me to do something by which
I may come closer to God, the Glorious and Mighty.'' She answered:
''Maintain constant remembrance of Him. This will bring you delight
nearly all the way to your grave.''
[lbn al-Jawzi] said: I limited myself to this number of accounts con-
cerning Rabica, because I have already dedicated a book to her in which
I gathered all of her sayings and reports about her. 26
23. On cUbayda bint Abi Kilib, see section VI below and as-SulamI, Dhilcr an-niswa, section
XXVII above.
24. Abii Milik I;>aygham ibn MAiik, known as "The Worshipper'' (al- cabid) was a companion
of al-ijaun al-B~ri. In his spirituality he was strongly influenced by his mother, who was ofbedouin
origin. His daily religious practices consisted of 400 prostrations (ralcctlt). He was said to resemble
no other person in his sadness and the extent to which he lived in awe of God and afflicted his body
with austerities. He said: "If I knew that it would bring about God's satisfaction, I would call upon
the cleaver to cut my flesh into pieces." Ibn al-Jawzi gives no date for his death. Idem, Si/at ~-Safwa.
vol. 3, 357--60.
25. Abii Mul,lammad Bishr ibn M~iir as-SulaymI was a noted preacher and specialist in
Islamic doctrine. He was of Arab origin and studied under Sufyin ath-Thawri (d. 161 n77-78), from
whom he transmitted the hadith: "Religion is nothing more than good col1nscl" (innamlJ ad-drnu an-
~r~). It was said about him that if a person saw him, that person would remember God, and if one
saw his face, he would recall the afterlife. See al-I~fahini, f:lilyat al-awliya', vol. 6, 239-243; and Ibn
al-Jawzi, $ifat ~-$afwa, vol. 3, 37&-77.
26. According to Massignon (via Brockelmann and Goldziher), this work was entitled Mandqib
Rabica al-muctazila (Exploits of Ribica the Recluse). See idem, Essay, np. 149. In this particular
case, the tenn muctazila refers to "uzla, the practice of withdraw! from human society. It has nothing
to do with the later theological school of Islamic rationalism, also known as al-Muctazila.
282
aji ~ ibn Muslim al-cAbdi said: We used to visit cAjrada the Blind at
_.er home. She used to spend her nights in prayers and vigils. Perhaps
he also said: She would stand from the beginning of the night until the
coming of dawn. When dawn broke she would lament in a sorrowful voice:
''For Your sake, oh, God, the worshippers cut themselves off from the
world in the darkness of night, glorifying You from nightfall until the pre-
dawn hours, competing for Your mercy and the favor of Your forgiveness.
So through You, my God, and none other, I ask you to put me in the first
rank of the Foremost, that You raise me up to the level of Your Intimates,
and that You include me among Your Righteous Servants. 28 You are the
Most Generous of the generous, the Most Merciful of the merciful, and the
Greatest of the great. Oh, Noble One!'' Then she would drop to her knees
in prostration and would remain weeping and supplicating in a prostrate
position until the sun rose at dawn. This was her habit for thirty years.
cAbd ar-RalJinin ibn cAmr al-Bihili reported through Dalal the
daughter of Abii al-Mudill: My mother Amina bint Yacli ibn Suhayl relat-
ed to me: cAjrada the Blind would come at the end of the day and spend
the night with us for one or two days. My mother said: When night came,
cAjrada would put on her garments and veil her face. She would stand in
the prayer niche and remain praying until the first part of the dawn. Then
she would sit and make supplications until daybreak.
[Amina hint Yacli] also ~aid: I said to her (or someone else from the
family said to her): ''If only you would sleep for part of the night!'' cAjrada
wept and replied: 'The remembrance of death does not allow me to sleep.''
Jacfar ibn Sulaymin [aQ-I)ubci] said: One of my women (my mother
or another woman from my family) reported to me: I saw c Ajrada the
Blind on a certain holiday. She was wearing a woolen outer garment, a
woolen head veil, and a woolen mantle. She said: I looked closely at her
and found that she was nothing but skin and bone.
The same woman said: I heard people mention about c Ajrada that she
did not break her fast for sixty years.
