Normative and Sectarian Judaism in The Second Temple Period

LIBRARY OF SECOND TEMPLE STUDIES
54
formerly the Journal for the Study of the Pseudepigrapha Supplement Series
Editors
Lester L. Grabbe
James H. Charlesworth
Editorial Board
Randall D. Chesnutt, Philip R. Davies, Jan Willem van Henten,
Judith M. Lieu, Steven Mason, James R. Mueller,
Loren T. Stuckenbruck, James C. VanderKam
This page intentionally left blank
Normative and Sectarian Judaism
in the Second Temple Period
Moshe Weinfeld
T&T CLARK INTERNATIONAL

A Continuum imprint
LONDON • NEW YORK
Published by T&T Clark International, a Continuum imprint
The Tower Building, 11 York Road, London SE1 7NX
15 East 26th Street, Suite 1703, New York, NY 10010
www.tandtclark.com
Copyright © Moshe Weinfeld, 2005
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or
by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording or any information
storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.
British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Typeset by Sheffield Typesetting, www.sheffieldtypesetting.com

Printed on acid-free paper in Great Britain by MPG Books Ltd. Bodmin Cornwall
ISBN 0-567-04441-6
CONTENTS
Acknowledgments ix
Abbreviations x
Parti
PRAYER AND WORSHIP
Chapter 1
THE LOYALTY OATH IN THE ANCIENT NEAR EAST 2
Chapter 2
THE HEAVENLY PRAISE IN UNISON 45
Chapter 3
PRAYER AND LITURGICAL PRACTICE IN THE QUMRAN SECT 53
Chapter 4
THE DAY OF THE LORD: ASPIRATIONS FOR THE KINGDOM
OF GOD IN THE BIBLE AND THE JEWISH LITURGY 68
Chapter 5
THE ANGELIC SONG OVER THE LUMINARIES IN THE QUMRAN TEXTS 90
Chapter 6
GRACE AFTER MEALS IN QUMRAN 112
Chapter 7
n(MINHAH) 122
Chapter 8
THE MORNING PRAYERS (BIRKHOTHHASHACHAR) IN QUMRAN
AND IN THE CONVENTIONAL JEWISH LITURGY 126
Chapter 9
THE BIBLICAL ORIGINS OF THE AMID AH PRAYER FOR
SABBATH AND HOLY DAYS 137
vi Normative and Sectarian Judaism in the Second Temple Period
Part II
THE QUMRAN SCROLLS
Chapter 10
THE TEMPLE SCROLL OR 'THE LAW OF THE KING' 158
Chapter 11
THE ROYAL GUARD ACCORDING TO THE TEMPLE SCROLL 186
Chapter 12
GOD VERSUS MOSES IN THE TEMPLE SCROLL: 'I Do NOT SPEAK
ON MY OWN BUT ON GOD'S AUTHORITY' (SIFREDEUTERONOMY,
SEC.5;JOHNl2.48f.) 189
Chapter 13
SARAH AND ABIMELECH (GENESIS 20) AGAINST THE BACKGROUND
OF AN ASSYRIAN LAW AND THE GENESIS APOCRYPHON 194
Part III
THEOLOGY AND IDEOLOGY
Chapter 14
THE COVENANTAL ASPECT OF THE PROMISE OF THE LAND TO ISRAEL 200
Chapter 15
THE DAY OF ATONEMENT AND FREEDOM (DEROR): THE REDEMPTION
OF THE SOUL 227
Chapter 16
THE CRYSTALLIZATION OF THE 'CONGREGATION OF THE EXILE'
AND THE SECTARIAN NATURE OF POST-EXILIC JUDAISM 232
Chapter 17
'You WILL FIND FAVOUR. . .IN THE SIGHT OF GOD
AND MAN' (PROVERBS 3.4): THE HISTORY OF AN IDEA 239
Chapter 18
UNIVERSALISTIC AND PARTICULARISTIC TRENDS DURING THE
EXILE AND RESTORATION 251
Part IV
NEW TESTAMENT
Chapter 19
PENTECOST AS FESTIVAL OF THE GIVING OF THE LAW 268
Contents vii
Chapter 20
THE CHARGE OF HYPOCRISY IN MATTHEW 23 AND IN JEWISH SOURCES 279
Chapter 21
HlLLEL AND THE MISUNDERSTANDING OF JUDAISM
IN MODERN SCHOLARSHIP 286
Chapter 22
EXPECTATIONS OF THE DIVINE KINGDOM IN BIBLICAL
AND POSTBIBLICAL LITERATURE 294
Index of References 305

Index of Authors 324
This page intentionally left blank
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Daren Cohen, Danielle Saranga, Tanya Shapiro, Yonat Stadd and Bar Zecharia
have typed the whole material anew.
ABBREVIATIONS
AASOR Annual of the American Schools of Oriental Research

AB Anchor Bible
ADD C.H.W. Jones, Assyrian Deeds and Documents Recording the
Transfer of Property (Cambridge, 1901)
AfO Archivfur Orientforschung
Arch. D.Hist.d.Droit Orient Archives d'histoire de droit orientale
AHw Wolfram von Soden, Akkadisches Handworterbuch (Wiesbaden:
Harrassowitz, 1959-81)
ANET James B. Pritchard (ed.), Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to
the Old Testament (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1950)
AOAT Alter Orient und Altes Testament
AP Aramaic Papyri of the Fifth century B.C. (edited with translation
and notes by A. Cowley; Oxford, 1923)
ARM Archives royales de Mari
ARN 'Abot de Rabbi Nathan
ARW Archivfur Religionswissenschaft
AT DJ. Wiseman, TheAlalah Tablets (London, 1954)
AID Das Alte Testament Deutsch
BAR Biblical Archaeology Review
BASOR Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research
BBSt L.W. King, Babylonian Boundary Stones (London, 1912)
BKAT Biblischer Kommentar: Altes Testament
BO Bibliotheca orientalis
BWL W.G. Lambert, Babylonian Wisdom Literature (Oxford, 1960)
BZAW BeiheftezurZW
CAD Ignace I. Gelb et al (eds.), The Assyrian Dictionary of the Oriental
Institute of the University of Chicago (Chicago: Oriental Institute,
1964-)
CBQ Catholic Biblical Quarterly
CH Codex Hammurabi
CIL Corpus inscriptionum latinarum
CT Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets in the British Museum
CTA A. Herdner (ed.), Corpus des tablettes en cuneiformes
alphabetiques decouvertes a Ras Shamra-Ugarit de 1929 a 1939
(Paris: Imprimerie nationale Geuthner, 1963)
DDS M. Weinfeld, Deuteronomy and the Deuteronomic School (Oxford,
1972)
DJD Discoveries in the Judaean Desert
EA El Amarna Letters: J A. Knudtzon, Die El-Amarna Tafeln
(Leipzig, 1915)
El Eretz Israel
Abbreviations xi
EJ Encyclopaedia Judaica
FRLANT Forschungen zur Religion und Literatur des Alten und Neuen
Testaments
HAT Handbuch zum Alten Testament
HKAT Handkommentar zum Alten Testament
HSS Harvard Semitic Studies
HTR Harvard Theological Review
HUCA Hebrew Union College Annual
IEJ Israel Exploration Journal
IOS Israel Oriental Studies
JANES Journal of the Ancient Near Eastern Society of Columbia
University
JAOS Journal of the American Oriental Society
JBL Journal of Biblical Literature
JCS Journal of Cuneiform Studies
JEN E. Chiera and E.R. Lacherman, Joint Expedition with the Iraq
Museum at Nuzi (Paris, 1927-39)
JESHO Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient
JJS Journal of Jewish Studies
JNES Journal of Near Eastern Studies
JPS The Jewish Publication Society of America
JQR Jewish Quarterly Review
JSOT Journal for the Study of the Old Testament
JSS Journal of Semitic Studies
JTS Journal of Theological Studies
KAI H. Donner and W. Rollig, Kanaana'ische und arama'ische
Inschriften (3 vols.; Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1962-64)
KBo Keilschrifttexte aus Boghazkoi (Leipzig, 1916)
KHC Kurzer Hand-Kommentar zum Alten Testament
KUB Keilschrifurkunden den aus Boghazkoi
LSS Leipziger Semitiische Studien
MDOG Mitteilungen der deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft
MDP Memoires de la delegation en Perse
MGWJ Monatsschriftfur Geschichte und Wissenschaft des Judentums
MSL Materialen zum sumerischen Lexicon (Materials for the Sumerian
Lexicon)
MVAeG Mitteilungen der vorderasiatisch-agyptischen Gesellschaft
OGI W. Dittenberger (ed.), Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae
(Leipzig 1903-1905)
OLZ Orientalistische Literaturzeitung
Oudt St. Oudtestamentische Studien
PAAJR Proceedings of the American Academy of Jewish Research
Phil.-hist. Abt. N.F. Philosophisch-Historiche Klasse Abhandlungen, Neue Folge
PR U Le palais royal d 'Ugarit
RA Revue d 'assyriologie et d 'archeologie orientale
Rev. Arch Revue archeologique
RB Revue biblique
RCAE L. Waterman, Royal Correspondence of the Assyrian Empire (Ann
Arbor, 1930-36)
RE A.F. Pauly and G. Wissowa, Realencyklopddie furprotestantische
Theologie undKirche (Stuttgart 1894-1980)
xii Normative and Sectarian Judaism in the Second Temple Period
REJ Revue des etudes juives

RevQ Revue de Qumran
RGG K. Galling (ed.), Religion in Geschichte und Gegenwart (Tubingen
1957-65)
RHA Revue hittite et asianique
RHPhR Revue d 'histoire et de philosophic religieuses
RHR Revue de I 'histoire des religions
RS Ras Shamra
SAOC Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilisations
SBL Society of Biblical Literature
SEL Studi Epigrafici e Linguistici
SPB S. Singer, Standard Prayer Book (New York, 1943)
SVT Supplements to VT
TCL Musee du Louvre, Textes cuneiformes
TDOT G. J. Botterweck and H. Ringgren (eds.), Theological Dictionary of
the Old Testament (Grand Rapids, 1977-)
ThLZ Theologische Literaturzeitung
Th WNT Gerhard Kittel and Gerhard Friedrich (eds.), Theologisches
Worterbuch zum Neuen Testament (11 vols.; Stuttgart,
Kohlhammer, 1932-79)
TWAT GJ. Botterweck and H. Ringgren (eds.), Theologisches
Worterbuch zum Alien Testament (Stuttgart: W. Kohlhammer,
1973-95)
UF Ugarit-Forschungen
VAB Vorderasiatische Bibliothek
VCaro Verbum caro
Vogt J. Vogt, Sklaverei und Humanitdt: Studien zur antiken Sklaverei
und ihrer Erforschung (Wiesbaden, 1965)
VT Vetus Testamentum
VTE DJ. Wiseman, The Vassal Treaties of Esarhaddon', Iraq (1958),
pp. 1-99
WMANT Wissenschaftliche Monographien zum Alien und Neuen Testament
YOS Yale Oriental Series (Babylonian Texts)
ZA Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie
ZA W Zeitschrift fur die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft
ZTK Zeitschrift fur Theologie undKirche
Parti
PRAYER AND WORSHIP
Chapter 1
THE LOYALTY OATH IN THE ANCIENT NEAR EAST*
The political treaties from the ancient Near East which have come to light since
the 1920s have contributed much to understanding the nature of formal relation-
ships between peoples, sovereigns and vassals, etc. The relationship between
Israel and its God embodied in the so-called 'Covenant' has also been reevalu-
ated following the discovery of the ancient Near Eastern treaties.1
In this article we intend to discuss the political documents which though
considered as treaties actually constitute fealty oaths. The structure and typology
of these documents will be compared with the structure and typology of similar
documents in the ancient world, thus revealing a common pattern of fealty oaths
prevailing in the Near East for almost 1500 years. Just as the treaties of the
ancient Near East have their corresponding parallel in the Biblical Covenant so
have the fealty oaths their parallels - as will be shown below - in the Israelite
confession of faith and especially as has been crystallized in later Jewish Liturgy.
I
The point of departure for our discussion will be the so-called vassal treaty of
Esarhaddon, King of Assyria. This document which was discovered in 1955 and
published in 19582 is the longest of the political 'treaties' to be unearthed in the
ancient Near East. This treaty is actually a loyalty oath on the part of the Median
vassals obligating them to remain faithful to Assyria and her king on the occasion
of change in the political leadership. On the sixteenth of lyar (Ajjani) 672, during
the limmu (eponymy) of Nabu-bel-usur - a date appearing in the treaty's colo-
phon - Esarhaddon, King of Assyria, adjured the vassals to observe allegiance to
his son Ashurbanipal who was designated to reign over Assyria, and to his son
Shamashsumukin, the crown prince designate of Babylonia. We learn from other
documents that not only the vassals were adjured, but that four days earlier (on the
* This is an expanded version of my Hebrew article in Shnaton, An Annual for Biblical and
Ancient Near Eastern Studies (1975), I, pp. 51-88.
1. See my article 'Brith': TDOTll (1975), pp. 253-279.
2. D.J. Wiseman, The Vassal Treaties of Esarhaddon', Iraq 20 (1958), pp. 1-99. For recent
English translations see E. Reiner, ANET3, 534ff., S. Parpola and K. Watanabe, Neo-Assyrian
Treaties and Loyalty Oaths (1988), pp. 28ff., for a more recent Hebrew annotated translation cf. M.
Weinfeld, Shnaton, An Annualfor Biblical and'Ancient Near Eastern Studies, Vol. 1 (1975), pp. 89ff.
1. The Loyalty Oath in the Ancient Near East 3
twelfth of lyar) all of the people of Assyria, young and old alike, were required to
swear allegiance to the new King Ashurbanipal.3
The adjuration, which was carried out in the presence of the gods opens with a
declaration that the treaty binds as well the generations to come (11. 1-12, cf. 11.
380-396). This is followed by a list of deities who are witnesses to the
obligations (11. 13-40), and subsequently by the conditions of obligation which
may be summarized as follows:
1. to accept Ashurbanipal's kingship (11. 41-48).
2. to be obedient to Ashurbanipal and to be prepared to fight and die for
him (11. 49-50, 229-231).
3. to love Ashurbanipal and be wholeheartedly faithful to him (11. 51 -61,
92-100,231-236,266-268).
4. to care for the continuation of the dynasty (11. 83-91, 246-253).
5. to act favourably toward the king's brothers and their households (11.
269-282).
6. to inculcate loyalty in the coming generations (11. 283-301, 380-396).
7. not to rebel or install another king (11. 62-72,123-129,147-161,180-
187, 188-211,212-228).
8. to denounce inciters of rebellion (11. 73-82, 108-122).
9. not to attack the king (11. 101-107, 259-265).
10. to capture rebels and eradicate them or bring them to the king (11. 130-
146,162-172,302-317).
11. not to cooperate with an enemy or a rebel (11. 173-179, 237-245).
12. to avenge Ashurbanipal should he be assassinated by conspirators
(254-258).
13. not to comply with dissenters and to turn such over to Ashurbanipal (11.
318-335, 336-352, 353-359, 360-372).
14. not to breach the treaty or damage the treaty document (11. 373-380,
397^13).
After this come the curses associated with various deities (11.414-493), these are
followed by the vassals' obligations expressed in the first person plural (11.494-
512) and last of all comes a series of dramatized curses (11. 513-665) of the kind
found in the Sefire treaties4 as well as in the Hittite Soldiers oath.5
Should we attempt to summarize and find a common denominator to all of the
conditions listed above, we will find that they revolve principally about three main
topics: (a) loyalty to the king and his dynasty (nos. 1-6); (b) obligation to act
against rebels (nos. 7-14); (c) curses for treaty breakers. Similarly, in the vassal
oaths themselves, which actually ratify the agreement, we find these three motifs
though they start off dealing with rebellion:
3. Cf. M. Streck, Assurbanipal, II, p. 4f.; 18-23.

4. See J.A. Fitzmyer, 'The Aramaic Inscriptions of Sefire', Biblica et Orientalia 19 (1967), IA:
pp. 35^2.
5. ANET\ The Soldiers' Oath p. 353. N. Oettinger, Die Militdrischen Eide derHittiter (Wies-
baden, 1976). For a transliteration of the Hittite text see J. Friedrich, ZA NF 1 (1924), pp. 161-92.
4 Normative and Sectarian Judaism in the Second Temple Period
Against rebellion clause: 'May the gods look on if we rebel or revolt... if we

hear (men) speaking secretly...unseemly acts... and
conceal it and do not report it.'
Loyalty clause: 'If, as long as we, our sons and our grandsons live,
the crown prince designate Ashurbanipal will not be
our king and lord,... if we place another king.. .over
ourselves, our sons, our grandsons. ..'
Curses: 'may all the gods mentioned (here) call us, our off-
spring, and our descendants, to account...' (11. 494-
512).
Similar demands are found in other loyalty oaths from the ancient Near East.
From the same period another loyalty oath to Ashurbanipal is known to us,6 and
it too contains clauses reminiscent of those in the vassals' oaths to Esarhaddon:
Loyalty. (1) to be obedient to the king and fight for him (11.11,23-25).
(2) to love the king all the days of their lives (11. 32-33).
(3) not to install another king over them (11. 34-35).
Report Rebels: (1) to report to the king any sign of rebellion or instigation
(11. 4-9).
(2) to arrest conspirators and instigators and bring them
before the king (11. 13-16).
Curses. (1) The curses appear at the end of the document (Rev. 1-25).
It should be pointed out that in contrast to the Vassal Treaties of Esarhaddon
(henceforth VTE) which are usually phrased as an adjuration by the king and
only in one place is an oath of the vassals cited (11. 494-512, see above), the
document which we have brought here is phrased in its entirety as an oath taken
by the vassal. This ambivalence (oath vs. adjuration) is already found in the Hittite
documents from the 13th-14th centuries known as 'instructions'. There, we en-
counter on the one hand an adjuration of officials (LU. MES. SAG)7, and military
personnel,8 and on the other hand oaths by military commanders.9 Furthermore,
just as in VTE, where alongside the king's adjuration we found the vassals' oath,
6. L. Waterman, Royal Correspondence of the Assyrian Empire (= RCAE) (930-36), No. 1105.
See also adjuration of Esarhaddon's mother in letter No. 1239, ibid.
7. E. von Schuler, Hethitische Dienstanweisungfur hohere Hof- und Staatsbeamte, Archivfur
Orientforschung Beiheft 10 (1957), pp. 1-35. LU. SAG is equivalent to sa resi (= Hebrew D^D) and
connotes an officer or a minister and not necessarily a castrated courtier (sa resi means 'pertaining to
the head', namely one who stands before the head), and see most recently, A.L. Oppenheim, 'A note
on sa resi\ Festschrift Th. Caster, JANES 5 (1973), 325ff.; M. Heltzer, Israel Oriental Studies 4
(1974), pp. 4-11.
8. S. Alp, 'Military Instructions of the Hittite King Tuthaliya IV, Belleten 11 (1947), pp. 403ff.
And cf. the series of instructions to border guard commanders (bel madgalti) in Schuler, Dien-
stanweisung, pp. 4Iff.
9. E. von Schuler, 'Die Wiirdentragereide des Arnuwanda', Orientalia 25 (1956) (=LU. MES.
DUGUD).
so in the adjuration of the Hittite officers we find the formula of the officials'
oaths integrated into the preamble of the document. Therefore it is read:
Thus says Tudhaliyas, the great King.. .you the officers will swear to the Sun (= king)
saying: We shall obey the Sun...the sons and grandsons related to his kingdom
(Section a, 1).
Only afterward is there an adjuration which makes demands identical to those

which we mentioned above:
1. to guard the king and his sons after him (LU. MES. SAG A, 6-12).
2. not to install over them another king (LU. MES. SAG A, 13-16).
3. to uncover instigators and rebels (ibid, passim).
Also in the 'instructions' to the military personnel10 and in the oaths of the
Hittite army commanders (LU. MES. DUGUD)11 we find clauses which deal
mainly with loyalty and uncovering rebellion:
Loyalty (1) to love the king (= to remain loyal), his family and his
progeny (see below Section A).
(2) to fight for him constantly (or stubbornly) (see below
Section B).
(3) to cherish the life of the king more than their own lives
(see belowSection B).
(4) to teach the loyalty oaths to the sons (below Section I).
Against rebellion: (5) to capture rebels and turn them over to the king
(below Section F).
(6) to avenge the king (below Section G).
Although these oaths and adjurations contain no curses, this seems to be
merely a coincidence since there is a Hittite document which deals with soldiers
taking an oath accompanied by dramatic ceremonies meant to illustrate the curses
which will come upon those who will not remain loyal to the king, and breach
the covenant.12 This indicates that the curse was a most important feature of Hit-
tite oaths and adjurations of officers, soldiers, etc.
A loyalty oath founded upon the three principles established above - (1) loyalty,
(2) uncovering rebels, (3) curses - appears in a Hellenistic document. For example,
in a treaty between Smyrna and Magnesia (near Sipylus) from 242 BCE,13 we find
the oaths of the two parties which mainly express loyalty to Seleucus II and may
be summed up as follows:
1. to remain loyal (euvorjoe i v = to have love/affection) to the king and his
dependants.
10. In Alp's article (n. 8).

11. In Schuler's article (n. 9).
12. Seen. 5.
13. W. Dittenberger, Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae (= OGI) No. 229, = H. Bengtson -
H.M. Schmitt, Staatsvertrdge des Altertums III, Die Vertrdge des griechisch-romischen Welt von 338
bis 200 v. Chr. (1969), No. 492 (henceforth: Bengtson).
2. to uncover any attempt of conspiracy and agitation.

3. a blessing to the keepers of the pact and curses to its breachers.14
Such elements are not confined exclusively to loyalty oaths but also appear in
political vassal treaties where, even though the principal concern is the relation
between the vassal and the overlord, the three elements mentioned are still
prominent:
Loyalty: (1) to revere the king and his family just as the vassal
reveres his own self and family.15
(2) to fight wholeheartedly on behalf of the king.16
Uncovering rebels: to uncover rebels and agitators.17
Blessing and Curse.™
Here, however, there is the addition of'to be an enemy to the king's enemies and
a friend to his friends' which is very frequent in Greek treaties and has even found
its way into loyalty oaths from the Roman period, as we shall see (Section H).
Furthermore, just as in the loyalty oaths cited so far, so also in the vassal
treaties the king's adjuration stands alongside the vassal's oath. Thus, in a treaty
between Suppiluliuma and Mattiwaza, after the Hittite King Suppiluliuma has
listed his conditions and the curses that will afflict Mattiwaza should he not keep
the pact, Mattiwaza himself says:
If I Mattiwaza, the prince, and the sons of the Hurri (country) do not fulfill the words of
this treaty and oath, I.. .and we the sons of the Hurri.. .we will have no seed.. .and if (on the
other hand) we fulfill the treaty and the oaths of the King Suppiluliuma, the great king...
may the gods, whose name we have invoked, exalt us, guard us, and be king to us...19
This combination of imposing an obligation on the one hand, and obligating

oneself on the other, appears as well in the treaty between Smyrna and Magnesia
which we cited above. Within the treaty in which we found the conditions apply-
ing to each party, we also find the oath formula for the two parties which con-
tains the self-obligations which we quoted.
The material so far discussed apparently contains documents of various types:
1. A treaty between an overlord king and his subject vassal kings (the
Hittite treaties).
2. Adjurations of the vassals to remain loyal to the new crown prince (VTE).
3. Adjuration of the people and its leaders to remain loyal to the new
crown prince (the oath of Zakutu, Esarhaddon's mother).20
14. Lines 60-69 (the settlers of Magnesia), 11. 70-78 (the people of Smyrna). For details of the
clauses, see below.
15. Cf. e.g., document No. 17.355 in PRU IV, pp. 85ff. (the treaty between Mursulis II and
Niqmepa King of Ugarit).
16. Ibid., 11. 20-21, p. 89, and see my article in Leshonenu 36 (1972), pp. 88-89.
17. See in my book, Deuteronomy, etc. pp. 92ff. for references.
18. Ibid.
19. E. Weidner, Politische Dokumente aus Kleinasien (1923), p. 54.44ff.
20. RCAENo. 1239.
4. Adjuration of officials by the king (Schuler, LU. MES. SAG).

5. Adjuration of soldiers by the king (Alp, Military Instr.).
6. Adjuration of border guard commanders (Schuler, Bel Madgalti).21
7. Loyalty oaths from army commanders (Schuler, LU. DUGUD).
8. Loyalty oaths from soldiers (RCAE 1105).
Actually, all of these documents demonstrate one major and central concern,
and that is loyalty to the king and his regime. The basic components of these
documents are formulated identically and recur in this same formulation over
very long periods of time: from the days of the Hittite Empire of the 14th century
BCE,22 through the Assyrian Empire, and into the Roman Empire. Let us examine
these basic elements in the Hittite and Assyrian treaties and compare them to
documents from the Greek, Hellenistic and Roman periods.
A. Loyalty
This concept is expressed in the aforementioned documents by use of terms such
as love/kindness23: assiya in Hittite and rdmu in Akkadian.24 Therefore, in the
oath of Hittite army commanders: 'If we will not love (always)25 our lords, their
wives, their children, and their grandchildren'.26
And in adjuration of Hittite military personnel.27 'Just as you love28 your wives,
your children, and your houses, so shall you love the king's business... '29
In VTE: 'If you do not love... Ashurbanipal.. .your lord.. .as you do your own
lives' (11. 266-268).
And in a soldier's oath to Ashurbanipal: 'The King of Assyria our lord.. .we
shall love all the days of our lives'.30
In the treaties and loyalty oaths of the Greek, Hellenistic and Roman periods,
terms of affection (JMAelv/EUVOEiv (to be well inclined or favourable), euvoia
serve to express political loyalty. Thus, for example, the parties to the treaty
between Smyrna and Magnesia (at Sipylus) obligated themselves to be well
21. Seen. 8.
22. And especially in the Al-Amarna period. In this period the formula structure of the interna-
tional treaties crystallized. See my article JAOS 93 (1973), pp. 190ff.
23. Concerning IDFI and its covenantal connotation see my article in JAOS 93 (1973), pp. 190ff.
24. Love pi"IK) in the Bible also indicates loyalty. See W.L. Moran, The Ancient Near Eastern
Background of the love of God in Deuteronomy', CBQ 25 (1963), pp. 77-87.
25. assiyanusgaweni (KUB 31, 42 II: 23) which is the iterative form.
26. Schuler, Orientalia 25 (1956), II: 20-21, p. 227.
27. Alp. (n. 8), p. 392: 30-31.
28. Genzu harteni is translated by Alp 'have affection', however genzu is equivalent to Akkadian
remu and if so the translation have love (=loyalty) is justifiable.
29. LUGAL-uwas sakliya. A concept which in my opinion corresponds to Akkadian par si sa
sarrani - the king's customs/laws. See for example El-Amarna letter 117 line 82: kima parsi sa
abutika = according to the customs of your fathers, and cf. kima paras Halab (AT 17.5). f ^QH BBEJD
in 1 Sam. 8.11 is in my opinion equivalent toparsu sa sarri, while HDI^QH C3SO2 (1 Sam. 10.25) is
equivalent to parsu sa sarruti. In the Hellenistic and Roman loyalty oaths, remaining loyal to the
king's affairs is expressed by euvofjosiv TOC TrpaypaTa and in Latin in acta (iurare), and see n. 37.
30. #C4£1105.32ff
inclined to that which is loyal (EU VOTIOE i v) to Seleucus II,31 and as in the oaths of
the Hittite army officers (Schuler, DUGUD) and the oaths of Ashurbanipal's
soldiers (RCAE1105), we find that the soldiers pledge to Eumenes I (263 BCE) to
be well inclined i.e. to be loyal toward him - KCU EUVOTJOCO auTODi.32 Similarly,
we find that the Roman Sulla33 bound his opponent Lucius China under oaths and
imprecations34 to be loyal to his interests EUVor)OEiv ECXUTOU TTpaynaoiv35 and
Josephus tells us that Herod compelled the people to make a sworn declaration
that they would maintain loyalty to his rule EUVOIQV 5ia(|)uXaÊi v36 and in another
place he has the people swear to be loyal to Caesar and the king's affairs.37 He also
tells us about an oath of loyalty to Gaius Caligula and uses Euvoia38. EuvorjOEiv
with connotations of loyalty appears in oaths of loyalty to the Roman Emperors
(beginning with Augustus) and especially in those preserved in inscriptions.39
B. Devotion
The loyalty oaths as well as the vassal treaties contain demands of self-sacrifice
for the king.40 For instance, we find in a Hittite treaty found at Ugarit and written
in Akkadian41:
If you Niqmepa do not guard with your army and your chariots and with all your heart
(ina kul libbika) and if you do not fight with all your heart.
And in a treaty written in Hittite:
31. OGI229 = Bengtson III 492, 72, cf. also 11. 2, 8. For discussion of EU voice cf. P. Herrmann,
Der romische Kaisereid, 23f. (see n. 30 below). The verbs OT£pyco/c|>iAEco (to love) also appear in
contexts of loyalty. Nicholas of Damascus uses this terminology when speaking about decisions
concerning loyalty to Caesar (oTEpyEoSca) and there we also find EUVOICC (Jacoby, Fragm. Griech.
Hist. 90,130 Sec. 180). The verb 4>i AECO in the sense of loyalty is found in the oath of the Colophons
(c. 450 BC), see Bengtson II, 145,47. For 'love' in the covenantal sense in the Greek-Roman political
documents see my article in JAOS 93 (1973), pp. 190ff.
32. OGI266 = Bengtson III 481,26.
33. Plutarch, Sulla \0,6.
34. apcas KCXI opKOts KaraXapcov. The concrete description follows: China swears by taking a
stone that if he is not loyal he will be thrown out of the city just as he throws the stone out of his
hand. On the dramatization of curses, see below. (Similar dramatization appears in Jer. 51.63).
35. The loyalty to the TTpccypaTa of the ruler corresponds to loyalty to the Latin acta, the impli-
cation being to his laws and decrees, and cf. n. 29 above concerning loyalty to the king's affairs in the
Hittite adjurations. Also, cf. in the oath of loyalty to Eumenes I (above n. 32) in line 29: UTTEp aurou
Ken TCOV TTpaypcxTcov TCOV EKEIVOU.
36. Antiq. 15.368.
37. EUVOTIOEIV Ka'iaaapi KCU TOIS (3aaiAEcos rrpayijaaiv (XVII, 42). Compare the letter of
Lysias to the Jews: iav o5v ouvTrjpfjor)T£ TT|V E'IS TCX TTpaypaTa EUVOIQV 'if you keep loyalty to the
state-affairs'. (2 Mace. 11.19) and see also 3 Mace. 7.11.
38. XVIII, 124, and cf. the oath to Gaius from Assos, G. Dittenberger, Sylloge 3 No. 797, 20:
Euvofjosiv fa i co i.
39. For those documents and their analysis see P. Hermann, Der romische Kaisereid, Hypomne-
mata 20 (1968). I am grateful to Professor M. Stern who drew my attention to this book.
40. See my article in Leshonenu 36 (1972), pp. 88ff.
41. PRU IV 17.353: 20-21 (p. 89) and comp. E. Weidner, Politische Dokumente No. 3, Vs.
11.17ff.;No.4Vs. lOff.
1 . The Loyalty Oath in the Ancient Near East 9
And if you. . . Sausgamuwa do not come to aid with your full heart (sakuuassarit Zl-it =
Akk. ina kul libbi} . . .42 with your army and your chariots and will not be prepared to
die (U-UL ak-ti) with your wives and your sons (for the King).43
In a loyalty oath of the Hittite army officers:44

'If we will not fight against him stubbornly. . ,45 if the life of our lord will not be more
precious to us than our own lives'.46
In an adjuration of Hittite army officers:47

'They will fight stubbornly'.
In VTE:
'If you do not fight and die for him' (11. 50-51).
This clause also appears in the adjuration of Mat'ilu by Ashurnirari V of

Assyria:48
'If our death is not your death, if our life is not your life, if you do not seek the
life of Ashurnirari, his sons... as your own life, and as the life of your sons'.
Identical demands are encountered in Greek and Roman loyalty oaths: In these
as well, one ally is required to come to the aid of the other 'with all his might and
ability' Travri a0Evei, oui av Suvcopai, Kara TO 5uvaToi/5uva|Jiv49 and here
as well each ally is required to remain faithful with all his goodwill IJETCX rraaris
Trpo0u[jias50 This expression of maximal devotion is likewise found in the old
amphictyonic oaths: KOU TraoT]i SuvajJEi (Aischines II, 115).
Just as in the oriental documents, the documents from the Greco-Roman world
bind the parties to fight until death. In the Greek oath at Plataea before the war
with the Barbarians (cf. P. Siewert, DerEidvon Plataiai, 1972, p. 6.23) we read:
EGOS av £co 'I shall fight as long as I live'. The loyalty oath of the
42. On this phrase cf. H. Freydank, Mitteilungen derDeutschen Orient-Gesellschaft (= MDOG) 1

(1960), p. 374.
43. C. Kiihne and H. Otten, Der Sausgamuwa - Vertrdg, Studien zu den Bogazkoy-Texten Heft
16 (1971) Vs. 1 1 : 32ff. See also in the treaties and adjurations of Suppiluliuma II: 'die for the King'
or: 'only death will be your border', cf. H. Otten, MDOG 94 (1 963), p. 5 and R. Stefanini, Accademia
Nazionale del Lincei, Rendiconti, Classe di Scienze moralistoriche e filogiche (Ser. VIII) Vol. XX
(1965), pp. 50f.
44. Schuler, Orientalia 25 (1956), p. 227 II: 14-16.
45. karsizahhiyaandcf. J. TriQdrich,StaatsvertrageIAWAeG3l,I(\926),p. 14: 1-5 and see the
commentary ibid, p. 17.
46. namma-kan anzel Tl-anni UL SA BELU. NI Tl-tar nakki (Akkadian kabtu). For this sentence
see J. Friedrich, Hethitisches Elementarbuch I2 (1960), p. 127, Sec. 222.
47. Alp, Belleten 1 1 (1947), pp. 388.7, 392: 19.
48. See E. Weidner, Archivf. Orientforschung 8 (1932-34), p. 17f., V: If, and see E. Reiner's
comments to these 11. in ANET3 p. 533 . Cf. also RCAE 52 1 . 1 6: 'I am ready to give the blood from my
throat in the service of the King, my lord'.
49. Cf. H. Bengtson, Vertrage II, 263: 16-17, 293.26f. 155.14, 186.22, III s.v. Suvapis and cf.
Appian in connection to defending Julius Caesar rravn a0evei (BC II. 601), cf. below, No. 63.
50. In the soldiers ' oath to Eumenes (OGI 266.3 1 ) and in the treaty between Smyrna and Magnesia
(OGI 229.66). In Hannibal's treaty (Polybius VII, 9, 8) which contains many Semitic elements (Bicker-
man, Trans. Amer. Philog. Assoc. 75 (1944), p. 87ff. We find (JETCX Traarjs Trpo0u|jtas KCU suvoias.
soldiers to Eumenes I mentioned above tells us that they are obligated to fight...
for life or death... raXXa jjaxouMoa scos C^S K<xi Savarou51 and in the fealty
oath to Augustus from Paphlagonia 'not to spare body or soul, life or sons, and to
stand up to any danger whatsoever'.52
Most surprising is the similarity between the clauses of a loyalty oath from the
Roman period in which the vassals pledge to revere the Caesar more than
themselves and their sons, and the similar clauses in the Hittite documents. Thus
we find in an oath to Gaius Caligula from Aritium,53 'and I will not revere myself
or my sons more than his well being' (neque me neque liberos meos eius salute
cariores habebo),54 reminding us of the oath of the Hittite army officers quoted
above: 'If the life of our lord will not be more precious to us than our own lives'.
We can add to this paragraph in the Hittite treaties with the vassals, 'Just as you
Niqmepa, you yourself, your head, your wives, your army and your land are dear
to you, so may the king himself, the king's head, the king's sons and the land of
Hittite be dear to you forever'.55
Such clauses are actually contained in the Assyrian treaties in conditions such
as 'If you do not love the king as you do your own lives' (VTE 266-268).
In the loyalty oath to Julius Caesar as it is described and cited by various
authors56, similar formulae are reflected.
C. Guarding the King

This matter is expressed in all of the documents under study by the expression
watch/guard (Hittite:pahs, Akkadian: nasaru). In the oaths of the Hittite officers:
'we shall guard (pahsuenni) the Sun (the King of Heth)57 and further on in the
administration of the oath to the officers: 'guard the Sun and the Sun's progeny'.58
In the Hittite treaties with the vassals (written in Akkadian): 'And you
Niqmepa shall guard (tanassar) the King of Heth your lord'.59
In Esarhaddon's adjuration of his vassals: 'If you do not guard him in city and
in open country',60 and in the soldiers' oaths of loyalty to Ashurbanipal King of
Assyria: 'we shall guard the King of Assyria our lord'.61
In a treaty between Phillip V and Hannibal62 we find that Phillip and his
dependants are to be aided and guarded OCOÔMEVOI KCU ûXaTTOjJsvoi by the
51. Lines 28-29.

52. 0G/532.15ff.
53. H. Dessau, Inscript. Latinae Vol. 1, No. 190
54. Cf.
TTpoTinrioouoiv (TTpOTipav = cariores habere), Dio Cassius 59,9.2 and see Suetonius, Calig. 15,3.
55. Treaty of Mursilis and Niqmepa PRUIV 17.353 p. 88, and cf. document No. 17.338 ibid,
p. 85ff.
56. Cf. A. von Premerstein, Von Werden und Wesen des Prizipats (1937), pp. 32ff. and P. Herman,
Kaisereid, pp. 66ff.
57. Schuler, Heth. Dienstanweis p. 8,1.3.
58. Ibid, p. 9 line 26.
59. PRUIV 17.353.5, p. 88.
60. VTE, 49, 50.
61. RCAE 1105.11.
62. Polybius Vii. 9, 7.
Carthagines. Admittedly, this expression may be a translation from Semitic, as

Bickerman claims,63 but on the other hand we have found a similar clause in
Appian's description of the loyalty oaths to Julius Caesar - 'to guard Caesar and
the body of Caesar with all their strength'.64
D. Loyalty to the King's Progeny and Dynasty

In the preceding section we presented the adjuration of Hittite officers according
to which the officers are obliged to guard the king's progeny as well. In addition,
a Hittite document has been preserved in which a Hittite officer swears that he
inquired as to whether the previous king had progeny who could reign after him
but found none. He also inquired as to whether there remained any women preg-
nant by the king.65
In Esarhaddon's adjuration of his vassals we hear explicitly that the vassals
were required to wait for the deceased king's wife so as to guarantee the per-
petuation of the royal line.66
Clauses stipulating loyalty to the king's seed have been found in Greek and Hel-
lenistic pacts. The Athenians pledge to assist Dionysus I of Syracus (367 BCE) and
his progeny67 and the Miletians pledge to be ever loyal to Ptolemy II and his de-
scendants.68 Similarly, the soldiers pledge to be loyal to Eumenes I and his men.69
Such clauses appear in the loyalty oath to Augustus from Paphlagonia,70 in an
oath to Tiberius from Palaipapos in Cyprus71 and in an oath of loyalty to Caligula
of Assos.72 The two latter examples mention loyalty to 'all the house' of the
Emperor, a detail which shows up as well in Esarhaddon's vassal oaths: 'if you...
lift your hands against their households' (of the crown prince and his brothers).73
E. Not to Recognize Another King or Lord

In the adjuration of the Hittite officers we read: 'as to lordship do not recognize
(sak-) any other man'.74
63. Amer. Journ. of Philology 73 (1952), p. 9.

64. Appian, Bella civ. II, 604 .
This description, as other descriptions of the oaths given to Caesar reflects oath formulae as they were
actually said, and this may be seen by comparing with oaths of loyalty to the Roman emperors as they
have become known from the inscriptions.
65. E. Laroche, RA 47 (1953), p. 70, II.3f.; H. Otten, MDOG 94 (1963), pp. 3^1
66. Lines 237-263, and for the obligations of the pNH DI3 in Judah to guard the dynasty see
Weinfeld, Deut. p. 90ff.
67. Bengtson,II,No.280.18ff.
68. 5ia4>uAd£Eiv TTIV (|>iAiav...TTpbs TOV paoiXea HT. KQI TOUS EKyovous CXUTOU TOV CXE'I
Xpovov. Milet I 3, 139,4). Cf. Hermann, Kaisereid, p. 44.
69. euvofpco CXUTCOI KCU TOIS EKEIVOU (Bengtson III, 481: 26-27).
70. Dittenberger, (9G/532,10-11: KCU ro7s TEKVOIS iyyovois TE CXUTOU.
71. auv TCOI CXTTOCVTI auTOU d'lKcoi (T.B. Mitford, Journ. of Roman St. 50 [1960], p. 75, 1.15).
72. Dittenberger, Sylloge3 797,21: Kai TCOI OUMTTCXVTI O'IKCOI aurou.
73. VTE11.271f.
74. Schuler, Heth. Dienstanw. p. 9, 11 ff., cf. also p. 28.18f. and for Hittite sek-/sak- 'recognize'
see A. Goetze JCS 22 (1968), pp. 7-8.
In the Hittite treaties with the vassals: 'as to lordship recognize the Sun alone'.75
In the soldiers' oath to Ashurbanipal: 'Another king and another lord we shall
not seek',76 and in Esarhaddon's adjuration of his vassals: 'if you install another
king, another lord over yourselves' (11. 71-72).77
F. Not to Hide Rebels or Instigators

All of the above mentioned documents require extradition of rebels and insti-
gators and warn against hiding them. For example, in the Hittite treaties with the
vassals: 'when you hear some evil thing (idalus)1* spoken against the king and
shall conceal it (sannatti) and not reveal it (tekkussanusi) or even cover it up
(munnasi)',,79 and in the Aramaic treaty from Sefire:
[And should a man come to you] or to your son. . .or to one of the kings of Arpad. . .and
utter evil words (rrn1? ]^Q)80...you must turn them over into
).81
In the adjuration of the Hittite officers: 'And should you hear an evil word
against the Sun (= the king). . . you shall inform the Sun, and if you have heard
and do not tell the Sun (mematteni).. . '.82
In the pledge of Esarhaddon's vassals: 'If we hear rumour mongers, a bad word
(amat SAL. HUL)83 not good and not proper. . . and conceal it (nupazarruni) . . . and
do not tell the king Ashurbanipal'.84
In the oath of the people of Chalcis to the Athenians85 they pledged not to listen
to rebels, and not only this, but if someone would rebel they were to inform about
him (= turn him over) to the Athenians: KCU eav a<|>iaTEi TIS Kcmpb AOevaioiai
(11. 24-25). The verb KcmpEco (from KCXTSITTOV) means to turn over by way of
informing (denounce)86. This is similar to the Oriental sources which use verbs
whose literal meaning is say, tell, but whose contextual connotations are to turn
over or uncover: In Akkadian qabu, in Hittite mema and in Hebrew "tti"[.87
75. See Friedrich, MVAeG 34,1 (1930), 106.14, cf. Goetze, ibid., p. 8.
76. Waterman, RCAE 1105.35.
77. All of these should be compared to D*nn& D n n^« "[*? mm *b in the Decalogue and the
formula in Hos. 13.4 inn »*7 Tl'TIT DTl^KI which appears after
78. Concerning 'evil thing' in "Q"! meaning instigation to rebellion and breaking a covenant see
Weinfeld, DDS, p. 93, No. 6, and for 310 "Ql in the sense of pact and agreement see my article in
Leshonenu 36 (1972), pp. 8ff.
79. See Friedrich, MVAeG 34 (1930), 108.28f. and cf. my book Deuteronomy, p. 97 in connection
with the parallels from Deut. 13.
80. Seen. 78.
81. Fitzmyer, Sefire III, 1-2.
82. Schuler, Heth. Dtenstanw. p. 14.47-52.
83. See above, n. 78.
84. Lines 499-507, and cf. 11. 73-82, 108-122.
85. Inscript. Gr. I2 39, 20ff. (= Bengtson II155).
86. Cf. Herodotus III 71 (end): KQTepeco irpbs TOV payov 'I will denounce you to the Magus'.
87. See the discussion in Weinfeld, DDS, pp. 94ff.
In a like manner, we find the soldiers' oath to Eumenes I88 that if someone
should hear of a person plotting to rebel (8TTi(3ouAEUOVTa).. .he will inform
89
as fast as possible, and similarly in the treaty between Smyrna and Mag-
nesia quoted above we find that should someone discern somebody plotting he
will inform as soon as possible.90
The demand of immediate informing (ibid.}91 already appears in Hittite treaties.
In the treaty between Suppiluliuma92 and Sunassura from Kizuwatna it is said:93
If someone, man or city, shall rebel against the Sun, upon hearing this (ki isamme) he
shall inform (imassar) the Sun.94
We find such a clause in the Paphlagonians' oath of loyalty to Augustus,95

where they swear to turn over/uncover (EYMTIVUGEIV) should they see (detect) or
hear (aioScojjai r] aKouaco)96 a word, a plot to rebel, or an act against the king
and his descendants. Now, the expression 'report all that is seen or heard' is very
familiar to us from Neo-Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian documents, once again in
conjunction with treaty and loyalty oaths. Certain men write in a letter to
Ashurbanipal97 that they took an oath and are now fulfilling what they swore to
the king, to report anything that they may have seen or heard (mimma mala
tammaru u tasemmd). In other places we hear about men who report to the king
all that they see and hear: sa amaruni asmuni ana sarri...qabu.9S In documents
from Cyrus' period we hear of artisans in the temple service who pledge not to
hide 'what they see or hear' concerning work outside of the temple.99
Pursuing the instigators is to take place under all circumstances. Thus in VTE:
'if someone in the palace starts a revolt, whether by day or night...you must not let
him go, he must not leave, you will keep him under severe guard...' (11. 198ff.).
Similar clauses are attested in Greek political documents:
88. OG/266,pp.32ff.
89. In Deut. 13.10 in connection with incitement, the LXX reads: avayysAcov avayyeXeTs based
on Hebrew inJP "T3n. For this matter see in my book op. cit. pp. 94ff., see however most recently
Z.W. Falk, Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung 90 (1973), p. 41.
90. See OG/229, 76:
Cf. also Sylloge3 360-64ff. and see below pp. 14-15.
91. Cf. in the soldiers' oath to Eumenes: KCU eâyyeAco Tra[paxpr]]Ma (1. 35).
92. He is the partner in the pact and not as Weidner supposed. For this matter see A. Goetze, Kizzu-
watna,p. 36, No. 141.
93. Weidner, Polit. Dok. 96.16ff.
94. Cf.Wemfeld,£>£tf,p.95.
95. 0G/532,p. 18f.
96. cua0so0cu means to see and discern.
97. RCAENo.472.
98. RCAE311.9, 211.11; 831 rev. 3 et al. Cf. A.L. Oppenheim, JAOS 88 (1968), pp. 174ff, on
officials in Assyria and in Persia whose duty was to inform the authorities on plots etc. It seems that
Mordechai fulfilled a similar function (Esth. 2.21-23) and like the Assyrian and Persian officials was
rewarded for this information (ibid. 6.Iff.).
99. D.B. Weisberg, Guild Structure and Political Allegiance in Early Achaemenid Mesop. (1967),
pp. 35ff.; cf. the oath of an Egyptian worker in Appendix A.
1. In the loyalty oath of the young recruits (E(|>T]poi) from Dreros: (c. 220
BCE): 'I will not be disposed (xaAcos 4>povr)O8iv) to the Lyttians...
whether by day or by night and I will hasten (as fast) as I can to do
wrong to the cities of the Lyttians'. (Syll.33 527, 36ff.).
2. In the oath of the Chersonites (Taurica) we read:
I will not betray.. .but I will guard for the people of Cherson, I will not
dissolve the democracy and will not give up to those who betray or
dissolve neither will I join in concealing the matter but will denounce
(EâyyEXco) to the magistrates of the city. I will be an enemy to those
who plot and betray... I will guard for the people and will not reveal
any of the secrets... (Syll3 360).
G. Seize Instigators and Punish Them

In the adjuration of Hittite military personnel we read:100 'Should a prince bring
an evil thing (idalus) seize him and bring him before the king'.
In the loyalty oaths of the Hittite army officers:101 'Should someone send us an
evil thing.. .if we do not capture him (epp- = Akkadian sabatu) and do not bring
him before the king'.
In the soldiers' oath to Ashurbanipal: '[Should someone be found] spreading
an evil thing (amat la tabti) and we should hear.. .we shall place him in chains
and to Ashurbanipal [we shall bring him]' (RCAE 1105.13-16).
In Esarhaddon's adjuration of the vassals: 'upon hearing such a thing [about a
revolt] from anybody, if you do not seize the instigators of the revolt, do not
bring them before the crown prince designate Ashurbanipal [and] if you, being
able to seize and kill them, do not eradicate their name and descendants from the
country...'(11. 130ff).
Similar provisions against traitors are found in various decrees of the Athenian
league and in the old amphyctionic oaths. These occur especially in the attic
psephisma against the enemies of democracy.102 Thus we find in the psephisma of
Demophantos (410 BCE) as cited by Andocides:
If anyone shall dissolve the democracy of Athens.. .he shall become an enemy of the
Athenians and be slain with impunity (VTITTOIVE'I T60vcxTco)103 his gods shall be con-
fiscated. . .and all the Athenians shall take oath.. .over a sacrifice without blemish to
slay such one and this shall be the oath: 'I will slay by word and by deed, by my vote
and by my hand, as it is in my power, whosoever shall dissolve the democracy at
Athens...' (On the Mysteries 96f.).
100. Alp (n. 8), p. 392: 26-27.

lOl.Schuler, Orient. 25 (1956), pp. 226.9-12.
102. For the whole problem see M. Ostwald, 'The Athenian Legislation against Tyranny and Sub-
version', Transactions ofAmer. Philological Assoc. 86 (1955), pp. 103ff.
103.For the clarification of this term, which also occurs in the Erythrae Decree and in other
writings, cf. L.I. Highby, The Erythrae Decree, Klio, Beiheft 36 (1936), p. 28f. The meaning of this
term is that anyone could kill the traitor and be free of guilt. If one accept the Hebrew reading in
Deut. 13.10 (see however n. 89) he may find the same notion there.
A similar injunction is found in the Erythrae Decree (c. 465 BCE) where we
read: 'if anyone is detected who wishes to betray the city to tyrants, he will be
put to death with impunity' (see n. 103).
In the amphictyonic oath as cited by Aischines we read:
if anyone should violate the shrine of the god or be accessory to such violation, or
make any plot against the holy places they would punish him with hand and foot and
voice and all their mighty power (KCCi xeipi KOU rroSi Km <|>covr|i KCU trocar)! Suvanei)
(Aischines 2.115).
The latter remind us of the provisions against treason in the religious domain as
reflected for example in Deuteronomy 13.104 Especially instructive in this respect
is the injunction there: 'Let your hand be the first against him to put him to
death', (irrftn1? rrmzarn in mnn -[T) (v. 10), which is analogous to
XSipi/ KCXI xsipi in the cited Greek sources.
Similar to the clauses against traitors in Deut. 13, we find in the regulations of
a private shrine at Philadelphia105 of the beginning of the first century BCE that
the visitors of the shrine shall not yield to trespassers of the regulations but shall
inform on them and take revenge (II 23ff.).
H. To Avenge the King

In the oath of the Hittite army officers we read: 'If we do not fight against him
(the rebel) stubbornly, and do not retaliate'.106 (Schuler, Orient. 227,11.20-21).
Identical clauses are found in other treaties. For instance, we find in the Sefire
Treaty: 'If it happens that one of my brothers or one of the house of my father or
one of my sons or one of my officers.. .seeks.. .to kill me.. .you must come and
avenge my blood from the hand of my enemies... Your son must come to avenge
the blood of my son from his enemies ...' (III.9-12).
A similar warning appears in Esarhaddon's treaty: 'If you do not seize and kill
the instigators of the revolt, do not eradicate their name and descendants from the
country, do not shed blood for blood, and do not avenge (retaliate)107 the crown
prince designate Ashurbanipal, son of the King' (11. 254-259).
Such a clause is also found in the Paphlagonians' loyalty oath to Augustus:108
'and to pursue anyone considered an enemy and to wreak vengeance upon them109
with arms and sword whether on land or sea'.
104.Cf. Weinfeld, DOS, pp. 94ff.

105. For the text with an extensive commentary cf. O. Weinrich, Stiftung und Kultsatzungen eines
Privatheiligtums in Philadelphia in Lydien, Sitz.Ber. Heidelberger Akad. Wiss., Phil.-Hist.Kl (1919),
p. 16. Abh.
106.UL kattawatar (kattawatar = Akk. gimillu), cf. line 5 there.
107. Akkadian gimla la tutarraninni. The Hittite expression for vengeance corresponds to Ak-
kadian gimillu turru which appears here, and see n. 106.
lOS.ous re ocv exSpous CCUTOI Kpivcooiv TOUTOUS KQTCX yrjv KCU 0aXaooav oirXois TE KCCI
oiSf)pcot 6ico£eiv KQI a[juve?a0cu. OG/532,23-25.
109.anuve7a0cu means retribution and revenge, cf. the text quoted in n. 105 line 25: KCU
aMUveTaSou and therefore we are confronted with a verb identical to that in VTE and the Hittite oath.
Similarly we find in the loyalty oath to Gaius Caligula from Aritium: "And
should anyone endanger him or his well-being with arms or internal war I will not
cease to pursue him on land and at sea until I mete out his punishment'.110
I. To be a Friend to Friends and Foe to Foes

This clause is particularly characteristic of the Hittite treaties but it is of earlier
origin, appearing in a treaty between Naram-Sin and Elam in the third millen-
nium BCE, as well as in private family documents from the Old Babylonian
Period.111 It seems that this element passed by way of the Hittites to the Greek
treaties112 where it is very prevalent. It is true, this clause is absent in oriental trea-
ties of the first millennium BCE, however, because of the small number of treaties
from this period in the East, one is not allowed to speak about its disappearance
in the first millennium BCE.
From Biblical usage we can learn that this formula was prevalent in the first
millennium as well. We read in 2 Sam. 19.6: 'You love those that hate you and
hate those that love you', - love and hate expressing loyalty and disloyalty to the
king.113 Such is the case of Exod. 23.22, 'then I will be an enemy to your enemies,
and I will harass those who harass you', which speaks about recompense for
observing the covenant.
This formula is reflected in 2 Chron. 19.2 in connection with the pact between
Jehosaphat and the King of Israel: 'Do you take delight in helping the wicked
and befriending the enemies of the Lord?' (Comp. Ps. 13.21-22) and also in the
covenant ceremony in the Manual of Discipline: 'and to love all that he has
chosen and to hate all that he has rejected' (1.4 cf. 10-11), and in the Damascus
Covenant: 'to choose him in whom He delights and to reject him whom He
hates' (2.15).114 It is also found in Josephus' account of the Essene vows: 'that he
will forever hate the unjust and fight the battle of the just' (War 2.139).115
This formula is very widespread in Greece and Rome in treaties and oaths of
loyalty beginning in the fifth century BCE. It is found not only in treaties between
different states but also in agreements between a king and subjects, and between
individuals.116 It is therefore not surprising that this formula is found in the loyalty
110.Dessau, Inscript. Lat. No. 190: et si quis periculum ei salutique eius infert inferetque armis
bello internecivo terra marique persequi non desinam quiad poenas ei persolverit. And cf. the
inscription of Sestinum CIL XI 5998a. For a comparison of the two inscriptions on this point see
Herrmann, Kaisereid, p. 52f.
111 .Concerning this see my article JAOS 90 (1970), p. 104. In Greece this clause appears too on
the level of interpersonal relationships, see, e.g., Plutarch, Bum. 12: TOV OCUTOV exBpov l£eiv KOCI
4>iXov.
112. This opinion has been accepted by scholars of Greek culture, see for example J. Schwann, RE
IV A 1,1109.
113.See W.L. Moran, CBQ 25 (1963), p. 81.
114.Cf. additional references in J. Licht, The Rule Scroll (Jerusalem, 1965), p. 59 V (Hebrew).
115.Cf. Mt. 5.43 and see M. Smith, HTR 45 (1952), p. 71f.
116. See references in P. Hermann, Kaisereid, pp. 21-22. Hermann claims that the formula is char-
acteristic only of international relations while the formulae found in contexts of interpersonal relation-
ships and relationships of a king to his subjects (ibid., p. 22) are a late imitation. However, as we have
oaths to the Roman Emperors117 such as that of the Paphlagonians to Augustus:

To consider as friends those whom they consider friends and as foes those
whom they consider foes'.118 Such is the case of the loyalty oaths of Aritium,
Assos and Palaipapos.119
J. Validity of Covenant upon Succeeding Generations

The parties to the Assyrian and Aramaic treaties obligate not only themselves but
also the generations to come. We read, for example, in the Esarhaddon treaty:
' [this is] the treaty of Esarhaddon King of Assyria with Ramataya, his sons, grand-
sons, and with all the people of Urakazabanu, young and old.. .with you, your sons,
your grandsons, all those who will live in the future after this treaty' (line Iff.).
And in the Aramaic treaty from Sefire: 'A treaty of Barga'yah, King of Ktk
with Matticel, the son of Attarsamak, King of Arpad; a treaty of the sons [and the
offspring] of Barga'yah with the offspring of Matticel.. .and with his (Mattel's)
sons who will come up after him'.120
Something similar is found in the loyalty oath to Tiberius from Palaipapos121
where the parties pledge to listen and obey (uiraKouoEoSai TreiSapxriaEiv) the
Emperor and fear him (aE(3aaEO0ai), they and their seed (auroi TE KCU 01
EKyovoi).
The concern for assuring the loyalty of subsequent generations finds special
expression in the clauses of the documents which speak of the obligations to
teach the stipulations of the covenant to the sons. Such clauses can be found in
Hittite and Assyrian loyalty oaths and in the Bible and in the DîTI HDN liturgy
which, as we shall see further on, is nothing but a declaration of loyalty.
In the oath of the Hittite army officers we read: 'if we do not bring these mat-
ters before our sons'122, and in the vassals' adjuration of Esarhaddon: 'if you do not
tell and do not give orders to your sons, grandsons.. .saying: keep this treaty...
lest you lose your lives'. (11. 283-295), and in another passage: 'if you do not
swear with your entire heart, do not transmit it to your sons who will live after
this treaty' (11.387-388), and in the book of Deuteronomy, 'But take utmost care
and watch yourselves scrupulously, so that you do not forget the things that you
saw with your own eyes.. .And make them known to your children and to your
children's children' (4.9 and cf. 31.13), 'Impress upon your children' (6.7), and
'teach them to your children' (11.19).
demonstrated in JAOS 90, p. 194 (n. 108), these formulae were already prevalent on the private and
familial levels in very early periods and, on the contrary, it seems as if they moved from there to the in-
ternational realm, and see on this matter in connection to TDH rV"D N. Glueck, Hesedin the Bible, p. 46.
117.Cf. the clauses compared in the table in Appendix II of Herrmann's Kaisereid.
118.For the formula in Greek see below p. 36.
119. In the oath of Aritium we only find the clause of being an enemy to Gaius' enemies but not
being a friend to his friends.
120.Cf. Weinfeld, DDS, p. 105, and cf. Fitzmyer, Sefire, I A 1-5.
121.Seen. 71 above.
\22.nammakan ke uddar ANA DUMU. MES. NI piran UL tiwatewani (Schuler, Orient. 25,
p. 227: 18-19).
In the IT JT1 nEN liturgy: 'on our sons and our generations and all generations
of the seed of Israel and your servants'.
Formal Aspects of the Covenant Ceremony
K. The Mass Gathering

In the Assyrian as well as biblical covenants, we hear of the gathering together of
all segments of the population to participate in the covenantal oath.123 Esarhaddon
tells of his enthronement by his father: '[My father] gathered the people of the
Land of Assyria, young and old... and adjured them with a solemn oath in the
presence of Ashur, Sin, Shamash.. .the gods of Assyria who dwell in heaven and
earth',124 and in a similar way Ashurbanipal tells of his enthronement by his
father Esarhaddon: 'He gathered the people of Assyria young and old.. .and ad-
jured them by the life of the gods and validated the covenant' (udannina
riksdte),125 and in the opening of Esarhaddon's vassal treaty: 'with all the people
of Urukazabanu, young and old (sihir rabi [TUR GAL]) (11. 4-5). All of these
should be compared to the Josianic covenant with its gathering of 'the whole
population, young and old' (2 Kgs 23.2), and to the covenant of Asa in 2 Chron.
15.13: 'Young and old, men and women alike'.
In Deut. 29.9ff. we are informed that at the covenant ceremony 'all the men of
Israel' were standing by including children, wives, and even strangers 'from
woodchopper to waterdrawer'. The covenants of Sinai and Gerizim were also
ratified in the presence of the entire populace (Exod. 24; Josh. 24).
The Hittite treaty ceremonies were also made in the presence of the entire
people who took the pledge. We read for example at the end of the tablet of the
adjuration of the Hittite officers that the oath was taken in Usha,126 but one of the
clauses within the document127 stipulates that the pact is binding on those absent
from the gathering.128 This clause clarifies the passage in Deut. 29.14 according
to which the covenant binds 'both those who are standing here with us today
before the Lord' and 'those who are not with us here this day'.
The public oath is also known to us from the Greek world. Thus we hear
Xenophon saying 'that everywhere in Greece there is a law that the citizens shall
promise under oath to agree and everywhere they take this oath' (Memorabilia
IV 4, 16).
Similarly we find in the pact between the people of Thera and the people of
Cyrene129 which is concerned with the founding of the settlement in Cyrene, that
123.Weinfeld, DDS, etc. p. 101.