27. Ibn al-Jawzi, $ifat ~-$afwa, vol. 4, 31-32.
28. On God's "Foremost" and "Intimates," see Qur;)an 56 (al-Waqica), 1~11. On "Your
Righteous Servants" see Qur;)in 27 (an-Naml), 19.
284
.. •
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-
GHUFAYRA AL-c ABJDA2 9
cUbayd say: We visited a woman in Basra who was called Ghufayra and
someone said to her: ''Oh Ghufayra! Make a supplication to God for us!''
She replied: ''If the wrongdoers became mute your old woman would not
have to speak. But God the Good (al-Mul:,sin) has commanded the sinner
to supplicate Him. So may God make your stay in my house a taste of
Heaven. And may He make both you and me aware of death.''
Malik ibn Qaygham [the son of Qaygham ibn Malik] reported that he
heard Ghufayra say: ''I have sinned against You, oh God, with each of my
extremeties. By God, if You aid me, I will do my best to obey You with
every extremity with which I have disobeyed You.''
29. Ibn al-JawzI, $ifat ~-$afwa, vol. 4, 33-34. Ghufayra's name is given as cufayra (with an
cayn rathar than a ghayn) in the edited version of this work. While the word cajfiira means "dusty,"
cufayra is not a common term in Arabic. Ghufayra, on the other hand, is derived from ghufrdn (for-
giveness), and means "one who forgives." This should not be confused with ghaflr, which is an adjec-
tive signifying abundance. This apparent mistake by an early copyist of $ifat ~-$a/wa. the source of
which is the elimination of a single dot, was perpetuated in the ninth/fifteenth century by c Abd ar-
Ral_unan al-Jami in Nafalµit al-uns (617). Modern scholars who rely primarily on Ibo al-Jawzl and
Jami for their information on early Sufi women continue to make the same mistake. See, for exam-
ple, Nelly Amri and Laroussi Amri, us femmes soujies ou la passion de Dieu (St-Jean de Braye,
France, 1992), 138-39 and n.1 .
286
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APPENDIX
30. Accounts in this work that are attributed to Mut,ammad ibn al-1:fusayn al-Burjulani (d.
238/852) most likely came from his Kitab ar-ruhban (Book of Monks and Ascetics), which has not
yet been located in modem manuscript collections. See as-Sulami, Dhikr an-niswa, n. 40 above.
288
289
hucayb ibn MuJ:uiz reported that Salama the Worshipper said: cUbayda
hint Abi Kilib wept for forty years until she lost her eyesight.
Yfil}yi ibn Bistam al-A~ghar (the Younger) reported that Salama al-
Afqam, who used to visit the village of at-Tufiwa, said: I asked cUbayda
hint Abi Kilib: ''What do you desire?'' ''Death," she replied. ''Why?'' I
asked. She replied: ''Because, by God, every morning I get up fearing that
I would commit a sin against myself that would lead to my perdition in
the Days of Judgment!''
[MW}ammad ibn] cAbel al-cAziz ibn Salman said: cUbayda and my
father cc Abel al-c Aziz ibn Salman]32 used to visit Malik ibn Dinar33 for
twenty years. My father said: I never heard her ask Malik about anything
except once, when she said: ''Oh, Abu Yal}yi! When does the God-con-
scious person reach the ultimate level, above which there is no other
level?'' Malik said: ''Bravo! Well done, cUbayda! When the God-con-
scious person reaches that highest level, above which there is no other
level, nothing is more dear to him than standing before God.'' cc Abel al-
e Aziz] said: cUbayda uttered one cry and fell to the ground unconscious.
290
291
292
uhammad
•
ibn Sinan al-Bahili said: I heard Shucba ibn Dukhkhan
mention that Umm Talq used to pray four hundred prostrations
every night and that she recited what God willed from the Qur:,an.
Shayba ibn al-Arqam reported from cA~im al-Ja)Jdari, who said:
Umm Talq used to say: ''Whenever I prevent my lower soul from attain-
ing its desires, God makes me a ruler over it.''
It was reported from Sufyan ibn cuyayna, 35 who said: Umm Talq said
to her son Talq: ''How beautiful is your voice when you recite the Qur:,an.
I only hope that your voice will not lead to evil consequences for you on
the Day of Judgment." Talq wept until he became unconscious.
Salama al-Ayham reported through cA~im al-Jal}dari who said: Umm
Talq used to say: 'The lower soul is a king if you indulge it, but it is a
slave if you to11nent it.''
294
295
abil} ibn Abi al-Jir~ said: I saw Bal)riyya al- c Abida weeping and
aying: ''I abandoned You, oh God, when I was young and fresh, and -
I came to You when I was ragged and decrepit. So accept the decrepit one
for what she used to possess.''
Bal)riyya used to be beautiful, but afflicted herself with hunger. She
would spend forty days at a time without eating anything but a little bit of
hummus. She was a specialist in self-denial and held an assembly _of Sufis
where the remembrance of God was invoked. Whenever she spoke, she
would become agitated and tremble violently.
AJ)mad ibn Abi al-l:lawari said: An old woman from the people of
Basra told me that she heard Bal)riyya say: ''When the heart abandons its
desires, it becomes habituated to knowledge and pursues it, bearing
everything that knowledge entails .''
..
296
,,.
297
IX
SHACWANA37
298
Malik ibn Qaygham said: My father said to me one day: ''Go with
Manbiidh (Pariah) to this righteous woman (meaning Shacwana) and
evaluate her.'' So I left with Abii Hammam [Manbiidh] for al-Ubulla. We
arrived at her house at lunchtime and entered. Manbiidh greeted her and
said: 'This is the son of your Sufi brother Qaygham.'' She greeted me and
welcomed me warmly, and said: ''Welcome, oh son of the one whom we
love without seeing him! By God, my son, I have long been yearning for
your father. The only thing that has prevented me from seeing him is the
fear that I will distract him from his service to his Master. For service to
his Master is more worthy than talking to Shacwana.''
Malik [ibn Qaygham] said: Then she said: ''But who is Shacwana?
And what is Shacwana? Nothing but a sinful black slave!''
Malik said: Then she began to weep. She remained crying, so we
went out of her house and left her.
Yal:iya ibn Bistam said: I often used to be present at Shacwana' s gath-
erings and saw what she did to herself. I said to a companion of mine called
c1mran ibn Muslim: ''What if we visit her when she is alone?'' [Yal)ya]
said: So he and I left for al-Ubulla. Upon arriving, we asked Shacwana's
per1nission to enter and she admitted us. The house was of a shabby and
bare appearance. My companion said to her: ''Be easy on yourself and
refrain from crying a bit. This would give you more strength to attain your
desire.'' YaJ:iya said: She wept and replied: ''By God! I want to cry until I
run out of tears. Then I will cry blood until not a single drop of blood is left
in my body. So how far am I from real crying!'' Yal)ya said: She kept on
repeating this until her eyes rolled back into her head. Then she fell over,
unconscious. So we stood up, went out, and left her in that state.
Rawl) ibn Salama said: Mu<;lar told me: I have never seen anyone who
could bear as much crying as Shacwana, nor have I heard a voice that was
more burning to the hearts of the God-fearing as hers was when she
lamented and cried out: ''Oh dead ones, sons of the dead, and bretheren
of the dead!''
Muf:tammad said: I asked Abii cumar a<;f-Qarir (the Blind): ''Have you
ever visited Shacwana?'' He said: ''I used to attend her gatherings often
but I could not understand what she had to say because of her profuse
weeping.'' Then I asked: ''Did you preserve any of her sayings?'' He said:
''I did not retain any of her sayings that I can recall at this moment, except
for one thing." ''What is it?'' I asked. He answered: ''I heard her say: 'Any
one of you who is able to weep should weep or at least be compassionate
towards the one who weeps. For the weeper only weeps because of his
awareness of what has affected his soul.''
300
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AI-J:lasan ibn Yw,ya said: Shacwana used to repeat this verse and
weep, making the ascetics who were with her weep as well. She said:
Then she awoke and began to chant and weep, and her spiritual prac-
tice was restored to her.