124.Cf. R. Borger, Die Inschriften Asarhaddons Konigs von Assyrien, 1956, p. 40.15ff.
125.M. Streck, Assurbanipal II, p. 4.18-23, and see also M. Weinfeld, DDS, etc. p. 87.
126. Schuler, Heth. Dienstanw. p. 17.54-56 and see there in his note to this paragraph, p. 21, and in
the commentary to IV 55.
127. Op. Cit. p. 14. para. 25 11. 53-54.
128.Schuler, op. cit. p. 21 in his commentary to IV. 55, and for the gathering see also A. Goetze,
Kleinasien2(l951),p. 104.
129.R. Meiggs and D. Lewis, A Selection of Greek Historical Inscriptions 1969, No. 5 and see a
all of those who were gathered, men, women and children, recited the covenant
oaths. An adjuration of the entire population is also mentioned in other Greek
treaties.130 Furthermore, in the treaty between Smyrna and Magnesia131 the two
parties obligate themselves to appoint people who will administer the oath to the
people and will assure that no one will leave the city a day before the adjura-
tion,132 and in the treaty between Praisos and Stalai133 we are told that the citizens
absent from the city at the time of the oath taking will be required to take the oath
upon their return. Special administration of the oath was held for young recruits
or minors who became of age and were accepted as full members in the commu-
nity,134 reminiscent of the oath of the new initiates who joined the Qumran order,
an oath made 'in the sight of all the initiates'.135
From the concluding sentences of the oath of the Paphlagonians we also learn
that oaths of loyalty to the Roman Emperors were also carried out in the presence
of the entire people. We are told that all the people of the province took the oath in
their temple alongside the altars of Augustus while the inhabitants of Phacimon all
swore in unison (OUMTTCXVTES) alongside the altar of Augustus in the temple of
Augustus. In the beginning of the oath we hear that not only inhabitants of Paphla-
gonia swore loyalty to Augustus but also the Romans who traded with them.136
Augustus himself writes in his memoirs that all of Italy (tota Italia) swore loyalty
to him.137 We learn from Suetonius (Augustus 17.2) that Bononia (= Bolonia) was
exempted from this oath since it was considered Antonius' client. This is to say
that exemption from taking the oath could be given only to those who were com-
mitted to another master and thus freed from pledge to Augustus. Those who did
not get the exemption were obliged to take the oath. It seems that the Pharisees
and Essenes were also exempted from taking the oath to Herod (Ant. 15.368ff). In
the Manual of Discipline we find indeed that everyone who refuses to enter the
covenant of God 'has separated himself from the group and is not counted in the
order (Yahad) (Manual of Discipline 2.26-3.2).
comprehensive analysis of this document in V.P. Yailenko, Viestnik Drevniej Istorii 1973, Fasc. 2,
pp. 43ff. In the opinion of most scholars the date of the inscription in its present form is the fourth
century BCE, however its nucleus dates back to the seventh century BCE.
130. In the treaty between Athens and Chalcis from 446/45 (Bengtson II No. 155,32) and between
Athens and Selymbreia (Bengtson II No. 297.24-27). Compare also the oath enacted by Demophantus
quoted above.
131.OG/229.
132. Line 80ff. and cf. Polybius III 61 which relates a similar notice in connection with an adjura-
tion of soldiers.
133.Bengtson III No. 553, B. 3ff.
134. See references in P. Hermann, Kaisereid, p. 33.
135.Manual of Discipline 5.8 (J. Licht, Mgylt Hsrkym, 1965).
136. [Kod TGOV TTpay]|jaTEUO|j[EVcov Tra]p CCUTOIS' p[co|jaicov] Cf. the oath from Assos (Syll?
797, 10)
137. luravit in mea verba tota Italia sponte sua (Res Gestae 25). Tota Italia is a generalization just
like bN")2T ^D in the Deuteronomic literature in connection with the covenant. For tota Italia see
R. Syme, The Roman Revolution, 1939. Compare also the oath of tota Syria to Vespasian (Tacit Hist
2,81).
L. Annual Covenant Renewal

Documents from the ancient Near East hint at annual covenant renewal ceremo-
nies,138 and according to Mowinckel they occurred on the new year's day.139
Explicit testimony to regularly recurring covenant renewal ceremonies is found
in the Manual of Discipline. According to the rules of the sect, the members of
the sect are required to undergo the covenant ceremony every year (2.19 cf. 5.24)
and it seems that this ceremony had a fixed date. In a yet unpublished version of
the Damascus Covenant, the time fixed is the third month140 and it therefore seems
that the covenant ceremony was performed on the holiday of Pentecost which at
the time of the second Temple commemorated the Sinai Covenant.
The Greek-Hellenistic and Roman world provides explicit evidence on this mat-
ter. In a treaty between Sparta and Athens we find that the treaty will be renewed
each year, TOV SE opxov avavEoGoSai KQT' eviaujov,141 , a phenomenon known to
us also from the Hellenistic period which speaks of annual covenant ceremonies.142
An annual renewal of a loyalty oath to the Caesar is mentioned by Tacitus who
tells about a suggestion made in the Senate after the death of Augustus to annu-
ally renew the oath of loyalty to Tiberius.143 We also know that in later periods
(Caligula, Nero) it was customary to renew oaths of loyalty at the time of the new
year.144
M. Recital of the Covenant

The gatherings and assembly ceremonies discussed in the preceding paragraphs
served the purpose of public proclamation of the covenantal stipulations. Read-
ing of the stipulations of the treaty before the undertaking party is already
known in the Hittite Vassal Treaties: 'At regular intervals (immuti immutimd)
shall they read it [the stipulations of the covenant] in the presence of the king of
Mittani land and in the presence of the sons of the Hurri land'.145 Or: 'They
shall read this tablet before you three times every year' ,146 The adjuration of the
Hittite officers was also read before them at a gathering. The copies of the
Assyrian treaties were meant to be read as we may learn from the demonstrative
pronouns within the documents such as: 'the oath which is in this tablet' (mamit
138.See my article in FT23 (1973), p. 72.

139.SeeS. Mowinckel, The Psalms in Israel's Worship (1963), Vol. l,pp. 155ff.
140. See J.T. Milik, Ten Years of Discovery etc. SBL No. 26, 1959, pp. 114, 117.
141.Thuc. 5.18.9.
142.avayivcooKOVTcov 5e TCXV crraAav KQT' IviauTOV, Inscr. Cret. I. XIX 231,1.20 (Bengtson
III 511.20). For covenant renewal in religious communes of the Persian and Hellenistic periods see
my article FT 23 (1973), p. 72 n. 1.
143.(Ann. 1,8) renovandum per annos sacramentum in nomen Tiberii.
144.Cf. the discussions of Premerstein, Vom Werden etc., pp. 60ff, and P. Hermann, Kaisereid,
pp. 107ff.
145.E. Weidner, Politische Dokumente aus Kleinasien, p. 28.36-37.
146.J. Friedrich, MVAeG 34/1, 1930, p. 76.73-74. This calls to mind the obligation to appear
before the Lord three times every year (23.17 and parallel passages) and perhaps also in the Hittite
texts the holidays are intended.
tuppi anni\ in VTE (line 397), and in the recurring formulae: 'the oaths which
are in this tablet' (Tf]T mSDD "T NHi:)147 in the Aramaic treaty from Sefire.
In the biblical covenants we find explicit evidence that the text of the written
covenant was read before the people: Then he took the book of the covenant
(nnnil ISO) and read it aloud to the people' (Exod. 24.7), There he read out to
them all the book of the covenant discovered in the house of the Lord'(2 Kgs
23.2).
Also in the Hellenistic covenants we hear of the obligation to read the text of
the stelae and there is special mention made of an annual reading of the stelae:
avayivcooKovTcov SE rav crraAav KCXT' EVIQUTOV (cf. n. 142.)
N. Witnesses to the Covenant

In the covenants the gods are called upon to serve as witnesses to the undertaking
of obligation and the oath148 and in the case of a vassal treaty the gods of the
administrator and taker of the oath alike are invited.149 In addition to the gods, the
natural forces are involved: mountains, rivers, wells, the abyss,150 the heavens
and earth, wind and clouds.151 Also mentioned are a thousand gods who serve as
punishing152 witnesses and it is pointed out that all the gods and goddesses in-
cluding the gods of the underworld appear as witnesses. In the treaty between
Suppiluliuma and Mattiwaza it is written:
let them stand by.. .listen and serve as witnesses... .the Sun-god, the lord of heaven, the
Storm-god (dIM)153, the lord of the Hatti land.. .(various gods), the gods and goddesses
(Hani ameluti Hani sinnisati)...the gods of the underworld154...the mountains, the
rivers, the Tigris and the Euphrates, heaven and earth, the winds and the clouds.155
In the treaty between Suppiluliuma and Tete:

[The Sun of heaven...] (all kinds of storm gods) Ereshkigal (= goddess of the nether-
world). . .(list of the gods).. .all of the gods and goddesses.. .mountains, rivers, wells, the
great abyss, heaven and earth, winds and clouds will be witnesses to this covenant and
oath.156
In the Sefire treaty:
147. Cf. rim ison rmran mnn rn^K (Deut 29.19, cf. v. 20).
148.Cf. e.g. II. 22.253f: 'for they (the gods) shall be the best witnesses and guardians of our
covenant'.
149. On this matter see M. Tsevat, JBL 78 (1959), pp. 199-204.
l50.Nardt (ID. MES), buratu (PU. MES), tdmtu rabitu (A. AB. BA GAL), KBO 1 4, IV 153 36,
cf. KUB 3 7 r. 9. and cf. the various vows in the names of rivers and wells, CAD B p. 337d.
151.Weidner, Polit. Dok., pp. 31.53, 68.44-45, 74.9-10.
152.Cf. Weidner, ibid, 34.68; PRU UV 43.49; 51.17. For the 13 as warner cf. I.L. Seeligmann,
SVT16 (1967), pp. 251-278.
153.He equals Mesopotamian Adad, Aramaic Hadad, Canaanite Baal, Human Tesub, and Greek
Zeus.
I54.1lani erseti and in a parallel text Ereskigal, Queen of the netherworld.
155. Weidner, Polit. Dokumente, p. 30.5ff.
156. Weidner, ibid, op. cit. pp. 66.9ff.
This treaty concluded by Barga'yah is set up before.. .Marduk and Zerpanit.. .before
Nergal and Las (the gods of the netherworld), before Shamas and Nur.. .before Heaven
and Earth, before depth and springs, and before Day and Night. Witness all you gods
of Ktk and Arpad, open your eyes to behold the treaty...157
In Esarhaddon's adjuration of the vassals:

... Ashur, the father of the gods.. .Shamash, Adad.. .Marduk, Nabu, Nusku, Urash and
Nergal (= gods of the netherworld).. .all the gods of Sumer and Akkad.. .all the gods of
every land...the gods of heaven and earth. (11. 25-40)
And in the oath of the vassals themselves:

'May these gods see', etc. (line 494)
In the biblical covenant we should obviously not expect any but the one God
who is party to the covenant,158 however, natural forces are invoked as witnesses:
heaven and earth (Deut. 4.26; 30.19; 31.28),159 and in prophecy, mountains and
hills(Mic.6.1-2).160
In the treaty between the Achaeans and Trojans in Homer,161 Agamemnon's
address to the divine witnesses is identical to the clauses mentioned above:
Father Zeus, that rulest from Ida, most glorious, most great, and thou Sun, that
beholdest all things and hearest all things, and ye rivers and thou earth, and ye that in
the world below take vengeance on men that are done with life, whosoever hath sworn
a false oath; be ye witnesses, and watch over the valid oaths (opKia TTiara).162
In an oath of the Epheboi of Dreros we read:

by earth and heaven, the heroes (local deities).. .by springs and rivers, all the gods and
goddesses. (SylL3 527.30f.)
The divine witnesses listed in the oaths of the treaties occur also in general adju-
rations. Thus we find in an Assyrian incantation ritual: 'I adjure you by Samas...
by well, valley, mountains and rivers' (utammeka kuppu, nahli, sade, narati)
(Ebeling, TodundLeben 78.6-8, comp. Surpu VIII40).
In the Greek sources we find a formulaic oath containing similar elements.
Demosthenes is said to proclaim a metric oath:
'by earth, by springs, by rivers, and by streams' (MOC yr)V, pa Kprjvas,
pa vapaTa) (Plut. Demosth. 9).
The common elements to all of the sources brought above are:
157.1 A: lOff., and cf. a similar list in the treaty of Ashurnirari V, AfO 8,17f VI.6.
158. In cases of confrontation between two human parties, such as the case of Samuel and Israel
(1 Sam. 12) the god is invited as a witness (ibid, v. 5)
159. In Ps. 89.38 it seems as if the moon (and perhaps the sun which appears in an earlier verse)
serves as a witness to God's covenant with David.
160. And see my book Deuteronomy p. 62.
16I.Iliad III 276ff. (trans. Murray, Loeb Class. L.)
162.For opKia TTIOTQ and its Semitic equivalents cf. Weinfeld, Leshonenu 36 (1972), p. 11.
1. The appearance of divine witnesses,l63 the most prominent ones being

the head of the pantheon, who is usually the storm god (ISKUR =
Adad, identical with Canaanite Baal/Hadad, Babylonian Marduk,
Assyrian Ashur164, and Greek Zeus) and the sun (god).165
2. The gods of the underworld occur among the witnesses, who, as it seems
on the basis of Homer,166 are capable of punishing breakers of the
covenant, even after death.
3. Natural phenomena as witnesses to the treaty: heaven and earth,167
mountains and hills, rivers, wells, lakes, the deep, etc.
4. Address to the divine witnesses to arise (uzuzzu), hear, and see or open
their eyes to the covenant.
Such an invocation is found in the Bible in conjunction with the
covenant between Jacob and Laban, 'May the Lord watch (*pr) between
you and me' (Gen. 31.49 cp. Exod. 5.21), and in the continuation, 'May
the God of Abraham and the God of Nahor.. .judge between us' (Gen.
31.53), a passage which brings to expression the divine witnesses from
both sides as we find in the above-mentioned covenants.
5. Emphasis on all the gods, be they male orfemale. In the Sefire treaty and
in the treaty of Ashurnirari V,168 this is emphasized by explicit mentioning
of the divine spouses along with each of the gods.
The Greek and the Hellenistic treaties and the oaths of loyalty to the Roman
Emperor start off by listing as witnesses: Zeus, the Sun and the Earth169 (Aia,
163. In the Hittite treaties the witnesses usually appear at the end, however we do find them in the
beginning as well, such as in the treaty with the Kaskaeans (see E. von Schuler, DieKaskder, [1965],
p. 124f.) and the treaty with Huqannas (Friedrich MVAeG, 1934, p. 111.41) and cf. as well the
opening to the adjuration of the army, Alp. (n. 8), 403. The Greek oaths open with the divine
witnesses and this is also the case with Esarhaddon's adjuration of the vassals as well as the oath of
the vassals themselves which opens: 'may the gods look on' etc., 11. 494ff. The Sefire treaty also
commences with the divine witnesses.
164. For Marduk and Ashur in the capacity of storm gods see my article in Th. Gaster Festschrift.
JANES (1973), pp. 422ff.
165.Cf. the oath between the eagle and the snake in the Neo-Assyrian version of the Mesopota-
mian Etana myth (ANET2, p. 116). The oath is made before Shamash and is contingent on Shamash's
curses. Shamash's curse, whose main feature is trapping in a net (susgal) occupies an important
position in the treaty of Eannatum (the Vulture Stela) from the third millenium BCE. (Cf. my book
DDS, p. 73 n. 6) The Sun God in Hurrian-Hittite documents is called bel mamiti 'the Lord of the
oath'. See Laroche, Ugaritica V, 522.
166.11. Ill 276f. (cited above), cf. also II. XIX 258f: 'and the Erinyes, that under earth take
vengeance on men'.
167. Concerning these witnesses in the biblical covenant see Weinfeld, DDS, p. 62 and cf. with the
witnesses in the prophetic lawsuit, M.P. Huffmon, JBL 78 (1959), pp. 286-95. The oath of 'heaven
and earth' occurs already in the Sumerian sources (the oath of Zianna - zikia, cf. Draffkorn-Kilmer,
UF 3 [1971], pp. 304-305) and cf. also the formula in the Zi-pa incantations: 'adjured by heaven,
adjured by earth' (cf. R. Borger, AOAT \, Festschrift von Soden [1969], pp. 1-22). Compare also in
the Phoenician incantation from the Arslan Tash (7th century BCE): pNI DDE? H^m 'by oath of
heaven and earth' (KAI27.13).
168.Sefire 1 A.8 and Assurnirari V, Rev. VI.6-27. (AfO 8 [1932-33], pp. 17-34).
169. Cf. e.g. Bengtson II, No. 260.2; Bengtson III, No. 429.24; 476.87; 481.23-24; 492.61,70 and
"HAiov, fr)v) continue with local gods and goddesses, and conclude with the for-
mula known from the Hittite treaties: 'all the gods and goddesses' (0Eous TTOCVTCXS
KCU iraoocs).
In the treaty between Phillip V and Hannibal170 we find formulae even closer
to the oriental type, this is only natural since one of the parties is a Semite.171
Here we find also rivers, lakes and water,172 this being similar to the Hittite and
Aramaic treaties which we have cited, and just as in the oriental treaties, this
treaty goes on to mention the gods of both parties.
Most interesting is the clause concluding the list of witnesses in this treaty:
6<|>EaTTiKaaiv ETTI rouSs TOU opKOU 'who stand by at this oath' (line 3).
The same expression appears in the Hittite treaties in connection with the
divine witnesses: 'may (the gods) stand together, hear and be witnesses'.173
O. The Blessing and Curse

This clause is much expanded in the oriental treaties and occupies an important
position in the Assyrian and Aramaic treaties. It must be pointed out that, as
opposed to the Hittite treaties which list both blessings and curses, the Assyrian
treaties mention no blessing at all.174 We cannot discuss this problem in the
utmost detail so we will pay special attention to the blessing and curse formulae
common to the treaties and the oath in the Hittite, Aramaic, Greek, and Roman
documents. The formulae contained in these documents specially emphasize cut-
ting off the man, his seed, his house, and all he has115 should he break the cove-
nant, and the opposite for his fulfilling all the stipulations. So we read in the Hittite
treaties:
If PN (the vassal) does not fulfill the words of this treaty and oath... may (the gods)
blot him out.. .together with his wives, his sons, his sons' sons, his house, his city and
in the opening of the oath of the Paphlagonians. In some documents we find instead of Sun and Earth,
Apollo and Demeter, see Bengtson II. 134.16 (The Erythrae Decree), 145.52. In later times there was
an inclination to multiply divine witnesses, see P. Siewert, DerEidvon Plataiai, p. 33. Philo (Spec.
Leg. II, 1, 5) recommends swearing by the earth, sun, stars, heavens (cxXXa yr)v, rjAiov, aoTepas,
oupavov), see, however, Mt. 23.16-22. It is interesting to point out that Esarhaddon's adjuration of
the vassals starts off with Jupiter, Venus, Saturn etc. Invocations by heaven and earth were prevalent
within the Jewish masses until late times. See S. Lieberman, Hellenism in Jewish Palestine (1950).
170.PolybiusVII,9.
171 .For Semitic features in the text of this covenant see E. Bickerman, Amer. Jour, of Philology
73 (1952), pp 1-23.
172.Evavriov TTOTCXMCOV KOCI XIMEVCOV KCCI uSaTcov. On the basis of the parallels cited it seems
that we should read Xipvcov (Reiske) from Xinvr] meaning lake (cf. F.W. Walbank, Comm. Polybius
II1967). It is noteworthy that D'D 'DriK (Ps. 107.35,114.8) is translated by the LXxXipvas uSaTcov.
173. (ana ahames) lizzizu liStemu u lit slbutu (Weidner, Pol Dok. 48.11,50.25, cf. 28.39; 32.58-59).
174.For a possible explanation see Weinfeld, DDS, p. 68.
175. And cf. Zech. 5.4 concerning the oath which comes to the house of one who swears falsely:
V]HN H»l VSU HN1 intal irPD "(inn n^l 'it shall dwell inside that house and destroy it, timbers
and stone and all'.
his country and all that he has. If (on the other hand) he fulfills all the words of this
treaty and oath which are written in this document, may (the gods) protect him
together with his wives, his sons, his sons' sons, his cattle, his house, his city and his
country and all he has.176
In the Aramaic Sefire Treaty:

May [he who observes the words of this stela] be guarded by the gods... But whoever
does not observe the words of the inscription...may...he and his house be turned
upside down.. .and his seed shall not acquire a name.177
Similar formulae appear in Greek and Hellenistic treaties. For example, in the
oath (opKia)178 between the people of Thera and Cyrene in connection with the
founding of the Cyrene colony179 we read that those assembled declared a curse:
He who does not heed the words of this treaty, and even transgresses them, may he perish
and may he melt like wax, he and his offspring and his property, and those who do heed
the words of the covenant... may it go (very) well for them andtheir progeny.,180
Similarly, we find in an agreement between two groups of settlers from the

fourth century BCE: 'If I swear truthfully, may all be well for me but if I swear
falsely may destruction visit me and my seed\m
In the treaty between Smyrna and Magnesia:182 'If I swear truthfully, may all
be well for me but if I swear falsely may destruction visit myself and my seed'. A
shorter formula appears in other documents: 'If I swear truthfully may all be very
well for me (iroAAa Kaya0') but if I swear falsely may the opposite occur
(Tavcma).183
The curse in the Paphlagonians' oath of loyalty to Augustus is the most
detailed.184 We read there: 'And if I do anything contrary to the oath... I invoke a
complete curse of destruction.. .upon myself, my body and spirit, my life and my
children and all my seed (to be born) to the last generation of mine and my
descendants, and may the land and sea not accept my corpse or the corpse of my
progeny'.
176. See Weidner, Pol. Dok., p. 68.48ff. Cf. ibid p. 74 line 13ff. (reverse) and see the curses and
blessings in PRU IV, pp. 80ff. In the treaties between Supiluliuma and Mattiwaza the series of
blessings and curses is longer. See Weidner,] Pol. Dok., p. 54.44ff.
177. (IC.15f.).
178. In the ancient Near East as well as in Greece the oath (Akk. mamitu, Hittite lingai, Phoen.
Heb. H^N) [signifies the covenant which is basically an obligation, and as in Akk. (mamite) and
Aramaic (KHI7, ]1D) (cf. H™ Heb.) so in Greek the concept appears in plural forms even though
only one covenant is intended and not many. See my article in JAOS 93 (1973), p. 191, No. 9; 192,
No. 47.
179. For reference see above note 129.
180. TOM nn EMJJEVOVTO: TOUTOI$- To7$- bpKtoi? ccAAoc irappecovTa KaTaAeipeoSai viv KCCI
Kocrappev coairep TOS KoAoaos, KOU aurbv KOCI ybvov KCCI xpriMocra, TO\S 5e IMMEVOIOIV TOUTOIS
ro7s bpKiois ... r)|j£v TToAAa KCCI ayaSa KCU aufrois KOU yojvois.
ISl.Bengtson II, No. 297, pp. 68-72, 87-90.
1 82. OGI, 229, 69, 78.
1 83. Bengtson III 468.2 1-23 and cf. 476-89f; 463. 12f; II 263 .34f; 308.5f. and in the oath of loyalty
to Caligula from Assos.
184.OG/532.
In the Latin oath of loyalty to Gaius Caligula from Aritium: 'If consciously I
swear falsely...may Jupiter...and all the immortal gods punish me and my
children with loss of country, safety and all my fortune'.185
The feature common to all of these curses is that they threaten the descendants
of the treaty breaker, an idea expressed clearly in Rabbinic literature: 'For all
transgressions in the Torah he alone is punished, but here (a false oath) he and
his family (b. Shebu. 39a).186
In the ancient Hebrew and Greek Blessing and Curse formulae stress is laid
upon seed and offspring in the broad sense: 'the fruit of the -womb, of the soil and
of the flock".
Thus for example we read in the Blessing and Curse section of the Deuter-
onomic covenant:
'Blessed shall be the fruit of your womb, the fruit of your soil and the fruit of your
cattle, the calving of your herd and the lambing of your flock' (28.4) and the exact
opposite in the curse section (28.18).
More elaborate are the formulae found in the prologue to Deuteronomy

(7.12ft):
And if you do obey these rules and observe them faithfully, the Lord your God will
maintain for you the gracious covenant.. .he will bless the fruit of your womb, the fruit
of your soil, your new grain and wine and oil, the calving of your herd and the lambing
of your flock...there shall be no sterile male or female among you or among your
livestock. The Lord will ward off from you all sickness.
These formulae and especially the reference to sickness and sterility actually
have their roots in the ancient epilogue to the Covenant Code.187
You shall serve the Lord your God, and he will bless your bread and your water. And I
will remove sickness from your midst. No woman in your land shall miscarry or be
barren. (Exod. 23.25-26)
Striking parallels to the cited formulae are to be found in the old Greek oaths.
Thus we find in the amphictyonic oath quoted by Aischines:
that their land bear no fruit, that their wives bear no children.. .that their flocks yield
not their natural increase.. .and that they perish utterly themselves, their houses, their
whole race... (Aisch. 3.111)
185. Si s[cie]ns fallo.. .turn me liberosque meos...: omnes di immortales expertam patria incolumi-
tate fortunisque omnibus faxint. M. Dessau Inscript. Latinae Vol.1. 190,13.
186. And cf. Herodotus VI 86(3): 'Yet an oath has a son, nameless, without hands or feet, but swift
to pursue until he has seized and destroyed utterly the race and house of the perjured but the one who
keeps his oath, his children are happier'. The last sentence avSpos S'euopKOu yeveri M6TOTTio0£V
ane'ivcov appears verbatim in Hesiod's Opera et Dies in connection to an oath (11. 283-285) and
apparently Herodotus borrowed from there. For the curse as pursuing and overtaking cf. Deut. 28.45:
'All these curses shall befall you, they shall pursue you and overtake you until you are destroyed'. This
concept of the curse which pursues, overtakes, and speedily destroys is found in Mesopotamian sources
and appears in the Hittite treaties. See M. Weinfeld, DDS, pp. 108-109.
187. For the dependence of Deut. 7 upon Exod. 23.20ff. cf. Weinfeld, DDS, pp. 46ff.
And in the oath of the Athenians against the Barbarians:

if I keep what is written in the oath, let my polis be without sickness.. .and my land
shall bear (fruit).. .the women shall bear children.. .and the cattle shall bear.188
The curse of not burying a treaty-breaker's body, which is found in the Paphla-
gonians' oath is also found in the vassals' oath to Esarhaddon (VTE): 'may the
dogs and pigs drag your bodies around in the squares of Ashur and may the earth
not accept them (for burial)' (11. 483-484). This curse is actually found in the
most ancient documents. For example, among the curses found at the end of the
inscription of Yahdun-lim, King of Mari, we find: 'and may the dead not accept
(him)' (muti aj imhur, Syria 32 [1955], p. 17, V 22).
P. Dramatization of the Curses

In the ancient world it was customary to accompany the curses with dramatic acts
intended to illustrate the curses. Thus, for example, in the oath of the Hittite
soldiers189 wax is melted to illustrate the melting of an infringer of the treaty, salt
is scattered to illustrate the stoppage of his seed, barley is ground while threats
are made that this is how the treaty-breaker's bones are to be ground,190 women's
clothes, a spindle and a mirror are displayed so as to illustrate the fate of the
treaty-breaker - that he shall turn into a woman; a blind and a deaf man are
brought and threats are made that this will be the fate of the infringer, and so on.
In the Aramaic Sefire treaty191 we hear about illustrations of curses such as:
burning wax figurines in fire, breaking bows and arrows, gouging out eyes from
wax figurines, cutting up a calf, etc.
In the vassal oaths to Esarhaddon we also find in the curses use of wax figur-
ines, breaking bows, gouging out eyes, and displaying a spindle, but they are
supplemented by other illustrations.192
In the Assyrian treaty between Ashurnirari V and Matti'el of Arpad the head
of a calf is broken off to demonstrate the severity of punishment of a treaty
infringer.193
In the biblical covenant we hear primarily about cutting up animals in the cove-
nant ceremony (Gen. 15; Jer. 34), this being done in order to show what will hap-
pen to anyone who breaks the treaty: 'so I will make you like the calf (reading
ÛD)194 of the covenant when they cut it into two and passed between the
pieces'. (Jer. 34.18) Such an activity is mentioned in the Sefire treaty: '[As] this
calf is cut up, thus Matti'el and his nobles shall be cut up'.195
188.Cf. for text and discussion: P. Siewert, DerEidvon Plataiai (1972), pp. 6ff.
189.Seen. 5 above.
190. Cf. VTE 445-46.
191.I.A35ff.
192.Line 530 etc.
193.E. Weidner, AFO 8 (1932-33), pp. 16ff.
194. For this reading cf. A. Ehrlich, Randglossen zurHebr. Bibel IV, p. 331
195. [w'yk zy] ygzr f gl' znh kn ygzr mt"l wygzrn rbwh (I A 39^0). It is interesting that the verb
"ITJ is used here, it being the same verb used for making a covenant: KHU "IT: Cf. Jer. 34.18:
DÊ/? irra *)BK ûn ^s1? irra IPK man.
The custom of cutting up an animal in a covenant ceremony, apparently

reflected in the expressions rP"Q Pro (Hebrew), H^K fTO (Phoenician), pi? IT:
(Aramaic),196 was prevalent in Greece and there as well the expression for mak-
ing a treaty is to 'cut an oath' opKia TE|JVEiv.197IntheLawsofPlato,weevenfind
explicit mention of passing through the pieces while making a commitment198
(electing a candidate) (753d).199
In the dramatization of curses found in the covenants and oaths from the east,
the use of wax and wax figurines is most prominent. For example, we find in the
oath of the Hittite soldiers: 'Just as this (after it is put in the pan) melts, may any-
one who breaks the treaty melt'200 (I.40-II.5). In the first curse in the Sefire
treaty:201 'As this wax figurine202 is consumed by fire, thus Arpad.. .shall be con-
sumed. .. As this wax is consumed by fire, thus Matti'el shall be consumed by fire'.
And in the vassals' oath to Esarhaddon: 'Just as one burns a wax figurine (salmu
sa iskuri) in fire...so may they burn your figure in fire' (11. 608-611). Such a
curse and its illustration are found in the pact between the people of Thera and
the settlers of Cyrene which were inscribed on a stela.203 We read here that the
people of Thera and Cyrene made a covenant (opKia enoifjaavTo)204 and cursed
those who infringe (TTapêcovTas) the covenant and do not heed it... They
moulded wax figurines and burned them, and all those gathered, men, women
and children recited curses: 'May those who do not heed the words of the cove-
nant and infringe them, melt and perish like this figurine, they and their seed, and
their property... '205 (see above p. 25).
Q. Covenantal Sacrifices
Sacrifices in connection with covenant making were very widespread in Greece206
196. Even so, we must admit to the possibility that the verb gzr/krt in this connection may indicate
deciding or determining. Cf. E. Kutsch, 'Verheissung und Gesetz', BZAW131 (1973), p. 47ff.
197.See J. Priest, JNES 23 (1964), 48ff., and my article JAOS 93 (1973), p. 192, No. 47.
198.6icx TOJJICOV TTopeuojjevos. Concerning the TOJJIQ at an oath ceremony see P. Stengel,
Hermes 49 (1914), p. 95ff.
199. For a Hittite ceremony in which the soldiers pass through pieces of animals and a cut man see
O. Masson, RHR 137 (1950), pp. 5-25, however there the ceremony is not necessarily connected to a
covenant. And see my article Addenda to JAOS 90, JAOS 92 (1972), p. 469 to pp. 196ff. The origin
of the rite itself seems to be anchored in some kind of protective ceremony, see E. Bikerman,.4rc/*. d.
Hist. d. Droit Orient. 5 (1950-51), p. 133f. On the other hand the ceremony adds some sacred force
to the pledge (ibid.). Cf. also Th. Gaster, Myth, Legend and Custom in the (97(1969), pp. 140ff.
200.Forrefer, seen. 5.
201."T5nK IpH p mi »T MTIUtZ} IpH ^ "p«... (I. A. 35-38).
202. That a figurine is spoken about may be learned from the continuation: WT1I7C? "133 "II?" "T •yfcl
' and just as a man of wax is blinded'.
203.See references above, n. 129.
204. Compare OPKOUS TTOirjaaoSai in connection with Josiah's covenant in losQp.Antiq. 10.63, cf.
too Arist. Athen. 3,3.
205.This parallel has been noticed by E. Bikerman, Arch. Hist. Droit Orient. 5 (1950-51), pp.
146-47, cf. also C. Picard, Rev. Arch. (1961), p. 85f. However in the meantime the clause from
Esarhaddon's treaty has been discovered.
206.P. Stengel, Die Griech. Kultusalterttimer3, Handbuch der Klassischen Altertumswiss., Vol. 3
(1920), pp. 136-37; M. Nilsson, Gesch. D. Griech. Religion3 (1967), Band I, pp. 139ff.
as well as in the Mesopotamian and Hittite world207 and in ancient Israel (Exod.
24.5ff, cf. Ps. 50.5 mi ' ^V TT~Q THD)208 However, in Mesopotamia and Israel
we hear of these sacrifices in documents pertaining to the second millenium BCE
while there is no testimony for such in first millenium documents.209
In the covenant ceremonies involving sacrifices, the blood has a special func-
tion and this is attested in Israel, Greece and Arabia.210 Thus we find in Exodus
24 that in the course of the covenant ritual, sacrificial blood is sprinkled on the
people entering the covenant and the blood is called rr""Q Dl 'blood of the cove-
nant' (v. 8; Zech. 9.11). A like phenomenon is found in Aeschylus (Seven
Against Thebai, 42^8). Here, the warring princes obligate themselves by oath to
destroy Thebai: they slaughter a bull and collect its blood and swear.211 Covenant
ceremonies involving blood are known from the Arabs212 and Herodotus213 also
mentions it.
In Israel and in Greece three separate animals were chosen for covenantal sac-
rifices, in Greece (TpiTTUEs),214 a bull, goat, and a boar, or bull, ram, and boar,
and in Genesis: a calf, a goat, and a ram.215 It should also be pointed out that
touching the sacrifice while making the oath - which is well attested among the
Greeks216 - is found as well in Mesopotamia217 and it resembles the holding of a
sacred object while taking an oath218 which is known from Talmudic literature (=
f DPI n^pD) (b. Shebu. 38b).
R. Eternal Validity of the Oath

The binding force of the oath is expressed in Mesopotamia, in the Bible and in
Greece by means of identical terms. Thus we find in Mesopotamia mamitu/arratu
rabitu = the big oath/curse, ade rabutl (Streck, Assurbanipal p. 78, 1X72) and
also the NAM. ERIM (mamitu) dannu or riis Him dannu 'strong (= valid) oath'
(See CAD D dannu). Identical terms are found in the Greek sources: opKO$ (jeyas
(II. 1; 239; 19, 1 13; Odyss. 4.746; 10.381), opKOs Meyioros (Thuc.5.18.8) on the
207. Cf. Weinfeld, DDS, pp. 102-103.

208. For sacrificial elements in the 'covenant between the pieces' in Gen. 15 see Loewenstamm,
FT 18 (1968), pp. 500-506.
209. For the gradual diminishing of the sacrificial element in the covenant see E. Bikerman, art. cit.
155fandcf. Weinfeld, DAS, 102ff.
2 10. This is in contrast to Mesopotamia and Egypt, and see McCarthy, JBL 88 (1909), pp. 166ff.
21 1. This parallel is discussed by E. Kutsch, FT 23 (1973), pp. 25ff, cf. also Xen. Anab. II 2,9.
212.W. Robertson Smith, The Religion of the Semites2 (1972), pp. 314ff, 481f.
213.3.8andcomp. 1.74.
214.P. Stengel, Die Griech. Kultusaltertumer3 (1920), p. 1 19 n. 17, 137.
2 15. The birds were not cut up, as we may see from v. 10.
2 16. The holding of the iepa and the OTrAayxva: see P. Stengel, Hermes 49 (1914), pp. 95ff.
2 17. The Akkadian expression is nikissa lapatu (RA 18 [1921], 25 11.10; Surpu 111.35) = to touch
the slaughtered, and cf. (puhada lapatu), 'to touch the lamb'. See CAD L, p. 85, 2.
218.M.P. Nilsson, Geschichte dergriech. Religion3 (1967), I. pp. 140ff. Cf. also Bikerman, Arch.
D.Hist.d.Droit Orient 5, p. 146. Compare also the phrase in the Elamite documents: 'they have
sworn, they have touched the head of their god' (cf. CAD L lapatu 1 b) and the oath taken by the
members of the private shrine at Philadelphia (see above n. 105) accompanied by touching the
inscribed stela (11. 55ff).
one hand, and opKOs ioxupos (Antip. V 11; VI 25), 6cp6c ioxupa (Aeschines
2.115; 3.109), opKOs KccpTepos (II 19.108) on the other.
In a context similar to that of Aeschines (amphictyonic oath) we find in Judg.
21.5 n'mn nimen 'the great oath'.
The eternal validity of the oath found in Mesopotamian, Phoenician, Aramaic
and biblical sources (DÎU £T~Q) is also expressed in the Greek sources
ccTrccvTa xpovov, TOV aei xpovov etc. (cf. JAOS 93 [1973], pp. 198-99).
S. Erecting Monuments in Commemoration of the Covenant

Commemoration of a pact by erecting stelas is already attested in Mesopotamia in
the third millenium BCE (cf. the stela of the vultures, S.N. Kramer, The Sumerian
3 10 f) and is known from the Bible (Gen. 3 1 .45, 5 1-52; Exod. 24.4), the Aramaic
documents (Sefire stelas) and the Greek sources (cf. e.g., Thuc. 5.18.10; 23.5.)
All of the above-mentioned finds indicate that there is a common, formal basis
to loyalty oaths, treaties and general adjurations in the ancient world. The formal
similarity between oaths and treaties in East and West is so great that it seems to
be impossible not to assume an eastern influence on the west (Greece and Rome)
in this area. Even were we to assume a chance independent formation of the
formulae and ceremonies we would be forced to admit that the oriental treaties
have much in common with the occidental ones and this common background
can help us to clarify various problems involved.
Even before the ancient oriental material became known there were those
scholars who claimed an oriental origin for the treaties and loyalty oaths of the
West and especially the loyalty oaths to Caesar.219 The discovery of many Hittite
and Assyrian documents attesting the various types of loyalty oaths and cove-
nants, has strengthened this claim. In order to become fully aware of the connec-
tion between the oriental fealty oaths and the oaths of loyalty to the Roman
Emperor, let us examine the oath of the Paphlagonians which is the longest and
most complex of these oaths and we will see that every one of its elements is
already known from the loyalty oaths of the ancient Near East.
1. The oath opens with a stereotyped formula OMVUCO Aia rfjv "HAiov 'I
swear by Zeus, earth and sun', followed by 0Eous TTCCVTCCS KOU iraoas 'allofthe
gods and goddesses' , formulae discussed along with their Near Eastern parallels
above in paragraph M. It should be pointed out that in distinction to the Hittite
treaties where the divine witnesses appear at the end,220 in Esarhaddon's adjura-
tion of the vassals and in the Sefire treaty the witnesses appear in the beginning
just as in the Greek and Roman oaths.
2. KCH auTov TOV lEâaTOv 'and by Augustus himself'221 -Swearing by the
219. Especially F. Cumont, Rev. Et. Gr. 14 (1901), p. 44f.

220. An exception is the treaty with the Kaskeans cited above in note 163.
221. Swearing by the king himself was of special importance, cf. Sifre Num. Sec. 153 (Horowitz
ed. p. 199).
"IQiJU "]^DD. Concerning 11] meaning swear see S. Liebermann, Greek in Jewish Palestine p. 117f,
where he cites the Tosephta (Sotah 6.1): -[*»n HK 3mK ]3 DK »^» "ÔH "F13 111] DIN J'MD ibid,
p. 118, No. 21 nmfc here means loyal, see above, Sec. A.
king (opKOs fkxaiAiKOs) was very common in Ptolemaic Egypt222 but is also
known from other Hellenistic kingdoms.223 The oath in the treaty between
Smyrna and Magnesia is of particular interest to us since at the end of the list of
divine witnesses we find the ruxn of the King Seleucus224 (cf. the oath by the
genius of Caesar).225
In ancient Near Eastern political documents the king is not mentioned among
the divine witnesses but, as in Ptolemaic Egypt, he appears in private documents
from the Assyrian and neo-Babylonian periods. There we find an oath by the ade
of the king and the gods Bel and Nabu.226 Swearing by the life of the god and
king together is actually known from the beginning of the second millenium
BCE227 and it seems that swearing by the Tux?],228 the 5a i pcov229 and the genius of
the king in the Hellenistic and Roman periods is only a continuation of the custom
of swearing by the life of the king in Egypt and in Mesopotamia.230
It appears from the evidence before us that it was not usually the custom231 to
include the king in the list of divine witnesses to loyalty oaths and political treaties.
The inclusion of Augustus in the list of divine witnesses should then be viewed
against the background of the Emperor cult which crystallized in Rome (even
though the roots of this cult are in the Near East).
3. Euvofjostv (Katoapt) 'to be loyal' or 'to be well disposed' to Caesar Augus-
tus, and in the parallel clause in the oath of loyalty to Tiberius from Palaipaphos
222. E. Seidl, Der Eidimptolomdischen Recht (1929); idem, Ptolomaische Rechtsgeschichte (1962).
223.P. Hermann, Kaisereid, pp. 46-47.
224. OGI 229.61.
225.On Genius Caesaris cf. S. Weinstock, Divus Julius (1971), p. 250f.
226. See reference in CAD A adu B. The dictionary distinguishes between ade meaning oath (= A)
and ade meaning power or majesty ( = B), however Deller found that occasionally the scribe will
write TI.MES (= LIFE) in place of ade in this connection (Wiener Zeitschrifif. Kunde d. Morg 57
[1961], pp. 3Iff.) and therefore there is no justification for this distinction in meaning (see also
R. Frankena, Oudt St. 14 [1965], p. 134). Ade is therefore equivalent in meaning to msu (= life).
227. In documents from the time of Sin-idinnam of Larsa (1849-1843 BCE) (A. Goetze, JCS 4
[ 1950], 97.18) mu Nanna Samas u Sin-i-di-nam in-pad-es,'They swore by Nanna (the moon god),
by Samas and by Sin-idinnam'. And in a document from Cappadocia: nisAssur ms ruba 'im tamd 'um
'to swear by the life of Ashur and the life of the prince'. (F. Hrozny, Inscriptions cuneiformes du
Kultepe, I (1952), No. 32; cf. J. Lewy, HUCA, 27 [1956], pp. lOff.). For Elam cf. P. Koschaker,
Orientalia 4 (1935), pp. 46ff.
228. Most instructive is the oath of a woman from the period of Bar-Cochba by the ruxr) of the
emperor. See HJ. Polotsky, IEJ12 (1962), p. 260.
229. It seems to me that swearing by one's E®3 (Amos 6.8; Jer. 51.14) is like swearing by one's
daimon or tyche; for 2S3 as external soul see Saggs, JSS 19 (1974), If, and for the relationship
between Sccipcov and Tuxn see E.R. Dodds, The Greeks and the Irrational (1951), p. 58, No. 80;
M.P. Nilsson, Gesch. d. Griech. Rel II3, pp. 200ff.
230. For the oath by the life of the king of Egypt see J. Wilson, 'The Oath in Ancient Egypt', JNES
1 (1948), pp. 129ff. and for the oath by the life of king and god in Mesopotamia see ms Him I sarrim
zakaru and see n. 227 as well as references in CAD A adu B, and cf. in the Bible 'By the life of Y.
and life of my lord the king'. "[ton ^TTN TTI Tl n n (2 Sam. 15.21) and 'he will curse by God and by
his king', ID tol VH^D ^pl (Isa. 8.21).
231. Except the oath by the Tuxn - cited above from the treaty between Smyrna and Magnesia
which stems from the military character of the obligation, see P. Herrmann, Kaisereid, p. 47.
also: oepaosoSa i 'to fear'/'revere' ,232 In Latin this would be expressed by having
pietas233 which equals EUGEÎCC, a word paired with EUVOICX (Syll.3 814.1). In
paragraph A, we discussed EUVOTJOEI v and its parallels in the oriental treaties but
a£(3ao£a0ai/EUOE(3E7v = to fear, is also found in oriental treaties. Thus, for exam-
ple, in Esarhaddon's adjuration of the vassals: 'their sons and their sons' sons will
fear him (lipluhu)' (line 390).234
4. Km TOIS TEKVOIS syyovois TE QUTOU 'and to his sons and to his progeny'.
Loyalty to the king's dynasty and progeny has been discussed in paragraph D.
5. TravTa TOV TOU fiiou xpovov 'for all the days of the life'. This expression
appears in the loyalty oath to Ashurbanipal,235 in the oath of the vassals of
Esarhaddon: 'as long as we, our sons and our grandsons live' (11. 507-509), in the
covenant of the plains of Moab in the book of Deuteronomy, 'in order that they
may learn to fear Me as long as they live on earth' (Deut. 4. 1 0; cf. Deut. 31.1 3)236
and in the loyalty oath of the people of Megiddo in Egyptian documents (see
Appendix A).
6. Ken Aoycot KCH Epycoi KCH yvcojJTl1 'by word, by deed and by thought'.
Compare in the oath quoted by Andocides: KCH Aoyeo? KCU Ipyco? (1 97) and in
the oath of Colophon (Bengtson II 145.46).
7.
av auTOt Kpivcoai v 'considering as friends those whom they consider (friends)
and to consider as enemies those whom they consider (enemies)'. We discussed
this formula above in paragraph I. The oriental origin is very clear and it was
noticed by classical scholars immediately after the discovery of the Hittite
treaties.237
8.
iravTQ KI vSuvov UTTOMEVE'I v 'To spare neither body nor life nor children but. . .to
stand up to any danger'. Cf. paragraph B above.
9.
If I discern or hear any-

thing being said or planned or done against them I will report it and I will be the
enemy of him who says, plans or does any of those things'. This clause has for-
mal resemblance to the corresponding part in the loyalty oath of the people of
Chersonesus Taurica (Syll.3 360):
(a) Ken EII TIVQ KCX auvcojjoaiav aia[0co]|jai . . iâyyEAco TOIS 5a|Jiopyois
'and if I discern a plot. . . I will report to the magistrates'. (11. 46f.)
(b) Ken TToAEMios Eoouijai TCOI EinfiouAEUovTi 'and I will be an enemy to
him who plots...'.
232.T.B. Mitford, Jour, of Roman St. 50 (1960), p. 75 line 13.

233.Cf. S. Weinstock, Divus Julius, pp. 256f.
234. For other instances see my book Deuteronomy, p. 83 n. 6. Cf. also the biblical covenant with
its command to love God on one hand and fear him on the other.
235.Waterman, RCAE, No.l 105 v. 32f.
236.Weinfeld,DD5,p.358.
237. W. Schwahn, Symmachia, Real-Encyclop. IV 1109.
The clause about uncovering traitors and rebels and reporting anything which
one might see or hear is known to us - as we saw in paragraph F - from treaties
and loyalty oaths in Akkadian, Hittite, Aramaic and Greek and has even pene-
trated into the Bible in the covenant of the Plains of Moab (Deut.13).238
10. 'I will pursue.. .by land and by sea with arms and with iron...' The for-
mula calling for total vengeance (by arms, by sword, on sea and on land) approxi-
mates a similar condition in Esarhaddon's adjuration of his vassals in which he
commands his vassals to avenge Ashurbanipal, to spill the rebels' blood and
eradicate their name and seed from the earth (cf. above, paragraph G).
11. The curse - We discussed the curse above in paragraph O and there we
showed that the curse of non-burial of a treaty-infringer appears in the treaties
and oaths from the ancient Near East. This threat is apparently connected to the
presence of the gods of the netherworld as witnesses to the covenant (above,
paragraph N).
We discussed also the curses about 'bearing fruit' in the Israeli and Greek
curses. A striking resemblance to the curse in the oath of the Paphlagonians is to
be found again in the oath of the people of Chersonesus Taurica: KCH |JilT£ YH
jjoi jjrjTE SaAccooa Kapirov c|)epoi 'nor earth nor sea bear fruits for me'.
12. The last section of the Paphlagonians' oath speaks about the participa-
tion of the entire population of the city and province in the oath ceremonies held
in the temples, and this matter was discussed above in paragraph K.
It is difficult to contend that such a full overlapping with the Near Eastern
loyalty oaths is purely coincidental, and it is our opinion that the oath of loyalty
to the Roman Emperor has its roots in an ancient Near Eastern tradition, as was
already conjectured by F. Cumont.
It also seems that the ancient Near Eastern royal tradition is reflected in the titles
granted to Julius Caesar by the Senate.239 tepos KCH aouAos, TTCXTTIP TrccjpiSos,
EUEpyerris, TTpoaTccnis.240
We know of five titles granted to the king in Egypt at the time of his coro-
nation, and it seems that this custom was also practised in Israel241 (cf. the titles
in Isa. 9.5 Dl^ 1£> Itf "OK TOU ^ flTT N^S242). 'Father' as a royal title is
known from the ancient Near East,243 and we also know from the East of titles
238. Weinfeld, DDS, pp. 91ff.

239. According to Suetonius the emperor was granted, by decision of the Senate, omnia simul
divina atque humana, 'all of the markings of gods and man'. (Caesar 2.84) and cf. Appian, Bella
Civilia II, pp. 601-602.
240.Compare Dio Cassius 1,49: mxTTip, ccpxispeus, aouAos, ipcos, SEOS.
241. A. Alt, 'Jesaia 8.23-9.6, BefreiungsnachtundKr6nungstag',^/e/we5'c/zr///ewII,pp. 206-255.
242. There have been many claims that the fifth epithet in Isa. 9 was deleted accidentally and traces
of it may be found in th at the beginning of Verse 6. According to K.D. Schunk (FT 23 [1973]
p. 108f.) the restored fifth title should be: 0*711; BS1IZ?
243. Cf. Codex Hammurapi XXV 20-21'Hammurapi... who is like a real father to the people' and
in the inscription of Azitawada King of the Danunites: 08*71 n»^ DOT1? *?iD) *?I?B. 'And Baal made
me as father and mother to the Danunites' (Donner-Rollig £4/26.3), and cf. Gen. 45.8 DK1? ^D'En
irrn îh ]T»^ n^"lS^ 'he has made me a father to Pharaoh, lord of all his household'.
similar to those attributed to Caesar, such as: divine hero,244 benevolent king,245
etc. Perhaps it is not a coincidence that Suetonius and Dio Cassius speak about
five titles, the number of titles known in Egypt and perhaps in Israel as well.
II
The Loyalty Oath to the God of Israel
The elements of the loyalty oath as we have surveyed them thus far are actually
contained in the covenant of the Plains of Moab and they are apparently in the
background of the Sinaitic covenant (Exod. 24.3-8) and Joshua's covenant at
Shechem (Josh. 24.24-26) albeit in a less clear form than is seen in the covenant
of Deuteronomy.246
It is, however, most surprising to find these motives in the Recitation of the
UBE? (including Tin DDK, see below) which, as is well known, is the basic con-
fession of the Jewish Faith247 and called by the Rabbi
'taking upon oneself the yoke of the kingdom of heaven'.248 ntap in this context
implies an oath249 and in the UD£> confession the believer actually swears to be
244. I/M UR-SAG, cf. Seux, Epithetes Royales Akkadiennes et Sumeriennes (1967), p. 108.
245.Sarru damqu, Cf. Seux, ibid. p. 67.
246. Cf. Weinfeld, DDS etc. pp. 65ff.
247. For UQ2) as an ancient confession of faith see I. Elbogen, Studien zur Gesch. des Judischen
Gottesdienst (1907), p. 13ff. In a liturgy from the Manual of Discipline (1QS 10.1 Off.) we find 'the
entering into the Covenant of God' in a passage which sounds like an introduction to the UQE> prayer,
cf. Talmon RevQ 2 (1960), pp. 475ff.
248. M Ber. 2.2. Israel's acceptance of the yoke of the kingdom of heaven down on earth is made
an example of the angels' acceptance of the yoke in heaven (cf. 'They (=angels) all take upon
themselves the yoke of the kingdom of heaven' D^De? ITD^D 'TIU DHÎ? D^DpD D^lDl in the
Qedushah of the morning prayer). Both of them receive the kingdom of God upon themselves by oath
(see below). Note also the juxtaposition of the oath and the yoke of kingdom in the "irbtf prayer:
"[ITDÊ 'TIS; PIN D^D ltapvl...lpe?1? ta men YD ta iron I1? ^ 'to you every knee must bend,
every tongue must swear (loyalty).. .may they all accept the yoke of your kingdom'.
A loyalty oath of the heavenly retinue to the head of the pantheon is known to us from the
Babylonian creation epic - Enuma Elis. We are told that the gods swear by oil and water and
proclaim that Marduk's kingship is exclusive and that he has no rival (VI 95ff.). In the continuation
we read: 'Let it be done on earth as has been done in heaven' (line 112), and in the Mesopotamian
documents we hear indeed about human bearing of the divine yoke (W.G. Lambert, BWL, p. 84.240:
'he that bears god's yoke never lacks food' and the heavenly retinue who break the yoke (W.G.
Lambert and A.R. Millard, Atra-hasis, [1969], p. 44 K 10082.2) on the other. Concerning the
Qedushah which is an 'acceptance of the yoke of the kingdom of heaven' by the angels and its
connection to heavenly enthronement ceremonies in the ancient Near East, see S.N. Kramer, M.
Weinfeld, Beth Miqra 19 (1974), pp. 136ff. (Hebrew).
249.See S. Lieberman, JBL 71 (1952), p. 200. The pledge of JOT is connected to the enthrone-
ment of God and acceptance of his exclusivity (see previous note). Cf. the response TOD Qttf "p"O
fin D'nirt in'O'TD 'blessed be the name of the glory of his kingdom forever', said after ^"ICT ITO
as well as the blessing preceding the recitation of the UOe? found in the Genizah fragments: "ICK
HiJSn ttfam niBntarrrr'Tl D*?e?:nl?313''l»nl7...1]enp 'who has sanctified us...to acclaim his
kingship wholeheartedly and to acclaim his unity with a satisfied heart and willing soul'. J. Mann,
HUCA 2 (1925), p. 286. And see E.A. Urbach, The Sages (1975), p. 402. It should be pointed out that
loyal to the King of the Universe just as the subjects of a corporeal king swear to
their king. The expression DIDÎD *71U 'yoke of the kingdom' is well known from
Mesopotamian documents250 having the connotation of submission and subjuga-
tion to the kingdom.251
In the mystery-religions of the Hellenistic-Roman period we also find the
concept of 'carrying the yoke' which signified in particular, entry into the reli-
gious sect and accepting its authority. The new initiate's oath was considered a
sacramentum and was like a soldier's oath of loyalty to his commanding officer,
the members of the mystery sect being called militia.252 We are told by Apuleius
who describes the words addressed to him during his rite of initiation into the
mystery-sect of Isis.253 'Make yourself one of this holy order to which you have
recently been adjured and submit yourself to our religion and accept upon
yourself a voluntary254 yoke of worship'.255
the expression "imD^Q "TOD 'the glory of his kingdom' of the refrain mentioned, which was also said
in the temple after blessings, is found verbatim in Mesopotamian texts (melam sarruti) in connection
to both gods and kings. See references s.v. melammu, von Soden, AHw. For the equation of TOD and
melammu see my article in Tarbiz 37 (1968), p. 132, and my article 'Presence Divine', EJ.
250. riir beluti/sarruti (references under mm, von Soden, AHw) and cf. thejuqwn under which the
submissive was brought. Livy III 28; IX 6.
25 1 .Very enlightening in this matter is the passage in 2 Chron. 12.8 mr^QD mini?!
'they will know (the difference) between serving me and serving the rulers of lands'.
252. Cf. F. Cumont, Les Religions Orientates dans le Paganisme Romain (1929), pp. X, 207 No.
5. (I am grateful to Professor D. Asheri for lending me this edition of the book). In his opinion, these
concepts were borrowed from political-military loyalty oaths customary in the Near Eastern king-
doms. A more detailed discussion ofsancta militia is found in R. Reitzenstein, Die Hellenistischen
Mysterienreligionen (1927), pp. 194ff.
25 3. Da nomen sanctae huic militiae, cuius non olim sacramento etiam rogabaris, teque iam nunc
obsequio religionis nostrae dedica et ministerii iugum subi voluntarium (Apuleius, Metamorph. XI
15, cf. XI 30; iugum subeo). Similar concepts stand behind the Qumran sect which views itself as
*?K HINDU - the legions of God (1QM 4.1 1) and furthermore they are also called the army of ^N ^TTU
'the divine lot' (1QM 13.5) which apparently means the heavenly army (see Y. Yadin, The War of the
Sons of Light etc. (1962), p. 241 similar to iTpomcoTai T% s'luapMEvris in Vettius Valens, Antholog.
(Libri V, 2 p. 22 ed. Kroll). Concerning the military basis of the mystery religion of Mithra and its
Iranian origins, see G. Widengren, Religionen Irans 224f. Apuleius also tells about a member of
cohorte religionis unus who gives him his coat (Metamorph. XI 14. Cf. 1 Kgs 19. 19). Very important
in this respect is the passage in Eph. 6.1 1-13 that has rightly been seen as parallel to the War of the
Sons of Light and the Sons of Darkness (see K.G. Kuhn, TTavoTrXia, ThWBNTV 297f.). This epistle
is full of contacts with the Qumran Literature and Jewish literature in general. See for example TEKVQ
Scores- = TIN ''H in 5.8 and cf. 1.18 with Manual of Discipline 2.3; 4.2 (see D. Flusser, Scripta
Hierosyl 4 (1958), p. 263, No. 164, 250 n. 121) and we may add 6.6-7
TOU 06ou EK vJAJxns , MET' Euvoias SouXsuovTEs 'who do the will of God with their (whole) mind and
serve him with loyalty' (for siivoia = loyalty, see above par. A) to which we may cf. 1 Chron. 28.9
and serve him with whole heart and willing mind' and 2 Mace. 1 .3-5
TTOieTv CCUTOU TCX 0eArnjc<Ta Kap6ia MeyaXr] KCU VJAJX?! pouXopEvri 'to do his will with broad heart
and willing mind'. For the passage in Maccabees and its parallel in the miDI HICTTp see
D. Flusser, Festschrift Michel (1963), p. 143f.
254. Cf. DiTî? itap pmn irTD^m 'and they took upon themselves his kingdom willingly', in
the H31DN1 DDK liturgy of the evening prayer. It is interesting to note that Augustus too says that the
whole of Italy swore to him by their own will (sponte sua). See above n. 137.
This phenomenon elucidates well Philo's conception of Israel's entry into the
covenant. The entrance into the covenant in Deut. 29.11-14 is understood by
Philo to be like an initiation into a mystery-sect (jJuaTaycoycov).256
Philo's conception of the covenant as an initiation into a mystery is quite rele-
vant, especially against the background of the religious sects at the second temple
period. The congregation of the exultants n^Tttn ^Hp and the various Jewish sects
in the later period were like the Hellenistic mysteries: closed associations that pre-
served their uniqueness by carefully observing their specific rules and therefore
very strict in the policy of accepting new members. (Cf. the 'oath' HDEN in Neh.
10;257 Ezra 9-10; Neh. 9.2; 13.1-3). An instructive case in this respect is an edict
of Ptolemy IV Philopater according to which all the members of the mystery of
Dionysus had to gather in Alexandria in order to present in a written form their
sacraments: TCC '(epa. Everybody had to prove from whom he received the sacra-
ments. This had to be checked three generations back. The assembled had to sub-
mit 'the holy document' TOV iepov Aoyov with the name signed on it.258 This
reminds us of the situation of the exultants n'TUn ^Hp whose members were
required to show their written genealogy in order to be admitted into the congre-
gation (Ezra 2.59; Neh. 7.61; cf. Neh. 7.5).259 Checking three generations back
reminds us of the law of Deut. 23.8-9 according to which only the third genera-
tion of an Egyptian or an Edomite could enter 'Yahweh's congregation'.
The Qumran sect and apparently the Pharisees260 were also based on the same
principle as the mysteries. Let us bring up some common salient features:
255.For 'carrying the yoke' see Ben-Sira 51.17,23ff. (and cf. 6.30; 40.1), Mt. 11.25ff. On these
passages and their context, cf. the typological study with comparison to the Mystery literature by
E. Norden, Agnostos Theos (1913), pp. 211 ff.
256. Virt. 33,178, and see the discussion of H. Wolfson,, Philo /, pp. 43ff. Transfer of children to
Moloch was thought of in the Hellenistic Jewish literature as dedication to a pagan mystery religion
(See my article The Worship of Moloch and of the Queen of Heaven and its background', Ugarit
Forsch. 4 (1972), pp. 133ff. After finishing that article I found that at initiation to mysteries the
children were carried between two men keeping torches, see NilssonOTT? 46 [1953], p. 197f). Cultic
deviations in general were considered by Hellenistic Judaism to be intercourse with idolatrous
mystery-religions. Cf. e.g. LXXtoNum. 25.3:
pEeA<|)eycop 'and Israel consecrated themselves to Baal Peor' (TeAea0?|vai is a technical term for the
entrance into the Dionysus mystery-religion) cf. ibid v. 5 and Ps. 106.28, as well as the addition to
the LXX to Deut. 23.18. See the cited article in Ugarit Forsch. 4 (1972), p. 143. On the relationship of
Hellenistic Judaism to the mystery religions see J. Gutmann, The Beginnings of Jewish- Hellenistic
Literature, Vol. 1 (1958), p. 144 (Hebrew). On the existence of religious mysteries in Mesopotamia
see A.L. Oppenheim, History of Religions V, 2 (1966), p. 250f. It seems that the 'seventy men' prepar-
ing incense in darkness in Ezek. 8 constitute some sort of pagan mystery. Cf. Th. C. Vriezen, Sym-
bolae F.M.T. de liagre Bohl (1973), pp. 390-91.
257. For a comparison of Nehemiah's rTON to the rules of the religious associations in the Persian
and Hellenistic period, see my article FT 23 (1973), pp. 72ff.
258. A papyrus published by W. Schubart inAmtliche Berichte derKonigl Kunstammlungen 38
(1916-17), pp. 189ff. And cf. R. Reitzenstein, ARW 19 (1916), p. 191f. M.P. Nilsson, Gesch. D.
Griech. Rel. II3, p. 162.
259.Cf. Ezek. 13.9 inniP ^ *7K"HZr ITS ITCm rm K*? SD^ "PD3 'they shall have no place in
the council of my people, they shall not be entered in the roll of Israel'.
260. At the time of the existence of the irmn, see S. Liberman, JBL 71 (1952), pp. 200ff.
1. In the mysteries as well as in the Jewish sects the admission into the
group was involved with a pledge or oath (see above).
2. Entrance was conditioned by baptizing and observance of purity
regulations (cf., e.g., Apuleius, Metam. XI 1, 21, 23).
3. The sect was organized as a military unit (see above).
4. Members of the sect experienced revelations of divine mysteries (IQS
9.18; 11.4, 19; M 4.27; 7.27, etc.).
5. Uncovering of the secrets of the group was strictly prohibited in the
Qumran sect (S 4.6; M 5.1 1, 25 etc.) and in the Hellenistic mysteries
(cf. Apuleius Metam. XI 23).
6. Participating in the heavenly sphere.261
7. Hymns and thanksgiving psalms proclaimed for the revelation of the
divine truth (see especially Hodayot).262
8. Polemics with other groups.263
9. The concept of redemption (ocoTripia).
10. The common meal.
1 1 . Humble life and ascetic ideal.
12. Drive for 'knowledge of God' (yvcoois TOU 0sou).264
The pledge of loyalty by the Jewish believer is composed of two parts:
i. the demand of loyalty
ii. the loyalty oath
261.Cf. Y. Yadin, The War of the Sons of Light etc., p. 240f.

262. Cf. Apuleius' hymn at the end of the induction into the mystery of Isis (XI25).
263.Compare I7I23B Tl and &TO TID in the scrolls and see. K. Prumm, 'Zur Phanomenologie des
Paulinischen Mysterion', Biblica 37 (1956), pp. 135ff.
264. For all these motifs in the mystery religions, see, R. Reitzenstein, Die Hellenistischen Mys-
terienreligionen and M.P. Nilsson, Geschichte der Griechischen Religion3, II (1974), pp. 581ff. The
features not found in the Jewish sects are (1) apotheosis; (2) death and resurrection of the god; (3) use
of magic; (4) symbolic or real sexual intercourse. Clearly the similarity to the mystery religions is not
in content but only in form. That common to all of the mystery-religions from a formal standpoint is
the desire to attain 'knowledge of god' yvcoois 0eou, which entails religious, cultic, moral, and
intellectual values, see most recently A. Bohlig, Mysterion und Wahrheit (1968), p. 72.
265.The DîTl HQK prayer was already common in the Second Temple period. See m. TamidSA
and according to R. Yehudah (b. Ber. 2 la) it is 'biblically' commanded. On the antiquity of the text
of this prayer see I. Elbogen, DerJudische Gottesdienst, etc. (1931), pp. 22-23.
The polarity of adjuration and oath or command and affirmation is found frequently in the liturgy.
Cf., e.g. ~™ TT irm1^ 'n ^K-IEr JOB before the Torah reading and the response after it
In the blessing for the Haphtarah; in the words of the Maphtir:
'the faithful God.. .who speaks and fulfills', and in the congregation's reply:
'Faithful are you.. .and faithful are your words' (see Tract. Soferim 13.10-14, Higger edition, p. 245)
and cf. as well in the Qedushah of the Musaf service "KIN Tf...^"!^ JJD2? and the refrain after it
For reverse of the order in the response (imi^N nnK) see Liebermann, Sinai,
Nissan-Iyyar (1975), pp. 1-3. This dialectic appears as well in a section of the Mechilta in connection
with the nwtryqwn of "D]«. See S. Abramson, Sinai, Tishrei-Heshwan 1974 and S. Libermann, Sinai,
art.cit.
a. The UftE? portion includes: (1) the demand to recognize the uniqueness of
deity,266 i.e. the kingdom of god (Deut. 6.4). (2) the demand to love God with the
entire heart and soul (v. 5). (3) the demand to teach the sons and educate them
toward loyalty (v. 7).
The WfflD DN !Tni portion also includes the demand to love God with the
entire heart and soul (Deut. 11.13), the demand to teach the sons (ibid. v. 19) and,
in addition, it presents a blessing and curse (ibid. vv. 14-17) which we have met
in the above listed oaths of loyalty.
According to the ancient tradition the I7BID prayer was once preceded by the
Decalogue,267 thus indicating the connection between 'taking upon oneself the
yoke of the kingdom of heaven' and the ancient Sinaitic covenant.
b. The oath of loyalty which is actually an affirmation268 of the demand of the
first part includes:
1. A formal affirmation of the divine demands: 'It is true, firm, established and
confirmed...this word upon us, 13^1? HTH 269
2. A declaration about the kingdom of god: ...133^ 0*711? Tl^K HEN 'It is
true, he is the God of the universe, our king'.
3. A declaration of the validity of the obligation on coming generations:
'Upon us, our children and our (next) generations' irfllTH *?m ir33
266.For the meaning of iriK 7! cf.: "TON 7T mm Ninn DVH p&n ^3 *?I7 "f^D^ 7T mm
"iriK 1Q2J1 'then the lord shall become king over all the earth, on that day the lord shall be one and his
name one' (Zech. 14.9). That the btOET J7D2? contains the idea of the kingdom of god may be seen
from the fact that this verse appears among the verses of the Malkuyot section of the Musaf service
for New Year. "!!"[& implies uniqueness and exclusivity. See, for example, in Ugaritic literature: 'hdy
dymlk 7 ilm = 'I alone will have sway over the gods' (CTA 4 VII: 49-50). In the continuation we read
dymr'u ilm wnsm, which is interpreted: 'who rules (mr'u = officer) over gods and men...', and
perhaps this alludes to imposing the yoke of kingship upon them similar to what was found in the
Enuma Elis (see above n. 248). Cf. as well the proclamation about Enlil in a Sumerian dedication
inscription = Enlil an-ki-su lugal-dm, as-ni lugal-dm, 'Enlil is the lord of Heaven and Earth, he is
king alone (literally: his oneness) (A. Poebel, Historical and Grammatical Texts, [1914], p. 661.1-3)
and cf. the proclamations of the Mysteries: his quae es omnia; Hermes omnia solus et unus\ Els
Zeus lapaTTis. Compare also the Samaritan inscription of Emaus: EIC 0EOC (M. Lidzbarski,
Handbuch, pp. 117,440). For all this cf. E. Peterson, Els 6eos FRLANTW 24 (1926), pp. 227ff.,
and see recently A. Negev, El 12 (1975), pp. 136ff. in connection with the inscriptions of Wadi
Haggag.
267. See m. TamidS.l and cf. the Nash Papyrus and the Qumran texts. Cf. A.M. Haberman and Y.
Yadin, Eretz Israel Vol. 9 (1969), pp. 60ff. It seems to me that the recital of the Decalogue involved
with a pledge of loyalty (UD2?) is reflected in the record of Pliny (ep. Ad Trajan X, 96,7) about the
Christians who used to gather before dawn and take upon themselves by oath (sacramentum) not to
steal, commit adultery, or break faith. After the confession they gathered for the meal. The reflection
of the Decalogue in this text has been seen by some scholars but because they could not explain the
sacramentum within the context of the letter, their proposal was rejected, cf. Sherwin-White, Pliny,
pp.706ff.
268. And see I. Elbogen: 'Tin DON ist eine Bestatigung des Glaubensbekenntnisses' (Der
judische Gottesdienst etc., p. 22).
269. For "Ql meaning agreement and obligation see my article mLeshonenu 36 (1972), pp. 8ff.
All of the sixteen attributes in the Tin HQK prayer relate to HTH "Din, which is the imposition of
the yoke of the kingdom of heaven.
The two elements noticed in the liturgy of the Uft£>: the demand for loyalty by
the sovereign and the affirmation of the demand by the vassal, are both found in
Esarhaddon's adjuration of his vassals. The demand appears in 11. 266ff.:
If you do not love Ashurbanipal, King of Assyria, as you do your own lives.. .if you do
not instruct your sons, grandsons, your offspring, your descendants who will live in the
future (concerning this covenant)... Let this word be acceptable and good to you... Do
not set over yourselves another king, another lord.
Here the three demands of the I7Q2? portion are incorporated:

1. sole recognition of the authority.
2. love of heart and soul.
3. instructing the sons.
The vassals' affirmation of these demands appears in 11. 494ff., a paragraph
already cited above in which we found, as in the IT in HQK liturgy (see Appen-
dix C):
1. an oath of obligation.
2. a declaration of the exclusivity of the divine kingdom.
3. obligation for the future generations.
Especially worthy of note are the sentences: 'if, as long as we, our sons and
our grandsons live, the crown prince designate Ashurbanipal will not be our king
and lord, if we place another king, another prince over ourselves', which are strik-
ing in their similarity to: 1]3l7D...'irrmin bin im ^ ...IDD^ D*7I» Tl^K
-jn'TIT D^N •pK...irrrnK Y?a. 'The God of the universe is our King...upon
our children and (next) generations.. .our King and King of our ancestors.. .there
is no god besides you'.
The formulae contained in the DîTI HEN prayer belong to the legal realm of
treaties and contracts: ]SN and HEN are known to be formulae authorizing valid-
ity.270 An identical term is attested in the Greek and Hellenistic documents: aXrj0T]
rauTa, which occurs as a formula which approves the preceding commitment.271
ITiT as a term approving the validity of an agreement and contract is known to
us from the Elephantine papyri: DniT 1H.. .8*120 i"[]T272 an expression which liter-
ally translates the Akkadian (tuppu) dannu.213 In Dan. 6.13 we find NHÊ KrPiT
which is literally analogous to TiT.. ."Q*T in the "TiTl TOK prayer and alludes
there to the non-controvertible decree of the king. The Greek term parallel to IT IT
which also appears in connection with the authorization of a treaty and obligation
270. ]DK means firmness and hence n3DR which means a firm and valid document and the same
applies to Akkadian dannatu (V dananu) and Nabatean tqp (cf. tqp in Est. 9.29), see Leshonenu 36
(1972), pp. 10-11, No. 49.
271.Bengtson, Staatsvertrdge II, 145.51, 264.23; III 545-29, and E. Seidl, Der Eid in Ptolom.
Recht, p. 29.
272. E.G. Kraeling, The Brooklyn Museum Aramaic Papyri (1953), No. 10.16-17.
273.For references see CAD dannu, p. 95 and cf. Leshonenu 36 (1972), p. 101 n. 49 concerning
the meaning oidannu.
is KUpios soTco274 and is identical to Dnp1 THE 'firm and reliable' from later
Jewish documents.275
ound in the njIBKI PEN prayer (in the evening UE£> recitation)276
expresses obligation like that found in the book of Esther:
T (9.27 cf. v. 31),277 in Nehemiah: niiJD ir ^1? inarm (10.33), and in the
Qumran scrolls ^ D'pH and ^ Dnp such as: .
5.10).278 Of interest in this connection is a segment of aNabonidus inscription279
which tells about two of the king's officers, one of whom prostrates and one of
whom stands before the king while they 'confirm the royal dictum, stand by his
words, they (even) bare their heads280 and pronounce the oath...'281 In Lev.
Rabah2*2 we read something similar referring to the recitation of the UQE}: 'Like a
king who sent out his decree (NETD'HS) to a city. What did the people of the
city do? They rose to their feet, uncovered their heads and read it in awe, fear,
trembling and trepidation. In the same way the Holy One, blessed be He, said to
Israel it is the recitation of the I?aC? which is my decree...'
I'D], like DQN expresses reliability and validity just as in Deut. 13.15.283 'It is
true, the fact is established' "13TT ]13] HQK nm (cf. 17.4), and this is the meaning
274. See, for example, Thucydides 5.12.47 and see in the index to Bengtson, Staatsvertr. III. For
the formula in the Egyptian Hellenistic documents see L. Mitteis, Reichsrecht u. Volksrecht etc.
(1891), p. 178.
275.Cf. A. Gulak, Das Urkundenwesen im TalmudimLichte dergriechisch aegyptischen Papyri
(1935), 26f. J. J. Rabinowitz, Jewish Law (1956), p. 199, claims that the Aramaic formula gave rise to
the Greek formula but this supposition is groundless. See R. Yaron, The Law of the Elephantine Docu-
ments, Jerusalem 1961 (Hebrew) p. 151. Furthermore, the rest of the formulae cited by Rabinowitz
are also not of Aramaic origin since they are attested in Assyrian documents. Thus NIQI pD who will
be powerless to cancel the document, and the Greek parallel brought by Rabinowitz |jf]TE arpaTrjyov
|jf)TE apxcov appear in Assyrian documents: u lit sarru u lu rubu sapidannite suatu usannu = 'and if
it is a king or a prince who will violate (what is written) in this valid document' (ADD 646.65;
647.26; 651.8-10). Cf. J.N. Postgate, Neo-Assyrian Grants (1969), for these documents. The same is
true for pTIITI mn "ISO (Rabinowitz, ibid, p. 118), as well, to which we have found a parallel in
Mesopotamia: leû labiru u le'u essu ana muhhisu satir (CT22 204.11), cf. Ebeling, Neubabyl. Briefe
(1949),p. 111.
276. H^T ^D 'all this' in the HDIQNI HQN prayer of the evening recitation of the UD2? is also con-
nected to formulae of covenant affirmation, cf. the pact of Nehemiah:
(Neh. 10.1).
277.121 D'pb in place of "QT D'pn1? is already found in Ezek. 13.6 and cf. Ruth 4.7.
278.Cf. Est. 9.31 DttfS3 ^S IITp I^DI. For D'p in the Qumran scrolls see M.Z. Kadari, 3Vnn
(1968), p. 244. Compare also *?JJ D'p in the letters of Murabba't DJD II 24 C 18,
p. 182, 26.2, p. 137.
279.S. Smith, Babylonian Historical Texts (1942), p. 86, V: 22-27.
2%Q.qaqqadapataru in the document at hand means to uncover the head. See von Soden, Ahw
pataru 5a and cf. the translation of the document by B. Landsberger, Th. Bauer, ZA 37, p. 93.
Concerning baring the head during prayer see 1 Cor. 11.4 (and see Strack, Billerbeck, Kommentar
zum NT, III, pp. 423ff).
281.ukannu pu sarri uszazzu amassu, ipattaru qaqqassunu, izakkaru mamit ki. ki after mamit
marks the opening of the oath, uszazzu amassu is literally corresponding to
282.27.6 and see M. Margalioth edition for additional references. As for the KQ^nD'HS and the
entire matter see S. Liebermann, JQR 35 (1944-45), pp. 6ff.
283.Cf. Weinfeld, DDS, p. 93, No. 9.
of Akkadian kunnu as is seen clearly in the conclusion of Esarhaddon's treaty

with Baal of Tyre: tuppu ade kunnu (sa Baalu) = 'the authorized tablet of the
treaty (of Baal)'.284 In the sentence from the Nabonidus inscription cited above
the Akkadian word translated as 'confirm' is ukannu, the same root (kunnu)
found in the text cited from the treaty with Baal of Tyre.
HET 'right' appears in the VTE in the form tarisu (right/straight) alongside
bamtu (nice) and tabtu (good), approximating the combination of these expres-
sions in the îTI HftK prayer (and see below).
be classified with HDIDK HDK discussed previously. D
ed, precious, sweet and pleasant' - we have already discussed
terms of love indicating faithfulness.285 TIKI fcTTtf 'fearful and glorious' -
express admiration286 and respect out of fear, a concept common in the realm of
treaties.287
expresses by Aramaic influence the Biblical |1D3. Therefore, in Ps. 89.38,
which is parallel to ]IDN] there is translated by the Targum: jpHft and is paral-
lel there to pTTB. In Judg. 16.26, I'D] is also translated by pHO.288
- this formula - as we have already seen - appears
in VTE (11 266ff.): 'let this word be acceptable, good and proper to you'.289 Just
as in the DÎTI HEN prayer where HS1! Dlftl ^Dpftl is followed by the declaration
of kingship, ID^D DÛ Tl^K DQK, so in the Esarhaddon treaty, 'let this word
be acceptable etc', is followed by the demand to enthrone Ashurbanipal alone.
This juxtaposition of ideas occurs once more in the Dn]1(2)N""in Û290 paragraph.
Here as well, after miDKI HEN ... Dpi DIE im 'good thing and firm, true and
faithful', we find a declaration about the exclusivity of the divine kingdom:
The attributes (DTD) "TDm ,n5T ,210,112? are found primarily in the VTE,291
while DIE ~Q1 in the D^DI Win ^ paragraph appears both in the Bible and in
Aramaic documents with the meaning of covenant and agreement.292
284. R. Borger, Die Inschriften Asarhaddons (1956), p. 109, IV 20.

285. See also Leshonenu 36 (1972), pp. 91ff. For DTD in covenantal context see H.L. Ginsberg
apud Bickerman, Amer. Journ. Philol. 73 (1952), p. 8 No. 16.
286.For 11N meaning admire, see Exod. 15.11 and Ben Sira 43.11.
287. See above p. 31.
288.Dl7!I7n ]lpsn in the Mishnah (Git. 4.2,3) means establishing world order on a strong basis and
cf.: H2? rTDÊD D ^lU )pn^ in the ir *?I? prayer meaning to establish the world in the kingdom of the
Lord.
289. According to Borger's reading: abutu annitu inapanikunu lu mahrat ina muhhikunu lit tabat.
(Cf. The translation of E. Reiner in ANET3). If Wiseman is right in reading lu da-ri rather than lu t[a-
bat] (cf. text No. 36 plate 10 where the sign ri is visible and not bat, and see as well the reading in CAD
All, p. 35), we will have to translate: 'this thing will be accepted by you for generations', a formula
which also has parallels in
290. The formulae D^lin^n *?171 D^llDîn ^17 expresses the continuity over the generations of the
obligation to keep the covenant: the fathers of those present, those actually present, and the sons who
will appear in the future, and cf. above p. 17.
291. The expressions are: tarisu 'right', bamtu 'nice', damiqtu (SIG5-tu) 'proper', tabtu 'DUG.GA-
tu) 'good', and see 11. 67, 73, 108, 125, and others (cf. the variants in the different texts).
292. See my article in Leshonenu 36 (1972), pp. lOff.
'a law that none transgresses' - this formula is

known primarily from the second temple period and expresses the absolute force
of the obligation. We find, for example, in Est. 1.19:
'Let it be inscribed in the laws... never to be transgressed' and in 9.27:
'they took upon themselves... never to be trans-
gressed' and in Aramaic N"TUn K1? H D"1S1 HQ HID 'according to the law of
the Medes and Persians that is not to be transgressed' (Dan. 6.9, 13). If the
recitation of JJQtf) implies the imposition of the yoke of the kingdom of heaven,
then D^lTl HQK expresses the acceptance of the yoke which is the confirmation
by oath of the imposition293 and it thus entails the 'we shall do and listen'
of the Sinai Covenant (Exod. 24.7; cf. 19.8; Josh. 24.24).294
APPENDIX A
The Loyalty Oath in the Egyptian Documents
No treaties and fealty oaths have been discovered so far in ancient Egypt. How-
ever, from various Egyptian documents one may learn that the Egyptians too
used to demand loyalty oaths from their subjects and vassals, and, similarly to the
oaths surveyed in this study they contain the following pledges:
1. that the vassals observe loyalty to the Egyptian sovereign during their
whole life
2. that their children will keep loyalty too
3. to inform whatever one sees or hears (cf. above).
1. Thus we read in the Barkal stela of Thutmose III that the king administered
an oath of fealty (sdftryf) to the people of Megiddo with the words:'we shall
not repeat any evil thing against Mn-hpr-r' during our lifetimes' (Urkunden
IV 1235.16).
2. Amenhotep II tells us that after defeating Kadesh, he adjured the people and
their sons to keep loyalty (Urkunden IV 1304.2).
3. In a papyrus from the time of Ramses III, we read that Pharaoh administered
an oath of fealty to one of his subjects that he will not hear or see anything
without informing (his master) about it (Edgerton, JNES10 [1951], p. 141).
293. Professor S. Liebermann suggested to me (in a letter of November 4,1974) that the confirma-
tion formulae (DVp rVtilE?1?) in the ITin HQK prayer refer to the I7DIZ) and the Decalogue as well (see
above and n. 267) since both were recited in the temple (m. Tamid 5.1) and cf. his article in Sinai,
Nisan-Iyyar (1974), pp. 1-3. On the basis of my interpretation of :r JT1 HQK he now reads in the
new discovered passage of the Mekhilta (S. Abramson, Sinai Tishrei-Heswan [1974], p. 8) 'p""lQK
CTST p'DD] D'DDtM. This is the nwt[ryqwn] (in a reverted form) of 'DDK of the Decalogue, which
actually constitutes the response of Israel to God's proclamation opened with
294.1 wish to thank Professors A. Fux, M. Amit and R. Meridor for being helpful in connection
with this article.
For the above, compare W. Helck, Die Beziehungen Agyptens zu Vorderasien

im 3. und 2. Jahrtausend v. Chr.2 (1971), p. 246, and for sdf SQQ recently
D. Lorton, The Juridical Terminology of International Relations in Egyptian
Texts through Dyn. XVIII (1974), p. 132.
APPENDIX B
The Oath of the Paphlagonians, 3 BCE
(W. Dittenberger, Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae, no. 532)
10
15
20
25
30
35
APPENDIX C
The mn HBK Prayer
The version of the Genizah:
(S. Schechter, Jg^ 10 [1897-98], p. 656)

Chapter 2
THE HEAVENLY PRAISE IN UNISON
The adoration offered by the seraphim in Isa. 6.3, which forms the basis of the
Qedushah liturgy1, is described as follows: !0np 1DK1 HT *7K HI fcOpl etc. The
translation 'and one would call to the other "Holy" etc.' (the Jewish Publication
Society of America, Philadelphia, 2nd edn, 1978) is hardly satisfactory. The New
English Bible (Oxford University Press, Cambridge University Press, 1970)
translates 'they were calling ceaselessly to one another', but this is not reflected
in the Hebrew text. The targum pQKI ]H p )H ]^3pD1 'and they received
one from another and say' corresponds to the Midrashic concept about the angel
of lower rank taking permission to sing from the higher one.2 It is also possible
that 'receiving' one from the other here expresses the alternate singing of two
choirs as we find in
3
'they stand half against half, one half singing, the other half
chanting in antiphon'. This interpretation is indeed applied to Isa. 6.3 by S.D.
Luzatto in his commentary on Isaiah.4 HI ^8 HT Nlpl 'they lifted their voice in
unison', together, like the phrase: CpIDH 'Tip'?) tmp D1HH *7K Dinn which
means: the deeps sound their voices in unison, and the meaning of HI ^K HI is
one opposite the other (one facing the other); similarly DlilD ^8 Dim means
deep opposite deep (deep facing deep).
This interpretation appears to be the most plausible. One should add that the
phrase flftl^ found in the context of Ezek. 3.13f., which constitutes a basic part
of the Qedushah liturgy, actually means 'facing one another'. We read there:
the sound of the
wings of the HITI beating against one another and the sounds of the
facing them'.5 The HVPf and the D^SIN appear here as two choirs sounding an
1 . For a discussion of the liturgy see I. Elbogen, Derjudische Gottesdienst in seiner geschicht-
lichen Entwicklung(193l), pp. 61-66. For an up to date discussion see J. Heinemann in the Hebrew
translation of this work (1972), pp. 52-53.
2. Cf. ARN(ed. S. Schechter), newly corrected edition, N.V. (1967), ch. 12 (Version 1), p. 52.
Compare the Yoser Liturgy (S. Singer, Standard Prayer Book (SPB) (1943), p. 46:
'and they give authority (permission) to each other to hallow their creator Mn the
first part of this liturgical phrase:
the words HTO HT should be omitted (they crept in by influence of )HQ ]H j1 tapQI), see E. Fleischer,
Tarbiz 38 (1969), p. 267 n. 46 (Hebrew).
3. M. Margalioth, Sepher Ha-Razim (1966), p. 90, 11. 179-180. Cf. also J. Gruenwald, in A.
Schalit Memorial Volume (1980), p. 461 n. 1 1. Compare also Rashi to Isa. 6.3.
4. S.D. Luzatto, nnni? EmsDi rrp^N Dmno rriHzr ISD, Padova 1855 adioc.
5. The sounds of the wings and of the wheels (D^SIK) were considered voices of praise-song.
antiphon.6 Both groups appear elsewhere in Ezekiel and there too in the position
effacing each other (1.20; 10.19; 11.22). The terms nEU1? and TO refer elsewhere
to two groups arranged in choirs, as for example in Neh. 12.24:..
'and the chiefs of the Levites...with
their brethren opposite them to praise.. .division opposite division'.7 In 2 Chr. 7.6
we hear indeed about two choirs composed of Levites and priests respectively:
the Levites with musical instruments and the priests opposite them with their
trumpets (DID Dn^nft D^HDm). The harmony between the singers (the
Levites) and musicians (the priests) is perfect as is explicitly stated in 2 Chr.
5.12-13:
And all of the Levitical singers.. .were standing.. .with cymbals, harps and lyres; with
them stood one hundred and twenty priests blowing the trumpets. The trumpeters and
singers join in harmony to sound forth in praise with one voice
Singing in unison is expressed in other instances by "TIT .8 Thus we find in Job

38.7 in connection with the praise of the morning stars and the divine retinue:
DTI1?** '33 ^D 11TT1 IpD '2313 ^D TP p3 'when the morning stars sang in
unison and all the divine beings shouted aloud'.9 "1!T in the sense of 'unison' is
clearly reflected in Isa. 52.8: 'Hark, your watchmen raise their voices' ('Tip 1NIEO),
'they sing out in unison' (I]]"!1 TIT) and in Ps. 98.8: 'the mountains sing out in
unison' (1D3T DHH "TIT). About the heavenly retinue arrayed in a choir, we hear
inBenSira42.16ff:
The brilliant sun shines forth upon everything,
The glory of God fills his creation. His angels
were unable to completely recount all his wonders...
all in pairs, one opposite the other.
10
Cf. my forthcoming study on the Qedushah in Qumran. (See provisionally my article in Studies in the
Bible and the Ancient Near East, Festschrift S.E. Loewenstamm [1978], p. 177 n. 43).
6. In the conventional Qedushah liturgy which combines Isa. 6.3 with Ezek. 3.13f. the two choirs
are: Seraphim chanting EJHp on the one hand and the Chayoth and Ophanim chanting "p"O on the
other. In order to express the antiphon here too PIQU1? is used: 1"1D»" "p"Q DnDII?1? (see S. Singer,
SPB, p. 55).
7. Cf. W. Rudolph, Esra undNehemia, HAT (1949), ad he.
8. "NT is rendered in the Aramaic Targums by K"irO which equals the Hebrew "inKD used in
2 Chr. 5.13, just quoted, into is a caique ofllT (Cf. E. Kutscher, Tarbiz 33 [1964] p. 122 [Hebrew])
formed by the influence of Aramaic and therefore attested only in second temple literature, cf. Isa.
65.26 in«31ITP (cf. in the parallel in Isa. 11.6:1H«D IfcnCT [Qumran]), Eccl. 11.6; Ezra 2.64; 6.20;
Neh. 7.66.
9. In the Qumran Targum of Job this is rendered:
when the morning stars shone together and all of God's angels shouted in unison' (cf.
van der Ploeg, van der Woude, Le Targum de Job de lat grotte XI de Qumran [ 1971 ], Col. XXX: 4-5).
The 'shining' of the stars expresses their adoration as the 'voices' of the angels. On the luminaries as
angels cf. chapter 5 below.
10. Cf. Y. Yadin, 'The Ben Sira Scroll from Masada' Eretz-Israel 8 (Sukenik Volume) (1967),
p. 29, see the reconstruction of 11. 14-15.
2. The Heavenly Praise in Unison 47
As in Isa. 6.3 and Ezek. 3.13f. where the antiphon of the divine creatures
is expressed by HT ^N HI and HftU1? here too we find the angels, together with
the shining sun, praising God's wonders in two choirs, one opposite the other:
That the angelic song was understood to be offered in full harmony may be
learned from Enoch 47.2: 'In those days the holy ones who dwell above in the
heavens shall unite with one voice.. .and praise and give thanks...' and from En.
61.10-11: 'He will summon all the host of the heavens... shall raise one voice
and bless and glorify and exalt...'
In order to achieve 'one voice' the choirs must be arranged according to rank
and ability. Indeed in the angelic song of Qumran, the so-called 'Shirat 'Olat
Hashabath'n we read that, 'all of them [the angels] were singing mustered each
according to his rank' (HSUCD TnK TITO DHHIpS ta 13m). The angels are the
Lord's servants and must fulfil their duties, everybody according to his place in
the hierarchy.
Similar concepts are attested in Mesopotamian hymns concerning the An-
nunaki and the Igigi, which overlap in many ways the angels in the Israelite
tradition.12 Thus we read in a hymn to the goddess Istar.13
Everyday the gods assemble to her
the Annunaki to council14
the Igigi encircle her that she assign
their functions and that they receive
their orders,15 the goddesses of the peoples16
bow down to her, they pray to her in unison
(mitharis), bow beneath her.
The Muses in the Greek tradition, which functionally and typologically also
resemble the angels,17 are said to sing to Zeus in unison
11. Cf. J. Strugnell 'The Angelic Liturgy at Qumran, 4QSereksirot Olat Hassabat',SPT7 (1960),
p. 337 (4Q 403 24.9).
12. This is discussed in chapter 5, below.
13. Cf. W.G. Lambert, in Zikir sumin, Festschrift F.R. Kraus (1982), p. 202.
14. The angels in the Bible constitute, as is well known, the heavenly council, cf. Chapter 5.
15. Compare Ps. 103.19-21 and see the Sumerian parallels adduced in my article in Beth-Mikra
57 (1974), pp. 136-37 (Hebrew).
16. These are the Annunaki and the Igigi who like the angels in Israel are considered the princes
of the nations (cf. e.g. Daniel 10.20f.).
17. The Muses appear in several functions, recalling the various functions of the angels:
1. Compare, for instance, "Din "[K^Qn in Zech. 1.9 who transmits the vision to the prophet,
with the Muse who communicates the oracle to the poet, the spokesman; for a discussion
of this in Old Greek literature see E.R. Dodds, The Greeks and the Irrational (1951), p. 82
and the references there.
2. The Muses are, as known, omniscient; cf. 2 Sam. 14.17.
3. They appear from the mist (Hesiod, Theogony 9); cf. the smoke and the cloud in
connection with the divine entourage in Isa. 6.4; Ezek. 1.4-5.
4. The angel that struck Jacob in Gen. 32 finds its parallel in the Iliad II 594ff., where the
Muses maim (irepov 0eoccv) Thamyris who tries to compete with them in singing.
'consenting voice').18 The perfect harmony in the heavenly praise of the Lord
comes to clear expression in the Hekhalot literature. Here we read: 'They all stand
in purity and holiness, offering songs and hymns, praise and jubilation...their
voice being one voice...one mind, one melody.
. 19 Elsewhere in the Hekhalot literature we find that the angel who
disrupts the harmony is pushed into the fire: mi] DE> ,1118 HED, me? HTm
20
Mew sing in unison with the angels

The belief that the earthly worshippers praise the Lord as do the angels of heaven
is alluded to already in the hymns of the OT.21 However, the notion that men/ofo
the angels in their praise is first made explicit in the writings of the Qumran sect.
Thus the author of the Thanksgiving Hymn in 1QH: 3.20ff. tells us how he was
lifted 'to the height of the universe' (DÎU D1"l^)22 'in order to stand among the
ranks23 of the host of the holy ones and to join together in the assembly of the
sons of heaven'
D^BID). He goes on to say that God has 'cast man's eternal lot' (D*71iJ ^TTU) among
'the spirits of knowledge' (Din mm"!)24 to praise his name harmoniously in
song
Similarly, we read in 1QH 11.1 If:
You have cleansed man from sin.. .to be united (UTTl^) with the children of your truth
and in the lot (^"TU) of your saints...to stand in rank (1DI7DD DiTnn'?) before you
18. Hesiod, Theogony, 39.

19. cf. rrtzarm nm 110 in memo TO nran ••KHID Vol. i (ed. A. Wertheimer, 1958), p. 47,
and see also G. Scholem, Jewish Gnosticism, Merkabah and Mysticism, p. 29f.; D. Flusser, 'Sanktus
und Gloria', Festschrift O. Michel, p. 134. Compare in the Yoser Qedushah:
'and they proclaim with awe in unison aloud' (SPB, p. 45).
20. I. Gruenwald, mtaTin ni"lSDQ D'OTH D^Dp, Tarbiz 38 (1969), pp. 364-65 (Hebrew).
21. Cf. my forthcoming study on the Qedushah in Qumran.
22. The expression appears in the Yoser Qedushah (SPB, p. 45) as well as in IQSb 5.23 and in the
Hebrew book of Enoch in the form mmtf DTD; see H. Odeberg, 3 Enoch (1928), 7.1; 18.6; 27.2;
35.1; 42.2 (the latter parallel shows that DÎU has to be understood in the spatial, cosmic sense).
Compare also in the Geullah Benediction: "pra DÎU DUD (SPB, p. 52) and see the discussion of
the term DÎI? Dl"l in H.W. Kuhn, Enderwartung undgegenwdrtiges Heil (1966), pp. 56-58.
23. Cf. 1QH 11.13: HD^S1? IQ^QH 3S"nn^ and 1QH frag. 7.11,13UD means 'rank order', cf.
e.g. 1QS 2.22f. (IIQI^Q mi 2T«) in connection with the order of the members of the sect and 1QM
2.3 CnDJJDD CTK) in connection with the priestly order. In IQM we find the phrase IQtfQ ^ ^^r\T\
in the military sense, cf. 8.3,17; 16.4; 17.11. The angels were also mustered according to their ranks,
cf. 4QS 40,24.9: OpUGD O)nfc UIK DrTTlpS 'TO ^n(l), see above. For a discussion of the term
IQtfQ cf. H.W. Kuhn Enderwartung etc., pp. 70-71.
24. Compare in the 'Qedushah' liturgy in Apost. Constit. VII, 35 (ed. F.X. Funk, 1905) 'and the
spirits of knowledge (irveuMCXTa voepa) say to Palmoni' (cf. Dan. 8.13), onHin 'knowledge' in con-
nection with the angels and the creation, see below.
together with eternal hosts and the spirits of (knowledge)25 to be renewed with all that
came into being26 and together with those who have knowledge (DÎTP) harmoniously
in song (H]"l IH^).27
In 1QH11.25-26:
Your name will be praised by the mouth of all; they will praise you in accordance with
their knowledge (D^DETSD)28 and with the sons of heaven -will proclaim in unison the
voice of song .29
And in 1QH fragment 1.6-7:

and we gathered together with those who have knowledge.. .with your mighty ones
plTTO:!)30 and will declare in unison the wonders (im mSD] K^SHm). 31
Cf. also 1QH 18.23; 1QH fragment 2.6f.; 5.3f.

As is clear from the first example, the angels and the men not only sing praises
together, they also have a common lot. Indeed we find the common lot (^TU) of
the members of the sect and the angels is expressed in three ways:
1 joining in praise, as quoted above
2. having a common fate with the heavenly beings, which means to share
in eternal life, as may be learned for example from Lk. 20.36: 'for they
cannot die anymore, because they are equal to angels'. Thus we read in
1QS 11.7f.: 'Those whom God has chosen he has established as an
eternal possession (0*711? nnn»); he made their inheritance (D'rnri) in the
lot Cma) of the holy ones, with the sons of heaven he united their assem-
bly for a council of community . . .for an eternal plant. . . ' . Compare also
1QH 6.13-14; 1QH frag. 2.9ff; IQSb 4.25f; Wis. 5.5; En. 39.4; Acts
20.32; 26.1 8; Eph. 1.11; Col. 1.12, etc.
3. taking part in the holy war side by side with the host of heaven (1QM
7.6; 12.4).
25. Restored according to 3.22. See J. Licht, DV linn n'T'JD ad he. Kuhn, Enderwartungen p. 79
n. 4. suggests DÛ mmi, cf. Holm-Nielson, Hodayot (1960), p. 187.
26. nTI]...^13 DU Cnnnn'T]. This refers to the new creation in the eschatological sense, see
Kuhn, Enderwartung, pp. 5Off., 75. For the 'new creation' see also 1QH 13.12; 18.27 and cf. 'the day
of creation' in Jub. 1.27 (the word 'new' seems to be a gloss, cf. Charles, Pseudepigrapha, ad he.)
with the 'day of creation' msn DT in the Temple Scroll 29.9 (Yadin, The Temple Scroll, Vol. II,
p. 129). For the reading miin DV and not nrDlIin DV, as read by Yadin, see E. Kimron, Shnaton IV
(1979-80), p. 25349(Hebrew). Cf. also, Enoch 45.4; 72.1; 91.16.
27. For the relationship between lQH3.20ff. and 1QH ll.llff. see Kuhn, Enderwartung, 78ff.
28. For this idiom cf. 1QH, frag. 10.4: Dflin 'B31 D^B "B1? which is followed there by
(i 1.6-7) which will be discussed
presently.
29. For the restoration cf. Kuhn, Enderwartung, p. 96 n. 3.
30. For the angels as Dm33, cf. Ps. 103.20.
31. The angels praise God's wonders "[N^S D^DE? 11V1 (Ps. 89.7).
These three understandings of the communion of men with the angels actually
intermingle. Those who join the angels in praise feel that they cast their lot with
them, thus achieving eternal life, and the same applies to those who fight in battle
together with the heavenly beings.
Thus, for example, those who were lifted to the height of the universe in order
to stand among the ranks of the angels in praise (1QH 3.19f.) are said to have
been redeemed from the grave and to have attained hope for an eternal fellowship
(DÎU T1D1?). Similarly, those who stand in rank together with the eternal host
praising God (1QH 11.13-14) realize that they share their lot (*rna) with the
holy ones and are raised from the worms of the dead (DTID niîn) to an eternal
fellowship (11.12).
The notion of the spiritual-eschatological share (Pl^ri] ,p^n ^TU) of those
who serve God properly is already attested in the Psalms (16.5-6; 73.26; 142.6).32
But its association with the heavenly beings is characteristic of the post-exilic
literature (cf. Zech. 3.7; Mai. 2.7; Dan. 7.18ff.33 and the references noted above).
Though this concept of a share with the angels is not common in Rabbinic litera-
ture it is reflected in the Jewish liturgy which has affinities with Qumran litur-
gical texts in other respects as well. In one of the morning prayers34 recited
before an early Shema' proclamation (SPB, p. 9)35 we read:
It is, therefore, our duty to praise.. .and sanctify (CTTp^).. .Happy are we, how good is
our portion (p^Tf) how pleasant is our lot (^Tll3) and how beautiful our heritage
(ntZTIT). Happy are we who early and late, morning and evening, twice every day
declare.36 'Hear, O Israel' etc.
The Shema' is connected with the Qedushah ritual: Shema' on earth is said in
unison with the angels who proclaim the Qedushah in heaven.37 No wonder then
that as in the Qumran texts so also here, by reciting Shema', Israel feels itself
taking share (HETIT ,^"TU ,p^H) among the holy ones and proclaim their
happiness over such. For p^Pf in the eschatological sense in Rabbinic literature
cf. Klin D*7im p^n Dn^ er ânizr ^ in m. Sanh. lO.l. The dictum there is
based on Isa. 60.21: pK lETT DÎJJ1?, which implies that mBlT also has an
32. Cf. G. von Rad, Gesam. Studien, pp. 24Iff. See Kuhn, Enderwartung, pp. 72-75 for a discus-
sion of these concepts.
33. Cf. especially the Aramaic verb ]DFT (which equals Hebrew 'Tti) in connection with the king-
dom given to prÛ "ETlp (w. 18,22) or to the pvSl? 'KJllp D17 'the people of the holy ones of the
most high'.
34. As will be shown elsewhere it is especially these prayers which have their counterparts in the
Qumran liturgy.
35. The prayer is found in Tanna debe Eliahu (ed. M. Friedman) (1904), ch. 19 (p. 118). A frag-
ment of this prayer, -[1133 "[3D npir r™,pmr -pTT 'HârTM DmnN U1T, is quoted in Mekhilta
Sirah, sec. 10 (ed. Horowitz-Rabin, p. 150) in connection with Exod. 15.18 (kingship of the Lord).
36. Compare in the MusafQedushah (SPB p. 228):
37. Cf. my forthcoming study of Qedushah in Qumran.

eschatological connotation. As has been indicated plT[,Lrn3 have an eschato-

logical meaning already in the Psalmodic literature (see n. 32).
The idea of the congregation on earth joining the angels in their praise stands
behind the whole pattern of the Qedushah liturgy and has penetrated the ancient
Christian liturgy. Thus we read in 1 Clem. 34.7, after the Trishagion: 'let us,
gathered together in awareness of our concord (b|jovoig), as with one mouth
shout with zeal'.38 Before the Trishagion there we find
a kind of proem which reads: 'let us think of the whole host of angels, how they
stand by and serve his will'. This, as has already been seen by D. Flusser,39
parallels the poems of the Qedushah in the Jewish liturgy: 'let us sanctify your
Name in this world, even as they sanctify it in the heavens above', and the other
similar openings of the Qedushot. This notion of emulating heavenly powers in
connection with the Qedushah is also reflected in the Apostolic Constitutions,
which as already shown by Bousset,40 preserved in a most genuine manner the
Jewish Qedushah. Thus we find there,41 after the two basic constituents of the
Qedushah.lsa. 6.3 andEzek. 3.12: 'Israel, your ecclesia on earth... emulating the
heavenly powers night and day'.42 Similarly, we read there in Book VIII 12.27,
that: 'the cherubim together with ten thousand times ten thousand of angels'43 say
'Holy, holy, holy' etc. and 'let all the people say it with them together' (KCU
TTQS o Aaos ana siiraTco).
The liturgy of the Qedushah is thus founded on the notion that the members of
the congregation on earth can join in the angelic song, and, in unison, as if in a
single chorus, sing out praise to their Creator. Indeed, the custom of lifting one's
heels when reciting the Qedushah is rooted in just this idea.44 Lifting of one's
heels during prayer said in unison is attested in ancient Christian sources, cf.
38. Compare also Ignatius, Ephesians 4. If.: 'harmonizing in concord (OMOVOICX) you present the
divine tone in unison praising with one voice ("Ev 4>cov?) MI a), see D. Flusser, 'Sanktus und Gloria',
Festschrift O. Michel, p. 133.
39. Art. cit, pp. 135f., see also E. Werner, HUCA 19 (1945), p. 197f. and his reference there to
the statement of Clement of Alexandria that 'we ever give thanks to God, as do the creatures (£coa)
who praise him with hymns of whom Isaiah speaks in an allegory' (Stromateis VII12: PGIX 512).
40. Nachrichten der Ges. Wiss. Gottingen, Phil. Hist. Kl. (1915), pp. 435ff.
41. F.X. Funk, Didascalia et Constitutiones Apostolorum (1905), Book VII, 35.34 (p. 430).
42. Compare in the MusafQedusha'. 'who evening and morning...proclaim constantly the unique-
ness of his name' (SPB, p. 228).
43. See also the Epistle to the Corinthians of Clement of Rome 34.7: 'Ten thousand times ten
thousand were doing service to him crying out Holy, Holy, Holy etc'. This is to be compared with
passages of the Yoser-Qedushah from the Genizah published by S. Schechter in Gedenkbuch zur
Erinnerung an D. Kaufmann, 1900 p. 54
1KD3 n» DTniO mnm 'Si/Ha1? and the Genizah passage published by S. Asaf, Festschrift B.
Dinaburg (1949), p. 120: DÎU D1"Q DHD1I? D'S^K ^K ^N rniCD "m These are of course
influenced by Dan. 7.10 and Ps. 68.18.
44. For various explanations of this custom in Rabbinic literature see I. Gruenwald, art. cit., p. 477
n. 101.
Clement of Alexandria, Stromateis VII, vii, 40.1: 'So also we raise the head and
lift the hands to heaven, and stand up on the tiptoes at the closing prayer said in
unison, following the eagerness of the spirit to direct itself toward the spiritual
sphere'.
Chapter 3
PRAYER AND LITURGICAL PRACTICE IN THE QUMRAN SECT
Discussion on the Qumran Sect is usually centred on those aspects distinctive to

the sect. In contrast to this, we shall try to point up the features this sect has in
common with other sections of Judaism. Although in the second temple period
orthodoxy, such as that which developed under the Pharisees after the destruction
of the second temple, was not yet in existence, there were, nevertheless, certain
norms concerning the way of life and the worship of God which were the
common inheritance of the various streams of Judaism during this period. In this
paper we shall deal with this common inheritance.
In the Judaism of the second temple period, there existed a wealth of religious
and social obligations that were self-evident, even though they were not prescribed
in the Torah. Among these are matters for which the Pharisees laid down rules in
the Oral Law. However, there are also others for which there are no definitive
rules laid down in the Mishnah based on the Oral Law, and which remain within
the bounds of sanctified customs, as we shall see below. In fact, it is difficult to
know exactly when specific customs began to crystallize. For example, the
obligation to recite a Benediction upon seeing a rainbow in the cloud, which
appears in t. Ber. 6.51 is already found in Ben Sira 43.11: 'Behold the rainbow
and bless its Maker'.2 In addition to those, there are religious customs that do
not originate in Judaism, evidence for which exists in ancient Eastern religions.
For example, the 'Enjoyment Benedictions' (priori rTO"n m. Ber. 6) which are
not clearly explained in the Bible3 and for which the Rabbis sought scriptural
support,4 were, in fact, common practice in the ancient East from earliest
times. The Babylonian poem of the righteous sufferer dating to the first half of
1. 'He who sees the rainbow in the cloud says: "Blessed is He who is faithful to His covenant,
who remembers the covenant"'. On the variations of formulae in the Rabbinic sources, see S. Lieber-
man, Tosefta Ki-Fshutah, A Comprehensive Commentary on the Tosefta, Order Zera 'im, Part I (New
York, 1955), pp. 108-109 (Hebrew).
2. The Book of Ben Sira. Text, Concordance and an Analysis of the Vocabulary, (The Academy
of the Hebrew Language and Shrine of the Book; Jerusalem, 1973) (Hebrew).
3. The Mishnah does not prescribe the Benediction, but rather asks: 'What Blessings are said?'
(Ber. 6.1). The obligation to say the Benediction is a self-understood assumption.
4. 'It is forbidden for a man to enjoy anything of this world without a Benediction.. .whoever
enjoys anything of this world without a Benediction is like someone who enjoys of things consecrated
to heaven, since it says: "The earth is the Lord's and all that it holds"' (b. Ber. 35a).
the first millenium BCE5 refers to the wicked man who 'ate without invoking his
god'.
The Thanksgiving Benedictions (called bfrUn rD"D, the Benedictions of
Deliverance) were instituted for four situations in which people are required to
offer thanksgiving: the sick person recovered from an illness, the prisoner set
free, the sea voyager upon reaching dry land, and the traveller in the desert upon
reaching his destination.6 These appear in a Babylonian hymn from the first half
of the first millenium BCE7 and evidence also exists of pagans in the Hellenistic
period who conducted thanksgiving ceremonies for similar situations.8
In this paper an attempt will be made to analyse certain prayers and religious
customs which struck roots in Judaism, traces of which are found in the Qumran
Scrolls, and will be examined under the following headings: (1) Shema'; (2) The
Qedushah and Benediction of the Lights; (3) Prayers for the Sabbath and Festivals;
(4) The Morning Prayer; (5) The Prayer of Supplication (pDnn); (6) The Prayer
before Setting Forth on a Journey; (7) The Benediction on Performing the Mar-
riage Ceremony; (8) Grace after Meals; (9) The Minyan (quorum often); (10) The
Precedence of the Priest in Matters of Holiness; (11) The Canon and (12) Tefillin
and Mezuzot.
Shema'
Let us begin with the recitation of the Shema' with which the Mishnah opens.9
In the song from the Manual of Discipline, which has a hymn-like, liturgical
character, the poet says that he enters the 'covenant of God' morning and
evening: 'With the coming of the day and night I will enter the covenant of God
(^N rP"QD nK'ON) and when evening and morning depart I will recite His ordi-
nances' .10 This idea of entering into the covenant morning and evening is none
other than the Shema' proclamation which is defined as the acceptance of the
5. W.G. Lambert, 'The Poem of the Righteous Sufferer' (ludM bel nemeqi), Babylonian Wisdom
Literature (BWL) (1960), p. 38, line 19: 'had eaten his food without invoking his god' (ilsu la izkur
ekul akalsu). This can be interpreted in the sense that he ate that which belonged to the god; (see
Lambert, 'The Poem of the Righteous Sufferer', p. 289), similar to the reason given for saying a
Benediction in Rabbinic literature (above n. 4): he enjoys of things that belong to heaven.
6. The Benedictions of Thanksgiving to be said by those who have been delivered from calamity
appear in Ps. 107, which serves as a scriptural support in rabbinic writings for the obligation to say
the Thanksgiving Benedictions (b. Ber. 54b).
7. For the text, see Lambert, 'The Poem of the Righteous Sufferer', p. 130. For a discussion of
this, see M. Weinfeld, 'A Comparison of a Passage from the Samas Hymn (11. 65-78) with Psalm
107', Archivfur Orientforschung, Beiheft 19 (1982), pp. 275-79.
8. See m. 'Abod. Zar. 1.3; Tosefta 1.4 and see A.D. Nock, Conversion (1933), pp. 83ff.
9. Here also, as in the Enjoyment Benedictions (above n. 3) the Mishnah assumes that the fact of
the obligation to recite the Shema' is known, and that one only needs to determine the exact time of
the recitation: 'From what time may one recite the Shema' in the evening?' (Ber. 1.1).
10. Cf. P. Wernberg-Moller, The Manual of Discipline (1QS X 10) (1957), p. 37.
3. Prayer and Liturgical Practice in the Qumran Sect 55
yoke of the kingdom of heaven,11 in the words of the Pharisees

12 whose meaning is obligation with an
oath, as has been explained by S. Lieberman.13 In another place in this scroll we
find that the expression 'entering into the covenant of God' (^N miD n^H), is
parallel to committing oneself with a binding oath (5.8): 'Whoever.. .shall enter
the Covenant of God...and shall undertake by a binding oath...'
What is most instructive for our subject is the fact that this section on the
entering into the covenant is preceded by the Song of the Lights which we shall
discuss below. This fact shows us that in the Qumran prayers as in the
conventional Jewish liturgy, the Benediction of the Lights is conjoined with the
recitation of the Shema V4
The Qedushah and the Benediction of the Lights

A surprising congruence can be found between the hymn of the creation of the
luminaries and the [song] of the angels from Qumran Cave II,15 and the liturgi-
cal Yoser hymns in the conventional prayers, and those from the Geniza, as
I have shown above.16 The theme of the establishing of the luminaries in wisdom
and knowledge into which is interwoven the sanctification formulae recurs from
time to time: 'Great and Holy...from generation to generation*
which run like a thread through the various texts on
Qedushah in Jewish liturgy of all the periods.17 Other themes, such as the throne
of glory (TOD NDD) or the divine chariot (PQ3*ID), which have as their founda-
tion (JIDD), faithfulness (TOn), justice (CDBBB), truth and mercy
also occur. Around the throne or the divine chariot, the angels stand singing,18
and all this occurs at the hour at which the luminaries appear, and the gates of
darkness and light are opened.19 Even more instructive is the fact that in the
Qumran Scroll (1 !QPSaXXVI 9-12) the song of the angels comes immediately
after Psalm 150. This coincides with the conventional Jewish prayers, in which
11. m.Ber.2.2.
12. SifreNum, Section 101 (ed. Horowitz, 1917).
13. S. Lieberman, 'The Discipline in the So-Called Dead Sea Manual of Discipline', JBL (1952),
pp. 199-205 and see ch. 1, section 1. On the recitation of the Shema' as qlws (acclamation) and the
manner of its recitation in public, see. I. Knohl, 'A Parasha Concerned with the Accepting of the
Kingdom of Heaven' (Hebrew with English abstract) Tarbiz 33 (1984), pp. 11-32.
14. See my article, * The Prayers of Knowledge and Forgiveness in the 'Eighteen Benedictions' -
Qumran Parallels, Biblical Antecedents, and Basic Characteristics' (Hebrew with English abstract),
Tarbiz 48 (1978-79), pp. 192-93.
15. J.A. Sanders. The Psalms Scroll of Qumran Cave 11 (HQPsa), DJD 4 (1965), p. 47 (on
XXVI 9-12).
16. See chapter 2
17. Ibid
18. Ibid
19. See my article, 'Prayers for Knowledge and Forgiveness', pp. 192-93.
the Yoser Qedushah is adjacent to the Psalms of the morning service

which conclude with Psalm 150.20
The liturgy of Qedushah was usually recited on Sabbath days, as E. Fleischer
has shown21 and indeed, a liturgical composition called Song for the Sabbath
Olah (rQCn n^lJJ nT£>)22 has been preserved in Qumran which centres around
the mystical idea of the joining of the congregation of Israel in the singing of the
angels in the heavenly temple.23
Prayers for the Sabbath and Festivals

In the scrolls from Cave 4, edited by Baillet,24 many fragments of prayers for the
Sabbath and Festivals have been found in which appear Benedictions for the
selection of the people of Israel and the establishing of certain days for rest,
rejoicing and enjoyment, such as the prayer:
4Q503, 24-25: 'they will bless... [Blessed be the God of Israel] who has chosen us
from all the nations.. .(and has given us) rest and delight (213IHT1 mDD) (p. 111).
4Q503, 37-38: 'Holiness and rest' (m3Q emp) (p. 118)
4Q503, 40-41: 'Rest and holiness' (ETHp HIDD) (p. 119)
Formulae such as these are found in the Amidah recited on Sabbaths and Festi-
vals. In connection with this, one should note that the liturgical formula known to
us today from the prayers of the Festivals 'You have chosen us from among all
the peoples' (Dnftin SÊ IDmrO HHN), is not distinctive to Festival days alone,
for it was normally recited in the Amidah prayer for Sabbaths before the formula
'Moses will rejoice' (iTOft nftCT), became firmly implanted, and attached to it
we find the formula 'and You gave us.. .this day of rest
)...'. 25
Similar formulae are found in the Book of Jubilees:
And the Creator of all things blessed it (the Sabbath), but He did not sanctify all
peoples and nations to keep Sabbath thereon, but Israel alone.. .and (He) blessed this
day which He had created for blessing and holiness and glory.. .(2.31-32).
Parallel formulae have also been found in the prayer for the Sabbath in the
20. See chapter 2, 'Traces of Qedushat Yoser...', pp. 23-26.