39. Abo cAli aJ-Fu4&yl ibn c1y14 ibn Bishr (d. 187/803) was of the Banu Yarbnc segment of the
Banu Tamim tribe, whose home was in the region of Kufa in Iraq. He, however, was born in Khurasan
-according to some, in a village called Fundln near Merv, and according to others in the region of
Samarqand. He returned to Kufa after his conversion to Sufism and ended his life in Mecca. It is said
that he was originally a highwayman, but of chivalrous disposition, because he would not rob a poor
person or a caravan that contained a woman. He was a student of Sufyin ath-Thawri and was noted
for his Sufi aphorisms. He said: "1bree things harden the heart: an excess of food, an excess of sleep,
and an excess of speaking." According to al-HujwirI he said: "'The world is a madhouse and the peo-
ple therein are madmen, wearing shackles and chains. Lust is our shackle and sin is our chain." See
as-Sulam.i, TabtuJat cq-1ufiyya, 6-14; al-I,fahini, J:lilyat al-awliya', vol. 8, 84-139; al-QushayrI, ar-
Risala, 424-25; and lbn al-Jawzi, Sifat cq-$afwa, vol. 2, 237-47. See also, al-Hujwiri, TM Kash/ al-
MaJ.ijub, 97-100; and Smith, An Early Mystic, 74.
302
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303
Ibrahim ibn cAbel al-Malik said: Shacwina and her husband visited
Mecca. When they started circumambulating the Kacba, her husband
became exhausted and sat down, so she sat down behind him. While sit-
ting, he said: ''I am thirsty from loving You, oh God, but I cannot quench
my thirst!'' So she said in Persian: ''In the mountains there grows a cure
for every illness. But the cure for the lovers does not grow in the moun-
tains!'' May God be pleased with her.
304
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X
-
RAYHANA41
•
bii al-Qasim ibn sac:id reported that he heard ~iii}} al-Murri say: I
saw Ray}.tina al-Majniina (the Possessed) and greeted her. She said
to me: ''Oh Salih,
• •
listen:
''Do not become intimate with the One whose sight you long for,
''For you will be prevented from finding Him in the darkness.
''Strive and persevere, and be in the night as one who sorrows,
''And He will pour you a glass of love from His glory and generosity.''
40. Ibn al-JawzI uses this tet111 to distinguish saints and sages who are divinely possessed from
people who are truly insane.
41. Ibn al-Jawzl, $ifat Ql-$afwa, vol. 4, 57.
42. Mu}:tammd ibn al-Mukandar b. cAbdalllh (d. 130/747-48) was an Arab of the tribe of
Tamim ibn Mum. His father was related to the Prophet Mul)ammad's wife cA3 isha. Mul)ammad ibn
al-Mukandar's mother was a concubine (jdriya) whom his father purchased with 10,000 dirhams that
the governor of Syria, Muclwiya ibn Abl Sufyln (d. 60/680), the founder of the Umayyad dynasty,
sent to cA3 isha. He was a famous transmitter of hadith and was known for his piety and virtue. He
lived in Medina and transmitted traditions from some of the best-known Muslims in the second gen-
eration after the Prophet Mu}:tammad. See al-1'fahinI, J:lilyat al-awliyiJ', vol. 3, 146-58; and Ibn al-
Jawzi, $ifat Ql-$afwa, vol. 2, 140-44.
306
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[Ar-Rabic] said: Then she cried out: ''What a war! What a hardship!''
''In regard to what?'' I asked. She said:
308
309
Digitized by Google Original from
UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN
Notices of the Elect among the Female Worshippers of Syria:
XI
43
the sake of religion and then has done so than cAthima. For she made a
vow and went to Mecca, where she spent five hundred dinars.''
Mu.l}ammad ibn Sulaymin ibn Bilal ibn Abi ad-Darda) related that
his mother cAthima lost her eyesight. Her son went to her one day after
he had prayed. ''Have you prayed, my son?'' she asked. ''Yes,'' he replied.
So she said:
''Oh c Athim~ why are you distracted?
''Your house must have been invaded by a trickster!
''Weep so that you may complete your prayers on time,
''If you were to weep at all today!
''And weep while the Qur:,in is being recited,
''For once you too, used to recite it.
''You used to recite it with reflection,
''While tears sbeamed down from your eyes.
''But today, you do not recite it
''Without having a reciter with you.
''I shall lament for you with fervent love,
''For as long as I live!''
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}:unad ibn Abi al-1:lawiri reported that] Abii Sulayman said: ''I
described for my sister c Abda one of the bridges of Hell. After lis-
tening to this, she stood up for an entire day and night, uttering one
scream without stopping. Then she stopped doing it any more. But when-
ever the story was mentioned to her, she would scream again.'' ''What
caused her to scream?'' I asked. Abii Sulayman replied: ''She imagined
herself on the bridge and it was collapsing beneath her.''
AJ,mad ibn Abi al-1:lawari related that Abii Sulayman said: I heard my
sister say: ''The Sufis are all dead, except the one whom God brings back
to life through the glory of sufficiency and contentment in his poverty.''
Abii c Abd ar-Ral,unan as-Sulami mentioned that Abii Sulayman had
two sisters: c Abda and Amina. He said: They both attained an exalted
level of intellect and religious observance.
312
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313
bii Bakr ibn Abi ad-Dunya47 traced Rabica's lineage in this way. Abu
cAbd ar-Ral_unan as-Sulami mentioned that Rabi ca al-cAdawiyya
shared the same first name as the subject of this section and that their
fathers' names were also the same. Most of what is reported about Rabi ca
the wife of Alpnad [ibn Abi al-}Jawari] is that she is Ribica with a letter
ba:, and that [Rabica] al-c Adawiyya was from Basra whereas this one was
from Syria.48
lbn Nasir
•
info11ned us that it was related about Abii al-Ghana:,im ibn
an-Nursi that he said: Rabica with a stroke (kasra) under the letter ba:, is
Basran and Rabica with a ya:, after the ba:, is Syrian.
Alpnad ibn Abi al-}Jawari said: I said to Rabica (my wife) while she
was spending the night upright in prayers: ''We have seen Abii Sulaymin
[ad-Darani] and we have worshipped with him, but we have not seen any-
one spending the night upright in prayer as early as you do.'' She said:
''Glory be to God! Would one like you utter such things? I stand up for
prayer when I am called!'' He said: I sat down to eat and then she started
lecturing me. So I said to her: ''Leave me alone! Let me enjoy my food in
peace!'' She replied: ''Neither I nor you are among those who lose their
appetites for food at the mention of the Hereafter!''
Ahmad
•
ibn Abi al-Hawari
•
said: Rabica said to me: ''Oh brother! Do
you not know that when the slave practices obedience to God, the
Almighty makes him aware of his evil deeds, so that he becomes preoc-
cupied with God instead of His creatures?''
Af.tmad ibn Abi al-}Jawari said: Rabica used to experience many spir-
itual states (a~wal). At times she was overtaken by love (t,ubb), at other
times by intimacy (uns), and at other times by fear (khawf). Once I heard
her say while she was in a state of love:
46. lbn al-Jawzi, $ifat ~-$afwa. vol. 4, 300-303.
47. Abu Baler cAli ibn Mu}:wnmad, known as lbn Abi ad-Dunyl (d. 281/894) was a noted tra-
ditionist and teacher of the cAbbasid caliph al-Muktafi Billih (r. 289-95/902-8). He was known for
composing many works on ascetics and saints, including monies (ruhbma), the "rationally insane" (al-
'uqalli' al-majanin), and a work called al-Hawaii/ (The Calls), on prophecies which foretell the
future. See Rosenthal, Muslim Historiography. 399,429,432, 505.
48. Although this text reads "Rabica with a 'b' ," it is more likely that the intended reading was
"Rabica with a 'ya''." This would differentiate Ribica bint Ism1cn al-c Adawiyya the Basran from
Rabica bint Ismicil the Syrian.
314
Al}mad ibn Abi al-f:Iawari said: I heard Ribica say: ''I withhold even
a lawful morsel of food from myself, fearing that through it I might feed
my lower soul (nafs). So when I see my upper arm getting fat, I grieve."
He said: And sometimes I would say to her: ''Are you fasting today?'' She
would reply: ''A person like me does not break her fast in this world." He
said: Sometimes I would look at her face and neck, and my heart would
be moved at the sight of her. Not even conversations with our companions
after worship would affect my heart in this way. She said to me: ''I do not
love you in the way that married couples do; instead, I love you as one of
the Sufi brethren. I wanted to be with you only in order to serve you, and
I desired and hoped that my fortune would be consumed by someone like
you and your brethren.''