21. E. Fleischer, 'The Diffusion of the Qedushot of the Amidah and the Yoser in the Palestinian
Jewish Ritual' (Hebrew with English abstract) Tarbiz 38 (1968), pp. 255-84.
22. C. Newsom, Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice: A Critical Edition (Harvard Semitic Studies 27;
Atlanta, 1985).
23. See Chapter 2.
24. M. Baillet, Qumran Grotte 4, III (4Q482-^Q520) DJD 1 (1982).
25. See N. Wieder, 'The Controversy about the Liturgical Composition "HO2 n W - Opposition
and Defense' (Hebrew), Studies in Aggadah, Targum and Jewish Liturgy in Memory of Joseph
Heinemann (ed. J.B. Petuchowski and E. Fleischer, 1981), pp. 75-99, and see recently, J. Yahalom,
'Piyyut as Poetry', The Synagogue in Late Antiquity (ed. Lee I. Levine, 1987), pp. 115-16.
Geniza fragment TS NS 160426 in which election (or 'love') appears in juxtaposi-

tion with attributes of the Sabbath, similar to those found in the Book of Jubilees:
And out of Your love ("fflnn^Q) O Lord our God, for us who have loved Your people,
the House of Israel...you gave us...the seventh day...for holiness, for rest and for
thanksgiving.. .and for glory (mNSH'T!).. ,27
In fact, in the Amidah prayer for the Sabbath morning that is currently recited, the
formula of the selection of Israel found in the Book of Jubilees and the prayers of
Qumran, is also included:
And You did not give it (the Sabbath), O Lord, our God, to the nations of other
lands.. .but to Your people Israel You gave it in love, to the seed of Jacob whom You
choose (mm Dn "ItBK DpIT mi1?). The people that hallow the seventh day, even all
of them, shall be satiated and delighted.. .with Your goodness. ..(SPB, p. 201).
Another formula found in the prayers of Sabbaths and Festivals in the Qumran
Scroll edited by Baillet28 is that which appears in 4Q509, fragment 3 (p. 186):
'And You gathered [our (men) dispersed for the time of...] and our scattered [for
the season of] You [regathered (them).. .(irmspsm ...] "TinS^ prrm] HSDKl
[njSlpn^ jOpp"!])' and is congruent with the conventional text in the prayers
of the additional service (^DIQ) for Festivals: 'Bring our scattered ones from
among the nations near to You and gather our dispersed from the ends of the
earth' (pK TOTD DID irmHISDI) (SPBp. 339).
It is interesting to note that the idea of the ingathering of the exiles in
connection with a Festival appears in the Septuagint translation of Jer. 31.8 (LXX
38.8). This verse, which in the MT reads as: 'Behold I will bring them in from
the northland, gather them from the ends of the earth, the blind and the lame
among them (HDS1 "T1I7 D3), those with child and those in labour' is read by the
Greek translator as: 'Behold I will bring them from the north and will gather
them from the end of the earth at the feast of the passover (EV eoprri c()aaex =
riDS TU1ED),29 an idea that is anchored in the liturgy mentioned above, in which
the ingathering of the exiles is adjacent to a festival and which is based on the
midrash:
R. Joshua says, 'In (the month of) Nisan they were delivered, in (the month of) Nisan
they will be delivered in the time to come' (b. Rosh Hash. 1 Ib).
A Qumran fragment in which we find formulae congruent with those in the

prayers for Rosh Hashanah and Yom Kippur is 1Q27.5-6 (DJD, 1, p. 103) in
which we read:
26. See N. Wieder, The Controversy about the Liturgical Composition "HOD HDET "', p. 13 (see
n. 25).
27. Compare the Benediction After the Reading of the Torah: 'We thank Thee... for this Sabbath
day, which Thou hast given us, Lord our God, for holiness and rest, for glory and honour" (SPB p
215).
28. DJD1.
29. E. Tov, The Text - Critical Use of the Septuagint in Biblical Research (1981), pp. 238-39.
When the descendant of iniquity will be shut up (n^ll? "HÎD ")3Di"Q) Wrong will
depart before Right as darkness departs before light; and as smoke disappears
IDrKI) and is no more, so will Wrong disappear for ever and Justice will appear like
the sun. . .
These words are parallel to the section of a prayer from the service of the High
Holy Days:
. . .while iniquity shall close her mouth (!TS |*Spn HPîn) and all wickedness shall be
wholly consumed like smoke (71*01 |I2?JJD); when you make the domination of arro-
gance to pass away from the earth (SPB 351).
The incarceration of the outcome of iniquity in the Qumran passage is analo-

gous to iniquity closing her mouth, just as the image of the disappearance of
wrong like smoke in the Qumran passage parallels the idea of wickedness being
wholly consumed like smoke, in the conventional prayer.
On the basis of this perception, David Flusser suggested seeing in the passage
a part of the sect's Rosh Hashanah service (in his lecture at the Ninth World
Congress of Jewish Studies in Jerusalem, 1985).
In the fragments opening with 'the prayer for Yom Kippur' (DV^ n^TSH
found in Qumran (lQ34bis 2+1.6; DJD, 1, p. 153; 4Q508 2.4; DJD, 7,
p. 1 79) there are also points of contact with the Confession for the Day of Atone-
ment in the conventional Jewish liturgy. In 4Q508 2.4 we find the formula: Tint*
,
'and You have known things hidden and revealed'
This is similar to the formula: 'ITTT nHK m^DiTl HlinDDH ta Kîl - Do You
not know all things, both hidden and revealed?' in the conventional confessions
for Yom Kippur (SPB, p. 384). In the same text from Qumran we find the expres-
sion "13JJCnrP 'we were lawless' (4Q508 3.1) which appears in the present-day
prayer for Yom Kippur in proximity with 'Do You not know all things both
hidden and revealed?' "UITCnn IDPUM rPG)I7 DDtr D - for You have acted faith-
fully but we were lawless' (SPB, p. 384).
The text lQ34bls, which is connected with the Day of Atonement, has points
of contact with the conventional ne'ilah (closing) prayer for Yom Kippur. Thus
we read in the Qumran prayer:
For you do not desire CpSFlH $!~> ""D) (iniquity) and wickedness. . .But You have chosen
a people in the time of Your favour. ..in separating them (~p ^"DH^) as a holy thing
from all people (lQ34bis 3ii 4-6).
This text is very similar to the conventional ne'ilah prayer for Yom Kippur:
You have set mortal man apart (n*Tnn nnK) from the very beginning and have given
him the privilege to stand before You... For You do not desire Q"lBnn N1? "3) the
destruction of the world.
However, there is a difference. In its emphasis on separation the Qumran text

stresses the chosen people, whereas in the conventional prayer, 'E71DK' 'mortal
man' and 'OÎU' are spoken of at a universal level.
Another text with a motif identical to that of the first Benediction of the
Amidah is the fragment from the Genesis Apocryphon, which refers to the shield
(pQ) of Abraham. There we read words which go beyond the framework of the
Targum to the verses: 'I am a shield to you' (Gen. 15.1): '...and I shall be to you
both support and strength (^pHl IJJD) I (shall be) a shield over you and a buckler
for you Q^ mSDNI)30 against one stronger than you' (XXII30-31). It appears
that we have before us here a liturgical formula reflected in the first Benediction
of the Amidah 'shield of Abraham', 'brings a redeemer to their descendants, a
King, a Helper, a Savior and a Protector' (pm ITEHCn irUJ *pO) (SPB, p. 54).
And indeed, the expression, 'Your protecting shield' ("pTU pQ) in Deuteronomy
33.29 is rendered in Targum Onkelos as 'the strength of your support" (*]1pn
in contrast to the Neophyti and Pseudo Jonathan Targums, which retain
the biblical metaphor). The Benediction of the Shield of Abraham should also be
compared with the Benediction of the Ge 'ula which comes before the Amidah:
Helper of
our Fathers you are from eternity, Shield and Saviour for their descendants after
them every generation' (SPB, p. 52).
The Morning Benedictions pn^H ITD^Q,)

The Morning Benedictions, which appear to be marginal in the conventional lit-
urgy, have ancient roots. In the Psalms Scroll of Qumran Cave 1131 we have found
Songs and Thanksgiving with elements congruent with the Morning Benedictions
of the conventional liturgy. The liturgy from Cave 11, which the editor has named
'Plea for Deliverance'32 is none other than the Morning Thanksgiving, which
opens by praising God for the return of breath after the night's sleep and is inter-
woven with a Blessing to God who performs loving kindness toward his created
beings. This is followed by a request for forgiveness for iniquities and for deliv-
erance from afflictions (IttS) and temptations from Satan and the evil inclination
(ITU! "11T), just as we find in the conventional prayers, for which there is evidence
in the Babylonian Talmud (Ber.6Q, b) and the Jerusalem Talmud (Ber. 4.2; 7d), as
well as in the prayers from the Geniza.33 Similar prayers can be found in the
Psalms of Solomon as well as in fragments from the Thanksgiving Scroll from
Qumran.34
The return to life, as it were, after sleep, arouses associations with resurrection
from the dead, a subject which finds expression in the Morning Prayer of the Jeru-
salem Talmud, which concludes with the words: 'Blessed are You who raise the
dead'35 and indeed, in the conventional prayer,36 as well as in the Thanksgiving
30. It appears that 'sprk' is a loanword from Persian, where spr means a shield. See J.A. Fitzmyer,
The Genesis Apocryphon (1971), p. 182.
31. J.A. Sanders, The Psalms Scroll of Qumran Cave 11.
32. Ibid., pp. 75-76.
33. J. Mann, 'Geniza Fragments of the Palestinian Order of Service', HUCA 2 (1925), pp. 278ff.
34. Seech. 8.
35. TJBerakkot4.2;7d.
36. See in the Prayer TTD2B Tf^K', 'But Thou wilt restore it unto me hereafter', SPB, p. 5.
Psalms of Qumran, awakening in the morning is accompanied by eschatological

expectations: union with the world above, etc.37
The Prayer of Supplication

38
As M. Lehmann has observed, the long prayers of supplication named Dibrei
Hame'orot (miNftn "HDI) from Qumran Cave 4 are parallel to the text of the
prayer of supplication QIDPfn), recited on Mondays and Thursdays in the conven-
tional prayers. However, he did not note that a very clear distinction must be
drawn between the personal, private part of the prayer of supplication, which is
called D^SN H^TB] (prostration)39 and the supplication of the public prayer, which
opens with the words: 'And He is merciful, and will atone for iniquity '
recited while standing on Mondays and Thursdays.40 This public prayer
of supplication is composite, comprising fragments and parts of verses taken from
the public confessions found in Dan. 9; Neh. 9; Ezra 9; Joel 2.17 and Isa. 63.7-
64.11. The public prayers of supplication in Qumran and in Judaism belong typo-
logically to the category of national confessions, as do the above biblical frag-
ments. Indeed, these confessions and supplications are clearly reflected in both the
prayer of supplication for Mondays and Thursdays of the conventional prayers41
and in the Dibrei Hame'orot (fTnK&n "HIT7) from Qumran. Compare:
a. 'let Your wrathful fury turn back'. (TOmm mBK itt D1BT') (cf. Dan. 9.16)
in 4Q504 1-2, II 11, VI 11 and the Prayer for Mondays and Thursdays in the
conventional prayer book.42
b. 'With You, O Lord, is the right' ('HpnKH 'HK *]*?') (cf. Dan. 9.7) in 1Q504
1-2, VI3 and the Prayer for Mondays and Thursdays.43
c. 'For Your Name is attached to Your city and Your people' (' *?U Nip] "JD2?
"[0171 *JTU') Dan. 9.19, see also v. 18 'and the city to which Your Name is
attached' ('iTÛ "[DE trip] "1EK TOT') in 4Q504 1-2, II12 and the Prayer for
Mondays and Thursdays.44
d. 'Because of our sins and the iniquities of our fathers'
irrTQK') (Dan. 9.16) in 4Q504, 1-2 VI 5 and the Prayer for Mondays and
Thursdays.45 (Cf. Neh. 9.2 and also Lev. 26.39).
37. See M. Weinfeld, review article of B.P. Kittel, The Hymns of Qumran (1981) wBibl. Orien-
talis 41 (1984), pp. 712-13 and in my book: Early Jewish Liturgy (2004) (Hebrew), introduction,
pp.
38. Manfred R. Lehmann, 'A Re-Interpretation of 4Q Dibrei Ha-Me'oroth', RevQ 5 (1964), pp.
106-110.
39. I. Elbogen, Derjtidische Gottesdienst in seiner geschichtlichen Entwicklung (1931), pp. 73-
77.
40. Elbogen, ibid, pp. 77-79. On the obligation of standing during the prayer see Beth Yoseph,
Joseph Karo, 'OrahHayyim1 Par. 134.
41. Dan. 9.15-19 is included in its entirety in the Prayer of Supplication; see Y. Baer, Siddur
Avodat Israel (1%6$), p. 113.
42. Y.Baer,ita/.,p. 113.
43. Y. Baer, ibid., pp. 114-15.
44. Y. Baer, iWd, pp. 113,115.
45. Y.Baer,ita/.,p.ll3.
The dominant motif in both Dibrei Hame'orot and the Prayer for Mondays
and Thursdays is the remembering of the covenant with the patriarchs.
Compare:
Prayers for Mondays and Thursdays Qumram
And remember for our benefit the Remember the desolate sons of Your
Covenant of our fathers (Baer, p. 113) Covenant
(4Q5011.2)
Have mercy upon us for the sake of Your And remember Your Covenant, You
Covenant (Baer, p. 1 14) Who brought us out in the eyes of the
nations (4Q504 1-2, V 9-10)
In connection with the remembering of the covenant of the patriarchs one

mentions the gathering of the exiles, and here again, we find parallels:
Give grace to the nation that waits and did not leave us among the
Your Name (HIpD Ipvb DIN ]in) (Baer, Nations. You have been gracious to
p.117) p. 1 17). Your people, Israel i
countries whither You have banished
them (4Q504 1-2, V 10-12)
And gather our exiles from the four And deliver Your people, Israel... out
corners of the earth (Baer, p. 113) of all the countries, near and far
whence You banished them. (4Q504
1-2 VI 12-13) (cf. Dan. 9.7)
Prayer Before Setting Forth on a Journey

The editor of text 4Q158 1-246 calls this fragment a paraphrase of a number of
passages from the books of Genesis and Exodus. However, one should question
how the request for deliverance from violence: 'DVil "[U...DQn ^JD rO^lTl
- 'And let him deliver you from all violence from this day
and forever' is connected to the story of Jacob and how what occurred to Jacob at
Penuel is connected to the journey of Aaron to meet Moses after the incident at
the night encampment (Exod. 4.27). We find however that in the prayer before
setting forth on a journey mentioned in the Babylonian Talmud (Ber. 29b)
n^SP) there are interwoven verses from the story of Jacob's setting out on his
journey in the context of his encountering the angels of God (Gen. 32.2). This
combination is now comprehensible to us in the light of the fragment from
Qumran, which includes biblical verses referring to Jacob's going on his way
Gen. 32.2) and the wrestling with the angel and prevailing over him
on the one hand (Gen. 32.25-33) and the encounter of Moses and Aaron after the
destroying angel sought to kill him at a night encampment (Exod. 4.23-27), on
the other hand. Both these incidents, connected with the encountering of assail-
ants while on a journey and deliverance from them, are most suitable for prayers
and requests in which one asks for deliverance from the perils of a journey.
46. John M. Allegro, DJD 5, p. 1.

Benediction on Performing the Marriage Ceremony

Baillet47 correctly named Scroll 4Q502 'Rituel de Mariage', for, as can be seen
from the parallels presented here, there is a close similarity between the tradi-
tional Benediction on performing the marriage ceremony and the fragments
under discussion in this text from Qumran. One should note that the traditional
Benediction of the Marriage Ceremony centres around three principal subjects:
(1) The creation of man coming from the power of procreation whose original
source comes from Adam and Eve who are mentioned in the Benediction for the
Marriage Ceremony, (2) The rejoicing of the groom and bride against the back-
ground of love, companionship and friendship connected with this, (3) The
rejoicing of Jerusalem in whose streets a cry of joy and gladness bursts forth.
Although today we are accustomed to the seven Benedictions in the order of
the marriage service, we know that there existed a difference of opinion between
the communities of Babylon and Palestine and that the Palestinian Jews used to
recite only three Benedictions during the marriage ceremony.48 It appears that in
Palestine these three Benedictions centred around the three above-mentioned
themes, whereas, in the conventional formulation of seven Benedictions there is a
duplication of these themes.49 Traces of the three themes can be found in Qumran
4Q502 mentioned above (see Appendix). Baumgarten50 attempted to refute the
claim that the scroll refers to the Benediction for the Marriage Ceremony on the
basis of the allusion to old men and women in this text. He claimed that the text
apparently refers here to old men who joined the sect, basing his claim on the
description of the therapeutai in Philo the Alexandrian. However, he did not
consider the fact that in the prophetic description of Jerusalem, reinhabited and
teeming with life, from which the expressions in the Benediction for the Mar-
riage Ceremony are drawn (such as Jer. 33.10-1), there are also found expres-
sions which refer to old men and women such as: 'There shall yet be old men and
women in the squares of Jerusalem', which is juxtaposed to 'and the squares of
the city shall be crowded with boys and girls playing in the squares' (Zech. 8.4-
5). The reference to lulavim (palm branches) found here51 is reflected in the
custom of bringing myrtle to the hupa and reciting a Benediction over them,52 a
custom mentioned in the b. Shab. 110.53
47. DJD 7, pp. 81-105.

48. M. Margulies, The Differences Between Babylonian and Palestinian Jews (1938), pp. 83,
143-45. Cf. recently M. Bar-Han, nmJJDBD1 HUpST! ,rTOSin mD1pD,m»n "1ST" rain, HUCA
56 (1985), pp
49. 'Creator of man' (D"W[ "UTT) twice; 'who makest the bridegroom and bride to rejoice' (HOED
alongside 'who makest the bridegroom to rejoice with the bride
50. J.M. Baumgarten, '4Q502, Marriage or Golden Age Ritual?', JJS 35 (1983), pp. 125-36.
51. 4Q502, 99.2, DJD 7, p. 94.
52. See Siddur R. Saadja Gaon (ed. I. Davidson, S. Assaf and B.I. Joel, 1941), p. 13 (Hebrew):
'and sanctifies her with a cup of wine and a myrtle branch'.
53. There the Sabbath is likened to a bride whom they go out to meet with bundles of myrtle
Grace After Meals

A division of opinion existed among the Tannaim over whether the three Benedic-
tions should be recited only after eating bread, or whether it was necessary to say
the Benedictions also after eating the fruits with which the land of Israel was
blessed (m. Ber. 6.8). According to R. Gamaliel, the commandment 'And you
shall eat and be satisfied and you shall bless'
(Deut. 8.10), refers to all the seven species of the blessed land mentioned in
Deut. 8.8 and not only to 'bread' (DH^) mentioned in v. 9, whereas according to
the Sages, the word 'land' QHK) in v. 9 interrupts the matter, and therefore the
Benediction mentioned in v. 10 refers only to the word 'land', which is con-
nected to 'bread' in v. 9. It is interesting that in the Qumran fragment (4Qdeutn)
in which the biblical verses under discussion appear,54 there is a space of one line
between the words 'a land of wheat and barley, of vines etc.' (v. 8), and the verse
'a land where you may eat bread without stint' (v. 9). Stegemann, who first
edited this fragment,55 was surprised by this line space between the verses and
was unable to explain it. It would appear that the space can only be explained
against the background of this difference of opinion among the Sages. The scribe
of the scroll before us wished to make it known that the Benediction in v. 10
belonged to the section in which bread is mentioned and had no connection to the
fruits mentioned in v. 8.56
It is possible that the very existence of this fragment standing by itself, a fact
that surprised Stegemann,57 could be explained in terms of its liturgical function.
Minyan
In the Manual of Discipline we find the fixed order of the quorum often men for
prayer (1QS 10.14). We learn also that in the Benediction at the Messianic
Banquet ten men were required (lQSa 2.22) and according to the Damascus
Covenant, it appears that for the matter of reading the Torah, ten men were also
mandatory (CD 13.2-7). These three situations: official prayer, grace after a
communal meal (when invoking the name of God) and also the reading of the
Torah require the Minyan in conventional Jewish Halakhah.
54. Scrolls from the Wilderness of the Dead Sea 63 (Smithsonian Institute, Washington, published
by the Trustees of the British Museum, 1965), plate 19, p. 20.
55. M. Stegemann, '4Q Mit Exzerpten aus Deuteronomium', RevQ 6 (1967-1968), pp. 224-29.
56. The Sages regulated that one Benediction, an abstract of the three (V1?® ]^Q), should be said
over fruit, rather than three Benedictions such as one recites after the eating of bread. (See m. Ber. 6.8).
57. In his article, '4Q Mit Exzerpten aus Deuteronomium', pp. 224-25. It is interesting to note that
in another text from Qumran (4Q378) in which the people's satisfaction with the land, rather than their
eating of its fruit is emphasized, the hemistich 'a land where you may eat food without sting'
is omitted. See C. Newsom, 'The Psalms of Joshua from
Qumran Cave 4', JJS 39 (1988), p. 65.
The Precedence of the Priest in Matters of Holiness

In the Qumran sect the priest took priority in leadership, in religious ceremonies,
in judicial matters and at communal meals. For example, the priest passes at the
head of the procession of the entering into the covenant (1QS 2.19-20), the priest
is the first to offer a Benediction before and after a communal meal (1QS 4.4-5
cf. Josephus, War 2.131), judicial matters are decided according to the priest's
verdict (1QS 9.7) and 'where the ten are there shall never be lacking a Priest
learned in the Book ofHagu' (CD 13.2-7). As I have mentioned elsewhere,58 the
priest was considered as the leader in the Qumran sect, at least in a formal way.
So also in Pharisaic law, we find a preference for the priest in similar matters: the
priest is the first to begin the reading of the Torah, the first to recite a Benediction
at a communal meal, and not only after the meal, but also before it (see below),
and in general, the priest appears as first in things concerned with holy matters, as
can be learned from the Beraitha of the School of R. Ishmael: "inETTpl' 'and you
must treat him as holy' (Lev. 21.8): to wit [give him precedence] in every matter
involving holiness, to open proceedings, to bless first and to take his portion first
(b. Git. 49b, Ned. 64, Mo (ed Qat. 28b, Hor. 12b).
The Canon
Although members of the sect wrote literary compositions beyond that permitted
according to the conventional Pharisaic criterion of sacred books, they also be-
lieved that there was a series of sacred books, a canon consisting of the Torah and
Prophets: the law of Moses and the books written by the servants of the Lord, the
prophets. In this matter they were of the same mind as other streams of Judaism,
especially the Pharisees who speak of: (a) the law of Moses, (b) that which is
passed on by your servants, (c) the words of Your Holy One QBHp "HTT). This
triple sense of canonical writings is reflected in the liturgy of Rosh Hashanah:
(the references to)... Kingdom, Remembrances and Shofars
The liturgy is divided into three sections: verses from the Torah; writ-
ings which were said 'by Your Servants, the Prophets'; verses from the writings:
'by the words of Your Holy One'.59 The expression '"JtZHp "HUT 'the words (of
the Spirit) of Your Holiness' is also found in the writings of the sect (1Q34 11.6)
although their context is not clear.
The threefold division of the canon also appears in the Greek introduction to
Ben Sira60 and in the Gospel of Luke (24.44), where the categories, the Law of
Moses, the Prophets, and the Psalms (probably representative of the third division),
58. M. Weinfeld, The Organizational Pattern and Penal Code of the Qumran Sect (Novum Testa-
mentum et Orbis Antiquus 2; 1986), pp. 19-21.
59. See t. Rosh Hash. 4 (2), 6: 'One begins with [verses from] the Torah and ends with [verses
from] the Torah; he recites [verses from] the Prophets and [verses from] the Writings in the middle'.
60. On 'the Torah, the Prophets and the rest of the Writings' see M.Z. Segal, The Complete Book
of Ben Sira (in Hebrew) (1953), p. K.
are enumerated. However, the New Testament also refers to a twofold division
consisting of the Law of Moses and the Prophets in Lk. 16.29-31; 24.27 and Acts
24.14.61
Tefillin And Mezuzot

The discovery of Tefillin at Qumran with their containing capsules, and the
arrangement of the sections in them, reveals a close similarity to the conventional
Halakhah with respect to the writings of phylacteries. Furthermore, even the
division of opinion in medieval Judaism over the methods of Rashi and Rabenu
Tarn is reflected in Qumran.62
In conclusion, customs known to us from Pharasaic Halakhah were current in
the Qumran sect. These customs, however, were based upon the Judaism of the
second Temple period.
APPENDIX
References to the Various Paragraphs
Jewish Conventional Prayers Qumran
1 . Shema '
(before the Shema ' of evening)

(SPB,p. 131) (1QS lO.lOff.)
2. The Qedushah and Benediction of the Lights
(SPB, p. 55)
(SP5, pp. 44-45)
(SPB, pp. 187-188) (11QPS3 26.9-12)
61. In connection with the combination of Torah and Prophecy in Qumran, see G. Brin, 'Explicit
Quotations from the Torah and the Writings of the Dead Sea Scrolls', Dor le-Dor: from the End of
Biblical Times up to the Redaction of the Talmud (Studies in Honor of Joshua Efron; Tel Aviv, 1985),
pp. 105-112 (Hebrew).
62. DJD 6,4Q 128-155, pp. 48-85 and cf. Y. Yadin, 'Tefillin (Phylacteries) from Qumran (Qphy
11-4)', Eretz Israel, 9 (1969) (W.F. Albright Volume), pp. 60-85.
(5/>fl, p. 45)
(1QS X 1-8)
GSPJ&, pp. 46-^7)
(4Q503)
(SP5,p. 130)
3. Prayers for the Sabbaths and Festivals
(SP5, pp. 327-328)
(5P5, p. 335) (4Q507-509)
Prayer for Yom Kippur
(SP5, p. 384)
(iQ34BIS 3 n 4-6)
(SPB,p.412)
4. 77*e Morning Prayers
(SPB, pp, 5,8)
(Genizah)
(,SP5,p.8) (11QPSM9)
5. The Prayer of Supplication (Tahanun)

(SP5, pp. 70-76) (4Q504-506 DibHam)
6. TTze Prayer before Setting Forth on a Journey
(4Q158)
7. 7%e Benediction on Performing the Marriage Ceremony
(isra, p. 444)
(4Q502)
8. Grace 4/feT* Meafa

4QDeuf
9-10. The Minyan and the Precedence of the Priest in Matters of Holiness
(1QS X 14)
(1QSVI3-4)...
(1QSVI4-6)
(lQSa II17-21)
(lQSa II17-22)
11. The Canon

(1QS12-3)
(1QS VIII15-16)
(4Q504 III 1-2)
Chapter 4
THE DAY OF THE LORD: ASPIRATIONS FOR THE KINGDOM

OF GOD IN THE BIBLE AND JEWISH LITURGY
'From thine abode, our King, appear and reign over us for we wait for thee
C]1? 13nDK D'Dna 'D). When wilt thou reign in Zion? Speedily, in our days, do
thou dwell there forever. Mayest thou be exalted and sanctified in Jerusalem thy
city throughout all generations and to all eternity. May our eyes behold thy
kingdom, as it is said in thy glorious Psalms by thy truly anointed, David: "The
Lord shall reign forever, thy God, O Zion, for all Generations. Hallelujah'".1
'They (the Jews) assemble, according to their customs.. .on the Sabbaths, New
Moon days and festivals...to prostrate...calling in the Hebrew language: "on
which day will you come? at what time will you reveal yourself? because we are
expecting your coming.. .Do not tarry, even if you tarry we shall wait'".2
The passage from the Sabbath and festival morning Qedushah liturgy3 adduced
above actually continues the biblical tradition of' longing (TT1N) for the day of the
Lord' (Amos 5.18). 'Looking for' (HSK) and 'expecting' (SfT) (Mic. 7.7, cf. 7.4).
'Waiting' (ran) and 'hoping' (mp) for the Lord(Isa. 8.12, cf. Zeph. 3.8). Daniel
continues this tradition into the second temple period with his exclamation: 'Happy
is the man who "waits'" (PDnDn; 12.12).
Prophets and people alike anticipate the future revelation of God's majesty,
which will entail divine judgement. (The people long for this judgment, assuming
that it will be followed by vengeance upon Israel's enemies and the redemption
of Israel, while the prophets insist that judgement will encompass Israel as well
as her enemies). Revelation (=salvation) of the Lord in fact occurred also in the
past, at the dawn of Israel's history, at Sinai. Indeed the liturgical passage cited
above begins 'From thine abode QDIpBQ), our King, appear (ITBin)', a phrase
1. Qedushah liturgy: cf. Rev. S. Singer, The Standard (Jewish) Prayer Book (1943), p. 199
(referred to below as SPB). Biblical and liturgical texts in this article reflect the author's adaptations
of various English translations.
2. From Shenoute, Abbot of Athribis in Egypt, in the 4th century; cf. E. Amelineau, Oeuvres de
Schenoudi II (1914), pp. 379-80.1 owe this reference to Professor Shisha-Halevy of the Hebrew
University.
3. The various elements of this passage are quite ancient, appearing in the Prayer Book of Amram
Gaon, Maimonides, and Yemenite Jewry. In Byzantine Palestine the Qedushah was recited only on
Sabbaths and festivals (see E. Fleischer, 'The Diffusion of the Qedushah oftheAmidah and the Yoser
in the Palestinian Jewish Ritual', Tarbiz 38 [1969], pp. 256-57) and therefore the more elaborate
form of the Qedushah is now said only on these occasions, while the contemporary daily Qedushah is
much simpler. For the ancient roots of the Qedushah see Chapter 2.
4. The Day of the Lord 69
borrowed from ancient Israelite tradition, according to which God appears from
his abode, Sinai (Deut. 33.2) or Zion (Ps. 50.2) to save Israel (Judg. 5.4; Hab. 3.3,
et a/.).4 Similarly, the other phrases in the Qedushah passage: 'Speedily, in our
days do thou dwell there forever. Mayest thou be exalted and sanctified...', are
rooted in the prophetic tradition, according to which the day of the Lord is near
or coming speedily (Obad. 15; Joel 4.14; Zeph. I.l4,et al\ see below), and in the
belief that on that day the name of the Lord will be exalted and sanctified (Ezek.
38.18-23). These hopes for revelation/salvation can be found in texts from all
sorts of biblical literature, and refer to events spanning all of biblical history.
They are expressed most fully in the prayer of Ben Sira (Eccl. 36, see below) and
in the liturgy of the Jewish people until today. However, although the
anticipation of a future revelation spans all of Jewish history, each period, each
prophet, and every author expressed it in his own way.
We shall attempt here to clarify this idea of the anticipation of divine revelation
and the establishment of God's kingdom, beginning with the prophetic concept,
'the day of the Lord', which epitomizes most of Israel's eschatological hopes.
Amos is the first prophet to refer to the Day of the Lord: 'Ah, you who long for
the day of the Lord! Why should you want the day of the Lord? It shall be dark-
ness, not light.. .blackest night without a glimmer' (Amos 5.18,20). The prophet
here refers to a future era, which the people look forward to as the era of salva-
tion, but which the prophet insists will be not of salvation, but of retribution. It is
likely that Amos himself coined the term 'Day of the Lord',5 but the idea is
clearly more ancient and well-rooted in Israelite religion.
The Term 'Day of the Lord'

The word 'day' (DV) is not to be taken literally here - it means rather 'the time/
period'. This is true often of the word 'day' in biblical Hebrew. Deut. 16.3 refers
to 'the day of your coming out of Egypt', for which Mic. 7.15 has 'the days of your
coming out of Egypt'. In either case, 'time/period' is meant. Compare Gen. 2.4:
'on the day (DVD) of the Lord God's creating heaven and earth', which means:
when God created heaven and earth (see translations). The same applies to the
phrase in Gen. 2.17: 'on the day (DVD) you eat of it, you shall die', where DVD
has to be rendered: 'the moment' or 'as soon as' (cf. /PSFtranslation); Adam did
not die on the very day he ate from the tree of knowledge. Cf. also Exod. 10.28;
32.34 et al In Akkadian as well, urn sa (lit. 'the day that') means simply 'when'.
'Then', in Akkadian, is expressed with the phrase ina umi, inuma, 'on the day'.6
4. Many verses speak of God coming forth (NiT) from his abode (Judg. 5.4; Isa. 26.21; Mic. 1.3)
or shining forth (mi Deut. 33.2). Cf. the Kuntillet 'Ajrud inscription quoted below, p. 79 and n. 41.
'Coming forth' (NiT) connotes also 'shine forth' (mi) (cf. H.O. Preuss, 'NiT', TWATlll [1981], col.
797), or 'sprout forth' (KIT in Aramaic means 'to shoot', cf. Isa. 11.1). See also S. Morag, 'mOTDI
]3ITI mTND' (Ps. 37.35), Tarbiz (1971), pp. 4-6, and the various references there to the connection
between the semantic field 'shining' and that of 'shooting forth' in the Semitic languages.
5. M. Weiss, The Origin of the Day of the Lord Reconsidered', HUCA 37 (1966), pp. 45-48.
6. W. von Soden, Grundriss der Akkadischen Grammatik (1952), § 174 (p. 229).
DV ('day'), HU ('time') and fp ('destined hour')7 are, in fact, synonymous.

All three are used in Ezekiel 7, a chapter that bears the character of a Day of the
Lord prophecy.8 There we read in w. 6ff.: 'the destined hour is coming (RD
fpH), the time is coming (HUH ND), the day is near (DVH Slip). Similarly, in
Ezek. 21.30ff., which deals with the prince of Israel who will undergo judgement
in the future, we also find these three terms: 'his day (DV) has come, at the time
(TII7) of his destined hour Q*p) of punishment'. The passage goes on to describe
the humbling of the haughty, which is reminiscent or Isaiah's Day of the Lord
prophecy: 'Then man's haughtiness shall be humbled and the pride of man
brought low'(Isa. 2.17).
In Habakkuk we find in the same eschatological context the term 117112
('appointed time') as a parallel to fp ('destined hour'): 'For there is still (1117) a
vision for the appointed time ("IJJ1D), a F1S1 for the destined hour Q*p)' (2.3).
From the discoveries at Ugarit it is clear that PIS1 means 'witness',9 and therefore
one should amend II? ('still') to II? ('witness', reading: 'The vision is a witness
(II?) for the appointed time OUIft), a witness (HS1) for the destined hour (|*p).
Even if it tarries, wait for it still, it will surely come, without delay.' Compare
Zeph. 3.8: 'For wait for me - says the Lord, for the day when I arise as a witness
OI?)'. Here, as in Habakkuk, we hear of anticipating the day of the accusing
witness (II?).10
Daniel also refers to 'the destined hour of the appointed time (j*p "TIME)', the
hour of salvation and doom. In biblical poetry we also find "IITO with reference
to the future revelation of God in judgement: 'I seize the appointed time ("flflE),
and then I judge (mankind) with justice' (Ps. 75.3). Just as in the prophecies of
the Day of the Lord, this judgement is also set against a background of natural
upheavals: 'when the earth dissolves, with all its inhabitants' (v. 4). Two other
Day of the Lord motifs are found in the continuation of the psalm: 'For God
judges: lifting one man up, bringing another down. For the Lord has a cup in his
hand, with foaming wine fully mixed; from this He pours; all the wicked of the
earth drink, draining it to the very dregs.' The humbling of the haughty ('he brings
down one man') is familiar to us from the Day of the Lord prophecy in Isa. 2.9 (cf.
Ezek. 21.31), while the metaphor of the cup of poison is found in the doomsday
prophecy of Jer. 25.15ff. We cannot then limit our discussion of the Day of the
Lord phenomenon to prophecies which specifically refer to the 'Day of the Lord'.
The phrase 71 DV itself is not the criterion. Some prophecies refer to the day not
as 71 DV, but rather as m&31t Tib DV/H^ Dp] DV ('day of vengeance for the
7. Cf. M. Greenberg (Ezekiel 1-20 [AB, 1983], p. 147) who points out correctly that pp means
properly 'term, measure of time' whence evolves the sense 'time's end' (I would rather translate
'running of time', Ablaufm German). In the Qumran writings fp has the meaning of 'time', cf. M.
Wagner, "fp', TWATII, 663, and the references there.
8. For the linguistic affinities of this chapter to the prophecy of the Day of the Lord in Isa. 13, cf.
M. Greenberg (above, n. 7), pp. 159-60.
9. S. E. Loewenstamm, Comparative Studies in Biblical and Ancient Oriental Literatures
(AOAT, 204, 1980), pp. 137-45.
10. For 113 as a witness and accuser cf. I.L. Seeligmann, 'Zur Terminologie fur das Gerichts-
verfahren', Hebraische Wortforschung (SVT, 16; Festschrift W. Baumgartner [1967]), pp. 262ff.
Lord'), or simply 'on that day'. Often, terms such as lino, f p and HI? take the
place of DV. Our criteria for determining which passages belong to the 'Day of
the Lord' category are the specific motifs which characterize the day of the theo-
phany. These include, on the one hand, cosmic phenomena: clouds, darkness, thick
mist, eclipses, earthquakes and the dissolution of mountains - and on the other
hand, military motifs: battle array, arming the hosts, the sword and blood.11 The
following two examples illustrate these motifs. In Zeph. 1.14-16 we read:
The great day of the Lord is approaching, approaching most swiftly. Hark - the day of
the Lord! It is bitter. There a warrior shrieks. That day shall be a day of wrath, a day of
trouble and distress, a day of calamity and desolation, a day of darkness and deep
gloom, a day of densest clouds. A day of horn blasts and alarms, against the fortified
towns and the lofty corner towers.
The passage combines natural and military motifs. Similarly, in Isa. 13.4-6:
Hark! - a tumult on the mountains as of a mighty force. Hark! an uproar of kingdoms,
nations assembling! The Lord of hosts is mustering a host for war. They come from a
distant land, from the end of the sky - the Lord with the weapons of his wrath - to
ravage all the earth! Howl! For the day of the Lord is near. It shall come like a havoc
from Shaddai.
This military metaphor is followed by a description of cosmic upheaval (w.

9-10):
Lo! the day of the Lord is coming with pitiless fury and wrath, to make the earth a
desolation, to wipe out the sinners upon it. The stars and constellations of heaven shall
not give off their light. The sun shall be dark when it rises, and the moon shall diffuse
no glow.
What is the source of these motifs? Modern scholarship, in dealing with the
Day of the Lord question, concerned itself primarily with its Sitz im Leben. The
roots of the Day of the Lord are sought in a literary model that had originated in
public life. We will now turn our attention to this subject in more detail.
The Day of the Lord in Jewish Liturgy

According to Mowinckel,12 the New Year festival celebrated the coronation of
God as king of all the earth (as is indeed reflected in Jewish liturgy even today),
and the New Year festival was the Sitz im Leben of the Day of the Lord theme in
Israelite literature.
Mowinckel, alone among non-Jewish scholars, made use of Jewish tradition
(e.g. m Rosh. Hash. 4.5) in order to understand the nature of the New Year festi-
val. He noticed that the New Year prayers, especially those connected with the
blowing of the shophar, centre around the themes of tTP 13*X3 (God's kingship),
m3T"QT (God's remembrance of the deeds of mankind, in his capacity as judge),
11. See M. Weiss (above, n. 5), table A.

12. S. Mowinckel, The Psalms in Israeli Worship, I (1962), pp. 106ff.
and rvnsyiE) (shophar blasts in theophanies past and future). God once again
becomes king of all the earth, just as at the creation and at Sinai he became king
over Israel.13 Shophar blasts celebrate this coronation just as when human kings
ascend the throne (cf. 1 Kgs 1.39; 2 Kgs 9.13). The Day of the Lord prophecies
indeed describe theophanies amid shophar blasts (e.g. Joel 2.1) and these theo-
phanies involve God's ascending the cosmic throne to judge the universe, just as in
the New Year liturgy. In fact, all the New Year's prayers, not only those contained
in the three thematic sections cited above, are composed of elements which also
appear in the Day of the Lord prophecies, as can be seen from the following table:
Rosh Hashanah 'Day Of The Lord'

Prayer Book Prophecy
1 . Anticipation of Thou shalt reign over all whom And the Lord shall be king over
divine rule in thou hast made, in Zion thy holy all the earth. For liberators shall
Zion city. . . Blessed art thou, O Lord, march up on Mount Zion. . .and
holy king. kingship shall be the Lord's.
(SPR 351.361) (Obad. 1.21)
2. Universal Now Lord our God, put thy awe None but the Lord shall be
acknowledgement upon all whom thou hast made, exalted that day. . . On that day
of God's rule and thy dread upon all whom thou men shall fling away the idols of
hast created; let thy works revere silver and the idols of gold. . .and
thee; let thy creatures worship they shall enter the clefts. . .
thee. May they all blend into one before the dread of the Lord (Isa.
brotherhood to do thy will with 2.11; 20-21: cf.Mic. 5.11-12)
wholeheartedness.
(SPB 350) For I will make the peoples pure
of speech so that they may all
May every existing being know invoke the Lord by name and
thou hast made it; may every serve Him with one accord.
creature realize thou hast created (Zeph. 3.9)
it. (SPB 353,365)
3. Theophany in Reign over all the universe in thy . . .before the dread of the Lord
glory and glory, be exalted over all the earth and his splendid majesty
splendour in thy grandeur, shine forth in thy 03SW Tin) when he conies forth
splendid majesty QTtf ]1M Tin) to overawe the earth.
over all the inhabitants of thy (Isa. 2.19, 21)
world. (SPB 353, 365) They shall behold the glory of
the Lord, the splendour of our
God (Isa. 35.2)
The glory of the Lord shall be

revealed (71 TQD H^]l) and all
mankind shall see it. (Isa. 40.5)
13. On God's coronation at creation, Sinai and in the future universal redemption, see my book
Social Justice in Ancient Israel and in the Ancient Near East (1995), pp. 179ff.
4. The abolition Iniquity shall shut its mouth, I will put an end to the pride of
of evil and wickedness shall vanish like the arrogant (DHT), and humble
tyranny smoke, when thou wilt abolish the the haughtiness of tyrants. (Isa.
rule of tyranny (]HT) on earth. 1 3.1 l;cf.Ezek. 7.24)
(Sra351,360)14
Mowinckel finds support for his theory in the juxtaposition of passages in

Amos.15 Amos' Day of the Lord prophecy (5.18-20) is followed directly by a
passage in which God rejects the Israelite festivals (5.21-25). According to
Mowinckel, this passage deals with the New Year rites, which in ancient times
encompassed the harvest festival 'at the turn of the year' (cf. Exod. 34.22), as
well as New Year's Day (first day of Tishrei) itself.
However, even if we grant that the Day of the Lord is bound up with the New
Year liturgy, it remains to be seen whether the New Year ritual gave rise to the
anticipation of the Day of the Lord, or whether these hopes, born of general
nationalistic and religious circumstances, are simply reflected in the New Year
service. In fact, the motifs cited above are not specific to the New Year service.
They are found as well in the daily Jewish liturgy.
1. The anticipation of divine rule in Zion is found in every component of
Jewish liturgy from the ancient core of the daily service (\hQAmidah or 'eighteen
benedictions') to the personal prayers of Talmudic sages now appended to the pub-
lic service:
'Restore our judges as at first...reign thou alone over us (some rites add
speedily), O Lord' (daily Amidah, SPB 58).
'May our eyes behold thy return in mercy to Zion, Blessed art thou, O Lord,
who restores the divine Presence to Zion' (daily Amidah, SPB 62).
'The Lord shall reign for ever, thy God, O Zion, for all Generations. Halle-
lujah' (Ps. 146.10, the conclusion of the Qedushah. Cf. the introductory passage
cited at the beginning of this article).16
'Glorified and sanctified be God's great name throughout the world which he
has created according to his will. May he establish his kingdom.. .within the life-
time of the entire house of Israel, speedily and soon' (Kaddish, SPB 80, recited a
number of times during every service).17
'May they all accept the yoke of thy kingdom, and do thou reign over them
speedily forever and ever. For thine is the kingdom, and to all eternity wilt thou
reign in glory, as is written in thy Torah: "The Lord shall be king forever and
ever" (Exod. 15.18). And it is said: "The Lord shall be king over all the earth, on
14. Cf. the Qumran passage in 4Q417, 1.5-6: 'when the progenitors of iniquity (n'ni:) will be
stopped and the wickedness will be expelled before the righteousness.. .and just as smoke vanishes
so shall wickedness vanish forever'. See D. Flusser, 'Sefer Megilat Harazim and the Prayer of the
High-Holidays', FS E. Fleisher (1994), pp. 3-20.
15. Mowinckel (above, n. 12), p. 116.
16. Cf. above, n. 3.
17. On the Kaddish and its affinities to the 'Lord's Prayer' (Mt. 6.4-13) cf. D. de Sola Pool, The
Old Jewish-Aramaic Prayer, the Kaddish (1909).
that day there shall be one Lord with one name" (Zech. 14.9)' (Aleinu prayer,
SPB 94).18
The theme of the revelation of God's kingdom is the climax of the Jewish ser-
vice. Kaddish is recited in full at the end of each service, as is the Aleinu prayer
(see preceding quote). Similarly, we find (in ancient rites) at the conclusion of the
evening prayer,19 after the second Benediction of the evening Shema' (Hash-
kibenu - 'Grant us to lie down in peace'), a messianic prayer20 which reads:
O God who art in heaven, assert the unity of thy name and establish thy kingdom
forever; do thou reign over us forever and ever. May our eyes behold, our heart
rejoice, and our soul exult in thy salvation, when it will be said in Zion, 'Your God is
king'. The Lord is king, the Lord was king, the Lord shall be king forever and ever.
For thine is the kingdom, and to all eternity wilt thou reign in glory. Blessed art thou,
O Lord, glorious king, who wilt reign over us and over all thy creatures forever and
ever (SPB 137-138).
The function of this prayer is to bring the day to a close with eschatological
aspirations for the divine kingdom on earth.
The personal meditations appended to the public liturgy also express the long-
ing for the establishment of God's kingdom. The original version of the 'Elohai
nesor prayer said privately after the recital of the Amidah (SPB 60; cf. b. Ber.
17a) contained such a petition: 'Our king and God, unite thy kingdom on earth,
rebuild thy city, establish thy house and restore thy temple'.21 Similarly, the
petitions22 following the core of the Grace after Meals begin with requests for the
divine kingdom and universal acknowledgement of God's kingship. The 'Lord's
prayer' (Mt. 6.9-13; Lk. 11.2-4), which begins with the sanctification of God's
name and the wish for his kingdom likewise belongs to this genre of personal
prayer.23 Jewish and Christian liturgies alike ended with short formulae petition-
ing the coming of the redeemer ('Marana-tha' and parallels: see below, p. 88).
2. Universal acknowledgement of God's rule and the eradication of idolatry,
so prominent in Isaiah's Day of the Lord prophecy (2.19ff.) are expressed in the
second paragraph of the Aleinu prayer:
'We hope, therefore (THpU p Û), Lord our God, soon to behold thy majestic
glory, when idols (lit., abominations) shall be removed from the earth and false
18. On the antiquity of this prayer, which today concludes every service, and was part of the
Malkuyot section of the New Year prayer pi 'HI KDJTpn) cf. below, n. 24.
19. As is well known, the evening 'Amidah prayer' (eighteen benedictions) is not obligatory. The
standard evening service then concludes with the Shema' and its accompanying Benedictions.
20. Cf. I. Elbogen, Derjudische Gottesdienst in seiner geschichtlichen Entwicklung (Frankfurt,
1931), pp. 102-105.
21. Cf. Elbogen, ibid. 59-60 on the prayer "]Q2J TIT im^K 13D^Q found in the prayer books of
Amram Gaon and Saadya Gaon (9-1 Oth centuries).
22. The number of the petitions which open with ] Qmn: 'May the merciful...' vary in the differ-
ent rites. Most contain, however, the basic elements found in the 'Lord's prayer': the kingdom of the
Lord, his reign on heaven and earth, the request for daily livelihood and for deliverance from evil by
implanting fear and love of the Lord, cf. E.D. Goldschmidt, On Jewish Liturgy, Essays on Prayer and
Religious Poetry (1978), pp. 70-71 (Hebrew).
23. I will deal elsewhere with the nature of these personal meditations, including the 'Lord's Prayer'.
gods exterminated; when the world shall be perfected under the reign of the
Almighty, and all mankind will call upon thy name' (SPB 9S-94).24
This paragraph is an essential part of the New Year liturgy, and is in fact
known as the shophar liturgy of the school of the third century Babylonian
scholar Rab p") nD1 Kflirpn). However, this does not justify the assumption that
it was originally composed in the third century CE. Most scholars today consider it
an ancient prayer, from the second temple period.25 The phrase, 'and the false
gods exterminated' (pmir fTD D^^m) in the section of mp3 p ^ is a
resonance of the phrase ÎT ^D D^^m 'and the idols shall vanish
completely' in the Day of the Lord prophecy in Isa. 2 (v. 18).
3. Revelation of God's glory and splendour. So characteristic of the Day of the
Lord prophecy, this is likewise prominent in the second paragraph oftheAleinu
prayer cited above: 'We hope.. .soon to behold thy majestic glory'.26 Similarly, in
the Musaf prayer for festivals: 'Reveal the glory of thy kingship to us and appear
and be exalted above us in the sight of all the living',27 and in the prayer^/ hakkol
said before the reading of the Torah (SPB 216): 'Let his kingship be revealed and
seen over us speedily and very soon' (Tractate Soferim 14.1).28
4. The abolition of evil and tyranny, a theme prevalent in the Day of the Lord
prophecies and in the New Year service, is likewise found in the daily Amidah:
'Do speedily uproot and crush the arrogant kingdom (1pm ]TTT fTD *3Q)',29 in the
paragraph following the petition for the restoration of the ideal judiciary, wherein
we find the request: 'Reign thus alone, over us, O Lord' (SPB 58).
The inclusion of eschatological motifs, and especially the notion of conclud-
ing a prayer with such motifs, is found in biblical hymns and prayers. The Song
24. The two paragraphs of the Aleinu prayer: Aleinu and Al ken neqawweh form an integrated
unit. In the Aleinu paragraph God is extolled for separating Israel in the present from idol worshippers
while in the Al ken neqawweh paragraph the hope is expressed that in the future the idol worshippers
will abandon idolatry and accept the belief in the true God. The combination of these two ideas is
indeed attested in the liturgical pericope of Jer. 10.1-16. On the one hand the idea of the particular
religious inheritanceof Israel is brought to expression: 'the idols are vanity.. .not like these is the Lot
(= God) of Jacob, for it is he who created all things (Kin tan "IHV 'D Dpi?'' p'TI n^KD «^)' (w. 15-
16); on the other hand, hope is expressed that 'the gods who did not make heaven and earth will
perish' (w. 11,15). (For the integrity of Jer. 10.1-16 cf. M. Margalioth, 'Jeremiah X.l-16: A Re-
examination', PT30 [1980], pp. 295-308). On the affinities of the Aleinu prayer to Jer. 10.1-16 cf:
Jer. 10.15-16 Aleinu
25. See J. Heinemann, Prayers in the Talmud: Forms and Patterns (1977), pp. 173-75, and cf.
recently E.E. Urbach, TheHalakhah (1984) (Hebrew).
26. On rnNSH T# as parallel to TQD in the theophanic descriptions, cf. my article 'TD3', TWAT,
vol. IV (1982), cols. 28-29.
27. SPB 339, mentioned in Tractate Soferim 19.5 (ed. Higger, p. 327). The prayer is close in
wording to the New Year's Amidah prayer D^1I?n ta *?I? "[1^3, mentioned above.
28. Ibid., 260.
29. In some versions we find also the phrase 'and let all wickedness perish as in a moment'. For
the variants of the Benediction cf. I. Elbogen (above, n. 20), pp. 51-52.
of the Sea concludes: 'The Lord shall reign forever and ever' (Exod. 15.18).
Psalm 29 concludes with the establishment of God's kingdom on earth (v. 10).
Psalm 68 concludes with a call to all the kingdoms of the earth to acknowledge
God's majesty. The doxology following the second book of Psalms concludes
'Let his glory fill the whole world. Amen and Amen' (72.19, cf. Num. 14.21).
Psalm 22, a psalm of thanksgiving for salvation from distress, likewise ends with
the hope that the whole world will acknowledge the divine salvation: 'Let all the
ends of the earth pay heed and turn to the Lord, and the peoples of all nations
prostrate themselves before you, for kingship is the Lord's and he rules the
nations' (w. 27-28 [Heb. 28-29]). Mesopotamian prayers also tend to end with
an eschatological petition. The hymn to the god Shamash ends: 'May they bear
your tribute...the wealth of the lands in sacrifice...may your throne-dais be
renewed.. .whose utterance cannot be changed'.30
This tradition of eschatological prayer is continued in the book of Ecclesiasti-
cus. In the prayers of Ben Sira (Ecclesiasticus 36), we find many eschatological
elements later incorporated into the Jewish liturgy:
Save us thou God of all, put thy awe upon all nations (Dîn ^D ^1? "pns Dn&). Raise
thy hand against the heathen and let them see thy power. As you became holy among
us before their eyes so be honoured with us before our eyes. Let them learn, as we also
have learned, that there is no God but thou... Hasten the destined hour (j*p) and
remember the appointed time ("IU1Q). For who can tell thee what to do? Gather all the
tribes of Jacob (w. 1-11).
The beginning of the prayer is echoed in the opening of the New YQQX Amidah
liturgy (SPB 350, 360): 'Put thy awe upon all your creatures' (^D *?U "jins ]H
"pCM3), while the continuation: 'be honoured with us' is echoed in the following
section of this New Year prayer: 'Grant honour, O Lord, to thy people (TD3 JH
•pi:^)' (ibid.). The formula 'Raise thy hand against the heathen' (v. 3) is reflected
in the abridged form of the daily Amidah (SPB 67): 'Raise thy hand against
evildoers',31 and 'Let them learn that there is no God but thou' (v. 5) parallels the
second paragraph of Aleinu: 'May all the inhabitants of the world realize and
know32 that before thee every knee must bend' (SPB 94).
'Hasten the destined hour Q*p), remember the appointed time (IIDE)' refers to
the era of salvation, and we have already seen that these two words are used in
Day of the Lord prophecies. The motif of the ingathering of the exiles, which fol-
lows, is also an integral part of the daily Amidah (SPB 58) and Jewish eschatol-
ogy in general.
The prayer of Ben Sira continues:
30. W.G. Lambert, Babylonian Wisdom Literature (1960), p. 138,11.196-199; see M. Weinfeld,
'A Prayer to Shamash' Shnaton 2 (1977), p. 248 (Hebrew).
31. b. Ber, 29a. Cf. y. Ber, 4.3, 6a; see L. Ginsberg, A Commentary on the Palestinian Talmud
(1941), p. 329.
32. 'Realize and know' 1UT11TD"1 occurs a number of times in the liturgy, and is apparently an
ancient formula. It is attested in the Aleinu liturgy, in the morning prayer TJ K1H HH» (SPB 10) found
in Tanna debe Eliahu cited below, and in the Amidah of the afternoon service of Sabbath: 'let thy
children realize and know that their rest is from thee' (SPB 257).
Show mercy to the city of thy sanctuary, Jerusalem, city of thy dwelling place. Fill
Zion with thy majesty; fill thy tabernacle with thy glory. Give acknowledgement to
Your creation at the beginning; and fulfil the vision which has been spoken in thy
name (vv. 13-15).
Here we find the motif of glorious revelation which is attested in both the
daily and New Year liturgy. The rebuilding of Zion and Jerusalem are described
as the fulfilment of prophecy. This idea is echoed in the daily Amidah: 'Return in
mercy to thy city Jerusalem and dwell in it as thou hast promised (mTT)' (SPB
59). The 'glory' which is to fill Zion is identical with the 'divine Presence'
(nnD^1), which according to theAbodah Benediction of the Amidah (SPB 61-62)
is to be restored to Zion: 'Be appeased, Lord, our God, and dwell in Zion (["DOTl
] ViD)' ,33 All these are to be traced back to the prophecy of Zechariah (2.14; 8.2).
Both the prayer of Ben Sira and the daily Amidah are rooted in the eschato-
logical hopes of the prophets. As I have elsewhere pointed out,34 these aspirations
are likewise to be found in Mesopotamian prophecies, but without the ideological-
religious element of the elimination of idolatry. As in Israelite prophecy and Jew-
ish liturgy, where we find expressions of aspiration for the ingathering of the
exiles, the restoration of ideal justice, the end of evil, and the establishment of a
cultic centre, so Mesopotamian prayers ended with eschatological petitions; as in
Israel, both prayer and prophecy reflected eschatological hopes. It is likely that,
as in many other cases, prophecy adapted liturgical material to its own purposes,
and not vice versa. Although in later liturgy, verses from the prophets were incor-
porated into prayer, the original desire for the revelation and God's kingdom pre-
dates classical prophecy. It lies behind the expectations of the people as described
by Amos (5.18-20).
Mowinckel correctly realized that the Day of the Lord theme is echoed in the
Jewish prayer of the New Year. But he was incorrect in pinpointing the New
Year service as the Sitz im Leben of this theme. The New Year's day, which is
the day of creation and the day of the divine coronation, is especially appropriate
for prayers regarding the future divine kingdom, but this need not lead to the
conclusion that these aspirations first arose in this context, especially since they
are reflected in the daily prayer as well. These hopes always existed, and were a
dominant theme of Israelite religion from its inception. They were simply ex-
pressed most forcefully on God's coronation day.
The Day of the Lord as a Day of War

Until now we have dealt with the positive aspirations associated with the Day of
the Lord. However, the prophets tell us that the Day of the Lord will have nega-
tive aspects as well: 'The Day of the Lord shall be darkness, not light' (Amos
33. This is the oldest version of the Benediction (Lev. Rab. 7.2 [ed, M. Margulies], p. 151); cf. the
version in the Palestinian Genizah (J. Mann, 'Genizah Fragments', HUCA 2 [1925], p. 306). The
conclusion of the Benediction today is 'who restores his Shekinah to Zion'.
34. M. Weinfeld, 'Mesopotamian Eschatological Prophecies', Shnaton 3 (1979), pp. 268-70
(Hebrew).
5.18), a day of war and retribution. This provided the basis for G. von Rad's
position as to the Sitz im Leben of the Day of the Lord.35 He took note of the war
imagery associated with the Day of the Lord and concluded therefrom that the
Sitz im Leben of the prophecies was the 'holy war', an Israelite institution dating
from the conquest of Canaan. War in ancient Israel was a sacred undertaking; the
Israelites purified themselves beforehand, the ark of the Lord was marched into
battle, and fasts, sacrifices, and sacred assemblies were held (e.g. Judg. 20.26-27).
The war imagery associated with the Day of the Lord suggested to von Rad that
we are dealing with an ancient belief, from the time of the conquest, that God
marches into battle with Israel. The Day of the Lord is the day on which God is
victorious over his, and Israel's, enemies.
The Day of the Lord prophecies do indeed include martial motifs, such as dec-
laration of war by horn blast (Zeph. 1.16), battle array (Isa. 13.4), or Jeremiah's
elaborate description:
Get ready buckler and shield, and move forward to battle! Harness the horses, mount,
you horsemen! Fall in line, helmets on! Burnish the lances, don your armour!... Let
not the swift get away. Let not the warrior escape. In the north, by the river Euphrates,
they stagger and fall.. .That day shall be for the Lord God of Hosts... (46.3-10).
We also find there the ban (Din), confusion, slaughter (Isa. 34.5-6), impossibility
of escape, etc. The fact that the Day of the Lord theme is found primarily in
prophecies to the nations, in conjunction with war, suggests to von Rad that the
Israelite holy war is the birthplace of the theme. However, even before his
research into the Day of the Lord, von Rad wrote about the Israelite holy war,
and greatly exaggerated the centrality of this institution in Israelite thought.36 In
fact, all over the ancient world, war was seen as divine judgement, and there is
nothing novel in the Israelite approach.37 It must be admitted, however, that to
counterbalance Mowinckel it was necessary to stress this neglected aspect of the
Day of the Lord. Noteworthy in this regard is Ezek. 13.5: 'You did not enter the
breaches and repair the walls for the House of Israel that they might stand up in
battle on the Day of the Lord'. Ezekiel refers to a past Day of the Lord, the time
of the destruction of Jerusalem. 'Your prophets, O Israel, have been like jackals
among the ruins' (v. 4). The prophets of Israel did not do enough to 'repair the
breaches' on that 'Day of the Lord', the day of the fall of Jerusalem.
The same applies to the author of Lamentations who looks back on the fall of
Jerusalem and defines it as the 'day of the Lord's anger' (1.12; 2.22).38 Isaiah too,
speaks of the Day of the Lord as a day of war and destruction in the Valley of
Vision. 'For my Lord God of Hosts has a day of tumult and din and confusion in
the Valley of Vision' (22.5). Compare Jer. 46.10, with reference to the battle of
Carchemish between Egypt and Babylon: 'But that day shall be for the Lord God
35. G. von Rad, 'The Origin of the Concept of the "Day of Yahweh" \JSS4 (1959), pp. 97-108.
36. Idem, Der heilige Kreig im alien Israel (1951).
37. See M. Weinfeld, 'Divine Intervention in War in Ancient Israel and in the Ancient Near East',
in History, Historiography and Interpretation, Studies in Biblical and Cuneiform Literatures (ed. H.
Tadmor and M. Weinfeld, 1983), pp. 121-47.
38. Cf. A.J. Everson, The Days of Yahweh', JBL 93 (1974), pp. 329-37.
of Hosts a day when he exacts retribution from his foes. The sword shall devour,
it shall be sated and drunk with their blood. For the Lord God of hosts is
preparing a sacrifice in the northland, by the river Euphrates.' The war is here
described as God's sacrifice, as in Isa. 34.6:
For YHWH holds a sacrifice in Bozrah; a great slaughter in the land of Edom.
And in 13.3:
I have summoned my purified guests to execute my wrath; behold, I have called my
stalwarts, my proudly exultant ones.
'Purified' guests are normally invited to partake of a sacrificial meal. Simi-

larly, in Zeph. 1.7, we read:
Be silent before my Lord God, for the Day of the Lord is approaching; for the Lord has
prepared a sacrificial feast, has bidden his guests purify themselves.39
Meir Weiss40 correctly contested von Rad's theory. According to Weiss, the
two most important Day of the Lord prophecies, Amos 5 and Isaiah 2, contain no
references to war: hence war alone cannot be seen as the Sitz im Leben of the
Day of the Lord. However, even if war is not the only institution that gave rise to
the Day of the Lord prophecies, one can hardly deny completely the connection
between war and the Day of the Lord, in light of the above-cited references. An
inscription recently discovered in Kuntillet' Ajrud yields the following reference
to war theophany: 'When God shines forth.. .mountains will be dissolved on the
day of wa[r]'.41 This proves that the idea of God's appearing in war was already
prevalent in the days of Ahab and Jehoshaphat.
In fact, both Mowinckel's and von Rad's theories contain a kernel of truth.42
The Day of the Lord is connected with Israelite aspirations for triumph and the
establishment of God's kingdom, but as the occasion of the enthronement of the
God of Israel, God of Justice, this is also the day on which evildoers are requited
for their deeds. This, in turn, is bound up with divine war. One cannot therefore
disregard the blacker aspect of the Day of the Lord, a day of judgement and war.
The Day of the Lord as The Day of Divine Revelation

It seems that the attempt to find the Sitz im Leben of the Day of the Lord is in vain:
it is impossible to pinpoint a concrete institution or set of circumstances which
gave rise to this concept. We are dealing with the belief in the advent of God to
save Israel and mankind. This salvation involves both the eradication of evil
through cosmic war and the establishment of cosmic redemption. It is only natural
39. For the development of the term mi ('sacrifice') in the prophecies of the Day of the Lord, see
M. Weiss (above, n. 5), pp. 54ff.
40. Ibid.
41. [HD]n^D D^n Din ]0in *?».. .mm (cf. n. 4 above, and see my article: 'The Kuntillet 'Ajrud
Inscriptions and their Significance', Studi Epigrafici e Linguistici 1 (1984), p. 126.
42. Cf. P.M. Cross, 'The Divine Warrior in Israel's Early Cult', Biblical Motifs (ed. A. Altmann;
1966), pp. 11-30.
that the people see in this day of divine theophany the promise of national redemp-
tion through which, in their view, the God of Israel's kingship will be manifested.
This hope found expression in Psalm 47, which is nowadays recited before the
blowing of the shophar on the New Year (cf. Tr. Soferim 18.11, ed. Higger, 322)
and which is among the most important of the enthronement psalms, of which the
Sitz im Leben, according to Mowinckel, is the New Year festival:
All you peoples, clap your hands, raise a joyous shout to God. For the Lord Most High
is awesome, great King over all the earth. He subjects peoples to us, sets nations at our
feet. He extends43 our inheritance for us, the pride of Jacob ppIT jlfcW), whom he
loved. Selah. God ascends midst acclamation; the Lord, to the blasts of the horn...
God reigns over nations; God is seated in His holy throne...
'The pride of Jacob' (v. 5) parallels the greater Israelite heritage, which
involves the subjugation of nations. Amos (6.8) opposes this pride in material
greatness and says: 'I loathe the pride of Jacob, and I detest his fortresses'. Thus
it is natural that Amos should stress the retribution of the Day of the Lord, which
will be the lot of those who stress 'the pride of Jacob' at the expense of divine
justice. For these people, the Day of the Lord is a day of darkness. They would
do better to cease their sacrifices and see to the establishment of justice: 'I loathe,
I spurn your festivals.. .If you offer me burnt offerings, or your meal offerings, I
will not accept them... Spare me the sound of your hymns.. .but let justice well
up like water, righteousness like an unfailing stream' (5.21-24). These verses
directly follow the prophecy of 'the Day of the Lord'.
Isaiah likewise stresses the retribution aspect of the Day of the Lord. The Day
of the Lord symbolizes for him the end of idolatry, which is the end of human
pride: 'then man's haughtiness will be humbled, and the pride of man brought
low. None but the Lord shall be exalted that day' (2.17). This is the purpose of
God's future revelation according to Isaiah. There is no room in this new redemp-
tion for narrow-minded national interests: for soaring towers, mighty walls, ships
of Tarshish or gallant barks. On this day, rather, what is important is the triumph
of justice and God's kingship over humanity. The future redemption will bring
retribution to each individual, and to every nation that violates the princip les of
justice: 'For the Lord of Hosts has ready a day against all that is proud and arro-
gant, against all that is lofty - so that it may be brought low: against the cedars of
Lebanon, tall and stately... None but the Lord shall be exalted that day' (w. 12-
17). Retribution will strike every man, and then all will acknowledge their
impotence and God's greatness.
It is impossible to apply the same standard to all the prophets. There is an
important difference between, on the one hand, Amos and Isaiah - who lived
during an era of prosperity and thus directed their ire against national pride and
stressed an abstract concept of redemption, and on the other hand, Jeremiah,
Ezekiel and others - who lived during the low point of Israelite history when
vengeance on the nations became the central aspiration of the Day of the Lord.
No two prophets have quite the same conception of the Day of the Lord.
43. Read SPIT instead of "inn1; cf. I.L. Seeligmann, 'Psalm 47', Tarbiz 50 (1981), p. 32 (Hebrew).
One should not seek a concrete Sitz im Leben for the Day of the Lord. It is the
day on which God will appear to save his people and the entire world, i.e., to rule
over the whole earth as he ruled over Israel during the Exodus and the revelation
at Sinai, and as he revealed himself to save Israel in its wars. God arrives to save
Israel, from the hand of the Canaanites or any other nation. In biblical theo-
phanies, God leaves his holy place in order to do battle on Israel's behalf. In the
blessing of Moses: 'the Lord came from Sinai; He shone upon them from Seir;
He appeared from Mount Paran' (Deut. 33.2), which connects with the end of the
blessing: 'Thus Israel dwells in safety; untroubled is Israel's abode, in a land of
grain and wine, under heavens dripping dew' (33.28). In Deborah's song, God
leaped forth from Edom to save Israel from the Canaanites: 'O Lord, when You
came forth from Seir, advanced from the country of Edom, the earth trembled,
the heavens dripped, yea, the clouds dripped water. The mountains quaked -
before the Lord, Him of Sinai, before the Lord, God of Israel' (Judg. 5.4-35).
Similar are Habakkuk 3 and Psalm 68.
The prophets also describe God as leaving his abode,44 not necessarily to save,
but to judge Israel and the nations. Thus, Mic. 1.3-4: 'For lo! the Lord is coming
forth (NIT) from His dwelling place. He will come down and stride upon the
heights of the earth. The mountains shall dissolve45 under him and the valleys
burst open.' This is in order to punish Samaria for her sin; God appears to exact
vengeance from his enemies. Nahum (1.3-5) states:'.. .He travels in whirlwind
and storm and clouds are the dust on His feet. He rebukes the sea and dries it up,
and he makes all rivers fail. Bashan and Carmel languish and the blossoms of
Lebanon wither. The mountains quake before him, and the hills melt. The earth
heaves before him, the world and all that dwell therein.' The mythic vengeance
against the sea is here combined with historical retribution: 'mountains quake
because of him.. .who can stand before his wrath? Who can resist his fury?' (w.
5-6).
The prophets make use of conventional symbols in describing God's salva-
tion, but sometimes there is a surprise twist in that the enemies against whom
God sets forth are not the enemies of Israel but Israel itself. Theophany motifs
take on a negative air when used by the prophets, in order to advance their goals.
Thus Amos speaks of darkness as opposed to light, even though darkness and
light together symbolize God's advent in biblical theophanies: for example, in
David's victory song, 2 Sam. 22 (= Psalm 18), where all the 'Day of the Lord'
motifs appear in a description of national salvation.
Then the earth rocked and quaked, the foundations of heaven shook.. .He mounted a
cherub and flew; He was seen on the wings of the wind. He made pavilions of
darkness about him, dripping clouds, huge thunderheads, in the brilliance before Him
blazed fiery clouds. The Lord thundered forth from heaven, the Most High sent forth
his voice. He let loose bolts, and scattered them; lightning, and put them to rout... (2
Sam. 22.7-15)
44. See J. Jeremias, Theophanie (WMANT, 10, 1965), p. 91 f.

45. Cf. in the Kuntillet 'Ajrud inscription: 'The mountains shall dissolve'; see above, nn. 4,41.
Here we find both darkness and brilliance together. The brilliance is of course the
divine fire, enveloped in clouds, darkness and thick mist.46 Amos plays a game
with these symbols. He says, as it were: You expect brilliance in God's appear-
ance, but don't forget that there is also darkness and clouds, which symbolize
catastrophe.47
Ezekiel, Joel and Zechariah used the Day of the Lord motifs in order to describe
the final 'war to end all wars' which will lead to the glorification of God's name.
All nations assemble near Mount Zion, in Jerusalem, or in the Valley of Jeho-
shaphat, and the Lord judges them. This trial leads to Israel's redemption. Ezekiel
and Zechariah stress that all nations will thus be led to recognize God's great-
ness: 'And the Lord shall be king over all the earth. On that day the Lord shall be
one and his name one' (Zech. 14.9). 'Thus I will manifest my greatness and my
holiness.. .and they shall know that I am the Lord' (Ezek. 38.23). The same idea,
with less nationalistic zeal and without the assembly of the nations is expressed
in the simple statement of Isaiah: 'As for idols, they shall vanish completely'
(2.18). This idea is also central to the Aleinu prayer:'.. .when the false gods will
be exterminated; when the world will be perfected under the reign of Shaddai,
and all mankind will call upon thy name' (SPB 94).
The symbols which typify the Day of the Lord reflect no concrete Sitz im
Leben, but are rather literary conventions for describing theophany. The revela-
tion and the giving of the Torah at Sinai are also accompanied by thunder and
lightning, horn blasts and trembling mountains - clouds and darkness on the one
hand, and a burning fire on the other - the same symbols used to describe God in
battle.
Von Rad's assumption that war lies at the heart of the Day of the Lord concept
provides no explanation of the revelation at Sinai, where God appears under simi-
lar circumstances, without any reference to a holy war. Mowinckel indeed takes
Exod. 19 into account in his discussion of Day of the Lord imagery. According to
him the revelation at Sinai is likewise a reflection of the New Year celebration, at
which the people accept God's laws. But this is, of course, only a hypothesis.
In fact, the theophany of the Day of the Lord is no different from any other
theophany in the Bible, or, for that matter, in ancient Near Eastern literature. These
images are not the clue to the Sitz im Leben of the Day of the Lord. They are liter-
ary conventions employed in describing theophany, whether for the purpose of
war, judgement, or law-giving. It has been suggested that a volcanic eruption lies
behind the Sinai imagery in Exod. 19,48 but this theory is erroneous. The natural
upheavals depicted in the theophany are too literary conventions for theophany
descriptions in the ancient world.49 When Amon, the Egyptian god, sent forth his
voice, the earth trembled. When Zeus sat upon his throne, Olympus quaked (Iliad
VIII, 442^43). Therefore, there is no basis for Gunkel's claim that descriptions
46. The notion of the TQ3 of YHWH appearing in a cloud in the Israelite priestly literature is
actually based on such concepts; cf. my article 'TOD' (above, n. 26) cols. 32-34.
47. See M. Weiss (above, n. 5), p. 51.
48. Cf. e.g., R. de Vaux, The Early History of Israel, I (trans. D. Smith, 1978), pp. 433-39.
49. Cf. my article cited above, n. 37.
of natural upheaval (other than those connected with the sea) are based on the
Sinai imagery, which is the archetype of such motifs in the prophetic books. The
Sinai theophany itself is rooted in the ancient belief that when God appears the
earth trembles.50
Furthermore, if we investigate ancient Near Eastern theophanies we find even
closer parallels to the Day of the Lord descriptions, involving both war and judge-
ment. Thus we read of Ishtar in Mesopotamia: 'Ishtar, torch of heaven and earth,
splendour of the entire universe...a burning fire which devours the enemy...
when your name is mentioned heaven and earth tremble. You judge men with
justice and righteousness.. .You turn to the oppressed and exploited and justify
him daily'.51
We have here descriptions of both a military and a judicial nature. It seems
that the fact that the God of justice (e.g. of Sinai) has the same characteristics as
the God of war, both in Israel and in Mesopotamia, is due to the fact that the
'judge', especially in Israel (compare the 'judges' in the book of Judges), functions
not only as magistrate, but as warrior as well. The two tasks are in fact identical:
the salvation of oppressed individual from oppressor and of the oppressed nation
from the oppressive nation. In Israel and the ancient Near East, the king was both
supreme commander of the army and supreme judge. These tasks were combined
most naturally, and this natural combination is reflected in the identical theo-
phany imagery employed at war and injustice.52
Especially significant as far as ancient Near Eastern parallels are concerned is
the Day of the Lord prophecy in Isaiah 2, which exhibits many points of compari-
son to the theophany of Psalm 29. These two passages deal not with war, but with
the revelation of God's glory, or, in Isaiah's words, the fear ("IHS) of the Lord and
the splendour ("HI"!) of his majesty' (2.19). This strange juxtaposition of 'fear'
(ins) and 'splendour' can be explained on the basis of Akkadianpwttw melammu,
which we find in reference to both divine revelation and the presence of a human
king.pulhu is fear, melammu is splendour. The two expressions are a hendiadys
that describes the theophany as simultaneously splendid and terrifying. Hence the
splendour and fear of the verse in Isaiah. Elsewhere I have dealt with biblical
parallels topulhu melammu',53 here we shall confine our discussion to Isaiah 2.
In Mesopotamia we find a text in which pulhu melammu appears in a context
similar to that of Isaiah 2: men are judged and requited by the goddess Inanna,
who appears in terror and splendor. Furthermore. The Anuna, a type of lesser
divinity, hide from Inanna's splendour in crevices of the rocks, like bats. In this
text, called The Exaltation oflnanna from the end of the third millennium BCE,
we read: 'As men appear before your fear and glory they are requited as they
50. See S.E. Loewenstamm, 'The Trembling of Nature during Theophany', Comparative Studies
in Biblical and Ancient Oriental Literatures (AOAT, 204; 1980), pp. 173-89; J. Jeremias (above,
n. 44), pp. 97ff.
51. E. Ebe\mg, Die Akkadische Gebetserie 'Handerhebung' (1953), p. 130,11.20ff.
52. Cf., M. Weinfeld, SocialJustice (above, n. 13), pp. 189-90.
53. M. Weinfeld, "]im' (above, n. 26), cols. 27-31.
deserve.. .the Anuna (lesser divinities) fly to and fro as bats and flee from you to
the crevices of rocks. These dare not stand before your fear and splendour.'54
These sentences are typologically parallel to Isaiah 2.12-21:
For the Lord of hosts has (ready) a day against all that is proud and arrogant.. .And
men shall enter caverns in the rock and hollows in the ground - Before the fear of the
Lord and the splendour of his majesty, when he comes forth to overawe the earth. On
that day men shall fling away to the flying foxes and the bats, the idols of silver and
the idols of gold which they made for worshipping. And they shall enter the clefts in
the rocks and the crevices in the cliffs, before the fear of the Lord and the splendour of
his majesty, when he comes forth to overawe the earth.
The similarity is, of course, only in the form and expressions used to describe the
theophany, not in the content and purpose. In Isaiah, God appears in order to lay
low man's pride, which attaches divine value to human handicraft. Idolatry, for
Isaiah, symbolizes power and the worship of power. When God reveals himself,
all men will know that he alone is exalted, and will abandon the idols of their
own handicraft that they now worship.
It can hardly be expected that these ideas would be found in Babylonian liter-
ature, but the very idea of the terror that results from the theophany is expressed
identically in Israel and in Babylonia. The conventions are similar; the ideas are
thoroughly different.
Theophanies similar to that of Isaiah 2 and its Babylonian parallel are found
also in the revelations to Moses and Elijah at Horeb. Both stood in a cave or rock
when God appeared. Regarding Moses: 'As my Presence passes by, I will put you
in a cleft of the rock' (Exod. 33.22), and regarding Elijah: 'When Elijah heard, he
wrapped his mantle about his face and stood at the entrance of the cave' (1 Kgs
19.13). Compare also Exod. 3.6, 'And Moses hid his face, for he was afraid to
look at the Lord'. Even more interesting are God's words to Job out of the whirl-
wind. Here we find a hitherto undiscussed parallel to Isaiah. There, in reference to
man's impotence as opposed to God's omnipotence, we read: 'Deck yourself now
with grandeur and eminence (TDJ1 ]1N3),55 clothe yourself in glory and splendour
(""Hill "Tin). Scatter wide your raging anger; see every proud man and bring him
low. See every proud man and humble him, and bring them down where they
stand. Bury them all in the earth; hide their faces in obscurity' (Job 40.10-13).
Here we find all the elements familiar to us from Isaiah 2: (1) splendour and
anger appearing simultaneously; (2) the humbling of the arrogant; (3) hiding in
the dust - all of which are the result of God's appearing in the whirlwind. One
can hardly consider these elements in Job as parts of a Day of the Lord prophecy.
In all the above cases we have a conventional model of ancient theophany.
However, in the ancient Near East, the god sheds some of his glory and majesty
on the king, and therefore the appearance of the king in battle is similar to that of
the gods. Even the motif of hiding occurs in such a context. In the Sennacherib
54. W. W. Hallo, J. J. A. von Dijk, The Exaltation oflnanna (1968) 16,11. 2Iff.
55. For these expressions being synonymous with TOD/lin, cf. my "1133' (above, n. 26), cols.
28-29.
inscriptions we read: 'Great kings leave their dwellings (in the face ofpulhu
melammu) as bats in caves fly alone to abandoned places'.56 We might add, in
reference to Isaiah 2, that the motif of throwing away gold and silver in order to
depend upon the Lord alone recurs in Zeph. 1.17-18: 'I will bring distress upon
the people and they shall walk like blind men, because they sinned against the
Lord.. .Moreover, their silver and gold shall not avail to save them on the Day of
the Lord's wrath'. Compare also Ezek. 7.19: 'They shall throw their silver into
the streets, and their gold shall be treated as something unclean. Their silver and
gold shall not avail to save them on the Day of the Lord's wrath to satisfy their
hunger or to fill their stomachs, for they made them stumble into guilt.' It would
not be justified to speak of direct influence of Zephaniah on Ezekiel, or vice versa.
We are dealing with expressions typical of a certain genre: one of the motifs of
the Day of the Lord prophecy is the futility of gold and silver in the face of God's
majesty. This motif is found as well in Proverbs, a completely neutral book as far
as prophecy is concerned: 'Wealth is of no avail on the day of wrath (DVD
rrnu)' (11.4). This is obviously the same conception, applied by the prophets to
the Day of the Lord.
The Sanctification of the Divine Name and the

Establishment of the Divine Kingdom
In light of the above, it seems likely that the belief in a future redeeming revela-
tion lies at the heart of the Day of the Lord prophecies, and is expressed in the
prayers of the people. Although the people are aware, and the prophets constantly
remind them, that this revelation is bound up with a last judgement in which even
Israelite evildoers will not be spared, the central aspect of the revelation is the
sanctification of God's name and the establishment of the God of Israel as King
of the earth. This is expressed in Ezekiel's prophecy (38.18-23) regarding Gog:
'On that day.. .a terrible earthquake shall befall the land of Israel.. .1 will punish
him (the enemy) with pestilence and bloodshed...hailstones and sulphurous
fire...Thus will I manifest my greatness and my holiness, and make myself
known in the sight of many nations', and in the prophecy of Zechariah (14.3-9):
'The Lord will come forth and make war on those nations...there shall be a
continuous day only the Lord knows when - of neither day nor night... And
Lord shall be king over all the earth.. .the Lord will be one and his name one'.
Compare also the passage in Isa. 5.16-17: 'And the Lord of Hosts is exalted in
judgement: the Holy God sanctified by righteousness', a passage which belongs
to Isaiah's Day of the Lord prophecy in ch. 2.57 These motifs of sanctification of
God's name and the establishment of his kingdom became dominant in the
liturgy. We have cited above references to God's kingdom in the liturgy: to these
must be added references to the sanctification of his name.
56. D.D. Luckenbill, The Annals of Sennacherib (1924), p. 24; i.18.

57. Verses 15-16 interrupt the flow of Isa. 5 and their style belongs rather to 2.6ff. (see Com-
mentaries).
The Amidah prayers of the New Year contain references to the sanctification
of God's name along with reference to his kingship: After the petition 'Rule
over us thou alone speedily', we find 'Thou art holy and thy name is awesome
(SPB 351,361), in connection with which Isa. 5.16,
'And the Lord of Hosts is exalted by judgement; the Holy God sanctified with
righteousness', is cited. A Benediction regarding the sanctification of God's name
(D£H ntDnp) is contained in the daily Amidah as well (SPB 55) and according to
ancient sources (Sifre, Dent, 343) and Geniza texts,58 this Benediction also
contained the above-mentioned phrase 'Thou art holy and thy name is awesome',
now recited only on the New Year. The juxtaposition of God's holy name and his
kingship is a dominant motif in all Jewish liturgy. The congregation must recite
seven times daily the Kaddish,59 which begins with the sanctification of God's
name and the establishment of his kingdom. Although its origins are unclear, the
Kaddish has very ancient roots and it expresses the Israelite aspiration of the Day
of the Lord.60
The 'complete Kaddish' is recited at the end of each service, and is the sum-
mit of all the prayers. Similarly, the Aleinu prayer is recited toward the end of
each service. This poetic Hebrew prayer expresses the hope that idolatry will
pass from the earth, that the world will be perfected in the kingdom of the
Almighty and that all will accept the yoke of God's kingship. As we have pointed
out, it is accepted in modern scholarship that this prayer is from second temple
times. It is in fact the credo recited by the worshipper at the end of the service.
Other prayers which combine the sanctification of the divine name and the
establishment of the divine kingdom, include the prayer before the reading of the
Torah, cited in Tractate Soferim 14.1: 'Magnified and hallowed, praised and
glorified.. .be the name of the supreme King of Kings.. .in the world which he has
created.. .according to his desire.. .May his kingdom be revealed and seen by us'
(SPB 210), which is in fact a Hebrew version of the Aramaic Kaddish. Compare
also the Lord's prayer: 'Hallowed be thy name. Thy kingdom come: thy will be
done on earth as in heaven (^throughout the world)' (Mt. 6.9-10; Lk. 11.2).
Compare also the prayer in the preliminary morning service, cited in the Midrash
Tanna debe Eliahu: 'Reveal thy holiness to those who sanctify thy name.. .let all
mankind realize and know that thou alone art God over all the kingdoms on earth;
gather them that hope for thee from the four corners of the earth.. .who among all
thy creatures can say unto thee: what dost thou?...' (SPB 10). This liturgy has
much in common with the prayer in Ecclesiasticus 36 quoted above; especially
salient are the parallels in the motifs of sanctification of the Lord: the realization
of all the inhabitants of the world that there is no god besides YHWH; the hope
of the ingathering of the exiles, coupled with the idea of absolute sovereignty of
God ('who can say to God: what dost thou?').
58. See, e.g., S. Schechter, 'Genizah Specimens', JQR 10 (1898), pp. 656-57; see also below
chapter 5, pp. 91-93.
59. Cf., e.g., in'nen -pll? (by J.M. Epstein), D"n miK, par. 54.
Coming of the Day of the Lord - Soon and Speedily

The anticipation of the divine kingdom and the wish that it be revealed 'speedily
and soon' p"Hp pTD K^m, Kaddish), is also rooted in the prophecies of the
Day of the Lord:
The great day of the Lord is approaching... most swiftly (1KQ 1HD1 THp) (Zeph.
1.14).
The time has come; the day is near (DVH 21"lp) (Ezek. 7.7).
For a day is near. A day of the Lord is near (Ezek. 30.3).
For the day of the Lord has come. It is close pl"lp) (Joel 2.1).
For the day of the Lord is close pl"lp) in the valley of decision (Joel 4.14).
Yea, against all nations, the day of the Lord is close pl"lp) (Obad. 15).
For the vision is a witness (read II?; see above p. 70) for the appointed time. . .even if it
tarries, wait for it still. It will surely come, without delay (Hab. 2.3).
Compare the following liturgical passages:

Rebuild it (the Temple) soon, in our days (IPD^ mipn) (Amidah, SPB 59).
Speedily cause the offspring of thy servant David to flourish (Amidah, SPB 60).
May his kingdom be revealed very soon (prayer before the reading of the Torah; SPB 83).
We hope. ..soon to behold thy majestic glory (Aleinu, SPB 94).
May he establish his kingdom. . .speedily and soon (Kaddish, SPB 94).
Speedily in our days, in our lifetime do dwell there forever (Sabbath morning
Qedushah, SPB 199).
Compare also the following verses from the Gospel of Luke:

. . .they thought that the reign of God will reveal itself at any moment (Lk. 19. 1 1).
. . .you may know that the kingdom of God is near (eyyus) (Lk. 21.31).
The kingdom of God has come close (rjyyiKev) to you (Lk. 10.9).
The kingdom of God has come close (rjyyiKev) (Lk. 10.1 1).
The closeness of the Day of the Lord must encourage the people to repent. Thus
Isa. 56. 1 : 'Observe what is right and do what is just, for soon my salvation shall
come. . . '; cp. 5 1 .4-5: 'Hearken to me my people. The triumph I grant is near, the
salvation has gone forth'; Mt. 3.2: 'Repent for the kingdom of heaven is close to
you (rjyy IKEV)', and Mk. 1.15: 'The time has come, the kingdom of God is close
to you. Repent.'
The Hope for Salvation

The 'longing' for the Lord that comes boldly to expression in the words of the
prophets (compare above in the beginning of this study) continues in the liturgy
of the second temple period. Thus we read in the Qumran prayer devoted to
Zion:61 'Great is your hope, O Zion...those who desire (D^NDEri) the day of
your salvation will rejoice in your plentiful glory...How they hoped for your
salvation... Your hope will never die, O Zion, and your aspiration will never be
61. J.A. Sanders, The Psalm Scroll of Cave 11(1 lQPs.a), DJDIV (1965) cols. 22; 2ff.
forgotten... Take the vision which speaks of you...'. This is reminiscent of the
formula in the prayer for the Davidic kingdom in the daily Amidah: Tor we have
hoped for your salvation all day' (SPB 60). Take the vision which speaks of
you' can be compared to Ecclesiasticus 36.15: 'Fulfil the vision spoken in thy
name'.
Anticipation of the divine kingdom was considered especially meritorious.
Thus Dan 12.12 'Happy is the man who waits', and Isa. 30.18: 'Happy are all
who wait for him'. The Gospels also hold those who wait for the Lord in special
esteem: 'Joseph of Aramithea.. .a man who waited for the kingdom of God' (Mk.
15.43; Lk. 23.51).
In the Aramaic Targumim, one who anticipates the divine kingdom is called
a 'desirer', thus in the Targum to Jer. 31.5: 'Those who desire
the years of consolation (WOf]) to come, who say: when will we arise and go up
to Zion to be seen before our God'. In the Targum to 2 Sam. 23.4. 'And it shall
be well with you who desired (THftnft) the years of consolation (WOID) to
come'. 'Consolation' (KPQn3) as a term for the redemption is ascribed in the
Talmud62 to Simeon ben Shetah and Judah b. Tabbai (first century BCE): 'may I
not live to see the consolation if.. .(Hftnn n&ON N1?)'. These rabbis lived during
the second temple period, and thus the consolation is not necessarily the
rebuilding of the temple but rather all eschatological hopes. In Targum Pseudo-
Jonathan to Gen. 1.21 we read that Leviathan and his partner are ready for 'the
day of consolation', i.e., the feast of the redemption. (This feast is referred to in
the Apocrypha, cf. 1 Bar. 29.4, and the gospels, cf. Mt. 8.11; 26.29; Lk. 13.29-
30; 14.15; 22.18.) Compare the reference to consolations (KHftrj]) in the
Kaddish, and the rabbinic statement that the day of consolation is hidden from
man (b. Pes. 54b).
One should mention in this context the liturgical exclamations marana tha (=
master, come) at the end of 1 Corinthians (16.21) and at the end of Revelation
(22.20). There, Jesus says: 'Yes, I am coming soon', to which the response is
'Amen, come, Lord Jesus'. The same response marana tha is found at the end of
the Grace of the Meal at Didache (10.6), which encompasses eschatological
petitions such as 'Hosanna (save us), God of David'.63 This is to be compared
with the prayers at the end of the Jewish grace after meals: 'May the merciftil one
send us Elijah the prophet...' (SPB 429), 'Make us worthy of the days of the
Messiah' (SPB 430). The eschatological aspirations of Judaism were then
adopted by the early Christians, but the object of the aspirations changed from
'Lord God' to 'Lord Jesus'. See below p. 118.
In addition to the above-cited eschatological petitions at the closing of various
liturgies, we have the im^KD "pK prayer at the end of the Jewish service (SPB
238), whose acrostic reads KD ]DK ('Amen, come'), similar to the Christian for-
mulae.64
62. b. Mak. 5b and parallels.

63. G. Alon, Studies in Jewish History, I (1967), p. 290 (Hebrew).
64. E. Werner, 'The Doxology in Synagogue and Church, A Liturgico-Musical Study', HUCA 19
(1945^6), p. 302, n. 89.
To sum up: The belief in a final revelation of God to save the world thus
unites all Israelite sources, from the prayer of Moses to the contemporary liturgy.
This salvation involves the abolition of evil; hence the dim aspects of the Day of
the Lord prophecies (compare the phrase, 'the birthpangs of the Messiah', in later
Judaism.) The details differ in the various sources, and the 'day' takes on differ-
ent characteristics in Amos from those in Jeremiah, Ezekiel or Daniel. Daniel in
turn differs from the zealots of the Roman period in that he speaks of a redemp-
tion 'without hands': T DBKD (8.25), ] n TD *ft "H (2.45). What is similar in the
prophecies and in the beliefs of the people in all generations is the conviction that
the redemption will indeed come, and that God's name will be sanctified on earth.
All generations are united in the belief that the redemption is coming 'soon',
though exactly in what manner was always subject to various interpretations.
Chapter 5
THE ANGELIC SONG OVER THE LUMINARIES IN THE QUMRAN TEXTS
There are in the Qumran Psalms Scroll (1 lQPsa), in addition to the psalms them-
selves, fragments of other hymns and prayers the nature and essential character-
istics of which have so far not been investigated. In this study we shall analyse
the so-called 'Hymn to the Creator' (col. 26.9-15).1
The 'Hymn to the Creator' appears in the scroll immediately after Ps. 150.2 In
this hymn we find in 26.12 the angels singing at the very phenomenon upon
which the Yoser Qedushah of the morning3 is based and which, as we shall see, is
further reflected in the books of Ben Sira and Jubilees.
1. J.A. Sanders, The Psalms Scroll of Qumran Cave 11 (HQPsa), Discoveries in the Judean
Desert (=DJD) vol. 4 (1965); JA. Sanders, The Dead Sea Psalms Scrolls (1967). See DJD 4.40,47,
76-79,89-91.
2. On the importance of this position see chapter 2.
3. For the Yoser Qedushah cf. recently J. Heinemann in I. Elbogen,
(1972), pp. 52-53. The argument that the Yoser Qedushah does not appear in the Genizah
documents is now refuted by the significant number of Genizah fragments which contain Yoser
Qedushah liturgies (cf. e.g. the fragments listed by J. Heinemann, ibid., 53). Very instructive are the
passages from the Genizah published by S. Schechter, Gedenkbuch zur Erinnerung an D. Kaufmann
(1900), p. 54 (Hebrew) and S. Asaf, '"anBT p&3 H^SHH 'TTDD' Sefer Dinaburg (1949), p. 120
(Hebrew). The former reads:
The latter reads D^S Dl-Q D-TDII? D'S^K ^N ^K vniBD "1BK
.. .D-ITDCD!. These passages, influenced by Dan. 7.10 and Ps. 68.18, are very close to the liturgical
passage in the Epistle to the Corinthians of Clement of Rome 34.7: 'Ten thousand times ten thousand
were doing service to him crying out "Holy, Holy, Holy, Lord Sabaoth, the whole creation is full of
His Glory"', and Apostolic Constitutions VIII xii 27: 'Say together the thousand times ten thousand
of angels, incessantly and with constant and loud voices, and let the people say it with them: "Holy,
Holy, Holy, Lord of Hosts, heaven and earth are full of His glory"' (Didascalia et Constitutiones Apos-
tolorum [ed. F.X. Funk, 1905], vol. I). On the reflection of the Jewish Qedushah liturgy in 1 Clem, and
Ignatius to the Ephesians see D. Flusser, 'Sanktus und Gloria', Festschrift O. Michel (1963), pp.
132ff. For the Jewish Qedushah liturgy and especially the Yoser Qedushah embodied in the Apostolic
Constitutions, Book VII, ch. 35, see W. Bousset, 'Eine jiidische Gebetssamlung im siebenten Buch
der apostolischen Konstitutionen', Nachrichten von der Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Gottingen,
Phil. Hist. Kl., 1915,435ff. It should be admitted that the angelic praise is an independent unit inter-
polated into the Yoser Benediction. The formula STtftm ne»JD TOf! DV ^33 131123 Ennon with
which the benediction closes (S. Singer, The Standard Prayer Book, [1943] =SPB) 46-47) is almo
identical to the opening phrase JTWrn nOUD TDPI DV *?33 EnnO 131CD31 (SPB, 45), creating a
Wiederaufnahme, bringing us back to the original theme the continuity of which has been interrupted.
(On this phenomenon in biblical literature see C. Kuhl, 'Die 'Wiederaufhahme' - ein literarkritisches
5. The Angelic Song over the Luminaries in the Qumran Texts 91
The Qumran Text and its Parallels in Common Jewish Liturgy

Not only do we find in the Qumran passage that God's establishing of the
luminaries of heaven is associated with the song of the angels; the very language
of the hymn attests to its affinity to the various forms of the Qedushah, mainly to
the Amidah Qedushah and the Yoser Qedushah. Let us analyse the text.4
Great and holy is the Lord the holiest of holy ones for
every generation.
Majesty precedes Him, and following Him is the rush

of many waters.
Grace and truth surround His presence; truth and justice

and righteousness are the foundation of His throne.
He separates light from darkness, by the knowledge of

His mind He established the dawn.
When all His angels had witnessed (it) they sang aloud,
for He showed them what they had not known.
He clothes the mountains with produce, good food for

every creature.
A.
The opening line "1111 mi1? D^lp CTllp Tf IZTllpI *7n: is clearly reflected in
the various forms of the Qedushah and the Benediction of Qedushat Hashem:
recited daily, according
to the Seder Rav Amram Gaon;6
(SP5, 55), designate
for the Reader only in most rites;
Prinzip?' ZAW64 [1952], pp. 1-11). However, even if it is an interpolation (see also Flusser, ibid,
140 n. 1), this has no bearing on the dating and liturgical use of the interpolation. It is quite possible
that the phrase quoted was repeated because the angelic-song section, itself ancient, disrupted the
continuity of the benediction, rendering it necessary to compose an ending similar to the beginning;
see L. Ginzberg, 'D^Tn D^Tm D'CITD, 4.156 (New York: ITS, 1941). The extensive material
collected by A. Buchler, 'La Kedouscha du Yocer chez les Gueonim' (.RE/53 [1907], pp. 220-30)
affirms that this liturgy itself was well known and accepted, but that some authorities held that it was
not to be recited by the private worshipper, just as is the case with the Amidah Qedushah
(Maimonides, Hilkot Tefillah 7.17). This led to the Qedushah being entirely omitted from the
benediction in the SiddurR. Saadia Gaon (ed. Mekise Nirdamim, 13).
4. J.A. Sanders, DJD 4, 26.9-12. The translation is from Sanders' 1967 edition.
5. For the place of enthronement (HD^Qn) in the Qedushah, cf. my forthcoming study on the
biblical and ancient Near Eastern background of the Qedushah.
6. Seder Rav Amram Gaon (ed. D.E. Goldschmidt, 1971), p. 24.
(SPB, 55), recited by

the individual worshipper; and, in two Genizah versions;
7
8
In the morning Amidah Qedushah for the Sabbath and holidays, according to
the Ashkenazic rite, the reading is
(SPB, 199). At the conclusion of the Qedushah of the Mwsa/service for the New
Year and Day of Atonement:
9
Finally, in an ancient version found in the Qedushah songs of the
Hekhalot literature
10
All the components of the Qumran version

11
- are thus present in the various forms of the benediction oi Qedushah
Hashem and in the Qedushah itself.
That CTHpl *71T1 was considered an essential element of the QedushatHashem
benediction may be learned from the version of the Amidah found in a Cam-
bridge Genizah fragment published by E. Fleischer,12 which reads:
Since the publication of this version,

E.S. Rosenthal has shown13 that the passage in>>. Ber. 1.5,3d (=Ta 'an. 2.3,65c):
'As for those who say ^"ll ^HH etc. (Isa. 12.6), this is not considered a 'verse-
benediction', deals with the recitation of a verse of scripture as part of the bene-
diction of Qedushat Hashem like the custom reflected in the Genizah passage.
We may conclude, therefore, that the formula CTnpl *7nn, 'Great and Holy', was
an accepted portion of the benediction of Qedushah in the period of the Pales-
tinian Talmud.
Recently, N. Wieder has pointed out14 that the same verse, ^"11 ^HH (Isa.
12.6), appears in the description of the Amidah in a Genizah fragment from the
7. J. Mann, 'Genizah Fragments of the Palestinian Order of Service', HUCA 2 (1925), p. 296.
8. Ibid, p. 335 n. 134. The Qumran text shows that D^tOTIp 23T7p is an epithet related to God.
9. Appearing as early as the poems of Yannai, see Piyyutei Yannai (ed. M. Zulai, 1938) 2.336.
For a discussion on this passage and those accompanying it, see E.D. Goldschmidt,
vol. 1, Rosh Hashanah (1970), p. 43.
10. A. Altmann, 'nffnpn Hl^HH ni"lSDn HEmp 'T0', Melilah 2 (1946) 23 (58a, 11. 16ff.
The Qedushah occurs very often in Hekhalot literature, cf. P. Schafer (ed.), Synapse zur Hekhalot-
Literatur (1981); see recently M. Bar-Han, 'H^mi niZTnpn "?0 nimnnrrt 110^ ^llp', Daat 2
(1980), pp. 10-14.
is congruent in meaning and construction with IDT "IK T"TK which is found in
the Musaf Qedushah on the festivals and High Holy Days (see Elbogen, 66,521). The pleonastic type
of the construct state of two nouns of the same root encountered in D'&Tnp t£Tnp and 1]T"IN T1K is
especially prevalent in later literature; cf. Y. Avishur, The Construct State of Synonyms in Biblical
Rhetoric (Jerusalem: Kiryat Sefer, 1977) (Hebrew), p. 83, 175 (forD-ffnp emp see the reference
there to
12. E. Fleischer, 'nTQm nKTllp ^ DlfpH nnDl]^', Sinai 63 (1968), pp. 240-41.
13. E.S. Rosenthal, 'Two Comments', Tarbiz 41 (1972), p. 450 (Hebrew).
14. N. Wieder, 'On an Obscure Passage in the Palestinian Talmud', Tarbiz 43 (1974), pp. 46-52
(Hebrew). On 'DTI ^HH in the Qedushah of the Karaites, see Bar-Han (above, n. 10), pp. 15-16.
Adler collection after 1111 1111?. Wieder thus demonstrates a connection between
the formula ETHpl ÎTl and Till 1111?, and the verse ']11' ^HH which contains
the words 'Great and Holy'. Now it becomes evident that tDllpl *71Tl was recited
together with "1111 "1111? already in the Qumran liturgy.
Alongside £H1pl ^Ttl in the Qedushah benediction we find also
'holy and awesome': J2V N1131 1HK BTHp.15 The triplet ETHp^llD^li:! is
attested, in fact, in the liturgy of the Bible itself. In the enthronement psalm
(Psalm 99), in which a triple ' Qedushah", in the form of three separate refrains
echoes throughout (vv. 3, 5, 9), we read: K11 EHIp tTTW ÎH JW 1611V, 'Let
them praise Your name, Great and Awesome One! Holy is He!' The formula
then, existed alongside that of 81131 ETHp found in the S//re,17 and it
was the former which became normative in the Qumran service and has remained
so ever since.
The combination of ttTHp^ll}, and N1131 appears again in the formal respon-
sive prayer chanted prior to the reading of the Torah (SPB, 216). As part of this
prayer it is customary to recite the Shema' followed by the verses beginning
from Psalm 99 (vv. 5, 9) just quoted. It thus appears that the
refrains of this psalm, ~p£> 11V and the two 1EQ11 verses, provide a basis for a
liturgy, combining Shema(with Qedushah.^
The verse with which the 'Hymn to the Creator' opens thus constitutes a for-
mula of the Qedushah type and shows that the Qedushah rite was already exis-
tent in the second temple period.19
B.
'Majesty precedes Him and following
Him is the rush of many waters'. Such imagery is known to us from the various
biblical descriptions of theophanies. 'Glory and splendour' (111/111) precede
God in Ps. 96.6, while the sound of'many waters' accompanying his appearance
is well known from the description of the heavenly chariot in Ezek. 1.24 and
especially 43.2. The latter verse describes the glory (1133) of God coming from
the east while its sound is like the sound of 'many waters', and the earth shone
with his glory:
. This is similar to what we find in the hymn discussed here.
15. Sifre Dent. 343 (ed. Finkelstein, 395), cf. Pirqe de-Rabbi Eliezer 31 and the Genizah versions:
J. Mann, 'Genizah Fragments of the Palestinian Order of Service', HUCA 2 (1925), pp. 269-338; S.
Schechter, 'Genizah Specimens', JQR 10 (1898), pp. 656-59; Asaf, Sefer Dinaburg, p. 117.
16. Taking IIV as jussive, as w. 5 and 9 are imperative.
17. For a combination of both formulae cf. Kin empfcCHDmTQ^m ^"Un "[ÔH in the Yoser
Qedushah (SPB, 46).
18. On the combination of the Shema' unit with the Qedushah see my book, Early Jewish Liturgy
(2004), xxii-xxvi (Hebrew).
19. Therefore, the origin of KTHpl "TITI in 11 QPsa is not to be sought in linguistic association with
Pss. 149-150, as proposed by P.W. Skehan, 'A Liturgical Complex in HQPsa', CBQ 35 (1973),
p. 203.
In this hymn as well the coming glory (~nn)20 is accompanied by the rush of
'many waters'21 and following its appearance comes the light (11. 11-12).
Moreover, like the theophany of Ezekiel, which revolves around the throne and
chariot (chs. 1, 10), so also here we find next to the 'many waters', the throne
and its attributes (v. 3). The image of God's throne upon the
waters22 which occurs in Rev. 4.6 and b. Hag. 12b-13a indeed belongs to the
Merkabah tradition, incipient in the book of Ezekiel,23 and may be traced back to
more ancient times.24 Moreover, the 'many waters' in Ezekiel come to illustrate
the rush and sound of angels' wings (1.24; 10.5), and it seems that in our hymn
also the rush of the 'many waters' in v. 2 already anticipates the angels of v. 5.
According to the Targum of Ezek. 43.2 'the sound of many waters' actually con-
stitutes the angels' praise: 'the voice of those blessing his name'
iTQEJ). This view is already found in 1.24 where DnD1 D^Q *71p3 is explained by
the Targum as the sound of angels praising the Lord and
is interpreted as the voice of the camp of heavenly angels
tWDTHD). An identical explanation is given by the Targum for the
in Ezek. 3.12.25 The same conception lies behind the LXX translation of Ezek.
43.2. is rendered
SirrXaaiaôvTcov TroAAoiv, 'and the sound of the camp like the sound of many
redoubling (their shouts)'. The camp which is added here is based on Ezek. 1.24
whereas the redoubling draws upon the tradition that the angels continually
praise the Lord (cf. Rev. 4.8).26 The notion that the wings of the angels are, as it
were, their instruments for singing is reflected in the 'Angelic Liturgy' of
Qumran: DiTSDD D1""Q H]"l "pQiTl, 'and there is a roar of singing as they lift their
20. "lin is synonymous with TD3 and constitutes an identical concept; see my article TOD in
TWATQsd. H. Ringgren and G.S. Botterweck, 1982), vol. IV, cols. 25-27.
21. D'D )1Qn in Jer. 10.13; 51.16 andD'm D n Q in Jer. 51.13 are associated with rain and, there-
fore, are irrelevant for the context of w. 2-3 of the hymn where theophany and God's throne occur
(contra Sanders in his edition and Skehan, 204).
22. 'The sound of many waters', D'D"! D^D J1K2) in Isa. 17.12-13 is paralleled there by the sound
of the roaring seas, D^Q"1 DIDro, and according to the Merkabah traditions God's throne is upon the
sea. Cf., e.g., the Moslem tradition of Ibn Sayyad taken from the Merkabah literature: 'I see a throne
upon the sea (var. upon the water) and around it al-Hayyaf. For the latter see D.J. Halperin, 'Ibn
Sayyad Traditions and the Legend of al-Dajjal', JAOS 96 (1976), p. 217.
23. This view is correctly illustrated by D.J. Halperin, 'The Exegetical Character of Ezek. X 9-
17', FT 26 (1976), pp. 129-41.
24. For the biblical roots of this idea, see my article 'Divine Invervention in War in Ancient Israel
and in the Ancient Near East', History, Historiography and Interpretation (ed. H. Tadmor and
M. Weinfeld, 1983), pp. 121-47.
25. '.. .N"I|T "p~Q ]HD»1 ]TQIBD1 PI ^p', 'a great roaring sound of those who praise and say
"Blessed"...'
26. Cf. Apost. Constit. VIII xii 27: 'ten thousand times ten thousand of angels incessantly.. .say:
"Holy, Holy, Holy"...' (see above, n. 3). For Rabbinic parallels and for an analysis of the LXX
version of Ezek. 43.2 see D.J. Halperin, 'Merkabah Midrash in the Septuagint',./5L 101 (1982), pp.
351-53. According to Halperin, this concept goes back to Ps. 68.18 where ]K3I0 is derived from ITDE?,
'repeat'. Ps. 68.18 is incorporated in the Qedushah pasage of Apost. Constit. VII xxxv 3 and in the
Genizah (see n. 3).
wings'.27 The same conception prevails in the rabbinic sources (b. Hag. 13b; Gen.
Rab. 65.21 [ed. Theodor-Albeck, 737-40] and parallels). It should be remembered
that in Isa. 6.4 we find that the doorposts shook from the sound of the praising
angels: KTIpn *71pD CTSDn DION IBri. It is therefore not impossible that the
above interpretation in Ezekiel reflects a kernel of authentic interpretation.
That the 'sound of the many waters' has been associated with the Yoser liturgy
may be learned from a Genizah fragment of the Yoser benediction. Here we read:
'He comes from the way o

the East, and His sound is like the sound of many waters; the earth shines from
His glory. Arise, shine, for your light has come and the Glory of the Lord has
shone upon you. Blessed are You.. .Creator of the luminaries'.28 This passage is a
combination of two verses, one taken from the theophany in Ezek. 43.2 and the
other taken from Isa. 60.1. As has been argued by S. Lieberman (see below), the
latter seems to correspond to the morning prayer of the Essenes as described by
Josephus (War. 2.128). As will be shown below, the Isaianic verse incorporated
in the Yoser benediction reflects the eschatological concept implied in the praise
of the renewal of the luminaries which is prevalent in the sectarian literature.
C.
'Grace and truth surround
His presence, truth and justice and righteousness are the foundation of His
throne'. As has been indicated, the throne of God is part of the theophany
presented here, and the theme of the throne is indeed prominent in the various
Yoser hymns. Thus we find in the famous El Adon hymn30 (SPB, 187-88) a
glorious description of the Lord's chariot,31 and, as in the Qumran hymn, it is
associated there with grace, justice and uprightness.
llQPs* El Adon
27. C. Newsom, Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice-A Critical Edition (1985), p. 315.
28. Cf. Mann, 292.
29. HDK in this hemistich seems to be redundant; cf. Skehan, p. 203 n. 26.
30. On the early date of this poem see E. Fleischer, 'The Diffusion of the Qedusha of the Amidah
and the Yoser in the Palestinian Jewish Ritual', Tarbiz 38 (1969), p. 270 (Hebrew).
31. rmion ^ 11333 nroi tznpn nvn bs mwnon, 'Who rises high on the holy Chayoth,
majestic in glory on the chariot'. The throne occurs also in another Yoser hymn of the Sabbath lit-
urgy, H30 n^ ^, where we read: 11133 K03 ^ 32T1 H^HD 'ITSEn DVD, 'on the seventh da
He exalted himself and sat upon the throne of His glory' (SPB, 188).
32. plH has been transformed into niDT as a result of the late Hebrew use of H13T. Cf., for
example, Gen. 15.6: nplU 1*7 mOVI, Targums: IDT^ H1? H3O11 (Tg. Onq. andTg. Ps.-J.); 2 Sam.
19.29: npis 1117 ^ 2r HOI, Targum: IDT 111? ^ rTK HQ1. The well-known Mishnah in Mak. 3.15 so
interprets Isa. 42.21
in the quoted verse
served as the basis for the idea of HO. I owe this last observation to Dr. Baruch Schwartz.
HQPsa ElAdon
Grace and truth surround His presence (Truth) Grace and compassion are before His
and justice and righteousness (are) the base of glory Justice and uprightness (are) before
His throne His throne33
This theme has its origin in Ps. 89.15,34 'Righteousness and justice are the
base of Your throne, grace and truth stand before You',
The hymnic part of this psalm, which preserves an
ancient angelic liturgy,35 shows affinities to the Yoser Qedushah pattern in other
respects as well. Thus we find there at the beginning a section (w. 1-5) which
revolves around the formula ""I1T1 "IH1? (vv. 1,5), found in line 1 of the Qumran
hymn and discussed above in connection with the benediction of Qedushat
Hashem. Then comes the praise of the angels (vv. 6-9) followed by the creation
theme (vv. 10-15) in which the throne associated with grace, truth and justice
appears (w. 15). The next verse speaks about the 'light' of God's presence,
(vv. 16). Now the question is: what is the meaning of the grace in the
cosmic angelic context found here?
Cosmic Renewal as Grace, Truth, Righteousness and Compassion

A characteristic feature of the hymns and prayers of the Yoser liturgy is the vari-
ous expressions of benevolence, grace and truth that occur so often there:
He Who brings light to the earth and to them that dwell upon it with
compassion, and in His goodness renews each day (always) the work of creation'
(SPB, 45).
2. *\WEh TIM "lir 31D HEP! nni taSI "p^n, 'He has established and made
the rays of the sun and thus has formed goodness, glory to His name' (SPB, ibid.,
the hymn of
3. D1Dm niDD «"1D^ Vnen^l IÎD D^l^b T^DI, 'Who brings light to the
whole universe and its inhabitants whom He has created with the measure of
compassion' (SPB, 187, the poe
33. Similar descriptions are found in the Hebrew book of Enoch, H. Odeberg, 3 Enoch (1928), ch.
xxxi, 106 (Hebrew, 48), and in various midrashim; cf., for example
in II [ed. A. Wertheimer, Jerusalem: Mosad HaRav Kook, 1952], p. 343.
34. The expression in HQPsa 'surrounding his presence', VJS TDD, recalls also Ps. 89.8,9:
35. See my forthcoming study mentioned in n. 5.

36. Compare in the eucharistic prayer of Addai and Mari: 'Who created the world and its inhabi-
tants in His lovingkindness'. This prayer is considered 'the most ancient Christian eucharistic compo-
sition to which we can have access today' (L. Bouyer, Eucharist, Theology and Spirituality of the
Eucharistic Prayer [1966], p. 147). According to G. Dix (The Shape of the Liturgy [London: 1945],
186) it is to be dated to later second or early third century. Cf. also J. Vellian, 'The Anaphoral
Structure of Addai and Mari compared to the Berakoth Preceding the Shema ' in the Synagogue
Morning Service', Le Museon 85 (1972), pp. 201-223. (This article refers constantly to the second
benediction before Shema ' as 'ahubah', but it should be called 'ahabah').
4.
'His greatness and goodness fill the uni-
verse Justice and uprightness are before His throne, grace and compassion are
before His glory. Good are the luminaries which our God created...' (£7 A don
Hymn, SP5, 187-88).
5
'He sought, established and made the radiance of His sun... Those who
perform His righteousness, those who are close to His mercy, sang a song of
praise to their king' (TID3n DI^D HtDK of the Genizah, see below).
6.
'Who created the heavens by His com-
mand and all their hosts by the breath of His mouth; He has given them fixed
statute and season so that they should not alter their task..., the One who per-
forms truth, Whose work is true" (benediction over the New Moon, SPB, 437).
In a Qumran passage to be cited below, in which God's knowledge (Hin) is
associated with the luminaries, the divine attributes of justice, plH, and mercy,
are also mentioned (1QS 10.11-12): 'I shall call God 'my righteousness'
and the Most High 'establisher of my goodness' ("Olft *p3E), 'fountain of
knowledge' (Din "Ylpft)'.37 The goodness and grace ofthe Lord in all these pas-
sages may be explained in the following manner. The rising ofthe sun is due to
the gracious force ofthe Creator:
'Who renews through his goodness the creation every day continually' (Yoser
liturgy, SPB, 45,46; cf. b. Hag. 12b). This notion is in fact expressed in the con-
tinuation ofthe Qumran hymn discussed here: 'He clothes the mountains with
produce, good food for every living creature',
(line 6). With the rise ofthe dawn everything is, as it were, newly cre-
ated. Angels as well as men praise God for the renewal of creation and especially
for the regeneration ofthe luminaries (cf. the benediction
and flEK/nDlDK in this context express the benevolent, constant creation of
God as found in Gen. Rab. 78.1 (ed. Theodor-Albeck, 915): 'It is written (Lam
3.23) "They are new every morning, great is Your truth" (lit. 'steadfastness =
'Because You renew us every mor-
ning, we know that great is Your truth to redeem us/to revive our dead.'39 The
juxtaposition of awakening in the morning with awakening in the afterlife is
37. For nin and p"TU associated with the heavenly bodies, cf. 1QM 17.8:
, and see Y. Yadin, The Scroll ofthe War ofthe Sons of Light
against the Sons of Darkness (1955) (Hebrew), p. 259 n. 8.
38. The preceding verse speaks about God's uninterrupted grace and compassion:
, which is echoed in the Modim benediction ofthe Shemoneh Esreh, the main
topic of which is thanks to God for his wondrous deeds every day. There we read:
'You are the Beneficent One for Your compassion has never
ceased, You are the Compassionate One for Your grace/kindness has never ended' (SPB, 63).
39. Cf. the parallels in Lam. Rab. And Midrash Tehillim for which see Theodor-Albeck, Gen.
Rab. 915-16. Compare also the prayer 'DKITDD recited upon waking from sleep: 'I thank You... Who
restored my soul within me mercifully, great is Your steadfastness'. For the history of this prayer cf.
A. Berliner, Randbemerkungen zum tdglichen Gebetbuch (1909), p. 31.
likewise expressed in the TOE] TTl^K prayer and in the hymns of the Qumran
Hodayot.40
Regeneration of the lights in the morning, described as the 'eternal grace' of
the Lord, is found in the song about changing seasons in 1QS 10.1^4:
'When the luminaries shine forth from the holy height. . .when they are being
renewed (D£Hnnm)...a sign... for eternal grace' (DÎU HD!"!;!!. 3-4).
Renewal of creation linked to the praise of the angels, as in the Yoser prayer,
is actually found in the Hodayot Scroll (1QH 1.3-14):
'I thank you my God, that you have dealt wondrously with dust41 to raise from
the dust of the worms of the dead (DT1E niîn HSI^Q D*Hn*?) to the everlasting
foundation (D*71J? 11D^)...to stand in Your presence together with the eternal
hosts ... to be renewed together with the whole creation' (PP J1D ^3 DU ETinnn ^).42
'Raising from the dust of the worms of the dead' in this context is to be
associated with the idea of revival from death in the morning.43 The 'renewal'
here is the renovation of creation every morning when men and angels unite
together to praise the Lord, a union which has eschatological overtones, as
indicated above.
The rebirth of the luminaries associated with the idea of 'truth' and combined
with eschatological revival is clearly expressed in a Jewish prayer to be said at
the appearance of the new moon.44
Blessed be You, O God. . .Who created the heavens. . .(and) all their host. He assigned
to them order and season... They are glad and rejoice to do the will of their Master
(D]lp ]im r™irt D^nQ^ OW),45 the Worker of truth Whose work is true (T1DK bins
HQK in'TlUSK});46 He commanded the moon to renew itself (CnnrTO) as a crown of
glory to those carried from the womb (]DD ""DlQi?^) who likewise are destined to
renew themselves and to glorify their Creator.47
The 'work of truth' here has been rightly understood by Rashi on San. 42a:
'that they do not change their course'. That concept is
40. Cf. Chapter 8.

41. For this idea in the morning prayers of the cited Qumran sect as well as those of the conven-
tional Jewish prayers, see chapter 8.
42. For rrn], cf. 1QS 3.15: iTTtn mn *?3 which means 'whatever exists', i.e., the whole uni-
verse. See J. Licht, D"31Dn rfrao (1965), p. 90 and the references there.
43. See Chapter 8.
44. Quoted in b. San. 42a and Tractate Soferim 19.10 (ed. M. Higger, Massechet Sopherim [1937],
pp. 337-38); cf. SPB, p. 437.
45. For such phrases in the Qedushah liturgy cf. the El Adon hymn (SPB, 188):
'They (the luminaries) rejoice in their going
forth and are glad in their returning, they perform with awe the will of their master'. For the heavenly
host performing the will of its master, cf. in the Yoser liturgy (SPB, 45): 'and all of them in awe and
fear do the will of their master', DJIp JUTl HNTm rUTSC U*VS D^l. Cf. Slavonic Enoch 6.4: 'The
heavenly host.. .stand before God and perform His will'.
46. An alternative formula: flDK Dn*7II?Se? HQK ' ^DS, ascribes the work to the luminaries them-
selves. A variant in a Schechter manuscript reads: p~TiJ IÛS. See Higger, Massechet Sopherim,
p. 338, n. 76.
47. In Mahzor Vitry (ed. S. Hurvitz; Niirenberg, 1889 [2nd edn, 1923]), p. 183: n^S^l ETinnn1?
DniQD D"1HV, 'to renew themselves and to glorify their Creator like then? (i.e., like the luminaries).
actually expressed in the prayer itself: DTpSH PIN W K^, 'that they should
not change their tasks', to which compare Ben Sira 39.31: "IETCT DDIS IHIID
'they are glad to (carry out) his order and they do not
disobey the laws'.48
The notion of eschatological renewal is here clearly expressed and it is quite
possible that this idea, which was originally linked to the sun and associated with
the Yoser liturgy, was shifted to the moon and the moon blessing because of oppo-
sition to Essene practice.49 In fact, the original tradition in which an eschatological
motif was appended to the morning liturgy may be discerned in the concluding
section of the Yoser benediction. As indicated above, S. Lieberman50 has observed
that the Genizah fragment of the Yoser benediction which reads: ND n D "HIN nft1p
Arise, shine, for your light has
come and the glory of the Lord has shone upon you. Blessed are You, O Lord,
Who created the luminaries',51 seems to reflect a liturgical custom similar to that
of the Essenes.52 We may add that in light of what has been said before about the
eschatological aspect of the renewal of the luminaries in the Qumran writings,
Lieberman' s view gains strength, especially since the verse quoted in the
Genizah fragment is taken from an explicitly eschatological chapter (Isa. 60).
This tradition has indeed penetrated the prevalent Yoser liturgy which contains at
the end a clear eschatological address:!]^ mm TKD ]VS *?U enn TIN
'Cause a new light to shine on Zion, so that we may all soon have
a share in its light'.53 In spite of the objections raised to the inclusion of this
formula,54 it could not be eliminated, apparently because of its strong roots.
In addition to this prayer for 'new light' we find at the end of the Yoser bene-
diction other formulae found in the Qumran liturgies associated with the luminar-
ies. After rrtaCD nOUD TEH DV ^DD imCM EnnQH, and before the prayer
we find the verse HDH 0*711^ ^ DÎTl Dm& neni?1? (Ps. 136.7).
This verse actually stands behind the liturgical passage quoted above from the
Manual of Discipline:
The Qumran exegetes interpreted lIDPf 0*711?^ "'ID of Ps. 136.7 in an eschatological
48. Cf. also 1 En. 2.1-3 and Sifre Dent. 306 (ed. Finkelstein, 332); see recently the discussion of
M. Kister, 'Metamorphoses of Aggadic Traditions', Tarbiz 60 (1991), pp. 196-97 (Hebrew).
49. Josephus, War2.\2%.
50. S. Lieberman, 'Light on the Cave Scrolls from Rabbinic Sources', PAAJR 20 (1951), pp.
398-99.
51. Mann, 292. This comes after the verse TODO HTKH pNm DTP D'Q ÎpD I'npl that is
reflected in the Qumran hymn under study (see above). It is therefore not impossible that behind the
Genizah fragment lies a liturgical tradition consisting of elements similar to those of the Qumran hymn.
52. According to Lieberman the.. .""IIN nQ1p, said at dawn, could have been taken by Josephus as
a real invocation of the sun, 'as if entreating it to rise' (cooTrep iKETeiiovTes avccTeiAai).
53. In some of the Genizah fragments the phrase 1] *7 TKD "]rPO3 "1] is appended to the Enn TIN
formula; cf. Elbogen, 15. For other forms of this formula see E. Fleischer, The Yoser, Its Emergence
and Development (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1984), pp. 35-36 (Hebrew).
54. It was especially Saadiah Gaon who fought against the inclusion of the formula, see Elbogen,
ibid, p. 15.
sense, as did the composer of the Yoser liturgy who attached the CTfn "TIN to the
verse 11011 DÛ1? "a D^TTI Dm» HEni?1?.55
The notion of the creation of new luminaries in the eschaton was prevalent in
the sectarian literature. Thus we read in the book of Jubilees that when God builds
the new temple in Zion,56 'all the luminaries will be renewed for the salvation,
peace and blessing of all the chosen of Israel' (1.29). Similarly, in 1 En. 91.16 we
find that the heavens will change, a new firmament will appear, and the host of
the heavens will shine sevenfold.
The renovation of the luminaries in the recreated world is attested also in
rabbinic literature.57 It occurs likewise in the blessing said at the appearance of
the new moon quoted above. As in Jub. 1.29, where it says that the luminaries
will be renewed for the salvation of the chosen of Israel, so we find here that the
moon will be renewed as a crown of glory for those who have been carried from
the womb (=the chosen ones): ]M ^DIQ^^ mtten mBU EnnnniZ) (SPB, 437).
By the same token the perfect light (DirTTIK) mentioned in 1QH 18.29 (cf. 4.6
alludes to the light reserved for the righteous and the chosen in the future life
(1 Enoch 58) and to the light of the seven days pCT H nm0 T1K) known from
rabbinic literature.58
The joy (nriDC?) and gladness (pOT) of the luminaries while fulfilling their
function, found in the El Adon prayer (DKim D'OTTl DHNHn DTTDI0) quoted
above, as well as in the blessing said at the appearance of the new moon
is also reflected in Qumran literature. In 1QM 17.8
we read that the archangel Michael will be sent to help the holy warriors with
eternal light (D^^ltf "T1ND) to illuminate with joy the house of Israel for peace
and blessing to those of the divine lot (^K 'm^ mim Dl'TO),59 and that ,pHH
will rejoice in heaven (D^frnQD plH nOCTl), which undoubtedly refers to the
luminary which represents justice (compare np"TH W21D in Mai. 3.20).60 Joy
caused by the luminaries is clearly expressed in the phrase which concludes the
Yoser liturgy (Sephardic version): *TQ lEN 10^17 TOED rrniKQ "ppnm, 'and
He established luminaries to gladden the world that He created'.61
D.
Creation of the luminaries through knowledge (Hin), followed by the song of the
angels, is a characteristic feature of the Yoser liturgies.
55. Cf. Elbogen, ibid

56. Ibid., pp. 15-16.
57. Cf. L. Ginzberg, The Legends of the Jews, I (1967), pp. 23-24.
58. Ginzberg, ibid
59. Cf. Jub. 1.29 quoted above: 'the luminaries will be renewed for salvation, peace and blessing
for all the chosen of Israel'.
60. For the identification of the light with plH cf. 1 En. 58.4 concerning the righteous in the world
to come: 'they will look for light and will find justice'.
61. Cf. Elbogen, p. 15.
HQPsa El Barukh (SPB, 45)
Separating light from darkness by the Blessed God, great in knowledge He

knowledge of His mind He established the established and made the rays of the sun...
dawn When all His angels had witnessed it, He set luminaries round His glory
they sang aloud The chiefs of His host, the holy ones...
They recount the Glory of God and His
holiness
ElAdon(SPB, 188) Genizah64
Good are the luminaries... the One Who with great wisdom has
He has formed them with knowledge, explored, established and made the
understanding and insight.. .they give glory radiance of His sun, those who perform
and honour to His name.. .all the hosts of His righteousness those close to His mercy
heaven give Him praise... sang to their King songs and praises
The idea of the creation of light and the luminaries through knowledge is
frequently attested in the writings of Qumran,66 especially those which speak
explicitly of the following section of a prayer on the changing of the seasons.
At the departure of the night and the coming

of the day, unceasingly, at the birth in time of
all the established.. .through the course of the
seasons
in their order appointed by their signs, for the
whole of their rule.. .for the God of knowledge
has established it.61
62. This formula recalls TH "IDK ^SKD mTIK D"n lin&C 0*71 U TIN which opens the Yoser
benediction in today's rite on the high holy days only, but which, according to the Palestinian
tradition, is to recited daily; see Mann, p. 295.
63. The acrostic here matches that of the El Adon:
bK=)nK ^ ;-p-a=TOB T™ J^^^mBI I'm ;ni7-T=n]inn rim. SeeZ. Jawitz, MekorHaberakhot
(=Die Liturgie des Siddur und ihre Entwicklung [1910], p. 53).
64. The acrostic for tet andyod matches in El Baruch: "UTplB (SPB, 45).
65. Mann, 323; I. Levi, 'Fragments de rituels deprieresprovenantde laguenizaduCaire',REJ53
(1907), p. 241.
66. On the concept of HIH in the writings of the sect, see W.D. Davies, 'Knowledge in the Dead
Sea Scrolls and Matthew 11.25-30', HTR 46 (1953), pp. 113-40; J. Licht, ITPTinn fl'TJQ (1957),
pp. 42-43; H.W. Kuhn, Enderwartung undgegenwdrtiges Heil (1966), pp. 139ff.
67. For translation see S. Holm-Nielsen, Hodayot, Psalms from Qumran (1960), ad loc.
In a prayer from the Manual of Discipline,68 which represents a similar litur-

gical tradition,69 we encounter, immediately after a list of the changes of time -
day and night, seasons of the year, Sabbatical and Jubilee years - the words
nina rnDTR, 'I will sing of knowledge',70 followed later by references to the
recitation of the morning and evening prayers:
'With the coming of day and night

I shall enter God's covenant71 and when evening and morning appear I shall
recite His laws.. ,72 When I begin to send forth my hands and my feet I will bless
His name; at the beginning of my going and coming when I sit down or rise,
when I lie down on my bed I will sing unto him'.73 In another passage from the
War Scroll (10.15-16) we read: 1DrTn^...lI?^p1D l! DC?niSpniCnip i! ni71D
narwao, 'holy festivals, seasons of the years and endless epochs...these we
have come to know from Your wisdom'. This last phrase appears again in 1QH
1.21: nanraD Tlim n^. In the same hymn we find the words (line 11):
DrTOTO1? D'Oaia DlTn1? rmiKQ, 'luminaries by their mysteries, stars in their
courses', and in the concluding passage dealing with the establishment of seasons
and epochs through God's knowledge (11. 18-19):
To numer-
ous generations and eternal years.. .by Your skillful knowledge You did establish
their function... These I have come to know from Your wisdom'.
Since in the writings of the sect the struggle between good and evil is com-
pared to the war of light and darkness, it is no wonder that the expression 'God of
knowledge', minn *?N, appears in connection with the separation of truth from
falsehood:
74
'From the God of knowledge exists all that is and will be; before they
came into being He established their entire design.. .And He made for Himself
two spirits.. .truth and perverseness. From a spring of light come the generations
of truth, but from a fountain of darkness come the generations of perverseness.'
Especially telling is the fact that in most of these passages that speak of the
creation of the luminaries through knowledge, the verb used is "pan,75 'institute,
68. 1QS 10.9-14.