Al}mad said: She had seven thousand dirhams and she spent it all on
me. Whenever she cooked a meal, she would say: ''None of this, my lord,
would have come to fruition were it not for the glorification of God." She
also said to me: ''It is not lawful for me to forbid you from myself or
another. So go ahead and get married to another woman.'' He said: So I
married three times. She would feed me meat and say: ''Go with strength
to your wives!'' If I wanted to have sex with her during the day, she would
say: ''I implore you in the name of God to not make me break my fast
today.'' And if I wanted her during the night, she would say: ''I implore
you in the name of God to grant me this night for God's sake.''
316
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317
Al}mad ibn Abi al-}:lawiri said that he heard Rabi ca say: ''I never hear
the call to prayer without thinking of the Caller on Judgment Day; I never
look at snow without thinking of the dispersal of the pages of destiny; I
never see a swann of locusts without thinking of the gathering of souls at
the Resurrection.''
Ahmad
•
ibn Abi al-Hawiri
•
said: Ribica said to us: ''Take that wash
basin away from me! For I see written on it: 'Hiriin ar-Rashid, the
Commander of the Believers, has died!''' Ahmad•
said: We looked into the
matter, and found that he had indeed died on that day.
Al}mad ibn Abi al-}:lawiri said that he heard Ribica say: ''Sometimes
I see spirits in the house coming and going. At times they are Houris, who
veil themselves from me with their sleeves.'' She said this swearing with
her hand upon her head.
Ahmad
•
ibn Abi al-Hawiri
•
said: Once I called for Ribica and she did
not answer. After an hour had passed she answered me: ''What prevented
me from answering you was that my heart was filled with happiness from
God Most High. For this reason, I could not answer you.''
318
319
320
xv
'I'HE SISTERS OF BISHR IBN
AL- •
- AL- • 50
322
323
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APPENDIX
c Abdallah said: She came in, greeted my father, and said to him: ''Oh Abii
c Abdallah, I am a woman who spins at night in lamplight Sometimes, the
''Oh my son! I have never heard a human being asking about things such
as these. Follow this woman and see what is her destination.'' c Abdallah
said: So I followed her and she entered the house of Bishr ibn al-Harith,
•
for
she was his sister. I returned and told my father about this. He said: ''It is
impossible for a person like this to be anybody's sister but Bishr's!''
The author [lbn al-Jawzi] said: I believe that the woman who asked
Al,tmad this question was Mukhkha. I have transmitted another story
about her in which her name was mentioned that was similar to this story.
c Abdallah ibn Al,tmad ibn l:lanbal said in Baghdad: Mukhkha the sis-
ter of Bishr ibn al-l:larith came to see my father and said: ''I am a woman
whose investment capital is two diinaqs (one-third of a silver dirham). I
buy cotton, spin it, and sell it for half a dirham. Thus, I sustain myself
with one diinaq per week [from Friday to Friday]. Once, Ibo Tahir ai-
Ta :,if passed by me holding a torch. When he stopped to speak to the sol-
diers bearing arms, I took advantage of the light of his torch and spun a
large amount of cotton. Then the torch disappeared, and I understood that
I owed God an obligation. Release me, so that God may release you.'' Ibo
l:lanbal said to her: ''Spend the two diinaqs so that you will be left with-
out any capital. Perhaps God will reward you with something better.''
c Abdallah said: I said to my father: ''Oh, Father! Why did you not tell
her to get rid of what she had spun so much of [under the torch light of Ibo
Tahir]?'' Oh my son," he answered, ''Her question will not bear that inter-
pretation.'' Then he said: ''Who is this woman?'' ''Mukh.kha, the sister of
Bishr ibn al-l:larith," I answered. He said: ''This is where she gets it!''
-
I read in the handwriting of Abu c Ali ar-Rudhani: Among the sisters
of Bishr, it was Mukhkha who used to seek out Abu Hanbal •
and ask him
about scrupulousness and asceticism. Al,tmad used to be amazed at the
difficulty of her legal questions.
As-Sulami said: Zubda, the sister of Bishr, said: 'The heaviest thing
for the slave is sinfulness and the lightest is repentance. So why does one
not relinquish that which is heavy for that which is light?''
324
XVI
- -
SALIM AR-RASIBIYYA52
326
327
328
329
330
331
332
333
334