69. See S. Talmon, 'The "Manual of Benedictions" of the Sect of the Judean Desert', RevQ 2
(1960), pp. 475ff; cf. Licht's discussion in his D^DIDH n'TSD (1965), pp. 204-208.
70. *7K TOD*? TirM ^D1 ninn maTK (1.9). The subject here is divine knowledge; see Licht in
his commentary, ad he.
71. In this context, entering into the covenant refers to reciting the daily Shema' which is associated
with the Qedushah. On the Shema' and its connection with the covenant see chapter 5, p. 93 n. 18.
72. Cf. "ppirD ITEE rapm mim in the Evening Prayer (SPB, 131): the reading is identical in
the Genizah; see Mann, p. 307.
73. Cf. Talmon, 'Manual of Benedictions', pp. 475-500, on morning, afternoon, and evening
prayers reflected in this passage and the parallel passage in the Hodayot scroll.
74. 1QS 3.15-19.
75. Cf. the LXX's addition to Solomon's prayer (1 Kgs 8.12) [v. 53 in LXX]: f|Aiou Eyvcopiosv
EV oupavco, 'He acknowledged the sun in the heavens'. Scholars tend to assume that the translator
establish'. In 1 lQPsa: 1D^ HITD pil "inE; Hodayot 13.10

thepoemElBarukh: pH pH HIT! bltl; the GenizahHymn
Significantly, the use of] n Dn in connection with the heav-
enly bodies appears in Ps. 74.16: O2E7I T1KQ mÎTI nHN, though there is no
mention of wisdom or knowledge.
The image of God as ordering seasons and separating light from darkness
through wisdom and knowledge is in fact incorporated in the Evening Service in
the Dnmi; anron benediction:
7/i wwrfo/w He opens the gates
and in understanding changes the seasons.. .and distinguishes between day and
night' (SPB, 130). This distinction between light and darkness linked to knowl-
edge finds its clearest expression in the liturgy in the prayers IHft1? IDrDJin (IHN
"[mm and IDITTim recited at the close of the Sabbath, the former when a
weekday follows (SPB, 140), the latter when a festival commences (SPB, 328).76
Both these prayers begin with the theme of Din and proceed to enumerate the
distinctions between holy and profane, light and darkness, Sabbath and weekday.
The rabbis, at least as far as the first of the two is concerned, prescribed its recita-
tion as part of the Benediction of Knowledge, nin...]]in HHK (m. Ber. 5.2).77
The ability to discern and to make distinctions, which originates in the posses-
sion of knowledge,78 refers not only to the distinction between light and darkness,
holy and profane, but also to the distinction between Israel and the gentiles, the
clean and the unclean.79 Such ideas bring us again to the Dead Sea sect, for
whom such distinctions between light and darkness symbolized the difference
between truth and falsehood, righteousness and evil.80
misread (D1D2Q)1pDn for "psn. If this were so, this would be another case of the use of "pD!! in a
cosmological context. But "psn is never translated by yvcopiêiv and there is thus no place for
assuming the reading "pDH in this verse. On the contrary, the association of Pin with the creation of
the luminaries is likely to increase the possibility that the reading IT Tin EOT is original.
76. Called by the rabbis; îm WPDnD, 'the jewel (=precious prayer) of Babylonia, b. Ber. 33b.
77. The expression Pin ]]n appears in 1QH 14.25: Pin m"n ''DmDn "["HI? '3K1, which follows
upon r^S "IVb n^lDH (line 24). In the preceding passage (14.8-22), we find rim JHQ (line 8)
followed by HOTT and TO")p (11. 13-14), all of which recall the benediction triplet of: mien ,Hin
(repentance) and HIT^D (forgiveness) which open the petitionary part of the Shemoneh Esreh. On
Din, rn"lp and rmizn as a basic pattern in the Qumran prayers, see my article, 'The Prayers for
Knowledge, Repentance and Forgiveness in the "Eighteen Benedictions" - Qumran Parallels, Biblical
Antecedents, and Basic Characteristics', Tarbiz 48 (1979), pp. 186-200 (Hebrew).
78. Cf. the rabbis' incisive statement, pn n'mn Din ] n K DN, 'Without knowledge, whence
distinction?',^. Ber. 5.2 9b. The association of n'mn with nin is evident also in the Damascus
Covenant: 'Tin'? EHpH ]"a IT Tin1?! "linCD^ KDlDn ] S D ^"an^l (6.17-18; 12.19-20). The influence of
Ezek. 22.26 is apparent, which in turn draws upon Lev. 10.10-11; however, in the latter source the
verb UT does not appear in the parallelism.
79. Cf. b. Pes. 104a, as well as in the Genizah (Mann, p. 323); N. Wieder, 'The Old Palestinian
Ritual - New Sources', JJS 4 (1953), pp. 30-37.
80. Din is essentially the power enabling man to distinguish between good and evil, to identify
the seasons and time periods. It thus has both cosmic and moral associations. On the relation of the
concept of nin to the Greek (yvcooi?) in Hellenistic religions, see Chapter 1, 'Loyalty Oath in the
The concept of 'distinction' in both the cosmic and the religious spheres is
well known from the other religions of the first century CE. We read, for exam-
ple, in the oath of allegiance of a Mystery81 (first and third century CE papyri) that
the oath is to be sworn by 'the god who has separated heaven from earth,
darkness from light, day from night, rising from setting of the luminaries, death
from life, black from white, dry from wet, hot from cold, bitter from sweet, and
body from soul'.82
The luminaries, and the changes of time associated with them, originate in the
highest, peculiarly divine knowledge. Thus, the Qumran liturgy dealt with here
closes by saying: 1ITP K1? 1BK DN DfcOn "D, 'for He showed them what they did
not know;' the angels acquire the revelation of secret things by their closeness to
God. Indeed, the very same sentence is found in 1QH 13.1-2 in which we find
the idea of revealing D^K^S Tl, 'wondrous mysteries' (cf. 1.21), and the host of
God's spirits and the assembly of his holy ones, yCTnp rnifl *]Tni NDiS. At the
end of the hymn we find the proclamation: -fn^raD ^m jrOU TW&
PUT] *h niDK HK DrVNin n r), 'Let them recount Your glory throughout Your
dominion, for You did show them that which no other [flesh] had seen before'.83
The entire thanksgiving hymn (13.1 ff.), it should be noted, bears many similari-
ties to the first hymn of the Hodayot quoted above in connection with luminaries,
knowledge, and time changes.
Angels, Luminaries and Knowledge

Angels as possessors of 'knowledge' is a very common motif in Qumran litera-
ture and especially comes to the fore in the context of heavenly praise dealt with
here. Thus, in Hodayot 3.22-23 the praising angels are called Pin HI mi,'spirits
of knowledge', while in 11.14 and in fragment 10.6 they are called DÎTP .Mos
important in this respect is text 4Q400 frag. 2 from cave 4.84 There we read that
Ancient Near East'. On Pin in the apocalyptic-visionary sense, cf. I. Gruenwald, 'Knowledge and
Vision', Israel Oriental Studies 3 (1973), pp. 63-107.
81. See M.P. Nilsson, Geschichte der griechischen Religion (2nd edn, 1974), II, pp. 695-96 for
additional references and the Greek text.
82. Compare the PI'ran in b. Pes. 104a: (1) 'Tim enp (2) -[Bim TIK (3) D'DJn ^"ICT (4)
neuron vy POTI Tên or (5) mnoi KQB (6) nmm nn (7) DÎPHPI D^VÛ D^D. These appear
in the old Palestinian Havdalah (Mann, 323; Wieder, 36). It is interesting that while the Greek docu
ment enumerates ten distinctions, the rabbis limited the PI "ran to seven, apparently due to a ten
dency to make use of a typological number. For the religious significance of n'ran, cf. the Nabatean
text: rh^ DHP1 par n l p NOD^D N'T *? Ens ]I?lr B, 'and let the one who separates day from night
curse forever those who will remove them' (the bodies from the sepulchre). See J.C. Greenfield,
'Studies in the Legal Terminology of the Nabatean Funerary Inscriptions',
(1974), pp. 64-83.
83. In light of the parallel from the Psalms Scroll, it would appear that the hymn here speaks of
angels, not members of the sect. It remains difficult to be certain, however, for the members of the
sect see themselves as partners of the angels in God's revelation (see below).
84. Cf. Newsom, Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice, p. 110.
God's glory is praised by Pin " *?K,85 'angels (lit. divine beings) of knowledge',
'while standing in their abodes' (DTQ1U ^lUDD), and that they praise the Lord's
glory together with men, according to their knowledge, IISD"1 D^BDKl DTTl^K
DHinD' irTD^D Tin.86 In a fragment from the Benediction of the Chief Priest
(lQSb 4.22-28)87 we read that the chief priest is like the D^S "f K^S, 'angel of the
presence',88 in the holy abode (CTPp ]1I?M) who serves in the 'king's palace'
Cj^Qn taTT)89 and that he shares his lot with the 'angels of the presence', as a
result of which he becomes 'the great luminary of the world of knowledge'
(Him ^nn^ *7na m^D1?). This text identifies, then, the chief priest with the
'angel of the presence' (who has direct access to the Lord)90 as well as with the
great luminary (i.e., the sun) of knowledge.91
This latter identification of the chief priest with the great luminary should not
surprise us. As has been indicated above, the angels are paralleled with the morn-
ing stars in Job 38.7, a view which is also reflected in Psalm 148 where (v. 3) we
find the sun, moon and the "TIN "QDID (bright stars or morning stars)92 together
with the angels and the Lord's host (VKa^VDK^D). The identification of the
luminaries with the angels is most clearly expressed in the book of Job in the
passages about the culpability of angels and men. In the verses in which men are
85. Compare Pin mip in fragment 1 of the same text (line 7) and nin K3U in 1QH 18.23.
86. The passage isfragmentaryand runs as follow
87. For this passage and the identification of the blessed there with the chief priest, cf. Licht,
D n mDn n'TJD, pp. 282-83.
88. Cf. the blessing to Levi in Jub. 31.14: 'And may the Lord cause you and your descendants
from among all flesh to approach him to serve in his sanctuary as the angels of the presence and as
the holy ones'. DÛB "j^D occurs in 1QH 6.13. For D^B "JN^Q in apocryphal literature, cf. Licht,
Hodayot, p. 284 and Holm-Nielsen, Hodayot, p. 14 n. 110.
89. For this term denoting temple, cf. Ben Sira 50.2,8.
90. See 1QH 6.13 where the members of the sect are compared with the D^B ^DN^Q who do not
need any mediator or intercessor (D^3 f^Q).
91. Cf. also Test. Levi 4.2-3 where it is said that Levi will serve before the Lord and will spread
'the light of knowledge' upon Jacob, being like the sun for Israel. The comparison of the priests with
the angels and luminaries seems to support the thesis first suggested by J. Maier, 'Zum Begriff "TIT in
den Texten von Qumran', ZAW12 (1960), pp. 148-60, that the notion of the communion of the sect
with angels is rooted in 'Tempelsymbolik'. Cf. also K.G. Kuhn, RGG3, V (1961), pp. 748-50 and
Kuhn, Enderwartung, pp. 66-70. For a comparison of the priests with angels cf. y. Ber. 1.1,2c:'")DN
Th
idea of the priests being like the luminaries because of their association with the shining Urim and
Thumim occurs also in 4QpIsaa in the Pesher to Isa. 54.12, 'As to that which is said: 'And I will make
as a gate all your pinnacles fpniODK?)', this refers to the twelve (priests) who give light by the
judgement of the Urim and Thumim.. .which shine forth from them like the sun in all its radiance'.
See J.M. Baumgarten, 'The Duodecimal Courts of Qumran, Revelation, and the Sanhedrin', JBL 95
(1976), pp. 61-62. Cf. n. 10 there referring to Rashi regarding the association offHEDK? with
n3irazr...«f»m Dan. 7.10.
92. -)1K may be rendered 'morning', cf. Job 24.14; Neh. 8.3 and hence M. Dahood's proposal
(Psalms, III, AB9 1 970, 353) to consider TIK '•3313 in Ps. 148 as synonymous with 1p3 "3313 in Job
38.7.
compared to angels, by way of a minori ad majus, there is an interchange of

Dn3«^0 and D'UTnp (4.18; 15.15) with the moon and the stars (25.5):
Even His servants He distrusts
charges His angels with errors
how much more those who dwell in clay
houses (4. 18)
Even His angels he distrusts Even the moon is not bright
The heavens are not pure in Nor the stars pure in His sight
His sight
How much more a man. . . How much more a man. . .
(15.15) (25.5)
That the celestial bodies constitute God's host may be learned too from Isa.
40.25-26 (cf. also 1 En. 18.13; 21.3), and the same view is found in the first
hymn of the Hodayot:
You have stretched out the heavens to Your Glory. . .(put) the strong winds according
to their ordinances into angels of holiness before they were created, into eternal spirits
over their dominions, bodies of light according to their mysteries, stars according to
their courses...93
Besides the equation of angels with luminaries we find here the angels equated
with winds and spirits (cf. 13.8: *]TTn KH1S), a phenomenon encountered also in
Ps. 104.2-3): 'He makes the winds his messengers/angels' (TVirm TDKÊ n»U),
and in the heavenly vision in 1 Kgs 22 where the mi appears as one of the
members of the divine council.
That the luminaries fulfil a role identical with that of the angels may be learned
from the way the position of both in the heavenly abode is described in the
Qumran writings. Thus, in 1QM 12.1-2 we read that the hosts of the angels are
stationed in the 'holy habitation',
The same is said about the luminaries: 'In the morning they shine forth from the
holy habitation (CTflp ^TDTE) and in the evening they enter into the glorious
abode (Tira ]l]I»ty (1QS 10.2-3; cf. 1QH 12.5-7).
The overlapping function of the luminaries with that of the angels is clearly
attested in 1 En. 41.7 and in the ElAdon hymn. In both sources the luminaries,
like the angels, praise the Lord and extol him. In 1 Enoch: 'They (sun and moon)
praise and extol and do not cease'.
In the ElAdon hymn.
'Full of splendour and emanating radiance, their splendour shines over the
whole world. Joyous at their rising and glad at their setting, they perform with
fear the will of their Master. They give honour and glory to His name, jubilation
and exultation at the mention of His kingdom.'
93. For translation and comments see Holm-Nielsen, Hodayot, pp. 17, 21.
And in the poem

Lights You have created will praise You.
The connection between angels and knowledge is to be traced back to the

literature of the first temple period. Thus we read in 2 Sam. 14.17 that the king is
like a divine angel to discern between good and evil or that he has wisdom like
the divine angel to know everything on the earth (ibid., v. 20). Similarly, we read
inProv. 9.10and30.3 about D^KTHpnin, 'knowledge of the angels' (cf.LXX),a
'knowledge' reflected in Job 15.8 where reference is made to the myth about
man's stealing wisdom from the divine council.95 A similar background lies
behind Gen. 3.5, 'You will be like divine beings who know good and evil',96
mi mo TT DT6K3 Dn"m, and Gen. 3.22, 'Now that the man has become
like one of us, knowing good and evil',97 a tradition which may be linked to the
story of Ezekiel 28 about an angel or cherub 'full of wisdom' (HEOn NÊ) in
charge of the garden of God (v. 12).
Finally, we should refer to Mai. 2.7. Here, as in 1 QSb 4.22-23 quoted above,
priest is compared to the angel of the Lord of hosts who imparts knowledge and
Torah: 'For the lips of a priest guard knowledge and men seek instruction from his
mouth, for he is a iphfo of the Lord of Hosts', mini Hin inDCT ]H3 'HBO 'D
Kin H1K3U 71 -\*bb '3 liTBD 1Cp3\ Here we find the priest, the angel and
knowledge combined as in Qumran with the only exception being that no lumi-
nary is mentioned.
In the Qumran writings, as well as in other Jewish contemporaneous circles,
there existed a correlation between angels, knowledge and luminaries. It seems
that the idea of celestial bodies endowed with mind and knowledge found in the
Pseudepigrapha,98 Philo," and various midrashic legends,100 was already preva-
lent in Jewish circles of pre-Christian times. Maimonides follows the same line
when stating:
All the stars and planets are endowed with soul, wisdom and insight, and they live and
exist and recognize the One Who spoke and the world came into being. All of them,
everyone according to its eminence and rank, praise and extol their Creator like the
angels.101
94. See Seder Rav Amram Gaon (ed. Goldschmidt), p. 71; cf. A. Rofe, Israelite Brief in Angels
(Dissertation Hebrew University, 1969), pp. 53ff. (Hebrew).
95. See the commentary of N.H. Tur-Sinai (Torczyner), The Book of Job, A New Commentary
(1957).
96. Cf. Tg. Ps.-J.: W±> DCD p inJD1? J^Mm ]"3"a"l pKte pinni, 'And you will be like th
great angels that know to distinguish between good and evil' and cf. Neofiti Targum.
97. Cf. Gen. Rab. 21,5 (ed. Theodor-Albeck 200): 'Rabbi Pappias expounded "the man has
become like one of us", as one of the serving angels'.
98. See Pss. Sol. 18.10-12 (considered a separate psalm); cf. the blessing for the new moon (b.
San. 42a) and Syriac Apocalypse of Baruch 48.9.
99. Plant. 3.12; Opif. 24.73; Somn. 1.135. It should be noted, however, that by expressing this
opinion he might refer to the prevalent view and is not necessarily speaking in his own name; cf. H.A.
Wolfson, Philo, I (1947), pp. 363-85.
lOO.Cf. Ginzberg, Legends of the Jews, I, pp. 100, 112.
ioi.nninnniD'ni3^n,3.9.Cf.ta^^^
The last sentence about the rank and hierarchy in the divine choir accords with
the above-mentioned statements from Qumran about the rank and order of the
angels in praise (cf. 1QH 3.20-23; 11.13; 4Q 405 20 11-21-22, line 14).102
The Angels ' Praise in Ben Sira

The angelic song, associated with the appearance of the luminaries and the
changes of time, appears in Ben Sira also, here again connected with divine
knowledge. A song of praise of God and his creations reads there as follows
(42.16-20):
The brilliant sun shines forth upon
everything, And God's Glory fills His
creations.
God's Holy ones were unable to completely
recount His wonders,
The Lord has strengthened His hosts To
stand firm before His glory...
For the Most High knows everything and
observes the eternal signs,
Discloses past and future,
and reveals secret things,
Knowledge does not escape Him... l04
Here we see both stylistic and thematic similarity to the Qumran passages we
have quoted,105 from which we may conclude that the prayers we are dealing with
are indeed all quite early and do reflect ancient versions of a sort of Yoser prayer.
The idea expressed in the Ben Sira passage, that the angels are unable to suffi-
ciently recount God's wonders, appears as well as in 1QH 12.29-30:
and the wondrous mighty ones, they
cannot recount Your full glory', and in frag. 1.1-4:
the holy] angels...in heaven...
they cannot.. .they are not able to know all...'.
The passage from Ben Sira above also helps to determine the sense of a pas-
sage from Qumran cave 6107 which reads: ...n
Neoplatonic thought, especially by Plotinus; see A.L. Ivri 'Neoplatonic Currents in Maimonides'
Thought', Perspectives on Maimonides, Philosophical and Historical Studies (ed. J.L. Kraeme
1991), pp. 115-40.
102.Cf. Newsom, Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice, p. 303.
103. Cf. HOn nnT in the prayer nin ^11: "[113 b« andHDH VT in the Genizah passage
quoted above.
104. According to the version found at Masada 5.3-9 = 42.16-20; see Y. Yadin, 'The Ben Sira
Scroll from Masada', El 8 (Sukenik Memorial Volume; 1968), pp. 27-28 and J. Strugnell, 'Notes and
Queries on "The Ben Sira Scroll from Masada'", El 9 (Albright Volume; 1969), p. 116 (English
section).
105. Yadin, ibid., p. 27.
106.Restoration according to Licht, HVIinn n'TJO, p. 219.
107.6Q 18, Fragment 5, DJD, III, p. 134.
'the righteous angels that strengthen themselves with th

spirit of knowledge forever cannot'. Just as in Ben Sira 42.16-20, we have here
the strength of the angels, and at the same time their inability to praise God fully.
What is true in heaven is all the more obvious of man, as we see in the apocry-
phal Psalm 151fromthe Qumran Psalms Scroll
'For who can proclaim, who can tell, who can recount the
Lord's works?'108 as well as in Ben Sira 18.4—5, 'For who can fully109 recount His
works, and who can trace His great deeds? No one can measure His majestic
power and who can tell in full all His mercies?'
The same theme recurs in the so-called Benediction of the Song (TCH rG""Q),
the Nishmat prayer (SPB, 182-182; see b. Pes. 118a), which according to Genizah
versions, was recited daily.110
Though
our mouths were full of song as the sea, and our tongues of exaltation as the
multitude of its waves, and our lips of praise as the widely extended
firmament..., we should still be unable to thank You and bless Your name for
one thousandth of a thousand thousands...of the bounties which You have
bestowed...111
An identical topos is found in the Hekhalot literature in connection with the
praise of the angels.112
Who is able to recount one

thousandth of a thousand thousands... of the marvellous deeds of the King of
lOS.Cf. Sanders, The Psalms Scroll of Qumran Cave 11,28.6-7. According to the verse division
of A. Hurwitz, 'Adon Hakkol', Tarbiz 34 (1965), 224, we should read: bim ]!"!«•'EJUD H^ 12Dn 'Q1.
P.M. Cross, 'David, Orpheus, and Psalm 151.3-4' (BASOR 231 [October 1978), pp. 69ff., who reads
in 11. 5-6 lu instead of/o, understands ''D here in parallel with lu as 'would that someone (tell)
arguing that a different rendering, viz., the mountains cannot tell, would be 'nonsense in a biblical or
early Jewish context' (p. 70 n. 6). However, the problem is one of exhausting the praise and not the
mere telling of it: although the mountains etc. praise God (cf. Ps. 148.9-10, rightly adduced by
Cross), they are not able to recount all his praises; cf. Ps. 106.1-2: 'Praise the Lord.. .who can tell the
mighty acts of the Lord, proclaim all His praises', and cf. also Ps. 40.6: 'You, O Lord.. .have done
many things... I would rehearse the tale of them but they are more than can be told'. The passage
from Ps. 151 of 11 QPsa should then be thus translated: 'The mountains do not witness to Him, nor do
the hills. The leaves of the trees do not recount my words, nor does the flock my deeds. For who can
tell...' For the reading 'leaves of the trees', cf. Skehan, CBQ 25 (1963), pp. 407-408. This reading
may be supported by a liturgical fragment from the Genizah: 'Your praise supercedes in number the
dust of the earth.. .more than every plant, every leaf and seed...'. (TS NS 198.20).
109.e5£TToir]aev has to be translated as p^SDH as may be learned from 42.17 where the Hebrew
has |T52n and LXX eÊiroirioEV.
HO.Cf. Mann, 279, 325.
111 .For a parallel in Mandaic liturgy, cf. J.C. Greenfield, 'A Mandaic "Targum" of Psalm 114',
Studies in Aggadah, Targum and Jewish Liturgy in Memory of Joseph Heinemann (1981), p. 29: 'If
our mouths would be like the sea, and our lips like the waves, and our tongues like steep mountains'.
112.Cf. Pirke Hekhalot Rabbati, Bate Midrashot I (ed. A.J. Wertheimer, 1950), p. 111. Cf.
P. Schafer, Synopse zur Hekhalot Literatur (1988), p. 276.
Kings.. .when the angels stand before You.. .because You are a King great and
Holy that one may know Your deeds and explore Your mighty acts...'.
This topos is already attested in the Homeric literature. Thus, we read there in
connection with naming the ships and the troops that participated in the war at
Troy,
Tell me now, you Muses.. .for you are goddesses and.. .know all things..., who were
the captains of the Danaans..., but the common folk I could not tell, nor name, not
though ten tongues were mine and ten mouths and a voice unwearing...
Homer, The Iliad II 485^94.
Here the muses (=the angels)113 who know everything can recount the story but
not men. Similarly, we find in Virgil's Aeneid (vi 625-627):
Nay, had I a hundred tongues, a hundred mouths and a voice of iron I could not sum
up all the forms of crime.
This topic is also found in the hymn of Lucius to Isis:

My voice has no power to utter that which I think of your majesty. No, not if I had a
thousand mouths and many tongues and were able to continue forever...(Apuleius,
Metamorphoses, XI, 25).
Most recently a Greek inscription was discovered in Hammat Gader that has
on it a poem by the Empress Eudocia (fifth century CE). Here we read:
In my life many and infinite wonders have I seen. But who, however many his mouths,
could proclaim.. .your strength.114
The Praise of the Angels in the Book of Jubilees

P.W. Skehan115 has shown that Jub. 2.2-3 parallels 1 !QPsa26.4-5. Furthermore
the verbal congruency between the passages led him to the conclusion that the
Qumran hymn influenced the book of Jubilees.
Jubilees UQPsa
He created.. .day and dawn116 which He He established the dawn by the knowledge
established in the knowledge of His heart. of His heart. Then all His angels saw and
Thereupon we saw His work and praised were jubilant.
Him...
Although both sources speak about creating dawn and not the luminaries, as in
the liturgies quoted before, this should not be viewed as a different tradition since
113.For the muses functioning as angels see ch. 2, pp. 42^48.

114. J. Green and Y. Tsafrir, 'A Poem of the Empress Eudocia', 7E/32 (1982), pp. 79-80. Cf. the
parallel to this topos adduced by A. Scheiber, 'Parallels to a Topos in Eudocia's Poem', IEJ 34
(1984), pp. 180-81.
115.P.W. Skehan, 'Jubilees and the Qumran Psalter', CBQ 37 (1975), pp. 343-47.
116.Following the Greek version of Epiphanius (Skehan, p. 345).
the light created on the first day was considered identical with that of the
heavenly bodies (cf. b. Hag. 12a).
Conclusion
The Hymn to the Creator in 1 lQPsa 26.9-15 contains the basic elements of the
Qedushah liturgy in the conventional Jewish morning prayer (Yoser liturgy) as
well as in the book of Jubilees and in Ben Sira. The opening sentence of the
Hymn to the Creator: TITl TH1? D'ETHp Blip 71 BTTpl *7na, 'Great and holy is
YHWH the holiest of holy ones for every generation', overlaps the conventional
and the Genizah formulae of the Benediction of the Qedushah.
Furthermore, the basic formula of the Qumranic hymn:
'He established the dawn (=the light) by the knowledge of his mind', occurs in
the book of Jubilees 2.2-3, in Ben Sira 42.16-20, and in the Yoser liturgy; cf.
especially HEfT nHT ^21 pn nin *7na, '(the God) great in knowledge formed
and established the rays of the sun'.
The cosmic renewal of the luminaries accompanied by grace, truth, and justice
is found both in the Qumran literature and in the Yoser liturgy.
Chapter 6
GRACE AFTER MEALS IN QUMRAN
The so-called ^S3 ''DID hymns, found in the fourth cave of Qumran, and
published inDJD XXIX, consist of six scrolls: 4Q434 to 439. Usually they open
with the phrase ''DSD "'ITQ, 'Bless, O my soul' and they contain praises to God
for the salvation of the pious and for giving them a pure heart that will keep them
away from temptation and enable them to understand the divine secrets. Com-
pare, for example, 4Q434: 'Bless, O my [soul], the Lord, for all his wonders. ..,
and let his name be blessed because he saved the poor. . .and did not forget the
trouble of the needy. . .he opened their eyes to see his ways. . .and circumcised the
foreskins of their heart. . .and revealed to them the message of peace and truth. . . '.
Among the fragments ascribed to 4Q434 material was found (frag. 2 [PAM
43.5 1 3]) that has nothing to do with hymns and in fact, as we shall see, constitutes
a blessing after the meal at the mourner's house. The existence of such a liturgical
practice at Qumran has been suggested by me on a previous occasion in an analy-
sis of a passage from 4QDeuf (the so-called All Souls scroll)1 containing Deut.
8.5-10, which mentions blessing God after eating from the bounty of the good
land. The appearance of this passage as a separate unit next to Deut. 5.1-6.1 -
that is, the Decalogue and its frame, so often copied at Qumran has not found any
explanation. It seems therefore that the function of this passage, like the function
of the Decalogue next to it, is liturgical, since it serves as the basis for the grace
after meals in Judaism. What we have, then, in 4QDeutn is a scroll for a liturgical
purpose: the recital of the Decalogue, next to the blessing after meals.
The affinity of the Decalogue (and Shema *) with the blessing after meals may
be explained by the common meal (ayaTTTi) that followed the prayer.2 This custom
1 . See S .A. White, 'A Critical Edition of seven manuscripts of Deuteronomy: 4QDta; 4
4QDtd. 4QDtf: 4QDtg; 4QDt! and 4QDtn' (dissertation, Harvard University, 1990; see also her article
'4QDtn: Biblical Manuscript or Excerpted Text?', in Of Scribes and Scrolls: Studies on the Hebrew
Bible, IntertestamentalJudaism and Christian Origins, Presented to John Strugnellon the Occasion of
his Sixtieth Birthday [ed. H.W. Attridge, JJ. Collins and T.H. Tobin, 1990], pp. 13-20).
2. For the connection of ccyccTrri with the communal religious meals in Pharisaic Judaism, see
6. Grace after Meals in Qumran 113
is reflected in the epistle of Pliny the Younger to Trajan (10.96) about the group of
Christians who used to get up before dawn (like the Essenes; see Josephus, War
2.8.5 §128-29); after their singing of hymns (a kind of tOEH ^pIDS),3 they
recited a sacramentum (that is, the pledge of the Decalogue) not to steal, not to
commit adultery, and so on, and then assembled to partake of food.4 At any rate,
the morning prayer, which contains the Decalogue with the Shema' and the
blessing after meals, represents the liturgical order of the day, and this is reflected
in the All Souls Scroll (4QDeutn).
Another scroll of the same nature is 4QDeutj, recently investigated by
J. Duncan.5 There we find material from Deuteronomy 5-6 (= Decalogue and
Shema *);!!; Exod. 12-13; Deut. 8.5-10; and Deuteronomy 32. Now, all this mate-
rial belongs to Jewish liturgical practice. The phylacteries found at Qumran6 con
tain the Decalogue (Deuteronomy 5), the Shema' (Deut. 6.4-9), iniDID DK mm
(Deut. 11.13-21), sections that contain injunctions about educating children, and
the phylacteries in Exodus 13 - the so-called parashiyot of IZTfp (vv. 1-10) and
•prrp "3 mm (w. 11-16).7 Deut. 8.5-10 reflects, as shown above, the grace
after meals, whereas Deuteronomy 32 is known as a liturgical text which used to
be recited by the Levites in the temple on the Sabbath (b. Rosh Hash. 31 a; y. Meg.
3.6,74b). Deuteronomy 32 was also recited at the temple service of the nnQUE.8
The so-called "fftUft constituted a group of representatives designated to accom-
pany the daily services of the temple with prayers.
For our purpose it is now clear that Deut. 8.5-10 stands out as an autonomous
text in two scrolls of Qumran, 4QDeutn and 4QDeut1, undoubtedly because of its
liturgical function: the blessing after meals. That Deut. 8.5-10 served a liturgical
function may be learned from the vacant line between v. 8 and v. 9 in 4QDeutn.
H. Stegemann, who first edited this text, was surprised by the vacat between the
two verses (see photo appended here) and did not know how to explain it.9 An
G. Alon, Studies in Jewish History: In the Times of the Second Temple, the Mishna and the Talmud
(1957), I, p. 288 (Hebrew).
3. The recital of psalms in the morning prayers can be traced back to Ben Sira and the Qumran
sect; see M. Weinfeld, 'Traces ofKedushat Yoser and Pesukey de-Zimrah in Qumran Literature', Tarbiz
45 (1976), pp. 16-26.
4. See M. Weinfeld, The Uniqueness of the Decalogue and its Place in Jewish Tradition', in
B.Z. Segal and G. Levi (eds.), The Ten Commandments in History and Tradition (1990), pp. 31-32.
5. J. Duncan, 'A Critical Edition of Deuteronomy Manuscripts from Qumran Cave IV: 4QDtb,
4QDte, 4QDth, 4QDtj, 4QDtk, 4QDt!' (dissertation, Harvard University, 1989).
6. See J.T. Milik, Qumran Grotte 4: II. Tefillin, Mezuzot et Targums 4Q128-4Q157 (DJD 6/2,
1977), pp. 48-85; see also Y. Yadin, Tefillin from Qumran: (XQPhyl 1-4) (Jerusalem Israeli 13Explo-
ration Society, and Shrine of the Book, 1970), p. 44, pi. XX.
7. See Mechilta D 'Rabbi Ishmael: NfTDS (ed. H.S. Horovitz and LA. Rabin; Jerusalem:
Whahrmann, 1970), p. 66 sec. 17; SifreDeut. (ed. L. Finkelstein, 1969), p. 63 sec. 3
8. See E.E. Urbach, 'Mishmarot and Ma'amadot', Tarbiz 42 (1973), pp. 304-327. The Song of
Moses in Deuteronomy 32 was divided into seven sections for the seven days of the week. These
formed an acrostic- "p Tin = 'the glory is yours': irmn (v. 1), ")3T (v. 7), in33T (v. 13), NTH (v.
19),l^(v. 29), "3 (v. 40).
9. H. Stegemann,' Weitere Stucke von 4Q Psalm 37, von 4Q Patriarchal Blessings und Hinweis
114 ormative and Sectarian Judaism in the Second Temple Period
explanation can now be given in the light of rabbinic divergences concerning the
duty of the blessing after meals based on the reading of these verses.
There existed a division of opinion among the Tannaim whether one should
recite the three mandatory benedictions after food (for the food, for the land, and
for Jerusalem and the Davidic dynasty) only after eating bread, or whether it was
necessary to recite the benedictions also after eating the fruits with which the
land of Israel was blessed (m. Ber. 6.8). According to R. Gamaliel, the command-
ment 'and you shall eat and be satisfied and you shall bless'
Deut. 8.10) refers to all of the seven species of the blessed land mentioned prior
to it in 8.8 and not only to 'bread' (DPf^) mentioned in v. 9. But according to the
sages, the word 'land' QHK) in v. 9 interrupts the sequence (pin [TDSH), and
therefore the benediction mentioned in v. 10 refers only to the word 'land', which
is connected to 'bread' in v. 9 (cf. b. Ber. 44a). Now the space of one line between
the words 'a land of wheat and barley, of vines etc' (v. 8) and the verse 'a land
where you may eat bread without stint' (v. 9) can be explained only against the
background of this difference of opinion among the sages. The scribe of this
scroll wished to make it known that the blessing in 10 belonged to the section in
which bread is mentioned and not to the fruits mentioned in v. 8. According to
the conventional halakhah, after wine and the other fruits of the land one has to
bless God with a short blessing (C?*?C? ]nI?Q) but is not obliged to recite the full
blessings as after the meal containing bread.
But the discovery of fragment 4Q434, frag. 2 (PAM 43.513) adduces clear evi-
dence about the existence of the grace after meals at Qumran, not only in general
cases but even in the specific case at the house of the mourner.
As is well known, the blessings after meals were supplemented with special
liturgies in both cases: the mourner's house (b. Ber. 46b) and the bridegroom's
house (b. Ketub. Sab). Indeed, in frag. 2 of 4Q434 we find not only the elements
of the grace after meals that according to the rabbis are mandatory but even the
specific formulas applying to the mourner. The text is fragmentary, but sufficient
phrases were preserved in order to identify its nature.
Transcription
Tt>.rt
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
auf eine unedierte Handschrift aus Hohle 4Q mit Exzerpten aus Deuteronomy', RevQ 6 (1967), pp.
193-227.
8
9
10
11
12
13
Translation
l.[]°kh[ ]kh to be comforted for the poor in mourning h°[
2. to [de]stroy peoples and cut down nations and wicked °[ ] renew
3. the works of heaven and earth and let them rejoice, and his glory to fill[ all the earth] to
atone [for] their [guil]t.
4. And the one abounding in goodness (God) will comfort. Goodness hs°[ ]°m to eat
5. its fruit and goodness vacat
6. as a mother comforts her son, so will he comfort them with Jerusalem as a bridegroom
on a bride
7. will dwel[l forev]er [ fo]r his throne forever and until his glory y°[ ] and
all peoples
8. [ ]lw and it was bw sb[ ]ym and their
desirable [l]and
9. [ Nglor[y]s[ ]d I will bless
10. [ ]Blessed be the name of the highe[st
] vacat
ll.[ ]Bless[ ]your
grace upon me
12. [ ]forthe
Torah you established
13. [ ]
k the book of your laws
Notes to the Text

Line 1. mi; n^» *?I7 Dmn^. Cf. Isa. 54.11: TOm ^...mi?. The term ntafc
applied to Jerusalem, not found in the Bible, is attested in the prayers of mourn-
ing for the ninth of Ab in7. Ber. 4.38a: H^NIl TITI *?m.. .D^WT ^ .. .DHI,
'have mercy.. .upon Jerusalem.. .upon the city in mourning'.
Line 2. For the parallel of W and D'EK1?, see Isa. 34.4; 43.9; Ps. 2.1; 44.3,
15; 149.7.
Line 3. l^n p&1 D'QK? ^rD CHH. Cf. Isa. 65.17-18:
'for behold, I am creating a new heaven and
a new earth.. .rejoice forever'.
Lines 3-4. nBIT DHQp* Tm]. Cf. 1QS 9.4: MDS HO^ ^ ISD^; 1QM fr
2.13:
Line 4. DEIir 31B mi. The word 3*1 in the expression 310 m appears in the
Bible as an attribute of 31B = vast bounty (Isa. 63.7; Ps. 31.20; 145.7; Neh. 9.35).
Here, however, it is applied to God, the possessor of bounty: 'great in goodness',
like TOn 3*1, 'great in kindness' (Exod. 34.6; Num. 14.18; and parallels).
Lines 4-5. miBI HHS t7OKt?. Cf. Jer. 2.7; Neh. 9.36.
Line 6. H^D ^ [jnn3]-1cf- Isa- 62-5; cf- 61-10-

Lines 6-7. []]1D^ D^pU ?] H^tf. Cf. Deut. 33.12:
'beloved of the Lord, he dwells securely on him'; other instances have: 'dwell in'
zek.43.9; 1 Chr. 23.25,
Line 7. Tin Dâb 1KD3. Cf. 2 Sam. 7.16; Ps. 45.7; Prov. 29.14; 1 Chr. 17.14
in reference to the king; cf. Ps. 93.2; Lam. 5.19 in reference to God.
Line 10. []]V ^ D£> 71 "D. Cf. ]V ^ ^ DE> in IIQBer 1-2; see A. S. van
Woude, 'Bin neuer Segensspruch aus Qumran (1 IQBer)', in Bibel und Qumran
(ed. S. Wagner; Berlin: Evangelische Haupt Bibelgesellschaft, 1968), 252-58.
See the review by J. Strugnell in RB 77 (1970), 267-68.
Line 12. nmrDn min^. The verb j^H in Qumran literature implies crea-
tion; see 1QH 1.14, 20; 1QS 3.15-16.
The text opens with consolation of the poor mourner
having in mind Jerusalem in its mourning. The most important common element
in the Qumran fragment and in the conventional Jewish grace after meals in the
mourner's house is the verse from Isa. 66.13: 'as a mother comforts her son so I
will comfort Jerusalem' . This verse appears both in the conventional Jewish bles-
sings10 after meals at the mourner's house and in the Qumran passage discussed
here. In the Qumran text the consolation of Jerusalem is juxtaposed with the joy
of the bridegroom with his bride. Similarly in the Jewish conventional liturgy,
the Benediction of Jerusalem at Blessings of Marriage overlaps the Benediction
at the Blessing of the Mourner's House. In both cases the conclusion of the third
blessing was 'Blessed be YHWH. . .who consoles his people in his city'.11 This is
rooted in the prophecies of Deutero-Isaiah (49. 1 9-2 1 ; 6 1 .2-3 ; 62.4-5 ; 65 . 1 9-
66.10-11).
The next line (2) in the fragment of 4Q434, which mentions the destructions
of peoples and nations: (TVa1 D'Dl^bl nn[E>]b DÎl), also belongs to the pattern
of grace after meals. It seems to be associated with the land taken away by the
Lord from other nations and given to Israel. This may be reflected in the Pales-
tinian Talmud (y. Ber. 1 .9, 3d) in connection with land and Torah, which are to
be mentioned in the second benediction of the grace after meals. There we read:
'Rabbi Simon said in the name of Rabbi Yehoshua ben Levy: "Whoever did not
mention Torah in the Benediction for land has to read [the Benediction] again.
What is the reason for this? (it is written) 'he gave them the lands of nations
they inherited the wealth of peoples
that they might keep his laws (Vpn) and observe his teachings (ITDim)' " (Ps.
105.44)'. Indeed both D*1 pin and Torah are mentioned explicitly in the fragment
from Qumran (11. 12-13; see below).
However, since the next sentence speaks about the renewal of creation (11. 2-3),
there is a possibility that the destruction of peoples and nations and the wicked is
to be associated here not with the inheritance of the land but with the messianic
future, when peoples and the wicked will be judged and punished. The next
10. See I'm: D1DJ7 m "110 (ed. D.S. Goldschmidt, 1971), pp. 187-88 par. 158 (Hebrew
11. See S. Lieberman, nOICEO KHBDin, I (1955), p. 52.
sentence in the Qumran fragment (line 3) brings up the idea of the renewal of
creation, an idea that is widespread in the second temple period, beginning with
Isa. 65.1812 (cf. 66.22) and continuing with 1 Enoch 45.4; 91.16; Jub. 1.29; 1QH
13.11-12; HQTemple 29.8-10; 2 Cor. 5.17; Rev. 21.1; etc. Messianic expecta-
tions are included in the third benediction of the grace after meals (see especially
the phrase 'the kingdom of the house of David, your Messiah' and the wish 'that
Elijah, the prophet and the Messiah come soon')13 but are also mentioned at the
end of the grace after meals, where all kinds of personal wishes occur:
May the merciful send us Elijah, the prophet, ...
who shall bring us good tidings, salutation and consolation ...
May, the merciful make us worthy of the days of the
Messiah and of the life of the world to come.14
This is to be compared with the Didache (Teaching of the Twelve Apostles)

ch. 10 in connection with the grace after meals: 'Gather it [the church] together...
to your kingdom which you prepared for it. Let grace come and let this world
pass away. Hosannah to the God of David'.15
The next phrase in the Qumran fragment (11. 3-4) is
'he will forgive for their guilt'. This undoubtedly refers to the deceased, whose
sins are expiated by their death. This is also reflected in the Jewish blessing after
meals for mourners: 'Blessed be YHWH our God.. .the God of truth, who judges
truly...and takes away souls in justice' (QSemmKBJ npl1? ...rm]"*\)(b.Ber.
46b). This actually constitutes an acknowledgment of divine justice
which is recited at the Jewish burial service and whenever one sees graves (see
b. Ber. 58b; /. Ber. 7.6).
A salient motif of the conventional grace after meals is the goodness of God
by providing food to all his creatures: 'who feeds the world with his good-
ness' ("DIED .. .D 'TUT! HK ]tn). Actually a separate benediction was established
for God 'who is good and does good' p^ftm DlftH) with all, and as has been
shown by C. Albeck and A. Buchler this is an old blessing from before the
destruction of the temple.16 There were, however, disputes among the Tannaim
whether this benediction should be said in the mourner's house. Only after the
great disaster at Bethar (in Bar Kokhba's time), when the very possibility of
burying the dead was considered a miracle, it was decided by all to preserve this
blessing even at the mourner's house. Dôm HI EH was then interpreted:
('is good') that the bodies of the slain were not decomposed, and ir^Qm ('does
12. Note the juxtaposition of rejoicing (^:) with the new creation in Isa. 65.17-18 and in the
Qumran fragment under discussion (11. 2-3).
13. See JIM D1Q£ 31 "110, 45; see also E.D. Goldschmidt, On Jewish Liturgy (1978), p. 161
(Hebrew).
14. The Standard Prayer Book (ed. Rev. S. Singer, 1943), pp. 429-30.
15. K. Lake, The Apostolic Fathers (LCL, 1977), pp. 1-325.
16. C. Albeck, 'Die vierte Eulogie des Tischgebets', MG07n.F.42 (1943), pp. 430-37; A. Buchler,
'The History of the Benediction TO'Dm 31CDn in the Grace after meals', in Abhandlungen zur Erin-
nerunig an H.P. Chajes (Vienna: A. Kohut Memorial Foundation, 1933), pp. 137-67 (Hebrew).
good') that they were given for burial. DÊPI! HI EDI! occurs also in the short
blessing after eating fruits of the seven species (b. Ber. 44a).
This formula, TCDnDm DIEil, is actually reflected in the Qumran fragment
discussed here. Thus in line 4 we read 'and the one great in goodness
will console them. . .the good one' QOTf . . .DIE).17 The motif of goodness in connec
tion with the land is actually mentioned in the prayer of Nehemiah: 'they ate and
were satiated. . .by your great goodness (*71Tin "pIBD, Neh. 9.25); 'And with your
great goodness p"lH "plEQ) that you gave them, and the ample and rich land
that you put at their disposal' (9.35). There we also fin
the phrase 'to eat its fruit and goodness' (miB HN1 iTIB HK t7OKL?, 9.36), which
occurs in the Qumran fragment (11. 4-5) as well as in the conventional shortened
blessing after eating the fruits of the land of the seven species (Deut. 8.8); see
b. Ber 44a.
The words in line 7 ITDDI Tin D^lUb 1KD3 ...[[JOZF D^ptf1?], 'dwell
forever. . .his throne forever and his glory' refer either to David's throne or to
God's throne. In fact both should be taken into account here, as stated in b. Ber.
49a: 'since he mentioned David's kingdom it is inappropriate not to mention the
kingdom of heaven' . Indeed, the kingdom of God is mentioned thrice in the fourth
blessing: D1EH "]^Qn,l]D^Q ,0*711711 *]^Q. The messianic element is indispensable
in the grace after meals, as stated in b. Ber 48b: 'Whoever did not mention the
Kingdom of David in the Benediction over Jerusalem did not fulfil his obli-
gation'.
Another element that must be mentioned in the grace after meals is
(b. Ber. 48b), 'the pleasant, good, and ample land'. This is reflected
in the Qumran fragment in line 8: rnQPI D^pK], 'their pleasant land' . The same
applies to the obligation to cite rr~Q and ITYin, 'covenant and Torah', mentioned
in b. Ber. 49a. This is found in 11. 12-13 of our fragmen
'You have established for the Torah' and "fpin "ISO, 'the book of your laws'.
The laws and the Torah are mentioned in the passage from y. Ber 1 .9.3d, quoted
above.
We find then in the Qumran fragment all the elements of the blessings
after meals practised in Judaism, although not in the conventional order, that is:
(1) food for all creatures (2) the land (3) Jerusalem and the messianic line (4) the
good one who does good. The fixed order of these blessings is apparently of later
times. This may be deduced from the grace after meals in early Christianity. In
the Didache (second century CE) we read about the prayer after meals (ch. 10)1
(I do not quote the christological material inserted into this prayer):
1. 'We give thanks to you... for the knowledge19 and faith... etc', (land is
omitted). This parallels the blessing for Torah and covenant in the conventional
Jewish blessing.
17. The. . .en DIB in line 4 may reflect the formula of

18. See Alon, Studies in Jewish History, I, pp. 286-91 .
19. On nin = 'knowledge' in the sense of divine instruction (mm), see my article 'The Prayers
for Knowledge, Repentance and Forgiveness in the Eighteen Benedictions', Tarbiz 48 (1979), pp.
186-200 (Hebrew).
2. 'You created everything.. .and gave food to men.. .and blessed them with
spiritual food and drink and eternal light'. This parallels the first blessing.
3. 'Remember, Lord, your community (ekklesia) to deliver it from all evil...
and gather it together from all the corners of the earth to your Kingdom. Let grace
come and let this world pass away. Hosannah to the God of David'. This over-
laps the mention of Zion and the Davidic-messianic kingdom in the conventional
grace after meals (see above). The 'kingdom of God' mentioned here is actually
prescribed in b. Ber. 49a as a mandatory element in the grace after meals. The
God of David' mentioned here is prominent in the Palestinian form of the third
blessing in the grace after meals (seejF. Ber. 4.5, 8c;^. Rosh Hash. 4.6, 59c).20
The Qumran fragment contains all of the basic elements of the grace after
meals that were also common in rabbinic Pharisaic Judaism. Although we do not
find in the Qumran fragment the common liturgical-hymnic formulas such as
found at the end of each blessing in the conventional Jewish bene-
dictions after meals, there are traces of them here. Thrice we find in the fragment
the root T"Q: 'I will bless' (nmnfc, line 9); 'Blessed be the name of the most
high' (]V7I? D^-jra, line 10); 'Bless, O [my soul]' (pOTD] ^"Q, line 11). The
second phrase, ]VÎ? Q2? ""pin, is close in form to the conventional Jewish
formula TT (iinN) "]T"O. Furthermore, the blessing of the 'Name' in the Qumran
fragment is a characteristic feature of postexilic biblical prayers as well as of the
Qumran prayers.21 The same applies to the epithet fVÛ, which was introduced
in postbiblical prayers.22
The difference between the two traditions is in two things: (1) the order of the
blessings and the lack of formal rigidity in the Qumran fragment and (2) that the
Pharisaic benedictions were not permitted to be written (b. Shab. 115b) whereas
the Qumran benedictions exist in a written form. This applies, of course, to the
notion of oral Torah, which has not been adopted by the non-Pharisaic tradition.23
20. Cf. R5delheim,'arnzr DTDl? -no, 1868 (ed. S. Baer, 1957), pp. 96-97 (Hebrew).
21. See A. Hurvitz, The Transition Period in Biblical Hebrew (1972), pp. 97-100 (Hebrew),
22. See A. Hurvitz, 'Observations on the Language of the Third Apocryphal Psalm from Qumran',
RevQ 5 (1965), pp. 225-32.
23. This study has been prepared at the Institute for Advanced Studies of the Hebrew University
of Jerusalem during my stay as a member of the Qumran Research group in 1989-1990. I am
indebted to the institute for the help given to me for the preparation of this study. I am thankful to
Professor John Strugnell (also a member of the group at the Institute) for making available to me the
photocopies and the transliteration of the manuscript discussed here.
APPENDIX
Grace after Meals in the Mourner's House
The Jewish Tradition and Rabbinic Sources
Blessed be (our God) who comforts the mourners, he of whose bounty we have partaken and
through whose goodness we live
(who feeds) with his goodness.. .with his great goodness, who does good to everybody...
(we thank you).. .for you gave us an inheritance to our fathers a good, a desirable and ample land as
well as for the covenant.. .and for the Torah which you taught us
whoever did not mention Torah in the Benediction for land has to read (the Benediction) again, for
it is written: 'he gave them lands of nations, they inherited the wealth of peoples that they might
keep his laws (Vpn) and observe his teachings (Vmiin)' (Ps 105.44; y. Ber. 1.9, 3d).
give grace. . .to Israel. . Jerusalem, Zion the abode of your glory, and the kingdom of David your
anointed
whoever did not mention 'the good desirable and ample land' in the Blessing for the land nor the
Kingdom of David in the Blessing for building Jerusalem did not fulfill his obligation (b. Ber. 48b).
whoever did not mention covenant and Torah in the Blessing for the land did not fulfill his obliga-
tion (b. Ber. 49a).
(13
In the mourner's house: Comfort" you, our God, the mourners of Jerusalem and the mourners who
mourn this mourning, console them.. .as it is written: 'as a mother comforts her son so I will com-
fort you, you shall find comfort in Jerusalem' (Isa. 66.13).
Blessed be you our God.. .the living God, the good, who does good... the God of truth, who judges
trulv.. .and takes away souls in justice... (b. Ber. 46b)
Grace after wine and fruits of the seven species (Deut. 8.8): Blessed be.. .for the good desirable and
ample land which you gave as an inheritance to our fathers to eat of its fruits and to be satiated with
its goodness. Give grace.. .to Jerusalem and Zion the abode of your glory because you are good and
do good for all...(&. Ber, 44a).
Synopsis of Grace after Meals at Mourner's House
Qumran (4Q434frag. 2) Pharisaic-Rabbinic

Chapter 7
MINHA
The term nn3D, 'gift, present', early acquired the specialized meaning of a sacrifice
or offering which was to be a 'pleasing odour' (mil] IT")) to the deity and was to
soothe its senses. Thus David says to Saul: 'If it is Yahweh who has stirred you
up against me, then give him a nn3E to smell (IT"), hiphcil)' (1 Sam. 26.19). This
pleasing smell of the sacrifice's fragrance is also implied even if the term nnUQ is
not explicitly mentioned. Thus it also happens that when Noah makes an offering
to Yahweh after the deluge, and Yahweh smells its pleasing fragrance
he pledges not to curse the earth a second time (Gen. 8.21): cf.
negatively Lev. 26.31: 'I will no longer smell the fragrance of your sacrifices';
Amos 5.21: 'I take no pleasure in smelling your solemn assemblies'.
And indeed, the nTOB constitutes that part of the ritual which creates the
fragrance: corn, flour, baked bread, or cakes mixed with oil and frankincense and
presented before Yahweh (Lev. 2.14f.). The ni"I]Q constitutes the high point of
the sacrificial ritual, since it ensures that God is able to smell the pleasing
fragrance of the offering.
Although the term minhah frequently occurs in connection with or parallel to
it usually constitutes a fixed ritual together with the mfcDp and the in-
cense offering (HDIH^) cf. Isa. 1.13: 'It is futile to bring me HITE; incense
is an abomination to me'. Isa. 43.23: 'I have not burdened you with HPIDD, or
wearied you with frankincense (TITD1?)' (cf. also Neh. 13.5-9; Isa. 66.3; Jer.
17.26; 41.5). The tandem HITO and T\TCh also appears in the Elephantine papyri,
indeed exclusively in this combination.1
Ps. 141.2 is of significance regarding the association of ni"!]ft (especially the
evening nn]Q) with the incense offering: 'Let my prayer be counted as incense
before thee, and the lifting up of my hands as an evening minhah (cf. discussion
below).
The nn]E, mixed with oil and frankincense, was blended from flour or meal
and could be offered by anyone, independent of animal sacrifice (cf. Lev. 2).
Indeed, the HIHD and the incense offering (rUlD1?, mBp) developed into a kind
of universal ritual; cf., e.g., Mai. 1.11: 'For from the rising of the sun to its set-
ting my name is great among the nations, and in every place incense flBplE) is
offered to my name, and a pure nPIDO'.
1. Cf.AP, 30.21,25; 31.21; 32.9; 33.10f.; cf. also Vogt, 107.

7. nniftMinhah 12 123
Reference should be made also to the eighty men who go up to Jerusalem

bringing HIDE and mill1? (Jer. 41.5).
Offerings of the nn]Q type are attested throughout the ancient Near East. Thus
in a Kassite votive inscription we read: Tor Adad. . .he libated from seeds and. . .
roots, he caused incense to go up in smoke' (i-na SE.NUMUN it hir-sa-ti qut-ri-
nam u-sa-aq-ti-ir).2 In Mesopotamia we also find fragrant offerings whose odou
is meant for the deity: 'Without you [Samas] the great gods of heaven and earth
cannot smell the incense offerings' (ul is-si-nu qut-rin-nu)?
In the official cult, however, the rifTO was normally connected with animal
sacrifice, something already attested by ancient Israelite sources. Gideon takes
for his offering a kid and unleavened bread baked from an ephah of flour (Judg.
6.19); Manoah, the father of Samson, takes a kid and a nflDft (Judg. 13.19: cf.
v. 23); Hannah, the mother of Samuel, prepares a thankoffering consisting of
three bulls (LXX and 4QSam: 'a three-year-old bull'), an ephah of flour and a skin
of wine (1 Sam 1.24). The Priestly Document provides precise instructions con-
cerning the quantities of grain or flour for such offerings. The !"!!"[]£ consists of a
tenth of an ephah of fine meal (H^D) to lamb offering, two tenths for a ram offer-
ing, and three tenths for a bull offering (cf. Num. 15.1-15; 28; 29).
It should be pointed out that, in contrast to the usual interpretation, this H^D
does not strictly speaking mean 'fine flour', but rather 'meal', i.e., ground, pulver-
ized grain (cf. Akk. siltu, and b. Shab. 74b: s Itslty, 'cut into pieces, cut evenly';
cf. Akk. salatu), which - one assumed - was morefinelysifted thanflourand con
tained no husks.4
In his temple vision, Ezekiel mentions other quantities for the HrUD: 'one
ephah for a ram, one ephah for a bull, and for a lamb as much as he has at hand'
(Ezek. 46.4; cf. 45.24). The determination of such recipes for the preparation of
ritual sacrifices is also regulated in Mesopotamia: 'three sheep. . .three simid-mea-
sures (=0^0) of grain'.5 The proportions of grain/flour per animal sacrifice
derive from current customs at the court or among the populace for the prepara-
tion of meals and feasts. Accordingly, Abraham prepares as a hospitality meal for
his guests one calf and three measures (D^D) of meal (D^D) (Gen. 18.6f.).
Similarly, a list for deliveries to soldiers found at Ugarit reads: 'one lamb and a
Ith of flour'.6 One Ith (cf. Heb. *]rfr, Hos. 3.2) corresponds roughly to one tenth
of an ephah (2.2 1. [2.3 qt.]),7 which in Israel accompanied a lamb offering.
2. Designation of Time. Since the nn]Q together with frankincense constituted

the high point of the sacrificial ritual, namely, the presentation of the 'pleasing
fragrance' (mil] m), the time of this offering was viewed as the most favour-
able time of the day. Thus Elijah offers his prayer to God at the time of the HTOD
2. BM92699; E. Sollberger. 'Two Kassite Votive Inscriptions', JAOS, 88 (1968), pp. 191-95.
3. J. Nougayrol, Textes Religieux (I)', RA 65 (1971), p. 162, 3.
4. See recently J. Milgrom, Leviticus 1-16. (AB\ 1991), p. 179.
5. T.G. Pinches, The Babylonian Tablets of the Berens Collection (1915), p. 110.8.
6. £717,4.751.
7. Cf. Heltzer.
1 24 Normative and Sectarian Judaism in the Second Temple Period
offering (nman HI *?m, 1 Kgs 18.36), and his prayer is answered (vv. 38ff). Ps.
141 .2 also attests that the hour of the HPtfE and of the incense offering was viewed
as the most favourable time of the day: 'Let my prayer be counted as incense
before thee, and the lifting up of my hands as an evening nn]ft'. In fact, the ex-
pression 'favourable time' is itself attested in the Psalms: 'But as for me, my
prayer is to thee, Yahweh, at a favourable time (pin HU). O God, in the abun-
dance of thy steadfast love, with thy faithful help answer me' (Ps. 69.14[13]).
This verse is recited in the synagogue at the HITO prayer on the Sabbath,8 a
tradition that seems to go back very far. Here, too, the petitioner uses the formula
n
]]U, 'answer me', which goes back to Elijah's evening prayer. It is of further
significance that the prayer of fasting days "*]]#' is recited only in connection
with the nn]Q prayer.9 The burning of incense offerings within the context of
liturgy is also reflected in Isaiah's inaugural vision (Isa. 6). The angels' trishagion
is accompanied by the filling of the temple with smoke, directly recalling the
smoke ascending from the incense altar (v. 6). Solomon's prayer of consecration
in 1 Kgs 8 . 1 2ff . should probably also be understood against this background (c
the description of the cloud in the temple in w. 10f), namely, as a prayer
accompanied by an incense offering (cf. Lev. 16.2,13).
The literature from the period of the second temple as well as rabbinic writ-
ings richly attest this understanding of the time of the ni"[3D as the appropriate
time for prayer. It is said that Ezra offered his penitential prayer (in connection
with the problem of mixed marriages) at the time of the evening HTOD (Ezra 9.5).
Similarly, the angel Gabriel reveals himself at just this time to Daniel (Dan. 9.2 1)
or to the priest Zechariah (Lk. 1.9f). As was the custom, the people prayed
'outside the house of God' while the priests presented the incense offering. This
is picked up in a regulation in the Mishnah (Tamid4.3', Kelim 1 .9), according to
which the people were not permitted to enter the area between the porch and the
altar (rQTQ^Tl DÎNH *p2) while the priest presented the incense offering. The
people assembled in the outer court (mTU) for prayer. Finally, Judith prays in the
house of God at the time of the evening nn]ft (Jth. 9.1).
It is said that the Hasmonean high priest John Hyrcanus received his revela-
tion at the time of the incense offering (Josephus Antiq. xiii 282f).
The Targum understood the various references to incense and offering fragrance
in Cant. 4.1 1-16 as if they were referring to the incense offering in the temple,
whereby the priests and people prayed: 'May God, my beloved, enter the temple
and readily accept the offerings of his people' (Targ. to w. 1 1 , 1 6). The blessin
of Isaac in Gen. 27.27f. ('Ah, the smell of my son is like the smell of a field that
Yahweh has blessed') was similarly interpreted with an eye on the incense offering
in the temple (cf. further the apocryphal Life of Adam and Eve 29; T. Levi 3.5f.).10
All these examples illuminate the rabbinic designation "minhah prayer'
as the afternoon prayer. Although the nriDD was also presented in the
8. Cf. I. Elbogen, Der judische Gottesdienst in seiner geschichtlichen Entwicklung (1913),

p. 118.
9. Ibid, p. 55.
10. Cf. D. Kellermann, 'mm1? lôna', TDOT VII, pp. 441-47.
7. nrttftMinhah 12 125
morning as a cereal offering, the actual time of prayer was associated with the
evening offering at which the people were assembled. This HITO worship took
place at the ninth hour (3 p.m.), when the evening offering, the cereal offering,
and the incense offering were presented (cf. m. Pesah 5.1; Acts 3.1; 10.3,30).
Ezra's penitential prayer (Ezr. 9.5) showed that the time of the HPIM was also
the most appropriate time for confession, a custom continued later. On the eve of
the Day of Atonement the confession of sin was spoken shortly before darkness
(i"DOl DU; t. Kippurim 4.14). A similar confession over the tithe was spoken at
the nn]ft offering at the Passover Festival (m. Ma 'as. Sh. 5.10; cf. Lev. 2). The
Talmud also sees in nilDD the appropriate time for prayer (Wl TH) (cf.
b. Ta 'an. 12b mdpassim). Midrash Psalms even views the confession of sin and
the nn^ft prayer as the continuation of the presentation of the burnt offering in
the period without temple and priest.11
11. Cf. A. Jellinek, ETHDn JTD: Sammlung kleiner Midraschim undvermischterAbhandlungen

aus der alteren judischen Literatur (1967), IV, 104ff. [Heb.; Ger. intro.).
Chapter 8
THE MORNING PRAYERS (BIRKHOTH HASHACHAR} IN QUMRAN

AND IN THE CONVENTIONAL JEWISH LITURGY
As is well known, the so-called 'Blessings of the Morning' Birkhot Hashachar

(the standard Prayer Book, translated by Rev. A. Singer = SPB, 1943, pp. 4-11)
in the Jewish liturgy are not part of the official prayers. They rather constitute
private benedictions that are recited by the individual before the official public
prayers.1 However, in spite of their private nature the overall system of these
blessings and prayers has not changed since the beginning of their appearance in
liturgical texts. Furthermore, all the elements of Birkhot Hashachar are already
attested in the rabbinic sources and in the Genizah texts and, as we shall try to
show, they can be traced back to the Qumran liturgies.
As will be demonstrated, the Birkhot Hashachar contain two basic constitu-
ents: praise for giving life and soul (after sleep) on the one hand and apotropaic
prayers2 at the beginning of the day on the other. The apotropaic prayers were not
destined for the morning only, they were used before sleep (SPB, p. 438), at the
beginning of the week (cf. below, p. 129), at the beginning of the month (SPB,
pp. 219-20), in the prayers on the New Year (cf. below, p. 129), and on other
occasions. All of them have, as will be seen, a common typology, but the Birkhot
Hashachar are the most elaborate and reveal a clear systematic pattern. This is
quite understandable. The beginning of the day is the more appropriate occasion
for such prayers. As will be shown below, the morning apotropaic prayers could
be recited either before the official morning prayer or after it.
Let us analyse the traditional pattern of the Birkhot Hashachar.
1. Basic elements of the Birkhot Hashachar

1. Praise of God for restoring the soul after sleep. The benediction, which is
to be said after one awakens from sleep, runs as follows:3
1. Cf. e.g. Maimonides, Mishneh Torah, Hilkhot Tefilah 7.9. For the Birchot Hashachar, see
I. Elbogen, Derjudische Gottesdienst in seiner Geschichtlichen Entwicklung (1931), pp. 87-92.
2. For this definition, cf. D. Flusser, 'Qumran and Jewish Apotropaic Prayers', Israel Explora-
tion Journal 16 (1966), pp. 194-205.
3. Cf. b. Ber. 60b. For the textual variants of this prayer, see A.L. Gordon
(1914).
8. The Morning Prayers (Birkhoth Hashachar) in Qumran 127
'O my God, the soul (HM) which You gave me is pure, You created it (nnN"Q), You
formed it (iim IT), You breathed it into me, You watch it within me, and You will take it
from me but will restore it unto me hereafter. So long as the soul is within me, I will give
thanks unto You, O Lord my God and God of my fathers. Sovereign of all creatures, Lord
of all souls. Blessed be You, O Lord, who restores souls unto dead bodies' (SPB, p. 4).
During sleep, the body is lifeless and awakening is therefore considered as

coming back to life, hence the conclusion: 'Blessed be You, O Lord, who restores
souls unto dead bodies' (DTIB DH^S^ niDtOT TTPIDn) in the Bablyonian custom
(b. Ber. 60b) and 'Blessed be You, O Lord, who revives the dead' (DTID IT T
in the Palestinian custom (y. Ber. 4.2, 7d).
2. Associated with this is the blessing for the creation of man:
in the Genizah documents4 and:
in the traditional rites.5 The benedictions for returning the soul
and for creating man actually express one and the same idea: creation of human
body and soul. Man, then, thanks God in the morning for creating body and soul
as if he were born anew.
In the Hodayot of Qumran, which, in our opinion, follow the pattern of the
morning prayers discussed here, this combination of thanks for creating the body
(out of dust) and the soul is very common (see below, p. 133)
3. Blessing over the Torah. Selection of the created, i.e. created as a Jew and
not as a gentile is reflected in the gift of the torah, the special heritage of Israel.
No wonder then that in the context of the morning benedictions the 'new created
man' blesses God for choosing the people of Israel and teaching it the Torah:
'Blessed are you YHWH who has chosen us from all the peoples and gave us his
Torah...' 'Blessed are you YHWH who teaches the Torah to his people Israel'
(^ncr IDI^ min -roton, SPB, p. 4, cf. jpn 'no1? n nna -p-a
119.12). In the Palestinian versions of this Benediction we read: 'Blessed are You
who has chosen his flocks... and made known to them the ways of his will (~W&
•Uim ^TT Dimm "mm nrn); 6 'Blessed are you YHWH who gives Torah
from the heaven and eternal life7 in the heights' (0*7117 "m D'DEH p mm ]rTOn
D^DIIDD);8 'Blessed are you who has chosen this Torah and sanctified it and has
4. See J. Mann, Genizah Fragments of the Palestinian Order of Service, HUCA 2 ( 1 925), p. 277
S. Asaf, ^K-IET pan H^SHH "ODD, B.Z. Dinaburg Festschrift, 1949, p. 121. The identic
benediction at the wedding feast (SPB, p. 44) is influenced by the morning blessing, cf. L. Ginsberg,
III N.Y. 1941, p. 228f.
5. Cf. b. Ber. 60b. The "IIT "IIDK benediction is associated with healing. This is based on the
assumption that the body is constantly exposed to sickness and malfunction and it is through God's
wonders that the body functions properly. The concluding formula of this benediction
is attested often in the Hodayot when speaking about the creation of body and soul, cf. 1QH 1 1.3.
nrrnrr IDH -orm "isu nu nn^sn, IQH. Fr. 3.3-5 -nanno -iau "i^n...«^sn^ -ien on etai.
6. S. Asaf, FS Dinaburg (see n. 4), p. 123.
7. The same notion is expressed in the blessing after the recital of the Torah (SPB, 84: 'who gave
us the Torah of truth and planted eternal life in our midst'= IttM D^ltf "ID HQK mm 13 *? ]HD "IBK
llDim), cf. Tractate Soferim 13,s (ed. Higger, 244). For this blessing cf. John 5.39 'You search the
scriptures in which you think you have eternal life', see my remark in the article quoted in n. 10,
Tarbiz 48 (1979), p. 194 n. 44 (Hebrew.)
8. J. Mann, HUCA 2 (1925), 293; cf. Tractate Soferim 13.6 (ed. Higger, p. 243).
1 28 Normative and Sectarian Judaism in the Second Temple Period
chosen those who observe it' (JTIZnm Him nETTpl nKTH mim TQ nttfK).9
Similar blessings are attested in the Qumran liturgical hymns and especially in
the hymn of 1QS X, I-XI, 22 which constitutes - to our view - a morning prayer.
Here we read:
'Blessed are you, my God who opens the heart of Your servant to knowledge (nin =
Torah)10, direct...his actions... as You have chosen to the elected of men to stand
before You forever' (1QS 11.15-16).
The idea of God's gift (the Torah) bestowed upon his people - thus making them
like children of heaven and like an eternal plantation - found in the above Pales-
tinian versions of the Benediction over the Torah is clearly expressed in the hymn
in 1QS11.7-8.
After enumerating the various spiritual gifts bestowed upon the chosen group,
the author of the hymn proclaims:
'Those whom God has chosen he has established as an eternal possession; he has
bestowed upon them a share in the lot of the holy ones and with the sons of heaven he
has united them... for an eternal plantation'. (DÛ HOT^) (1QS 11.7-8).
4. A prayer for deliverance from sin, temptation, evil inclination and Satan11
'O lead me not into the power of sin or of transgression or iniquity or of temptation...'
'let not evil inclination (inn "I1T ) rule over me (subdue my inclination that it may sub-
mit to You)'.12
This negative formulation is supplemented by a positive one: 'make me cleave to

the good inclination', niBi! lim 'Dprm.
The positive formulation is indeed predominant in the morning prayer of the
Palestinian rite as preserved in y. Ber. 4.2, 7d on behalf of the school of Yannai:
'May it be your will. . . that You give me a good heart, a good character (TIB pbn)13 a
good inclination pltt "IIP), a good companion14. . . a good soul. . . and a humble spirit'.
On the other hand, the Palestinian Talmud has also preserved a negative formu-
lation of this prayer by Rabbi Tanhum Scholasticus15:
'May it be Your will... that You break and remove the yoke of the evil inclination
(inn IIP) from our heart', (y. Ber. 4.2, 7d)
9. For this version and other versions of the Benedictions over the Torah see J. Heinemann,
Prayer in the period of the Tanna'im, etc.2 Jerusalem 1966, pp. 106ff. (Hebrew.)
1 0. For 'knowledge' as Torah, see my article 'The Prayers for Knowledge, Repentance and For-
giveness in the "Eighteen Benedictions" - Qumran Parallels, Biblical Antecedents and Basic Charac-
teristics', Tarbiz 48 (1979), pp. 186-200. (Hebrew.)
1 1 . SPB, pp. 7-8, cf. b. Ber. 60b.
12. Following the version in b. Ber. 60b.
13. For such interpretation of p'TI, see L. Ginsberg, ''D'OTT^ D'EflTm D'ETITS, III, p. 236.
14. Read -QH instead of the printed "DO, cf. L. Ginsberg, ibid., p. 23 1 .
15. This title was found on an inscription from the synagogue at Sepphoris: see D12TH ISO, I (ed.
S.Klein), 1939, p. 138, no. 90.
The traditional rite also includes a prayer, ascribed in b. Ber. 16b to R. Judah
Hanasi', which he used to say after the official service. In this prayer he asks deliv-
erance from arrogant men, from evil men, from bad companions as well as from
mishap, evil inclination and the Satan who destroys: ]BK31 .. .IT) "UTO in I^Sft
rrnmn. The combination of IttB, inn 1Hn or ]BE? is found in other personal
apotropaic prayers. Thus in the prayer recited after the official service by Mar the
son of Rabina, according to b. Ber. 17a, we read: in -I2TQ ,m IMBD 13^2071
Dîr^ $zh niKTinDn mm ^DCn nin niBMDI with the conclusion 'and other
evils which break forth to enter the world'.16 Here the 'wicked woman' stands for
temptation as may be learned from Ben Sira 22.27ff.
In another prayer to be said before retiring to sleep at night inn IK1 is also
coupled with 1HB and afflictions: in IMBD ^JHT1 inn IK1 '3 Bl^BT ^1 (ft.
$er. 60b). The same applies to the IDTDEn benediction of the evening prayer
(SPB, pp. 135-36) where one asks to be saved from Satan as well as from enemy,
pestilence, sword, famine and sorrow: ]in nm mn imIT1K ir^D IDm
irTMDI irDBto ]BC? nom. The Palestinian formulation of this prayer in the
Genizah is: m *71ECr ^ Hl^n pETl mitt TIBI, 'fear, trouble, and Satan in
the nights shall not rule over us'.17 Similarly, in the prayers for the beginning of
the week according to the Sephardic rite we have: 'save us from the bad Satan,
from any bad mishap', in UJBE, in ]BOD 13*T!$n.18 The same pattern occurs in
the New Year prayer attached to the Modim Benediction.19 31711 3im 1311^3
in PITT: ^31.. .inn lin na^Dl rrnrai, as well as in the Uato ir3K litany
according to the Sephardic and Yemenite rites: il53ft1 rTITOQl .. .31^113im n^3
D^l D^^m 171 IH'I .20 In the Ashkenazic rite of the 133^0 ir3» litany we
also find 'rid us of every oppressor and adversary', "pDDCJDl IK ^31^3, attached
to 31^1,311,1311^3, 'rid us of pestilence, sword (=war), famine... destruction'
(SPB, p. 68)
In the Qumran prayers (1 lQPsa XIX, XXIV), which will be analysed below,
we also find next to the deliverance from ]BC? and 1711 liT the deliverance from
'pain' (31K3D)21 which is identical with UJB or IHD.22 In Ps. 155 (1 !QPsaXXIV,
3-17) which belongs to the genre of personal apotropaic prayers, we hear about
deliverance from temptation and sin along with purification from bad affliction
(171IHDQ înDD). Temptation next to IttB appears in Ben Sira 36.1: ^ '1 «ln
tD^DI 3ier ^0^3 DK n 3 171173B\ 'the man who fears the Lord, mischance will
not strike him, in times of temptation he will be rescued again and again'.
16. For this phrase 0*711^ ND^ Brim, cf.y. Ber. 5.1,8d. Thehithpa'elofVn is not found in the
Bible. It is attested, however, in Qumran (1QH II, 12: III, 16).
17. Mann, HUCA 2 (1925), p. 304 n. 83 (Codex Turin 51); S. Abramson, Sinai 81 (1977), p. 216
(Ms. Leningrad 122).
18. Cf. e.g. E.D. Goldschmidt, On Jewish Liturgy, Essays on Prayer and Religious Poetr
Jerusalem 1978, pp. 200,294, 308 (Hebrew).
19. Cf. Seder R. Amram Gaon (ed. E.D. Goldschmidt), p. 136.
20. Cf. e.g. ^tarijIVH PTC;, III, 1952, p. 76.
21. Compare in the short prayer 'hbynenw' (b. Ber. 29a): mKDQQ IDprm = 'keep us far from pain'.
22. The traditional usage of IHB instead of l^D, mtOD was influenced by 1 Kgs 5, 18 ]VV ]"K
in JHB iî.
5. Asking for grace

'Let me obtain this day and everyday grace, favour and mercy in Your eyes and in the
eyes of all who behold me23 and bestow lovingkindness upon me'.
D-D-ID anon âm IDWI ta "rim 73-03 D'Dm^ ion1?! \rb or tei nvn -D3m
This prayer concludes with the benediction: 'Blessed be. . . the Lord who bestows
lovingkindness' (D'QIB DHDP! ^M)24 which parallels the blessing in the Qumran
prayer 'Blessed be the Lord who does righteous deeds and crowns his pious with
lovingkindness and mercy' (1 lQPsa 29.7-8): VTDP! nBUQ DlpTO nWV 71 "[1*12
D^Qrni IDfT. Finding mercy before the Lord is included in the 'Plea of Deliver-
ance' (1 lQPsa 29.17) the plea that the family of the supplicant rejoice by God's
grace.
After the private individualistic prayers and before passing to the official
public prayers, we find in the traditional custom ofBirkhotHashachar two more
liturgies:
6. Self-abasement declaration as a motivation for forgiveness
'Sovereign of all worlds, not because of our righteousness do we lay our supplications
before You but because of Your abundant mercies. . . What are we? What is our life?
What is our righteousness? What shall we say before You? Are not all the mighty men
as naught before You, the men of renown as though they had not been. . . for most of
their works are void and the days of their lives are vanity before You, and the preemi-
nence of man over beast is nought, for all is vanity'.
The first sentence of this prayer irmpllS bv ^... is taken from Dan. 9.18
where it is followed by the request for forgiveness: nn^D n n& nUQE 'OIR.
Indeed, the prayer D*10*71 UH ^D ]1D"1 appears in 6. 70/wa 87b as a formula of Yom
Kippur confession.25 The continuing phrases: irTI HE, 1]ri3N HE also occur in
b. Yoma 87b as a confession for Yom Kippur and indeed belong to the concluding
penitential service (PI'T173 n'TST!) of Yom Kippur until our days (SPB, p. 412).26
Furthermore, both formulae, UTTlplJt *» *$ as well as 13^0 HE, 13PI3K HE are
23. For such wishes and their parallels in ancient Near Eastern literature see ch. 17.
24. The words ^"12T "iQirt are a later addition (non-existent in Seder R. Amram Gaon, Maimon-
ides, etc.) and indeed look strange in the group of individual-private prayers. Some versions have
vnVD1? 'to his creatures' instead of ^"lET 1D01?, see e.g. S. Baer, ^«"12T mini? "110 adloc.
25. According to Rashi the prayer D^Q^l^n I'D"! in Yoma 87b, considered there as a confession
for Yom Kippur, is identical with the liturgical declaration discussed here.
26. A similar overlapping between the daily personal prayer and that of Yom Kippur is found in
connection with the liturgy of self-abasement:
'O my God, before I was formed I was worth nothing, and now that I have been formed I am but
as though I had not been formed. Dust I am in my life, how much more in my death. Behold, I am
before You as a vessel filled with shame and confusion'.
This prayer, which the Amora Rabba used to say after the official prayers according to b. Ber. 17a,
was recited by R. Hamnuna Zutah after confession on Yom Kippur, and so it is recited in our days.
8. The Morning Prayers (Birkhoth Hashachar,) in Qumran 131
recited in the various penitential prayers (Din1' ^D) associated with confession on
Yom Kippur as well as on weekdays.27 All this clearly indicates that the liturgy
of self-abasement D^D^lUn ^D I'D"!, etc., actually belongs to confession of sin
and plea for forgiveness.
Indeed, in the Palestinian tradition the Birkhot Hashachar open with a confes-
sion: 'My Lord, I have sinned before You' 7?)*b TIKBIl 'Dim (y. Ber. 4.2,7d).
In the Genizah: ^ 1BTI DN1 ...PHO niTTJ ^17 NÎD ^ DÎITI *XD "pm
niSID TTTE Knn TTIDTIU, 'Sovereign of all worlds, do not decree upon me a
decree of death... and if my sins have caused it to me... let my death be an atone-
ment'.28 In the continuation of the Genizah prayer, we find the verse from Dan.
9.18-19: ...D^BD l]m« irmplH ^ K*?, included in t
liturgy of the traditional rite dealt with here. However, whereas in the conventional
formulation of tTft^lin ^2 ]1T1 only the self-abasement formula of Dan. 9.18-19
is quoted (irmpliS ^1? N1?) and Dan. 9.19, where we find the plea for forgiveness
nn^D ''DTK niJDID "'DIN is omitted, in the Genizah liturgy the whole passage Dan.
9.18-19 is quoted. Furthermore, in the Genizah the verses from Dan. 9.18-19 are
preceded by an explicit plea for forgiveness: mDIIÎ TOlI?1? 153m 'TlTOm FT^01
n 29
rn3K, etc.
It seems that the omission of the confession in the conventional ^D ]1D1
D^^lin before the service was motivated by the fact that the D^lDnn after the
Amidah gradually took over the confession30 and thus all confessions during the
service were transferred to that section.31 Indeed, Seder R. Amram Gaon preserved
the Dnftl71Un ^2 ]"Q1 - after the Amidah - together with the confession of sins.32
Attached to it is the Palestinian prayer of R. Yannai (y. Ber. 4.2,7d) which is to b
recited after awakening in the morning. This indicates that the D'^lUn ^D ]*O1
adduced there (Parag. 65) actually belongs to the Birkhot Hashachar but was
transferred to its present position because of the prevailing (Babylonian?) custom
to confess after the Amidah.
Self-abasement is also characteristic of biblical prayers, as e.g. Gen. 18.27 in
the intercession of Abraham for Sodom: 'Here I venture to speak to my Lord, I
who am but dust and ashes ("IBN11BU ''IDDNI)' and similarly David before thank-
ing the Lord for his promise: 'What am I, O Lord God, and what is my family
that You have brought me thus far?', D^H 7V 'OriN'On 'D 'Pm n £1...'nDK '0
(2 Sam. 7.18).33
27. Cf. Seder R. Amram Gaon, p. 37; ^tan^VU nn1^, I, p. 34, III, p. 130 (1952); E.D
Goldschmidt, D'lTM W*? TITTO, II (1970), pp. 26,47, etc.
28. Mann, HUCA 2 ( 1925), p. 278; Asaf, Dinaburg Festschrift (see n. 4), p. 121
29. Compare the confession formula for Yom Kippur in>>. Yoma 8,9,45c: IBrTO.. .TIKBn ^m
"I7BB ^ ^ ^ 'TOT nm]lir ta ^ ^. Cf. also Lev. Rob. 3.3 (p. 61, ed. Margalioth).
30. Cf. /. Ber. 3.6.
31. For the development of this custom, see E.D. Goldschmidt, On Jewish Liturgy (see n. 18),
1978, pp. 369-71.
32. Ed. E.D. Goldschmidt, p. 37.
33. Verse 21 there also contains a self-abasement formula, read with 1 Chron. 17.19 "f"QI7 "TQJn
T but vocalizing wekalbeka instead ofukelibka: 'For your slave and your dog have You done
Self-abasement declarations are also very common in secular petitions (to

kings and princes) in ancient Israel34 and in the ancient Near East.35
7. Salvation. The last element in the traditional rite of Birkhot Hashachar
appended to the first verse of Ufttf} is sanctification of the Lord's name as a result
of which his people will be gathered and salvation will come.
'You were the one ere the world was created, You have been the one since the world has
been created, You are the one in this world and you will be the one in the world to come.
Sanctify Your name... in Your world... O, gather them that hope for you from the four
corners of the earth. Let all inhabitants of the world recognize and know that You are the
God, You alone, over all the kingdoms of the earth. You have created heaven and earth...
Our father in heaven, deal with us graciously.. .and fulfill for us.. .that which is written
"at that time I shall bring you home... I will make you a name and a praise among all the
peoples of the earth" (Zeph. 3.20) ,..'36
In the Palestinian morning prayers, as will be shown, we also encounter

eschatological prayers. However, there it is not ingathering of the exiles which is
stressed but restoration of Zion. This is quite understandable. For the Babylonian
Jews the ingathering of the exiles was the most important thing in redemption
while for the Palestinian it was restoration of Zion. For the same reason the
i"DD£0/1];ri3£n benediction of the Palestinian evening service concludes with
spreading the tent of peace over Jerusalem, DÊJIT ^ Dl1?^ PQ1D ETHS,
whereas in the Babylonian rite it concludes with IIJ^ ^"lEP IftU "IDIO = 'who
guards his people Israel forever'. For Sabbaths and festivals some of the Baby-
lonians adopted the Palestinian formula D1 *?B1T Îtt .. .01 ^TOIDemsn but
most of them retained the usual form "TD1? ^RHCT 1QU *1Q1^.37
In the Qumran liturgy the eschatological element - as will be seen - is repre-
sented by the so-called 'Apostrophe for Zion' (1 lQPsa 22).
2. Qumran Morning Liturgy

The so-called 'Plea of Deliverance' in 1 lQPsa, col. 29 contains, like the mornin
pleas we have just discussed, the following themes:
1. Self-abasement - 'I am (humble) and destitute', ^]K 'm pi?].38 This
occurs before praise, and therefore should be seen as a topos of self-abasement
this great thing'. For 'dog' as self-abasement, cf. 2 Sam. 9.8; 2 Kgs 8.13, and the Amarna letters. See
especially, N.H. Tur Sinai, mpD "TO IDIOT, II (1964), p. 200.
34. See e. g.1321 Sam. 18.18 "Fl '121 "DDK 'ft, 2 Sam. 9.8, cf. Lachish letters KAI 192.2, 3, 5
195.4; 196.2-3.
35. Especially in the Amarna letters. On the problem in general, see G. W. Coats, Self-Abasement
and Insult Formulas, Journal of Biblical Literature 89 (1970), pp. 14ff.
36. The beginning of this prayer is alluded to in the Palestinian Talmud (according to B. Ratner,
D^CITI ]VU mnfc, p. 199) and is attested in the Genizah Fragments (Mann, HUCA 2 (1925), pp.
281,283).
37. Cf. J. Mann, HUCA 2 (1925), p. 305.
38. For this phrase which is missing in 1 lQPs.a, cf. J. van der Ploeg, Fragments d'un manuscript
de Pasumes de Qumran (HQPsb), Revue Biblique 74 (1967), p. 408f.
and not as motivation for help39 as the ones found in the psalmodic complaints:
Ps. 40.18; 70.60; 86.1 and 109.22.
2. Praise for returning life and soul:
Surely a maggot cannot thank You
Nor a graveworm recount Your lovingkindness
But the living can praise You
all those who stumble can praise You
In revealing Your kindness to them
and by the righteousness You enlighten them
For in Your hand is the soul of every living soul
the breath of all flesh You have given.
(HQPsa29.1-4)
As we have seen above, the first Blessing in the morning liturgies contains
praise for returning life after sleep. In the Palestinian rite this Blessing opens with
'Blessed are you... the Lord of praises' (PlNTinn ^8) and concludes with
'Blessed are you... who revives the dead' (DTIft IT TO), whereas in the Babylonian
rite it concludes with: 'who returns the soul to dead bodies'. The passage under
scrutiny covers the same theme: the praise (TPTin) for not letting man die and for
giving him breath (HEEE). The wording HDP] HPN TT ^D PQ£0 is indeed reflected
in the HDIZfl TI^K liturgy (SPB, p. 5, see above, p. 482). There we read TOM
(minis) ^n nn]!2? and here HPP] HPN ira *2D PEED. In the Hodayot of Qumran
which contain the motifs of the morning prayers discussed here, we find even
more connections with !"[££>] TT^K. In 1QH 3.19ff. we hear the supplicant
praising the Lord for redeeming him from the pit and the Sheol, giving hope to
what he created from dust pSI7D np-)iT n^b) and purifying the soul
HPnni^ ) which is close to HP^H" HP« KTI nilHO "D PP]e} HQCM 'The soul
which You gave me is pure, You created it'.
3. Benediction for Grace. The Benediction:
D'Qnil IDFl Vmon, 'Blessed be YHWH who establishes righteousness, crowning
His pious with kindness and mercy' (1 lQPsa 29.7-8) parallels - as indicated
D'OIED D"HDn ^Q1^ 'who bestows lovingkindness' in the traditional morning
prayer. The phraseology is taken from Ps. 103.4, 6 and interestingly enough
D'Drm "fOn 'a-lOUOn comes there after"D^n PHOT ^13H 'who redeems your
life from the pit' not unlike our Qumran passage where the Benediction follows
the concept of being saved from the graveworm.
After the Benediction comes a prayer in the first person singular starting again
with an individual praise for being saved from death and Sheol (1 lQPsa 29.8-
13). The supplicant here declares that he actually deserves death for his sins
CDnDQ blKC^ TH-nfll 7Tn PIS1?) but has been saved by God's mercy and
righteousness (cf. above p. 487).
39. In contrast to van der Ploeg (art. cit. in previous note) who puts on one and the same level
both the phrase in the Qumran liturgy and the other phrases in the Psalms.
Next come the pleas:

4. For forgiving sins (1 lQPsa 29.13-14), which is characteristic of the Pales-
tinian morning rite (see above): 'Forgive my sin O YHWH and purify me from
iniquity'
5. To be granted 'the spirit of faith and knowledge', ^DP! Him miQK im.40
This is identical with the plea in Ps. 155 (HQPsa 24.8)
41
and parallels the plea for giving Torah in the traditional
Jewish prayers (see above, no. 3)
6. For deliverance from sin and temptation: 'let me not stumble in iniquity',
(1 lQPsa 29.14-15). This phrase has an Aramaicflavour(c
Dan. 4.24 Ktsn / miJ) and would be rendered in Classical Hebrew
or in later Rabbinic Hebrew (nTnin ^ra« ^N).42 The equivalent of this
plea in the traditional rite is: I'll in nT317 nT b ^tvon ^ (see above, p. 128). In
the Hodayot which contains - as indicated - prayers of the kind discussed here we
find similar pleas
'You (will spare) your servant from sinning against you and from stumbling in
all the words of your will' (IQH 17.23).43
7. For deliverance from Satan and evil spirits: 'let not Satan rule over me nor
an impure spirit, neither let pain nor evil inclination rule44 over myself BbttT! ^N
D ^ (HQPsa 19.1
ready indicated above, p. 129, the combination of Satan, evil inclination
with affliction pltOB ,OT, 1HB) and sickness, pestilence, etc.
is characteristic of personal prayers. The association of Satan identifiable
with in "liT and the angel of death mi an ~[Nâ45 is the one who causes sickness,
death and pestilence.46
In a fragment of Hodayot scroll (4.3-20) which mentions morning flp13) and
deals with forgiving sin and self-abasement motifs characteristic of morning
prayers we read: 'you rebuke every Satan, destroyer' (PTnOS ]WD ^33 "UttP), a
phrase also found in fragment 45 there: rmttfai ]CDC? "TO. jftttf parallels here
'impure spirit' nfcatt m*l (cf. Zech. 13.2). The equation of Satan and impure
spirit may be discussed in Mk. 3.20-23 where we find the accusation that Jesus is
40. This is to be compared with the Amidah Benediction (SPB, p. 56): 'You grant man knowl-
edge...grant me knowledge, understanding' (^DEm nin 1D3in...nri DIK1? ]]in nriR) and cf. Ps.
119.29 ^]n "[H"nn and the prayer "[mm ^1Q^ IDHDDin nn«. (5P5, p. 440) see my article The
Prayers for Knowledge, Repentance and Forgiveness in the "Eighteen Benedictions'", Tarbiz 48
(1979), pp. 186ff. (Hebrew).
41. For the identification of HUT and mm in Qumran literature, cf. my article (previous note).
42. For this translation, cf. J. Goldstein, JNES 26 (1967), p. 307; R. Polzin, HTR, p. 60 (1967),
p. 469.
43. Compare the confession in 1QS 11.12:
44. For HCn and its correct interpretation, see J.Goldstein, JNES 26 (1967), p. 301; R. Polzin,
HTR 60 (1967), pp. 469-70.
45. Cf. b. B. Bat 16a:
46. These three demonic forces combine together in 1 Chr. 21. The Satan is the one who incites
(HD11) David to count the children of Israel (1 Chr. 21.1), and the punishment for the sin is executed
by rrnosn "l^ân (v. 15 there), which according to the Rabbis is identical with Satan.
controlled by the 'impure spirit' (TTVEUMCX cxKa0apTO$-,v. 30). Jesus however

reacts by saying: 'How can Satan drive out Satan' (v. 25). In other words: how
can an impure spirit drive out impure spirit, which clearly implies that Satan and
'impure spirit' are the same.
As D. Flusser has recognized47 the phrase ]B2? '3 BÊTl *7K is found in the
prayer of Levi in the Aramaic Testament ofLevi]W '3 D^BTI ^K48 and both ove
lap inn 1iT *3 B^BH ^K1 in the rabbinic prayers.
In the prayers from the Genizah we also find the form: }BB 1D3 'TIOT *?N as
for example in the evening prayer: 133 blOT ^ HI ^3 ]BEn.49 The roots of
this formula are to be found in Ps. 119.113b: J1U ^3 '3 BÔT ^81 (cf. Ben Sira
23.6 and see above).
8. For finding grace in the eyes of man: 'Let my brothers rejoice with me and
the house of my father, who are confounded,50 by your grace... I will rejoice with
a
you' nm nra£N.. .rarm D^Diizn '3K rv3i 'DK TTK inaizr (i iQPs 19.17-
18). The rejoicing of his 'brothers' with him and his family with the grace of God
is tantamount to finding grace in the eyes of man and the eyes of God, a motif
found in the traditional morning prayer ("Wl ^3 Tin Ton1?] ]F1^ THI) men-
tioned above. A similar prayer is found in b. Ber. 28 b: nft£N1 .. .*H3n n31TO£H
DH3 which is parallel to y. Ber. 4.2, 7d: 'I shall not be angry with my friends'
51
9. Restoration ofZion and its salvation appears in the Qumran Psalms scroll as
a separate prayer, in the so-called 'Apostrophe to Ziorf (1 lQPsa 22). The hope is
expressed there that the prophetic visions on Jerusalem will be fulfilled: 'Accept
the vision spoken of you and the dream of the prophets'
(1 lQPsa 22.13-14, compare 1 lQPsa 22.5-6). This is assoc
with the longing of the pious for its salvation:
'Great is your hope, Zion, that peace and longed for salvation will
come' (HQPsa 22.2-3). 'How they hoped for your salvation',
(1 lQPsa 22.8), 'those who yearn for the day of your salvation',
(HQPsa22.4).
Similar wishes are found in the Ben Sira prayer (cf. 36.20-21): 'Fulfil the
testimony of the beginning of creation, establish the vision spoken in your name,
give reward for those who hope for you, prove your prophets trustworthy'
47. 'Qumran and Jewish "Apotropaic" Prayers', Israel Exploration Journal 16 (1966), pp. 194ff.
48. Cf. J.T. Milik, 'Le Testament de Levi en Arameen', Revue Bibliqm 62 (1955), pp. 398-406.
49. Cf. J.Mann, HUCA 2 (1925), p. 304 n. 83; S. Abramson, Sinai 81 (1977), p. 216 (Hebrew).
50. The verb 'DDE?' has been chosen here in order to form the antithesis with TM' by similar
sounds, cf. b. Yoma 76b: 1QDKD H3T »^,inQO3 HDT, 'if a man is good if (the wine) means joy to him,
if not it means confounding'.
51. Cf. L. Ginsberg, "O'TOTTa D'CITm D'BTTS III, p. 221-22. Cf. S.Abramson, Sinai 81
(1977), Leningrad Ms. 103 la, p. 205.
The elements found in the traditional morning prayer,

1. praise of God for restoring the soul after sleep,
2. blessing for giving knowledge of Torah,
3. deliverance from Satan and temptation,
4. benediction for grace,
5. self abasement,
6. plea for forgiveness of sins,
7. salvation and restoration of Zion;
are thus attested in 1 lQPsa col. 19 and, as we shall demonstrate in a forthcoming
study, the same elements are found in the Hodayot and other hymns of Qumran.
52. Cf. provisionally my review article in Bibliotheca Orientalis 41 (1984), pp. 712-13.
Chapter 9
THE BIBLICAL ORIGINS OF THE AMD AH PRAYER

FOR SABBATH AND HOLY DAYS
1. Obligatory Prayer
We first encounter an obligation on Israelite men to recite prayer to a pre-set
formula in Deut. 26.5-11 (the first fruits) and 13-15 (the acknowledgement of
presenting of the tithe). Both passages begin, 'And you shall declare before the
Lord your God...' i.e. 'You shall recite as follows...'. It is no coincidence that
such obligation should be found in Deuteronomy, for it is this book that embodies
the transition from a religion of cult to a religion of book and prayer, as the
religion of the synagogue came to be.1 The elimination of the provincial cultic
sites accomplished by Josiah's reform, and reflected in the book of Deuteronomy
discovered during his reign, broke the hitherto inseparable connection between
religion and the temple cult. From then on, the Israelites' religion drew its inspi-
ration from spiritual meditation and exhaustive textual study. The destruction of
the first temple reinforced this spiritualizing tendency by giving rise to fixed
forms of prayer intended for a national congregation. These fixed forms had three
main motifs: (a) the exclusivity and oneness of God, creator of heaven and earth;
(b) the maintenance of God's gracious covenant that he swore to the patriarchs;2
(c) acknowledgement of God's greatness and mighty deeds, i.e. of the complet
submission of the universe to his providence. These motifs are subject to vari-
ation, but on the whole we find all three in the openings to the fixed prayers, as
we shall see.
A. An early declaration embodying all three elements is found in Deuteronomy,

put into the mouth of Moses:
Behold, the heaven and the heaven of heavens belongs to the Lord your God, the earth
also with all that is on it. Only the Lord took delight in your fathers to love them, and he
chose their seed after them, from all peoples', as it is this day [...] For the Lord your God
1. See M. Weinfeld, From Joshua to Josiah (1992), pp. 173-79 (Hebrew), cf. M. Weinfeld,
DDS1-11 (AB, 1991), pp. 16-17.
2. For the identity between the terms (tV"n) "IDE? and fr"D) "IDT see M. Weinfeld,' "Covenant
and Grace ("TDnm IVOn)": The terms and their development in Israel and the Ancient World', Lesho-
nenu 36 (1971-72), pp. 96-98. For 'keeping the covenant' and 'showing kindness to the Patriarchs'
see ibid. pp. 97-98 (Hebrew).
is God of gods, the Lord of lords, a great God, a mighty, and awesome (TITJn^TUn
KTI3m)(10.14-17)3
We have here the idea of the God of Israel's exclusive control, his election of the
patriarchs, and acknowledgement of his greatness and might (cf. Moses' prayer,
ibid. 3.24: '...for what God is there in heaven or in earth who can do according
to Your works, and according to Your might?')4
B. The redactor of the great historiographic deuteronomic enterprise working

around the time of the destruction of the first temple, kept up this practice of put-
ting prayers - hymns, in effect - containing these three elements into the mouths
of the nation's leaders. For example, he ascribes to David the following:
Therefore You are great, O Lord God; for there is none like You, neither is there any
God besides You [...] And who is like Your people Israel, a unique nation on earth,
whom God went and redeemed as His people [...] doing great awesome things. (2 Sam.
7.22-23)
This passage contains only two of the three elements - God's exclusive power
and his greatness and might.
C. The opening of the deuteronomistic Solomon's prayer5 runs:

.. .the Lord God of Israel, there is no God like You, in the heaven above or in the earth
beneath, who keeps covenant and kindness with Your servants who walk before You
with all their heart; who has kept with Your servant David, my father, that which You
promised him.
(1 Kgs 8.23-24)
Here too we find only two of the three elements - God's exclusive control and the
covenant with the patriarchs.
D. The same elements appear in Jeremiah's prayer, after its deuteronomistic

redaction:
Oh Lord God! Behold, You have made the heaven and the earth by Your great power
and out-stretched arm [...] You show kindness to thousands [...] O great and mighty
God! (32.17-18).
This time all three elements are present - God's creation of heaven and earth, the
great favour shown to the patriarchs, and God's greatness and mighty deeds.6
E. The liturgy of the second temple period continued the deuteronomistic pattern,
although sometimes parts of it were omitted:
3. The titles' Great, Mighty and Awesome' open all forms of the Amidah and the Sages consid-
ered that it was the Great Assembly that inaugurated this opening usage (b. Ber. 33b and parallels).
4. For the deuteronomic character of this prayer, see M. Weinfeld, 1992 (Hebrew) (n. 1 above),
p. 221.
5. Ibid., pp. 220-21.
6. 7foW.,p.222.
9. The Biblical Origins of the Amidah Prayer 139
...O Lord, the great and dreadful God, keeping covenant and kindness to those who
love Him, and to those who keep His commandments
(Dan. 9.4)
.. .O Lord God of heaven, the great and awesome God, who keeps covenant and kind-
ness to those who love him and keep his commandments...
(Neh. 1.5)
F. The Chronicler put into David's mouth a long prayer concerning Solomon's
coronation and this too follows the deuteronomistic mould:
.. .Blessed be You, Lord God of Israel, our father, forever and ever.
Yours, O Lord, is the greatness and the power [...] for all that is in heaven
and earth is yours, yours is the kingdom, O Lord, and You are exalted as
head above all. [...] You reign over all and in Your hand is power and
might [...] O Lord God of Abraham and Yitzhak and of Yisrael, our fathers, keep
this forever [...]
(IChr. 29.10-19)7
Here we have the concept of God's exclusive power alongside an evocation of

His greatness and might, and at the conclusion of the prayer God is besought to
keep (= remember) for ever the patriarchs of Israel. As we shall see, the standard
Jewish liturgy joined this passage with the prayer in Neh. 9.5ff. This prayer is the
starting point for understanding the composition of the Amidah, and at the con-
clusion of the Palestinian version of the Amidah, the two passages are recited
together.
G. Jehoshaphat's prayer in Chronicles contains the same three elements that we

have been discussing:
O Lord God of our fathers! Are not You God in heaven? And do You not rule over all
the kingdoms of the nations? And in Your hand is there power and might so that none
is able to withstand You.
(2 Chr. 20.6)
The measure of almost exact repetition in these two prayers from Chronicles is
remarkable; 'You reign over all and in Your hand is power and might' (1 Chr.
29.10-19); 'And You rule over all the kingdoms of the nations; And in Your
hand is there power and might' (2 Chr. 20.6).
The prayers that I have been quoting from appear in the Bible in a range of
contexts:
(A) is part of Moses' leave-taking from the people; (B) is from David's thanks-
giving for an everlasting kingdom; (C) is from the inauguration of the temple;
(D) belongs to the time of the Babylonian siege of Jerusalem; (E) relates to the
7. The word 'all, everything' ("TD), with and without preposition ('in all', 'to all' etc.), occurs ten
times in this prayer, emphasizing the unity of the passage. The Sabbath song of the Yoser Benediction
is a prime example of this usage: 'He makes peace and creates everything [instead of 'and creates
evil' in Isa. 45.7], everything thanks You, and everything lauds You, and everything says 'There is no
holy one like God', and everything exalts You, Selah, Creator of All'.
desolation of Jerusalem and the rebuilding of her walls; (F) concerns Solomon's
becoming king; and (G) relates to the war against Ammon, Moab, and Edom.
Different from all these is the prayer in Neh. 9.5ff., where the setting is a gath-
ering called for the purpose of public prayer for its own sake, prayer that, together
with the Bible reading, constitutes the chief component of the synagogue service
of worship. It is in Neh. 8-9, indeed, that we have first mention of public prayer
and Bible readings. In Chapter 8 the occasion is a gathering of the people in the
square before the Water Gate, called for the purpose of reading from the Bible.
Ezra, with others placed to his left and right, stands atop a tall wooden structure
and opens the scroll in the face of the standing congregation. He blesses the Lord
God, the people responding 'Amen, Amen', raising their hands and then prostrat-
ing themselves. The recited Bible text is both translated and interpreted (v. 8).
Later, we are told that during the Succoth festival there was a daily public Bible
reading (v. 18). All these are customs that can be found in synagogues to this day.8
Chapter 9 informs us that the people came together again on the twenty-fourth
of the month to pray and listen to readings. One of the four quarters of the day was
devoted to Torah reading. During another quarter the people prostrated themselves
and made confession, and it was in this session that the people were ceremonially
called on to pray. The wording of this call to prayer, 'Rise up and bless the Lord
your God from everlasting to everlasting' (v. 5), overlaps the blessing put into the
mouth of David in 1 Chron. 16.36 and 29.10: 'Blessed be You, Lord God of Israel
(our father), forever and ever'.9 The Torah reading too, as is familiar in every syna-
gogue, has its formal summons: 'Blessed be the Lord who is to be blessed' and
Ezra indeed blesses the Lord, the great God, after he has opened the scroll of the
Torah (Neh. 8.6).
The key finding in the text of this public prayer is a series of affirmations that
parallel the first four blessings of the Amidah for Sabbath and Festivals in the
commonly accepted liturgy. Here we have the first instance in the Bible of public
prayer recited to a fixed order and formula. Its elements are as follows:
a. Acknowledgement of God, the sole creator of heaven and earth (v. 6), in the
words of the prayer: 'the creator (qoneh) of heaven and earth' (Palestinian ver-
sion);10 '.. .the great, the mighty and the awesome God who keeps covenant and
kindness...' i.e. remembers his great favour towards the patriarchs (9.32);
b. Acknowledgement of God as the giver of life to all creation, that is, he main-
tains the universe and all that is in it (9.6);
c. The heavenly host (=the angels) bowing down before God (9.6);
d. The choice of Abraham (v. 8);
8. For Neh. 8.4-5 as the origin of the practice of raising up the scroll, see D. Sperber, The
Customs of Israel: Origins and History (1989), pp. 78-81 (Hebrew).
9. Many are of the opinion that we should read 'Blessed are You, O Lord our God, from everlast-
ing to everlasting', in Neh. 9.5 . See H.G.M. Williamson, 'Structure and Historiography inNehemiah',
Proceedings of the Ninth World Congress of Jewish Studies, Panel Sessions, Jerusalem, 1988 pp.
117-31.
10. See N. Wieder 1976, 'The form of the Amidah prayer in the Early Babylonian Jewish Com-
munity', Sinai 78 (1975-76), pp. 97ff. (Hebrew).
The descent of God to Mt. Sinai to give the Torah and commandments (v. 13)
The giving of the Sabbath (v. 14).
For some reason the first blessing, the essence of whose content is the creation of
the world and the divine favour shown to the patriarchs, is split into two - the cre
ation is recalled in the opening but'.. .the great, the mighty and the awesome God
who keeps covenant and kindness...' is not mentioned until the close (v. 32), i.
the prayer's conclusion completes its opening. Other prayers of this period place
the favour to the patriarchs at the very beginning:'... O Lord God of heaven, the
great and awesome God, who keeps covenant and kindness to those who love him
and keep His commandments...' (Neh. 1.5); '0 Lord, the great and awesome God,
keeping covenant and kindness to those who love Him, and to those who keep His
commandments...' (Dan. 9.4).
The prayer in Neh. 9 thus contains two basic motifs from the Amidah - which
are found there in the benediction on the patriarchs and the benediction on God's
mighty works: (a) STON - the creation of heaven and earth and divine favour to the
patriarchs; (b) mighty works Trnnr of which the most important are his provi-
dence over all life and the provision of its needs ('sustains the living with kind-
ness'). However, the Amidah prayer adds a third element - the Holiness of the
Name - whose main concern is with the holy ones (=the angels) praising and
sanctifying the name of God, and thus paralleling the actions of the Children of
Israel on earth. This same dualism also occurs in the biblical hymns and songs to
the Lord, especially in Ps. 148, half of which is devoted to praise of things celes-
tial, 'Praise the Lord from the heavens: praise him in the heights. Praise him all
his angels: praise him all his hosts' (v. 1 ff.), and the other half to praise of beings
earthly, 'Praise the Lord from the earth[...] kings of the earth and all peoples;
princes and all judges of the earth' (v. 6ff). The idea that the people of Israel join
their song to that of the angels and together extol the Lord (=Holiness) is a very
common one in the Qumran literature. * ! This is an element missing from the pray-
ers of the leaders of Israel that I cited earlier and the reason would seem to lie with
the principled opposition to angelology that is characteristic of Deuteronomy.12
These same elements of the Amidah for Sabbath and festivals appear in a Qum-
ran text: 'I will bless Him for his wondrous activity. I will meditate upon his
mighty work (irmDH) and upon his kindness (VIDH). I shall rely[...] land He
has bequeathed them the portion of the holy ones and with the Sons of Heaven he
has joined together their Assembly for the Council of the Community' (1QS
10.16; 11.8)13 we have here: mighty works, the favour shown to the patriarchs14
and forming one congregation with the angels in heaven (holiness). We find
11. See chapter 2.

12. See M. Weinfeld (n. 1 above) pp. 141-42, 218.
13. J. Licht, The Manual of Discipline (1965), pp. 218-30.
14. For parallels to the 'great favour to our forefathers' and to 'mighty works' in the Amidah see
S. Talmon, 'The "Manual of Benedictions" of the Sect of the Judean Desert', Revue de Qumran 2
(1960),pp.475ff.
similar parallels in the Thanksgiving Scroll: 'I thank You, my God[...] and put
Your thanksgiving in my mouth[...] and make my lips a place for songs of
praise15, and I shall sing Your great favours and of Your mighty works I shall
discourse all the day., and of the portion of Your Holy Ones... and to assemble
ranked before You with the host of eternity [...] to be renewed with all our long-
ing and all singing known songs' (11.3-14)16. Again we find the divine favour
and mighty works (in the same order as in the Amidah) and convocation with the
eternal host in heaven.
In today's standard liturgy the blessings begin, as we know, with the word
'You': 'Blessed are You [...] O Lord our God', 'You are mighty to eternity',
'You are holy', 'You have chosen us', and so also in Nehemiah's prayer: 'You
are Lord alone, You have made the heavensf...] and You preserve them all[...]
and You are the Lord God who chose Abram' (9.6-7).
As scholars have already noted, the blessing of the quickening of the dead
belongs to the category of the Lord's mighty works and in its origin did not refer
to any eschatological raising of the dead but to the restoration of life to those on
the threshold of death. We now have new evidence for this in the Assyrian
expression mita muballit.11 The expression muballit means 'who saves people
from mortal danger' and in Assyrian too figures as one of a list of titles extolling
the god's mighty works, such as: 'supports the falling, loosens the bound,
quickens the dying' in a parallelism with the blessing of the mighty works in the
Jewish liturgy.18
As for the 'the host of heaven bow down before You' (Neh. 9.6) this element
without doubt belongs to the liturgy on Holiness, which itself is extremely
ancient.19 With respect to the heavenly host bowing down before the Lord, we
have Ps. 29.2: 'bow to the Lord in the beauty of holiness' (cf. 96.15; 97.7) and
LXX Deut. 32.43, and also in the DSS.20
Nehemiah's prayer in Neh. 9 next recalls the election of Abraham (w. 7-9),
the Exodus from Egypt (w. 9-12), the giving of the Torah on Sinai (v. 13) and
the giving of the holy Sabbath (v. 14). It is noteworthy that this is the first and
only occasion that the Hebrew Bible includes the gift of Torah and Sabbath in the
list of the Lord's favours. Observance of the commandments is a duty not a
15. Identical to 'Lord, open You my lips and my mouth will give forth Your praise' (Ps. 51.17),
which are the opening words of the Amidah. See also: G. Glazov, 'The invocation of Ps. 51.17 in
Jewish and Christian morning prayer', JJS 26 (1995), pp. 167-82.
16. J. Licht, The Thanksgiving Scroll (1957), pp. 161-63.
17. See M. Weinfeld (n. 1 above), pp. 226-27 and ibid., n. 122.
18. Ibid., pp. 226-27. See also the Qumranic text: E. Puech, '4Q521 Une apocalypse messianique',
Revue de Qumran XV (1992), pp. 475-519; also: D. Flusser, 'A Qumran fragment and the mighty
works of the Amidah\ Tarbiz 64 (1994), pp. 331-34 (in Hebrew). The formulation Flusser quotes from
Qumran is: 'loosens the bound, opens the eyes of the blind, straightens the bent, just as He heals the
injured and quickens the dying, heartens the oppressed'.
19. M. Weinfeld and S.N. Kramer, 'Sumerian literature and the Book of Psalms, Part 2', Bet
Miqra 57 (1974), pp. 136-60 (in Hebrew).
20. P.W. Skehan and E. Ulrich. 'Qumran Cave 4, IX', in: E. Ulrich and P.M. Cross (eds.) Deu-
teronomy, Joshua, Judges, Kings (DJD, XIV, 1995), p. 141.
privilege, one of the obligations laid on Israel and the commandments themselves
are not deemed to be acts of favour. (Cf. Num. 20.15-16; Deut. 26.5-9; Josh.
24.2-13; 1 Sam. 12.7-11). Beginning from the time of Nehemiah, however, the
Sabbath and the commandments are numbered with the acts of the Lord's loving
kindness to Israel. Indeed, the Lord's choice of Israel to be his people is hence-
forward summed up in his gift to them of Torah and Sabbath. The blessing that
precedes the Torah reading runs: 'who chose us from all peoples and gave us
His Torah', and in similar vein in the blessing of the Holiness of the Day in the
Amidah: 'You have sanctified the seventh day [...] sanctify us with Your com-
mandments and grant us our portion in Your Torah', and in the kiddush of the
day over the wine: 'You have chosen us [...] and have given us this Sabbath/
appointed day','... sanctified us with His commandments and took pleasure in us
and gave us His holy Sabbath as an inheritance[...] for us [...] You have chosen
and sanctified us from all nations and have given us in love and favour Your holy
Sabbath/appointed day as an inheritance'. Thus the election of Israel is expressed
in the gift of the Sabbath and the appointed times and in the imposition of the
commandments. In confirmation of this, the central blessing of the Amidah for
Sabbath and Holy Days, called 'The Holiness of the Day', opens with the act of
election ('You have chosen us from among all peoples...'), with the gift of the
holy day (Sabbath or one of the great Festivals), and with the gift of the command-
ments ('...sanctified us with His commandments'). The same three motifs form
part of the kiddush over the wine with which the Sabbath and the Holy Days com-
mence: '..who has chosen us from all peoples [...] and sanctified us with His
commandments and given us this day of [...]'.
N. Wieder has shown that the middle blessing of the Amidah had a similar
opening not only on Holy Days but on the Sabbath too, but that at a later juncture
excerpts ofpiyyut (liturgical poetry) were introduced: for the Sabbath Eve prayer:
'You have sanctified...', for the morning service: 'Moses rejoiced...', and for the
afternoon service: 'You are one...' etc.21
The wording closest to that of Neh. 9 is that of a copy of the Mwsq/service for
the three pilgrimage festivals found in the Cairo Genizah: 'You have chosen Israel
as Your people from all the peoples [... ] and in love You brought them to Mount
Sinai and gave them right judgements and true teachings [...] and You have given
us this day of [...]' etc.22 (cf. Neh. 9ff. 'You are the Lord God who chose Abraham
[...] and You came down on Mt. Sinai and spoke with them from heaven, and
gave them right judgements and Your true teachings[...] and made known to
them Your holy Sabbath'.)
The same liturgy, tying the choice and sanctification of Israel to the gift of the
Sabbath is found as early as the book of Jubilees: 'Hereby I have singled out a
21. N. Wieder, 'Moses rejoiced in the gift of his portion: resistance and defense', Studies in Isra-
elite Aggadah, Targums, and Prayers in memory ofY. Heinemann (1984), pp. 75ff. (Hebrew).
22. See E. Fleischer, Israelite Prayer and Liturgical Practice during the Genizah Period (1987),
pp. 95-96 and the references. Also: L.J. Liebreich, 'The impact of Neh. 9.5-37 on the Liturgy of the
Synagogue', HUCA 32 (1961), pp. 234-35.
people for myself from amongst all the peoples and by their observing the
Sabbath I have sanctified them to me as a people [...] and He did not sanctify all
peoples and nations to rest on that day but Israel alone [...] and He blessed [...]
that day for blessedness, holiness, and glory' (2.31-32).23
This wording is reflected in the piyyutic version24 of the sanctification of the
Day blessing in the Amidah of the Sabbath morning service: 'And You did not
give it, O Lord our God, to the nations of the lands, nor did you make it the inheri-
tance, our King, of the worshippers of graven idols, but to Israel Your people
You have given it in love to the seed of Jacob, whom You chose'.
In fact we can also trace the roots of this linking of the sanctification of the
people to the gift of Sabbath, Torah, and commandments back into the priestly
sections of the Bible: 'Verily my Sabbaths shall you keep, for it is a sign between
me and you throughout your generations, that you may know that I am the Lord
who sanctifies you' (Exod. 31.13). From here the idea passed into Ezekiel's
prophecy.25
'Also I gave them my Sabbath [...] that they might know that I am the Lord
who sanctifies them' (Ezek. 20.12). This passage in Ezekiel comes immediately
after reference to the giving of laws and judgements to Israel (v. 1) so that we see
in Ezekiel too the same linkage of the sanctification of Israel to the gift of Torah
and Sabbath, with the difference that in Ezekiel there is no explicit statement that
the gift of Sabbath is the result of God's choice and favour.
We also find the combination of the choice of Israel and the gift of the Sabbath
and the Holy Days in the Qumranic festival prayers: 'Blessed is the God of Israel
who has chosen us from among all peoples[...] for rest and enjoyment' (111312
mDIHTl) (4Q503 1.24-25). This motif of the enjoyment of the Sabbath is also
central to the Amidah for Sabbath and festivals in its Genizah version, as
E. Fleischer has shown: 'A day of enjoyment you gave for this people'.26
To return to Neh. 9, after the formal prayer comes a long, national-historical
confession, a sort of prayer of supplication ([13110). The book of Baruch confirms
that it was the custom to make confession on festivals and appointed days, saying
with respect to a book that Baruch ben Neriyah had sent: 'Read the book that we
sent you for confession in the House of the Lord on holy days and appointed
days'(1.14)27
23. Cf. the early version of the Benediction of the sanctification of the Sabbath: 'And from Your
love for us, O Lord our God [...] You have given us, O Lord our God, the seventh day [...] for its
greatness, mightiness, and glory.. .etc.' See also: E. Fleischer (op. cit.\ p. 22 and the Haftarah bles-
sing: 'For the Torah and for Your worship and for the prophets and for this Sabbath day that You
have given us, O Lord our God, for its holiness and rest, for honour and splendour'.
24. On the piyyutic form of the sanctification of the Day Benediction in the Sabbath service see:
A. Mirsky, 'Yesod Kerova', Sinai 57 (1965), pp. 127-32 (Hebrew); J. Yahalom, Tiyyut and Poetry',
in L.I. Levine (ed.), The Synagogue in Late Antiquity (1987), pp. 111-26; also Liebreich (n. 22
above).
25. M. Greenberg, Ezekiel 1-20 (1983), pp. 366-67.
26. Fleischer (see above n. 22), p. 31.
27. E. Tov (ed. and trans.), The Book of Baruch (1975).
It is remarkable that the description of the liturgical ceremonies in the book of

Nehemiah, ceremonies held from 1st to the 24th of the month of Tishri, contains
not a single mention of the temple or of temple services of worship, and this the
month of the most important holy days, when the people made pilgrimage to the
temple to offer the special festival sacrifices (cf. Ezra 3.4-6). The explanation
might be that the author's objective is to describe the prayers and Torah readings
for which people assembled, i.e. in the synagogues, and that these had nothing to
do with the temple services conducted by the priesthood. This would also explain
the absence of any mention of the sounding of the Shofar at the New Year28 for
the Shofar call was essentially part of the temple service, and also the absence of
any mention of the Day of Atonement, since we know that the ritual of the Day
of Atonement was almost entirely confined to the temple and to the High Priest,
the people remaining passive onlookers. The author's interest being focused on
the worship taking place outside the temple precincts, he also ignores the special
New Year and Succot sacrifices.29
It was this disconnection of the synagogue worship from the temple cult that
characterized its liturgy. The synagogue was a house of prayer. Another instance of
this disconnection is the confession which follows after the prayer service (Neh. 9)
and which carries echoes of Solomon's prayer in 1 Kgs 8 (cf. w. 32, 34, 36, 39,
43): 'and You heard them from the heavens and delivered them according to Your
mercies' (Neh. 9.28), 'and in the time of their trouble when they cried to You and
You heard them from heaven' (v. 27). The contrast between Neh. 9 and these
passages from 1 Kings - which, although redacted by the Deuteronomist, are by
their context recited by Solomon at the inauguration of the temple - is that in
Nehemiah there is not the smallest reference to the temple.
It is the synagogal context of Nehemiah's prayers that probably also explains
the absence of the Amidah's three last blessings - those on the Worship (TITOU),
Thanksgiving, and the Blessing of the Priests, that formed part of the temple lit-
urgy: 'And they recited three blessings: worship, thanksgiving, and the blessing
of the priests' (Tamid5.\). The 'worship' referred to is the offering of sacrifice in
the temple, and indeed the priests blessed the service on completion of the daily
Tamid offering (ibid.), just as the High Priest blessed the Day of Atonement
service when he had ended his part in the ritual of that day (Yoma 7.1), and just
as the King did after he had read the king's section (Sota 7.8). The original
closing of the Service of Worship Blessing was either: 'and we shall worship in
awe You alone' (y. Sota 7.6,22a) or: 'and You alone we shall worship and fear'
(ibid. 7.1, 44b) and not as today '...who restores his divine presence to Zion'.
The Priestly Blessing was also originally part of the temple service, as was the
Thanksgiving Blessing, which is never mentioned except in conjunction with the
Priestly Blessing and the Service Blessing (Rosh Hash. 4.5 and elsewhere).
To the thanksgiving Blessing was usually linked the praise for some topical
event, be it from the past (e.g. the Hasmonean victory over the Greeks and its
28. See G. Alon, 'Philonic halakha', Tarbiz 6 (1935), pp. 452-59 (Hebrew).
29. See Y. Kaufmann, History of Israelite Belief 8 (1956), Jerusalem - Tel-Aviv 1956, pp. 324ff.
(Hebrew).
associated Blessing of the Miracles [D^D^H ^])or of the present, e.g. thanksgiv-
ing for the victory of King Jonathan recently discovered in a scroll from Qumran
Cave 4 (4Q448).30 The antiquity of the Thanksgiving Blessing is attested by the
idioms occurring in it which have survived unchanged for hundreds of years. In
the Qumran Thanksgiving for King Jonathan we have:
'On King Jonathan and all the congregation of Your people Israel who are dispersed at
the four winds of heaven - peace on them all, and on Your kingdom may Your name
be blessed'.
This language is reflected in the Thanksgiving Blessing in i\\& Amidah: 'We thank
You [... ] for our lives and for Your miracles [... ] for all these may Your name be
blessed and exalted, our king, continually for ever and ever'. Also in the blessing
after the Torah and Haftarah reading (from the Prophets) we hear: 'For the Torah,
the service of worship and for the prophets [...] for all [...] we thank You and
bless You, may Your name be blessed in the mouth of every living thing always
and forever'. Again in the Grace after meals: 'We thank You O Lord our God
[...] for all and we thank You and bless You. May Your name be blessed in the
mouth of every living thing always and forever'.
The expression 'We thank You' C]1? 13mK CTT1D) from the Thanksgiving Bles-
sing (see Sifre 34) [Finklestein p. 395]; y. Ber. 1.5,3d; b. Sota 40a) is found once
and once only in the Bible, in King David's prayer in 1 Chr. 29.13, and even the
idea of the 'kingdom' is one element of it (v. 11), as it is in the Thanksgiving for
King Jonathan from Qumran quoted above. In David's prayer too the word 'all'
occurs ten times. We should also note that the words from the
Thanksgiving for Jonathan 'all the congregation of Your people Israel who are
dispersed at the four winds of heaven' are also echoed in the Modim (thanksgiv-
ing) of the Rabbis (pDTf DHIO) from the Amidah: 'We thank You [...] blessings
and thanks are due to Your name [... ] for You have given us life and sustained us
[...] and gather our exiles to the courtyards of Your sanctuary'. And as D. Flusser
has shown, the motif of the ingathering of the exiles appears in the Epistle of Judah
the Maccabee to the Jews of Egypt as well as in the Apostles (Didache) in the
Grace after Meals there.31
It goes without saying that the Amidah Blessing on Jerusalem and the kingdom
of David originates with the temple service, cf. Ben Sira 51: 'Give thanks to Him
who built His city and Temple [...] give thanks to Him who raised up the House
of David [...] give thanks to him who chose Zion'.
The eschatological aspirations of the Amidah are reflected in the classical
prophecy of the end of days.32 These blessings for the nation were recited in the
30. See H. Eshel, E. Eshel and A. Yardeni, 'A Qumran Composition Containing part of psalm 154
and a prayer for the Welfare of King Jonathan and his kingdom', IEJ42 (1992), pp. 199-229. Vermes
proposes that the Jonathan referred to is Judah the Maccabee's brother; see: G. Vermes 'The so-called
King Jonathan Fragment', JJS 44 (1992), pp. 294-302.
31. See D. Flusser, 'Note on the prayer for the welfare of King Jonathan', Tarbiz 61 (1991), pp.
299 (Hebrew).
32. See M. Weinfeld 'Mesopotamian prophecy of the end of days', Shnaton, Biblical and Ancient
Eastern Studies Yearbook 3 (1979), pp. 263-76 (Hebrew).
temple and their topics include: the fertility of the soil, the ingathering of Israel's
exiles, God's establishment of justice and righteousness, the eradication of evil
and the practice of informing, the strengthening of the righteous, the rebuilding
of Jerusalem and the prosperity of the House of David.
I. Elbogen33 has already hinted at the eschatological nature of these blessings
but for some reason has ascribed them to Ezekiel 'and I shall gather you in from
the lands in which you are scattered' (20.34, 41) when in fact this formulation
belongs to other prophets. The blessing 'Sound the great Shofar for our freedom'
comes from Isa. 27.13: 'And it shall come to pass on that day that a great Shofar
will be blown and they shall come who were lost in the land of Ashur and the
outcasts in the land of Egypt', whereas for the ingathering of the exiles cf. ibid.
11.12: 'and he shall set up a banner for the nations and shall assemble the outcasts
of Israel and shall gather together the dispersed of Judah from the four corners of
the earth'. For the blessing 'Restore our judges', cf. ibid. 1.26: 'And I will restore
your judges as at the first and your counselors as at the beginning' and for its
closing words: 'who loves righteousness and judgement' cf.ibid. 61.8: 'Forlthe
Lord love judgement...' For 'May all Your enemies be cut off in the Blessing
against Heretics, cf. Mic. 5.8: 'and all your enemies shall be cut off. For the
Rebuilding of Jerusalem: 'And to Jerusalem your city may You return in
compassion and dwell in it as You have said', cf. Zech. 1.16: 'I have returned to
Jerusalem with mercies, my house shall be rebuilt in it', and also ibid 2.14: 'for
lo, I come and I shall dwell in the midst of you'. For the blessing 'The offspring
of David', cf. Jer. 33.16: 'In those days and at that time I shall cause an offshoot
of righteousness to grow up for David' and ibid 23.5: 'I will raise to David a
righteous offshoot', and see also Zech 6.12: 'Behold a man whose name is Zemakh
who shall grow up out of his place and he shall build the temple of the Lord...'
Expressions of national aspiration like the above also formed part of the prayers
recited daily before the Hittite king and queen and their subjects:
'Grant to the king and queen and to the princes of their land long life; recovery
from illness; fertility of the soil; corn and the fruit of the vine; sheep and cattle and
their offspring [...], May the enemies of their land fall under their feet [...] remove
from the land the fear of pestilence and famine [...] (KUB XXIV I).34
Petitions even closer to those of the Amidah are found in Mesopotamian litera-
ture,35 the petitions containing assurances of fertility and plenty; justice and righte-
ousness in the king's dealings with his subjects, including the eradication of evil
and the strengthening of the righteous; the ingathering of exiles; the coming of the
prince-redeemer and the establishment of temple and cult. Even more remarkable,
33. See I. Elbogen, The History of Prayer in Israel (trans. Y. Amir; ed. Y. Heinemann, 1972),
p. 54.
34. A. Goetze, in J.B. Pritchard (ed.), Ancient Near Eastern Texts Related to the Old Testament
(1969), p. 397; R. Lebrun, Hymnes etprieres hittites (1980), pp. 180-87.
35. See M. Weinfeld (n. 32 above).
a Mesopotamian prophetic text, in which the misarum - i.e. justice and righte-
ousness for the people - occupies a central place,36 contains, in addition to the
misarum and the call for the ingathering of exiles, an explicit wish for the eradi-
cation of informers and the strengthening of the righteous just as we find in the
Amidah: 'The announcement from the fire (comes) [...] the land hears the voice
of the gates of heaven, Ami commands Enlil to make misarum. Misarum will be
performed [...] the exiles will be ingathered [...] the righteous will be firmly
established [...] informers will be struck down'.37 The announcing fire is the fire
beacon called 'the golden torch' which announces the declaration of liberty, in a
manner parallel to the announcement of the year of liberty in Israel by a blast of
the Shofar (Lev. 25.9-10).38 Thus, the beacon is the heaven-sent herald of free-
dom similar to the sounding of the heavenly Shofar in the blessing 'Sound the
Shofar' which also heralds liberty, the ingathering of exiles, and the establish-
ment of justice, this last being associated with the eradication of informers, on
the one hand, and, on the other, with the strengthening of the righteous.39
Expressions of national desires also occur in Greek prayer, as Y. Ba'ar40 and
E.A. Bickermann have noted.41 We find there pleas for the fertility of earth and
man; for good political leadership, for justice and right dealing, and for the
establishment of divine worship. Considering all the evidence presented here, the
conclusion must be that the eschatological aspirations of the Amidah did not origi-
nate in the second temple period and were certainly not the fruit of Greek influ-
ence; their roots are to be traced back to the national aspirations of first temple-
period prophecy and similar expressions in Mesopotamian and Ancient Greek
liturgies.
It would be my opinion that the four Benedictions constituting the synagogal
36. On the misarum and its Israelite parallels see: M. Weinfeld, Social Justice in Ancient Israel
and in the Ancient Near-East (1995), p. 75ff.
37. R.D. Biggs, 'More Babylonian Prophecies', Iraq 29 (1967), pp. 117ff. ('saphutum ipahhura[...]
kinatum uktannamaf...] mubirsunu GAZ.MES-ma').
38. On the raising up of the 'golden torch' on the proclamation of freedom in Mesopotamia, see
M. Weinfeld (n. 36 above), p. 73.
39. In the Amidah blessings on Righteousness and Justice, the elimination of Heretics and Inform-
ers, the blessing of the righteous and the devout, Flusser detects reference to the three sects, Sadu-
cees, Essenes, and Pharisees. See D. Flusser, 'MMT and the Blessing Against Heretics', Tarbiz 61
(1993), pp. 366-74. It is indeed more than likely that the Blessing of the righteous and the devout is
directed towards the Pharisees. The phrase 'the remnant of the scribes' preserved in the Ashkenazi
version, tends to confirm Flusser's opinion on this point. It is well known that the phrase occurs in the
Ta'anit Scroll (Lichtenstein, p. 347) where it refers to the Pharisees who fled to Syria from the wrath
of Alexander Yannai. Cursing heretics, informers, apostates and suchlike quite possibly targets the
Essenes too. Flusser's idea that is the hardest to accept is that the Restoration of our Judges blessing
refers in part to the Saducees. The content of this blessing is the establishment of righteousness and
justice in Israel, namely social equality, for which evil must be eradicated and the hand of the right-
eous empowered (see M. Weinfeld [n. 36 above] p. 29). Furthermore, why devote a blessing to the
Saducees? After all, perceived by the authors of the blessing as belonging with the other categories of
secessionist groups, they were lumped with all such secessionists in the statement against heretics and
other evildoers.
40. Y. Ba'ar, Israel among the Peoples (1955), pp. 32ff.
41. E.A. Bickermann, 'The civic prayer for Jerusalem', HTR 55 (1962), pp. 163-85.
core of the Amidah for Sabbath and Holy Days - on the Patriarchs, God's Might,
the sanctification of God's Name, the Election of Israel and the gift of the Sab-
bath - originated in Babylon, for the reason that it was Ezra and Nehemiah who
led these prayers. It is also possible, however, that they took shape in Judah during
the time of the post-destruction Exile. On the return of the exiles to Jerusalem,
these four blessings were supplemented with the blessing on the Temple Service,
the blessing of Thanksgiving, and the Priestly Blessing, all borrowed from the
temple liturgy. Evidence for this opinion is that just as no roots in temple liturgy
can be traced for the earliest synagogue prayer service, so no synagogal roots can
be found for the blessings recited in the temple. The latter contain not a hint of
blessings on the patriarchs, God's mighty works, or the sanctification of God's
name that formed part of the earliest synagogue liturgy.42 Over time, the two
sources were combined43 to produce the seven blessings for Sabbaths and Festi-
vals and the eighteen for weekdays.
A most instructive instance for the theme of this paper is the seven-part prayer
that forms part of the Apostolic Constitutions and which is very similar to the
seven-part prayer of the Jewish liturgy that is still recited today.44 The Constitution,
as it is known today, was formulated in the fourth century CE, but its original core
is known to reach back to the first century CE. i.e. to a time before Judaism and
Christianity finally disassociated themselves. It opens with an invocation of the
God of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob, the sole creator and redeemer, and the opening
ends with the words 'Blessed be the shield of the seed of Abraham'. Then comes a
blessing on God's mighty works recalling God's great feats of creation: 'Creator
of clouds to feed his creation' (echoes the 'causes the rain to fall' and 'sustains
life' in the parallel Blessing on God's Mighty Works in the Amidah), and 'quick-
ens the dying'. The third blessing is the Holiness of God's name, which here refers
essentially to the angels in heaven extolling the Lord in song together with the
Children of Israel on earth. At this point come the liturgical verses 'Holy, holy,
holy etc', from Isa. 6.3 and 'Blessed be the glory of the Lord from His place' from
Ezek. 3.12. The fourth blessing, the sanctification of the Day, praises the Sabbath
as a day of rest, enjoyment, and reflection on Torah. The fifth blessing evokes the
promises of the prophets concerning Jerusalem and the House of David. The sixth
is the blessing of thanksgiving: 'For all we thank You, master of all'.
We do not know when the two liturgies, of synagogue and temple, began to be
combined. But it is at least clear from Neh. 8-9 that during the Babylonian exile
a liturgy was in use unconnected with the temple cult and that we see it today in
the four first blessings of the seven in the Amidah for Sabbath and Festivals.
The fact that the form of the blessings in Neh. 9 was the starting point for the
evolution of the Amidah may explain the custom of the Palestinian congregations
42. These blessings are reflected in the Qumran texts, as I have shown above.
43. On the special character of the three middle blessings, Knowledge, Repentance, and Forgive-
ness see M. Weinfeld, 'The blessings on Knowledge, Repentance, and Forgiveness in the Amidah',
Tarbiz48(1979),pp. 186-200.
44. See D. A. Fiensy, Prayers alleged to be Jewish: an examination of the Constitutions Apos-
tolorum pp. 143ff.
first pointed out by E. Fleischer, to conclude their various Amidah's with a passage
from Neh. 9.6-S.45 Does this represent a faint memory of the Amidah as recited by
the people referred to in this passage from Nehemiah? Perhaps for the same
reason it was decided that 'And David blessed... etc.' from 1 Chr. 29.10-13 (that
came to be attached to Neh. 9.6-8 in faepesukei d'zimrd) would not be recited
when there are less than ten persons in the service communion, a custom also
attested by Fleischer.46
The early Christians recited the Ten Commandments and the Shema' in their
daily morning Sacramentum47, that is, they swore a loyalty oath to God, as
S. Lieberman has shown.48 And now we learn from the Apostolic Constitutions
that they also recited the Amidah (see above). Hence, it is clear that the Lord's
prayer, 'Our Father who is in heaven...' (Mt. 6.9-13; Lk. 11.2-4), was not in-
tended to replace the public prayer that was already obligatory and which was
recited by the early Christians too, but to be a private prayer. Furthermore, we
have located all the component motifs of the 'Lord's prayer' in various private
prayers that were appended to public prayer services (see below). This proves
that it was intended for private prayer, as were the prayers from which it origi-
nated, which were recited either before or after the public prayer service, after the
benediction of H^SH #QW9, or after the Grace After Meals, or before going to
sleep, etc.50
2. Private Prayer
Those who claim a late date for the Amidah quote R. Eliezer: 'He who makes his
prayers a fixed form, his entreaties will not be heard' (m. Ber. 4.4)51 as evidence
that, at first, i.e. in the second temple period, there was no public prayer
conducted to a fixed structure and fixed formulae. As against this, the Sages bear
witness that, from the days of Ezra and Nehemiah on, blessings and prayers were
formally inserted into the service of worship by the members of the Great
Assembly (b. Ber. 33a). We have also seen that Neh. 9 contains a series of public
prayers arranged in the same order as the four first blessings of today's Amidah
for Sabbath and Holy Days - the Patriarchs, God's Might, the Holiness of God's
45. Fleischer (see n. 22 above), pp. 43, 90.

46. Op. Cit.
47. See M. Weinfeld, 'The Ten Commandments: their unique role and place in Israelite tradition',
in B. Segal (ed.) The Ten Commandments Down the Ages (1985), p. 25.
48. S. Lieberman, 'The discipline in the so-called Manual of Discipline', JBL 71 (1952), pp.
199-200.
49. On the blessing 'A God who hears prayer' as the last blessing of the Amidah, see: S. Safrai,
'Gathering in the synagogues on festivals, sabbaths, and weekdays', in R. Hachlili (ed.), Ancient
Synagogues in Israel: Third- Seventh Century CE. Proceedings of a Symposium at the University of
Haifa, May 1987 (BAR international Series, 499,1989), p. 13.
50. SeeCh. 8.
51. See Y. Malkhi, 'Brief prayer and travelers' prayers', PAAJR 58.1-13; for private prayer
among the early Christians see: J. Stadlhuber, 'Das Studengebet des Laien im Christlichen Altertum',
Zeitschriftfurkatholische Theohgiell (1949), pp. 129ff.
Name, and the Holiness of the Day. The Qumran scrolls add further proof that on
Sabbath and Festivals a fixed service of prayer was the norm, and that it included
the Patriarchs and God's Might blessings.52
The only reservation possible about the fixed nature of prayer concerns per-
sonal or private prayer which always existed alongside public prayer. R. Eliezer
says that a person praying alone should not use the fixed forms of public prayer,
which does not mean that he did not take as given that public prayer in fixed forms
existed. The fact that there was a liturgy that demanded the presence of&Minyan
- Torah reading, Kiddush, Kaddish and the Amidah recited aloud - demonstrates
that a clear distinction was drawn between public prayer, that had its fixed formu-
lation, and private prayer, which necessarily changed according to circumstance.
And if R. Eliezer was opposed to fixed forms he was referring only to private
prayer.
3. Personal Petitionary Prayer

At least from the time of Rabban Gamaliel in Yavneh, on the fringes of formal
public prayer services, with their fixed order of blessings in their authorized formu-
lations, there was also a place for personal private prayers. Mostly, these were said
before the public morning service (comprising the Shema' and its accompanying
blessings and the Amidah) and went by the name of the 'Morning Prayers'.53 This
was the most usual and the most extended occasion for private prayer, but such
prayer might also be said at the end of the public service, i.e. after the Amidah,
after the blessing 'A God who hears prayer',54 or at night before sleep.55 The
Morning Blessings usually comprised: (a) thanksgiving to God for restoring to
the sleeper his spirit (sleep was considered to be a form of death). This section
usually concluded, in the Jerusalem Talmud version, with the words: 'Blessed
[...] who quickens the dying', and in the Babylonian Talmud version, 'Blessed
[...] who restores the spirit to dead corpses'; (b) a blessing for the re-creation of
the person praying - to some extent a continuation of the thanksgiving for being
awakened from 'death';56 (c) a petition to be granted a heart capable of under-
standing Torah; (d) thanksgiving to God for the Torah that he had conferred on
Israel;57 (e) apotropaic prayer against sin, temptation, the evil instinct and Satan;58
52. See above. The fact is made especially evident in the liturgy ofDJD Vol. VII. See M. Baillet,
Qumran Grotte 4, III (4Q482-520), DJD, VII, Oxford 1949, pp. 11 Iff., where we find the blessing
'You have chosen us' for sabbaths and festivals. See also M. Weinfeld, 'The Qumran Liturgy', in
M. Broshi et al (eds.) The Dead Sea Scrolls: Forty Years of Research (1991), p. 163.
53. Seech. 8.
54. See n. 49 above.
55. Seech. 8.
56. See M. Bar Ilan, 'the blessing 'Creator of Man': occurrences, functions and meanings', HUCA
56 (1988), pp. 15-17 (Hebrew).
57. Seech. 8.
58. Op. CiL, pp. 74-75.
(f) a petition to find favour with God and with other people;59 (g) a petition for
redemption - the revelation of God's kingdom on earth; (h) a petition for for-
giveness of sin; (i) a petition to be provided the means to a livelihood; (j) a peti-
tion to be saved from evil, affliction, and pain.
Since we are dealing with private prayer, individuals did not keep strictly to
the known formulae nor was there any obligation to recite every one of the above
possible components. Most known variations, however, included the following:
thanksgiving to God for restoring to the sleeper his waking spirit, a petition to be
granted a heart capable of understanding Torah; a petition for protection against
evil and the evil instinct, a petition for forgiveness of sin, a petition to be provided
the means of livelihood, and the aspiration to the redemption that will come with
the establishment of God's kingdom on earth.
The Psalms Scroll from Qumran (1 IQPSa) has been found to contain prayers
that are part of the Morning Blessings, as they are still recited in our day.60 Column
XIX of the Scroll contains what its editor terms a Plea of Deliverance61, compris-
ing petitions to be saved from affliction and disease, from the evil instinct and from
Satan. Longer and more complex versions of the same petitions have been found
in the Cairo Genizah.62 As in the Morning Blessings recited today, the Qumran
petitioner pleads for divine protection from pain, Satan and the instinct to do evil:
'Let not Satan and the unclean spirit prevail over me. Let not pain and the evil
instinct (in HIT) hold sway over me'.63 The petitions found in the Genizah frag-
ments are closer to the Qumran formulae than to the present-day ones, for
example:
[Blessed are You O lord our God, God of thanksgiving {...} who loosens the bonds of
sleep (...) save us from every evil thing64] let my tongue not be accustomed to deceit
and let me not have need for the gifts of the flesh whose gifts are few and whose
shame is large... O lord, rescue my soul from lying tongues and deceiving words. May
it be Your merciful will, O Lord our God, and God of our forefathers that Your city be
soon rebuilt in our days and Your temple be established in our time, so that you may
give us consolation in it and joy within its walls, as You have said and promised us.
Blessed are You, O Lord our God who rebuilds Jerusalem in mercy, Amen.
The petitions in their Genizah formulation thus open with a plea to be rescued
from the decree of death, which is then followed by petitions for revivification,
knowledge, forgiveness from sin, livelihood, acknowledgement of man's lowli-
ness, rescue from affliction, the instinct to evil and Satan, the creation of man in
the divine image and the rebuilding of Jerusalem.65
59. On this topic see Chapter 17.

60. See ch. 8.
61. J.A. Sanders. The Psalms Scroll of Qumran Cave 11 (Discoveries in the Judean Desert of
Jordan, IV, 1965), pp. 76-79.
62. J. Mann, 'Genizah fragments of the Palestinian order of service', HUCA 2 (1925), p. 277;
S. Assaf, 'the order of the service in the Land of Israel', in On the 50-year Jubilee ofB.Z. Dinur
(1949), p. 121 (Hebrew).
63. Seech. 8.
64. Textual restorations by Mann (see n. 62 above).
65. Assaf (n. 62 above) pp. 120-21.
The Plea for Deliverance from Qumran opened likewise (the opening has not
survived but can be reconstructed from the context) with the petition that the
petitioner not be condemned to death. The surviving text begins with the words:
'For a worm cannot praise You', taken from King Hezekiah's prayer in Isa. 38.18-
19: 'For She'ol cannot praise You, death cannot celebrate You [...] the living, the
living he shall praise You'. There follows a plea for pardon from transgression:
'Pardon 0 Lord my sins and cleanse my offences', a plea for knowledge: 'Bestow
on me the spirit of faith and knowledge', and lastly the apotropaic petition: 'Let
not Satan and the evil instinct have power over me'.
The apocryphal psalm in the same scroll (Psalm 3, 'the Syrian') has corre-
sponding elements: (a) gift of a heart capable of understanding Torah: 'Give me
understanding of Your Torah, 0 Lord, and teach me Your judgments'; (b) forestall
evil fate: 'Do not give me to forces stronger than me', a formula that corresponds
in content to the plea not to let Satan and the evil instinct have power over the
petitioner; (c) forgiveness from sin: 'The sins of my youth keep distant from me
and do not recall to me my crimes'; (d) deliverance from afflictions: 'Cleanse me,
O Lord, from the afflictions of evil and let them not revisit me'.
We find these and other similar elements in the Lord's prayer of the New Testa-
ment: (a) provision of a daily livelihood (Tov apxov fujcov ETTiouaiov 86$- flM^
anf||j£pov);66 (b) forgiveness from sin; (c) forestall temptation and trial;67 (d) rescue
from evil.68
Just as Jewish petitionary prayer does not observe a uniform wording and
order (see below), nor do the pleas for deliverance found in the various Christian
Gospels. Mt. 6.9-13 comprises seven petitions, of which the first three envision
66. For the various possible translations see: G. Dalman, Die Worte Jesu, I (1930), pp. 321 ff. The
main comparison must be with the private prayer 'The needs of your people Israel are numerous [...]
may You provide each one his livelihood [...] enough of want' (y. Ber. 4.4, 8b; b. Ber. 29b; t. Ber. 3.7
[Lieberman, p. 34]. It is of interest that this prayer occurs in the order of service of R. Amram Gaon
with the concluding words 'and do what is right in Your eyes', a formula already familiar to us
from R. Eliezer's prayer (/. Ber. 3.7), which itself has points of contact with Jesus' prayer. See The
Prayer Service of Rav Amram Gaon (D. Goldschmidt Edition, 1972), p. 183. (Hebrew). See also:
J. Heinemann, Prayer in the Period of the Tannaim and Amoraim (1964), p. 196; Y.D. Gilat, The
Mishna ofR. Eliezer ben Horkanos and its Place in the History ofHalakha (1968), p. 86.1 agree with
Dalman that the expression aprov [...] ETTIOUOIOV in Jesus' prayer reflects a petition that the needs of
today and tomorrow be provided for. See also: J. A. Fitzmyer, The Gospel According to Luke (X-
XXIV) (AB, 1985), pp. 896-901. In this passage from a 'Christian' Gospel, albeit borrowed from a
Hebrew source, Hieronymos detected behind the term 'maar' the Hebrew "IPTD. If he is right then it is
plausible to read the passage as referring to the needs of today and tomorrow. Indeed, Hebrew prayers
are known containing the petition to have needs met before the need actually arises, 'before we have
the need for it', e.g. the prayer attached to the 'A God who hears prayer' blessing: 'Provide me with
my portion of bread [...] my food before I have need for it' (see: Siddur Otzar Hatfilot, pp. 176-77).
67. For a comparison between 'Do not subject me to temptation and trial' from conventional Jew-
ish prayer and 'Do not subject me to forces stronger than me' as in the Syrian Psalm' from Qumran
see: D. Flusser, 'Qumran and Jewish apotropaic prayers', IEJ16 (1966), pp. 194-205.
68. Cf. in the Genizah version immediately after the blessing on the passing of sleep: 'deliver me
from all evil things' (Mann [n. 61 above], p. 278). For a detailed discussion of the meaning of ccAAa
puaat f]Mas CCTTO TOU rrovripou in Mt. 6.13 see Dalman (n. 66 above), pp. 347ff.
an ideal future (the end of days) and the last four present wishes concerning the
individual's current needs: (a) sanctification of the name of God; (b) the
realization of his kingdom; (c) May His will be done in heaven and on earth; (d)
giving each his daily bread according to his needs; (e) forgiveness from sin; (d)
not to let the petitioner be tempted by evil; (g) deliverance from all evil. Luke
11.2-4 in contrast includes only five petitions: (a) sanctification of the name of
God; (b) the realization of his kingdom; (c) giving each his daily bread according
to his needs; (d) forgiveness from sin; (e) not to let the petitioner be tempted by
evil.69
In effect, we also find the same petitions in the post-Amidah private prayers
quoted in b. Ber. 16b-17a. For instance the prayer of R. Eliezer contains petitions
for: (a) the establishment of peace and friendship; (b) a portion in Paradise; (c) the
restoration of the instinct for good and a heart full of divine awe; (d) contentment
(i.e. satisfaction of one's virtuous desires). Rav's prayer has: (a) life; (b) peace;
(c) livelihood; (d) love of Torah and awe of heaven; (e) fulfilment of virtuous
desires. Rabbi's prayer has (compare it to today's Morning Blessings) (a) deliv-
erance from evil affliction; (b) deliverance from the evil instinct and from Satan
the Destroyer. Rav Safra prays for: (a) peace among both the heavenly and earthly
hosts, and (b) Torah study for its own sake. Mar Bar deRabina (in the prayer 'My
God, guard my tongue') prays for: (a) the eradication of hatred and slander; (b) the
opening of the heart to Torah and the commandments; (c) deliverance from evil
affliction, and (d) deliverance from the instinct to do evil.
In our day, Mar Bar deRabina's prayer is conventionally placed at the end of
the Amidah. In Rav Amram Gaon's order of service it is inserted into a long
series of petitions that comprises most of the motifs found in the private prayers
from Qumran quoted above. Furthermore, Rav Amram's service opens with a
petition for the realization of God's kingdom on earth that recalls Jesus' 'Our
father'. I give here an abridged version of the Rav Amram prayer:
Our King and God, make Your kingdom in Your world as one and Your name in Your
world as one [...]
O Merciful One, grant us to see the days of the Messiah and life in the world to come [...]
In Your manifold mercies grant absolution for my sins [...]
And deliver me from evil men and from the evil Satan and from evil times [...]
Open my heart to Your Torah and may Your commandments pursue my soul [...] and
open for me the gates of wisdom, the gates of Torah [...] the gate of life and sustenance
and livelihood [...]70
The components of the prayer are, as we see: (a) God's kingdom on earth;
(b) forgiveness for sin; (c) deliverance from Satan and from evil experience;
(d) opening the heart to knowledge; (e) livelihood and sustenance - in other words
the same elements as are found in the 'Our Father' and the Qumran prayers.
The Amidah concludes, as we know, with 'He who makes peace in his heights,
may he make peace upon us and on all Israel' a petition that is also echoed in the
69. See Fitzmyer (n. 66 above), pp. 896-901.

70. See The Prayer Service of Rav Amram Gaon (n. 66 above), p. 28. (Hebrew).
'Lord's Prayer': 'May Your will be done on earth as it is in heaven'71, in the

prayer uttered by R. Eliezer the Great: 'May Your will be done in the heavens
above and grant contentment to those that fear You',72 and in the Rav Safra
prayer quoted earlier: 'May it be Your will before You, O Lord our God, that
You establish peace in the heavenly as in the earthly hosts'.
The same private petitions as we have been considering also occur in a prayer
from the school of R. Yannai:
'I have sinned before You [...] may You grant me a good heart, a good instinct [...]
and give me not into the power of the gifts of the flesh [...] and give us our share in
Your Torah to those that do Your will. Rebuild Your house and the palace of Your city
and rebuild Your Temple speedily in our days' (y. Ber. 4.2, 7d).
The petition for the rebuilding of the temple is nothing less than a wish that the
divine kingdom be realized on earth. When the temple still stood the same aspira-
tion was expressed by the plea for the deliverance of Zion and the restoration of
her glory. Indeed, in the Qumran Psalms Scroll we find a special petition devoted
entirely to this matter (col. 22.1-15), and it would seem that this petition fills the
role of the petition for the realization of the divine kingdom that was, as we have
seen, a common feature of individual petitionary prayer, but which seemed, on
the face of it, not to feature in the Qumran prayers.
A similar thing seems to happen in today's standard liturgy. After the recita-
tion of the evening Shema' the 'Lay us down to sleep' blessing is said, which is
in fact a petition for protection, similar in content to the apotropaic petitions
made at dawn before the public morning service (see above). It is followed by a
blessing, the whole of which is an appeal for the realization of God's kingdom in
Israel and in all its deeds, accompanied by a petition for the revelation of God's
kingdom in Zion: 'May our eyes see [...] when Zion is told "Your god has become
king"'. This appeal has two parts. The first part commences with the doxolo-
gies from the book of Psalms: 'blessed be the Lord forevermore, Amen, Amen'
(Ps. 89.53), 'Blessed be the Lord out of Zion, He who dwells at Jerusalem' (ibid.
Ps. 135.21), 'Blessed be His glorious name forever and let the whole earth be
filled with His glory, Amen and Amen' (ibid. Ps. 72.19). It concludes with the
plea: 'Our God who is in Heaven, exalt the unity of Your name and establish
Your kingdom forever and rule over us forever and ever'. This is a very similar
petition to that in the opening sentence of the petitionary private prayer, placed in
the R. Amram Gaon order of service after the end of the Amidah: 'Our King and
God, make Your kingdom and Your world as one and Your name in Your world
as one [...]'. The second part of the appeal: 'May our eyes see and our heart
rejoice...' closes with the blessing 'the King in his glory will always reign over
us forever and ever and over all his deeds' and in the Roma version: 'the King
and God lives forever and exists for eternity'. The petitions of this appeal should
71. For the connection between this blessing and the establishment of peace in heaven and earth
(cf. Lk. 2.14 and the translation into Aramaic of Isa. 6.3 inserted into the Kedusha Desidra) see:
D. Flusser, 'Sanktus und Gloria', Abraham Unser Vater, Festschrift O. Michel (1963), pp. 149ff.
72. t. Ber. 3.7 (Lieberman Edition, p. 34).
be regarded as an extension and conclusion to the apotropaic blessings in the

'Lay us down to sleep' blessing - to sleep and wake in peace, to be defended
against foes and delivered from everything evil (see above, n.68), for Satan to be
removed from before and behind, and to be preserved from night-time fears.73
And last of all - the realization of God's kingdom.
Even on the margins of the Grace after Meals there is also to be found a series
of petitionary prayers. After the obligatory blessings comes a series of pleas,
formulated differently in each liturgical tradition, and Aboudraham has declared
with regard to this: 'Every one will recite the Harakhaman as he wishes and
according to what he wishes for'. In the Sepharadi tradition we find a series of
seventeen petitions each introduced by the invocation 'Harakhaman^ I list here
those already mentioned in the course of this paper:
Harakhaman, may he rule over us forever and ever
Harakhaman, may he be blessed in heaven and earth
Harakhaman, may he sustain us in honour
Harakhaman, may he plant his Torah and his love in our hearts
These are four of the five petitions of Jesus in the Lord's prayer:
The kingdom of God on earth
God being blessed in heaven and earth
Livelihood at need
Opening the heart so that it shall not be tempted to sin
We may conclude from all the foregoing that the petitions for deliverance, defence
and the revelation of the divine kingdom that are found in the Qumran scroll and
in the 'Lord's prayer' belong to a category of private petitions that supplemented
the formal liturgy but did not replace it. The rabbinic texts teach us that such pray-
ers were usually said on rising in the morning, or at night before sleep, or at the
conclusion of the Amidah or after the Grace after Meals. Occasionally they were
also attached to the blessing 'A God who hears prayer'.
73. See chapter 8.

Part II
THE QUMRAN SCROLLS
Chapter 10
THE TEMPLE SCROLL OR 'THE LAW OF THE KING'
In his publication of the Temple Scroll1 Y. Yadin has gone beyond what is com-
monly done in preparing the editio princeps of a manuscript. Not only did he
decipher the document, join sections and fragments of manuscripts, and even
supply what was missing when necessary, but he also explained the text and
analysed its contents, a task which requires comprehensive knowledge of many
fields and the most comprehensive philological training. Yet the editor has
accomplished all this and has presented a magnificent work.
This scroll, the longest of the Qumran Scrolls discovered to date, provides us
with much new information about the structure and appurtenances of the Temple,
the festivals regulated by the calendar, holy donations, the law of the king and his
relationship to God and the people, the unique views of the sect on ritual, laws of
holiness and purity, and other laws, especially those in Deuteronomy. History
shines through all this, that is, the time of the Hasmonean kings is reflected in the
Scroll as the editor has correctly determined. But above all, the Scroll provides us
with new information about Second commonwealth hermeneutics, that is, the
way in which the author came to crystallize its laws, and on this subject I wish to
begin my discussion.
Aside from the laws relating to the Temple and its appurtenances, sacrifices,
and festivals in the Scroll, especially laws from Deuteronomy, the scroll interprets
and harmonizes them with the other laws in the Pentateuch by making stylistic
changes. That is, the laws quoted here are not attributed to Moses as in Deuteron-
omy, but to God himself. This change we shall discuss extensively below. It is
interesting that, like the Scroll which is basically a commentary on Deuteronomy,
Deuteronomy itself is a commentary and exposition of the four preceding books
of the Pentateuch. This has been already observed by the medieval commentators
when they wrote that the passage 'Moses undertook to explain this law' (Deut.
1.5) indicates laws which were already mentioned and Moses 'repeats in order to
interpret and look for new meanings in them' according to the Nachmanides in
his commentary upon Deut. 1.1 or as Abraham Ibn Ezra writes: 'And Moses
began to explain to the children who were born in the desert what happened to
1. The Temple Scroll, edited with an introduction by Yigael Yadin; Vol. I: Introduction; Vol. II:
The Text and its Meaning', Vol. Ill: Tables and Text (Israel Exploration Society, The Institute of
Archaeology of the Hebrew University, the Shrine of the Book, Jerusalem; English edition, 1983).
10. The Temple Scroll or 'The Law of The King' 159
their fathers and told them all the commandments...which their fathers heard
from the LORD so that they too will hear from a reliable messenger' (Commen-
tary on Deut. 1.5).2
Indeed both the Temple Scroll and Deuteronomy are a sort of midrashic
commentary on the earlier books of the Pentateuch3 and both employ a similar
method. Y. Yadin4 characterized the method of the author of the Scroll by
showing that he usually
a. adds Halakhic expositions

b. standardizes laws (harmonization)
c. puts together laws which deal with the same subject. I shall adduce
several examples of this.
A. Halakhic expositions
The author of the Scroll adds to the law of a beautiful captive woman (Deut.
21.10-14): 'And she shall not touch your purity for seven years, and she shall not
eat of the offering of well-being until seven years have passed (afterward she
may eat)'(63.13-15).
1. To the law on eating the tithe (Deut. 26.14), he adds, 'You will eat it on
festivals'(43.15-16).
2. With the law on the setting aside of special areas for lepers and gonorrheics
(cf. Num. 5.2), the Scroll conflates the law on the allocation of places for ceme-
teries (48.11-14).
3. To the law 'You shall not kill both her and her young in one day' (Lev.
22.28) is added a law, peculiar to the sect, not to sacrifice a pregnant animal
(52.5).5
4. Sometimes the author of the Scroll adds a commentary on the wording
rather than a halakhic explanation, e.g. 'But if in the open country a man comes
upon a young woman who is betrothed' (Deut. 22.25), he adds, 'in a place distant
and hidden from the city' (56.4-5).
B. Harmonization of laws
1. The author of the Scroll harmonizes the law of the seduced virgin in Exod.
22.15-16 with the law of the 'virgin who is seized' in Deut. 22.28-29 (66.8-11)
thereby doing away with difficulties and discrepancies with which the author of
Deuteronomy grappled.6
2. Based on the edition of Asher Weiser (1978). On the limitations of this edition, see U. Simon,
KiriyatSeferSl (1976), pp. 646-54.
3. Weingreen terms Deuteronomy Proto-Mishnaic, see J. Weingreen Proceedings of the fifth
World Congress of Jewish Studies (1969), I, pp. 27ff.
4. Temple Scroll, I, pp. 73ff.
5. On this subject see my article: The Genuine Jewish Attitude Towards Abortion', Zion 47
(1977), pp. 129^*2 (Hebrew).
6. Actually, the author of Deuteronomy interprets the law in Exod. 22 and explains it in his own
way, and see M. Weinfeld, DDS (1972), pp. 284ff. And see Yadin, vol. I, pp. 368ff.
2. In order to harmonize the law on the pouring out of the blood of an animal
in Deut. 12.16, 24 with the law in Lev. 17.13, the author of the scroll adds the
passage 'and cover it with dust' to 'you shall pour it out upon the earth like
water' (52.12; 53.5-6).7
C. Combination of Laws dealing with the same subject

1. The mention of the vows in Deut. 12.26 is followed by the law of the pay-
ment of the vow in Deut. 23.22-24 and the laws of vows in Num. 30ff. (53.9-
54.5).
2. To the prohibition against sacrificing blemished animals in Deut. 17.1 the
author of the Scroll adds the prohibition from Lev. 22.28: 'You shall not kill both
her and her young in one day' as well as the law which we mentioned above
concerning the sacrifice of a pregnant animal (52.4-7).
It can be shown that Deuteronomy applied the same methods to laws which
were in its source material.
A. Explanations
1. Deuteronomy, which quotes almost verbatim the law in Exod. 21.1-11 on
the obligation to set a slave free (cf. Exod. 21.2 with Deut. 15.12), and is depen-
dent on this law in the matter of the boring of the ear of a slave, differs from the
original law about the difference between a male slave and a female slave, and
adds stipulations that do not appear in the Book of the Covenant, e.g. the obliga-
tion of setting free a slave and furnishing him 'liberally' (Deut. 15.13, 18).8
The ancient law, which apparently refers to primitive Hebrews of the Habiru
type,9 is here made to fit the new situation when the Hebrew is truly a 'brother':
'your brother, a Hebrew man or a Hebrew woman' (Deut. 15.12).10
7. According to Lev. 17, there is no place for the covering of the blood of an ox and a lamb since
the slaughter of every ox and sheep must be done in the tent of meeting, and the blood sprinkled there
upon the altar (w. 1-7). Only the blood of a beast and a bird which is not brought to the altar must be
covered with dust (vv. 13-14). Deuteronomy, in permitting the free consumption of meat for food did
away with the custom of placating the blood and therefore says, 'you shall pour it out on the ground
like water'. See M. WeinfeldDDS (1972), pp. 213-19. The author of the Scroll harmonized Lev. 17
and Deut. 12, and added the duty of covering up the blood to the law in Deuteronomy. The Pharisaic
method did not make this harmonization, and thus an anomaly was created: the blood of an ox and of
a lamb is poured out without being covered up, according to Deut. 12, while the blood of a beast or a
bird is covered, in keeping with the law in Lev. 17. We need scarcely add that this is illogical. Why
was the blood of cattle spilled out while the blood of a beast and a bird was covered? Is the blood of a
bird redder?
On the difficulties of the concept of the pharisaic halakha on this subject see the Nachmanides'
deliberations and commentary on Deuteronomy 12.22, and on a similar attempt of interpretation as
the Scroll see Jacob Minaa in b. Hul 84a.
8. See Weinfeld, DDS, pp. 282ff.
9. On the connection between the law of the slave in Exod. 21 and the Nuzi documents on the
subject of the Habiru, see S. Paul, JNES 28 (1969), pp. 48-53.
10. Jeremiah draws a far-reaching conclusion and applies the law of the Hebrew slave to ' a Jew,
his brother' (34.9), see my study: Social Justice in Ancient Israel and in the Ancient Near East
(1995), p. 155.
10. The Temple Scroll or 'The Law of The King ' 161
2. In the law in Exodus it says, 'If you meet your enemy's ox or his ass going
astray, you shall bring it back to him' (23.4). This law is accorded a lengthy
explanation in Deuteronomy which adds that a lost possession must be taken care
of if the owners are not found. In addition, it elaborates upon the application of
the concept of the lost possession: be it a garment or any other object which may
have been lost (22.1-3).
3. In Leviticus 19.9 it says, 'nor shall there come upon you a garment of
clothes made of two kinds of stuff (T3BIH0)'. It is not stated what TDBI7B is so this
work was apparently known to the listener. The author of Deuteronomy explains
> by adding 'wool and linen together' (22.1 1).
B. Harmonization (Unification of the laws)

1 . In the laws of the Book of the Covenant in Exodus, the festivals of unleav-
ened bread and the Passover are separate. Thus, for example, in Exod. 23. 1 5 we
read: 'You shall keep the feast of unleavened bread; . . .you shall eat unleavened
bread for seven days'. Later, in v. 16 the subject of the verse changes to the feast
of the first fruits and the feast of the ingathering, while the Passover is mentioned
at the end: 'You shall not offer the blood of my sacrifice with leavened bread or
let the fat of my feast remain until the morning' * * . The same applies to its parallels
in the Minor Book of the Covenant in Exodus 34 in v. 1 8 'the feast of unleavened
bread you shall keep', while at the end, 'You shall not offer the blood of my sacri-
fice with leaven; neither shall the sacrifice of the feast of the Passover be left until
the morning' (v. 25). We found a similar instance in the Priestly Code in Exodus
12. In verses 1-14, the law of the Passover concludes with the closing formula
typical of the Priestly code: 'You shall observe it as an ordinance forever'. Later
comes the section about the festival of the unleavened bread (w. 1 5-20) which is
independent and contains no indication of a Passover sacrifice and the festival of
the Passover. The same is true of the calendar of the appointed feasts in Leviticus
23. Here we read: 'In the first month, on the fourteenth day of the month in the
evening, is the LORD's Passover' (v. 5), and only later, 'And on the fifteenth day
of the same month is the feast of unleavened bread to the LORD' (v. 6), as well
as in the list of additional festival sacrifices in Num. 28.16-17. Thus in these
sources there is a complete separation of the festival of unleavened bread and the
passover, as if there were no connection between the two. On the other hand,
Deuteronomy attempts to conflate the two festivals and create from them a single
festival as was accepted in later Judaism. In order to do this, Deuteronomy cuts
the law of the Passover sacrifice in its source material and inserts the law of
unleavened bread, thereby artificially creating a single unit. Thus we read:
And you shall offer the Passover sacrifice to the LORD your God. . . You shall eat no
leavened bread with it; seven days you shall eat it with unleavened bread. . .No leaven
shall be seen with you in all your territory for seven days; nor shall any of the flesh
which you sacrifice on the evening. . .remain all night until morning.
11. See M. Haran, Tequfoth umosadoth baMiqra (1977), p. 108f (Hebrew).

The verses 'you shall eat no leavened bread with it', 'nor shall any of the
flesh.. .remain.. .until the morning' seem to be a citation of the laws of the Pass-
over sacrifice as found in the Book of the Covenant in Exod. 23.18 and 34.25.
But while there they follow immediately upon each other, here they have been
separated in order to insert the law regarding the eating of unleavened bread
which is also taken from Exodus.12 Indeed, if we remove the section on the law of
eating unleavened bread (16.3-4) (from 'seven days you shall eat it' to 'no leaven
shall be seen with you.. .seven days'), we obtain a continuous and uninterrupted
treatment of the Passover sacrifice just like that in the Book of the Covenant.
C. Joining of the laws dealing with the same subject

In Deuteronomy 14 three subjects follow immediately upon each other which in
the Pentateuchal laws appear separately, namely the prohibition against cutting
and making any baldness on the forehead for the dead (w. 1-2), eating unclean
animals and carrion (3-2la), and boiling a kid in the milk of its mother (21b).
The first prohibition appears in the Book of Holiness in connection with the holi-
ness of priests and Israelites (Lev. 21.5; 19.27-28); the second begins the section
containing the laws of uncleanness and purity in Lev. 11-15, while the third, boil-
ing a kid in the milk of its mother, appears in the Major and the Minor Books of
the Covenant in the context of the ceremonies of the appointed feasts (Exod. 23.19;
34.20). The author of Deuteronomy detached these laws from their natural context
and made them a single unit for he considers them all customs not befitting the
people of Israel. Indeed he twice added the reason: 'For you are a people holy to
the LORD your God' (Deut. 14.2, 21).
Therefore, we may say that like Deuteronomy that interprets ancient laws and
associates them in accordance with his views, the author of the Scroll interprets the
laws of Deuteronomy and associates them according to his taste. For this reason
he is a transitional link with the halakhic interpretations in the oral tradition.
To be sure, despite the fact that Deuteronomy and the Scroll employ the same
exegetical methods, they differ as we indicated, in the style of address and com-
mandment. In Deuteronomy Moses is the speaker, whereas in the Scroll it is God
himself. In Deuteronomy Moses presents issues in his own name or as his explana-
tion. He emphasizes his personality which acts as the intermediary in the formula
which is repeated about forty times in Deuteronomy: 'which I have commanded
you this day', evidence that it is he who commands13 - albeit in the name of the
Lord - on the occasion of the covenant in the plains of Moab. (Deut. 1-30 consti-
tutes a long farewell address by Moses in the first person). On the other hand, out-
side Deuteronomy we found this formula only once, in Exodus 34.11: 'Observe
what I command you this day', but contrary to the formulae in Deuteronomy where
the commander is Moses, here the commander is God and the laws are those of
the covenant which was renewed after it had been violated in the episode of the
12. Exod. 23.15, cf. 34.18 and 13.3-4,7, and see in M. Haran, op. cit., p. 125f.
13. Thepassages in which Godspeaks in the first person (Deut. 7.4; 11.13-15; 17.3; 28.20) were
analysed by A. Klostermann, Pentateuch NF (1907), pp. 186ff. and proved to be corrupt.
worship of the calf. The formula 'Observe what I command you this day' in
Exodus 34.11, after which come the commandments of the renewed covenant
(vv. 12-26 = the Minor Book of the Covenant) is appended to God's announce-
ment about the making of the covenant. This announcement is accompanied by
God's promise of the elevation of Israel's status: 'Behold, I make a covenant.
Before all your people I will do marvels such as have not been wrought in all the
earth or in any nation'.14 It is interesting that the single place in the book of
Deuteronomy in which the formula 'command you this day' is attributed to God
and is linked to observation of the laws as in Exodus 34 is the place in which we
find the establishing of the covenant and the promise to elevate the horn of the
people of Israel:
This day Yhwh your God commands you to do these laws and judgments; you shall
keep and do them...you have proclaimed Yhwh this day to be for you a God.. .and
Yhwh has proclaimed you this day to be for him a peculiar people15 to make you high
over all the nations (Deut. 26.10-19).
Actually, there is an obvious relationship between the beginning of the Minor

Book of the Covenant in Exodus 34 and the verse from Deuteronomy 26 which we
have cited. In both places the author connects the giving of the laws 'this day'16 to
the covenant between God and Israel and the promise of preserving the supremacy
and uniqueness of Israel, except that in Exodus 34, this subject serves as the intro-
duction to the laws of the renewed covenant, whereas in Deuteronomy it consti-
tutes their conclusion. So it is surprising that the Temple Scroll begins with the
subject of making the covenant which is taken from Exodus 34.17 As Y. Yadin
14. See Exodus 33.16: 'Is it not in your going with us so that we are distinct, I and your people,
from all other people that are upon the face of the earth?' And see the Rashbam's commentary upon
33.18: 'Here, too, Moses asked for the making of a covenant and (God) agreed... "beholdI make a
covenant. Before all your people I will do marvels" as you have requested "that we are distinct, land
your people"', etc. In the opinion of many commentators, this paragraph belongs in 33.14-16 after
34.9. See S.R. Driver, Exodus (Cambridge Bible), pp. 361, 368 and his references to the other
scholars.
15. The subject here is the declaration of the text of the covenant (verba solemnia) on the part of
the two parties. The people of Israel caused the Lord to say, 'I shall be your God', while God caused
Israel to say, 'I shall be a people for your own possession', and cf. Hosea 2.20 after the betrothal of
Israel to the Lord: 'and I will say to Not my People, "You are my people"; and he shall say, "You
are my God"'. Indeed in Mishnaic Hebrew the marriage declaration is called 'to act verbally' (HE?!?
"IDKD !"Q) (m. Yebam. 2.1; 3.6, etc.). On acting verbally in the sense of entering into a covenant, see
Tur-Sinai's lengthy treatment in Peshuto shel Miqra on Deut. 26.3-4.
16. On 'today' as a legal formula in various kinds of documents and contracts, see Weinfeld,
JAOS 90 (1970), p. 190 n. 55, and references. At the same time we should note that 'today' and 'this
day' carry great rhetorical weight, see Weinfeld, DDS, pp. 173ff.
17. The formula 'Observe what I command you this day' (Exod. 34.11) has, to be sure, not been
preserved there (Y. Yadin, Vol. II, p. 1), but from this we need not conclude that it was omitted or not
available to the author in the text of Exodus 34 from which he copied the written sources. In Yadin's
opinion column two, line 1 does not have enough space for the beginning of Exod. 34.11, but it is
possible that in the text of the Scroll was written, 'Observe what I command you' (the Syriac omits
'you' I*? and the Septuagint omits 'this day'), so this short formula could be fitted into this line in
addition to the space which Yadin reconstructs here.
rightly observes (col. 2,1.1), the author of the Scroll begins with the covenant
renewed in Sinai which is attached to the building of the Tent of Meeting just as
the first covenant (Exod. 19-24) immediately precedes the ordinances concerning
the building of the Tent of Meeting (Exod. 25ff). But why does he begin with the
second covenant? The author of the Scroll wants to begin with the covenant
renewed after the incident of the golden calf rather than with the chapters describ-
ing the former covenant which was violated.18
This tendency actually exists already in Deuteronomy itself. In contrast to the
source of Exodus, which attributes to Moses the giving to Israel of the laws of
the Book of the Covenant (Exod. 21-23 and cf. 24.3) after the revelation in Sinai
(Exod. 19-20), the author of Deuteronomy tells us that only the ten command-
ments were given to Israel on Mt. Sinai, while the rest of the laws were given to
Moses already in Sinai (Deut. 5.28), but not until the people arrived at the plains
of Moab were they given to Israel. The sin of the calf caused the violation of the
covenant and therefore all the obligations before that episode are no longer bind-
ing. The ten commandments are rewritten on Mt. Sinai (Exod. 34; Deut. 10.4),
but the rest of the covenant is given to Israel in the plains of Moab where the
covenant is made (Deut. 28.69; 29.9ff). According to this view, the Book of the
Covenant (Exod. 21-23), which was pronounced before the sin of the calf, is no
longer binding; instead, there is the book of Deuteronomy which was the subject
of the renewed covenant in the plains of Moab.19
On the other hand, the author of the Scroll, for whom all the laws of the Lord
originated in Sinai - a dominant view in second temple Judaism - transfers the
laws of the covenant from the plains of Moab back to Sinai. Accordingly, he
changed the form of address in Deuteronomy so that, just like the laws in the
Sinai covenant, the laws of the plains of Moab are said by God and not by Moses
as is found in our version of Deuteronomy.20 In fact, in principle he does not
change the basic tradition of Deuteronomy, since the author of Deuteronomy,
too, admits that the laws of Deuteronomy were given to Moses in Sinai (5.28),
but were given to Israel as a covenant only in the plains of Moab. Yet while
Deuteronomy tells us that the contents were given to Israel by Moses in the
plains of Moab, the author of the Scroll relates the contents in the form in which
they were given by the Lord on Mt. Sinai: spoken by God in the first person to
Moses.
18. The importance of this new covenant in Sinai in the traditional Jewish view is evident from
the fact that according to the Masora, the line 'observe what I command you this day' requires the
beginning of a page in the book of the Torah next to six other acrostic verses whose first letters are
TO ITD as in "pann "ISO and see M. Kasher, HQ^ mm, Genesis, Vol. I, p. 1, note to paragraph H.
19. On Deuteronomy which reworked the Book of the Covenant according to its own view, see
M. Weinfeld, DDS, pp. 282ff. On Deuteronomy which places itself instead of the book of the
covenant in Exodus 20.22-23,33, see the discussion in O. Eissfeldt, Einleitung in dasAF'1964, pp.
292ff.
20. See below, chapter 12.
The Definition of the Scroll and its aim - the law of the king
The main laws in the Scroll, aside from those having to do with the temple and
its appurtenances, stem from Deuteronomy. What is the reason for this? It seems
to me that the author chose Deuteronomy as his point of departure because this
book is 'the law of the king' which the author of the Scroll was interested in
unfolding. Deuteronomy is intended for a king and a monarchical regime as the
following facts demonstrate:
a. Of all the books in the Pentateuch, the law of the king is mentioned only in
Deuteronomy,21 and this law also has a positive attitude towards the idea of a
dynasty.22
b. According to the law in Deuteronomy 17, the king is commanded to make a
copy for himself of 'this law', that is, Deuteronomy,23 'from that which is in
charge of the levitical priests' (Deut. 31.9,25-26), and 'to read in it all the days of
his life'(17.19).
c. According to Deuteronomy 31.11-12, the reader must read Deuteronomy
before all Israel at the end of the sabbatical year, the year of release, and the
second temple tradition rightly interprets the reader of the law as being the king
(see below).
d. Only in this book do we find a national constitution with the background of
a monarchical regime: a king, a supreme court (17.6-13), army commanders
(20.9), mobilization (24.5), etc.
e. It is about 'this book'24that Josiah made a covenant, so we may assume that
the laws in this book guided him in his royal religious activities (2 Kings 23) and
that his scribes were engaged in copying it (cf. Jer 8.8).25
The tradition that Deuteronomy was a guide for a royal regime continued into
the second temple period, as we learn from the fact that m. Sofa 7.8 terms some
chapters of Deuteronomy 'the section on the king' CJ^QH PETIS). We may
assume that this tradition gained impetus during the Hasmonean monarchy which
is reflected in our Scroll.
'The section on the king'

The term "J^Qn PETI2 found in m. Sofa 7.2,8 in connection with the reading of the
law at the end of the seventh year, does not refer to the law of the king in Deuter-
onomy 17 in the limited sense, i.e. a law which relates solely to the conduct of
the king, but rather to the Deuteronomic laws in general which he must read
before the people. The Mishnah interprets the content oFpKffl PETIS as follows:
21. The king is mentioned also in Deut. 28.36: 'The LORD will bring you, and your king'.
22. 'So that he may continue long in his kingdom, he and his children, in Israel' (Deut. 17.20) and
see Weinfeld, DDS, p. 168f.
23. The expression 'this law' is found only in Deuteronomy and with reference to this book only,
see Weinfeld, DDS, p. 107.
24. On the identity of 'the book of the law' in 2 Kgs 22-23, see my article 'Josiah', Encyclopae-
dia Judaica, Vol. 10, col. 288-293.
25. See Weinfeld, DDS, pp. 167ff.
How was the 'section on the king' recited?.. .The prefect gave to the Priest.. .the book
of the law.. .and the King received it standing up and read it sitting... He read from the
beginning of Deuteronomy to 'Hear, [O Israel!] 'JOT' (6.4). ..'it shall come to pass if
you shall hearken' ...(11.13) and you shalt surely tithe... (14.22) and' When you have
finished tithing" (26.12)...and the section on the king [in the restricted sense]...the
Blessings and Curses until the end (7.8).26
In t. Sofa 7.17 we read:

He reads from the beginning of'These are the commandments'1 to 'Hear, O Israeli'
(Deut. 6.4) And...when you shall hearken (ItfDIOn iTOJDK mm) (Deut. 11.13),>>0w
shall surely tithe (Deut. 14.28) and 'When you have finished taking a tithe" (Deut.
26.12). R. Judah said: There was no obligation to start from the beginning of the book
but (be start) Shema', when you shall hearken, you shall surely tithe, When you have
finished taking a tithe and the section on the king until he finishes it all and the
paragraphs [var 'expositions'] that are commentaries on it (TQ miZrnDn mCTlfil) and
he completes it.27
The contents of the sections on the king as defined here overlap with those of
our Scroll. Aside from the Deuteronomic laws whose obligation to be read is
implicit in the Mishnah and Tosefta which we quoted (cf. 'until he finishes it all'
or 'and he completes it'), there is special emphasis on what the Rabbis have to
say about 'You shall surely tithe pDUn "WBI7)', '^ section on the king' and
'blessings and curses', issues which appear with more than usual prominence in
the Scroll. The tithe is discussed at length in the scroll (col. 43-44, for which see
also pp. 182ff. below); 'the law of the king' takes up approximately four col-
umns in the Scroll with the 'blessings and curses' appended to it. This shows that
'blessings and curses' which in Mishnah Sota are appended to the law of the king
are also appended in the Scroll to the law of the king as could also be learned
from the Tosefta. In the latter, 'blessings and curses' are not mentioned; instead
we find 'the sections which are commented upon (TVlCrnDn mCDSH)' in the law
of the king are the subjects which are interpreted by the supplementary law of the
king in the Scroll (col. 57-59): (1) the organization of the army and its com-
manders; (2) the royal bodyguard; (3) the king's council; (4) the administration
of justice; (5) mobilization procedures and those for waging war; 6. cursing and
blessing of king and people in connection with the observation of these laws. As
we know, these topics do not appear in the Old Testament in the section on the
king, so they are therefore homiletical interpretations or 'sections' which are
commented upon TnBTnn nUZTlBn' in the law of the king in Deuteronomy. The
absence of blessings and curses in the Tosefta may be explained by the fact that
they are included in 'the sections which have been interpreted' as we find in the
supplementary law of the king in the Scroll.
26. In the Palestinian versions of the Mishna, 'the section on the king' is not mentioned, cf, the
Mishnah in the Palestinian Talmud, the version of Maimonides, etc. In the opinion of S. Lieberman,
the words 'the section on the king' were inserted into the Mishnah from the Tosefta, see Tosefta
Kifshutah, Sota, Part 8, p. 684.
27. According to S. Lieberman (ibid) R. Judah's words end with 'the finishing of the tithe'
whereas 'the section on the King' goes back to the words of the first Tanna.
In S. Lieberman's opinion28 'the sections which are commented upon' refer to

the passages about 'the assembly' and 'assemble' in Deut. 31.12,28 but it seems
to me that the subject here is not the biblical passages which are connected to the
reading by the king as Lieberman thinks, but rather to homiletical interpretations
of the law of the king. That is, they are a kind of homiletical interpretation of the
verses and are not explicit in the verses themselves.
Indeed we also hear from Philo29 about 'the sections which are commented
upon' which are supplementary to the law of the king in Deuteronomy. After
citing the Deuteronomic laws relating to the election of a king, the inadmissabil-
ity of crowning a foreigner king, the accumulation of excessive wealth, and
sending the people out of Israel,30 he dwells upon the writing of Deuteronomy31
by the king32 and then quotes a kind of declaration of the king's obligation:
I wrote these things... in order to inscribe them upon my heart and if I rely on holy
laws, I shall earn equality because pride and arrogance belong to a small soul (of
limited understanding...) I shall walk the king's road (the middle road) a leader who
respects equality, who does not take bribes and administers justice will live long... He
will choose for himself advisers who will help him rule in governing and in
judgment.. .select.. .helpers who eschew pride.. .(the king) will administer justice to
resident alien, orphan and widow...
The subjects which appear here are also found in the law of the king in the
Scroll. (1) To administer justice (169, see 57.19); (2) Never to accept bribes (169,
see 57.20); (3) To appoint aides and advisors who will help the king carry out his
duties (170, see 57.11-15); (4) To further equality (165-166, see 57.14). We
should add that these subjects appear as a literary unit appended to the law of the
king in Deuteronomy similar to the supplementary unit in the Temple Scroll
which also includes such subjects, and we may consider it a 'paragraph which is
commented upon', thereby eliminating the puzzlement of the scholars with
regard to the origin of the additional warnings to the king in Philo.33 In fact, we
find such additions also in Josephus. In presenting the law of the king (Anti-
quities IV 223f.) he adds that the king must ensure the administration of justice
and consult the council of elders and the high priest.
In the Mishnah, too, we find an expanded law of the king which partially
overlaps with that in the Scroll: laws of the Sanhedrin (=council) (Sank. 1.6;
Scroll 57.11-15); marital laws applicable to the king (ibid 2.2 = Scroll 57.15-
19); waging of war and division of the spoils (ibid 2.4 = Scroll 58.11-15). The
28. See Lieberman, ibid, p. 684.

29. Spec. Leg. IV 160ff.
30. This is how he comments upon the words, 'And he will not return the people to Egypt', etc.
31. In Philo's own words. TT|V ETTivopiSa KE<)>aAaico5r] TUTTOV 'an appendix in the form of a
precis', i.e. a brief summary of the laws. For this use of Deuteronomy see Quis Rerum 162,250.
32. Philo emphasizes that the king should write with his own hand ccuroxe i pia ypavpa i (160, and
see 162) by contrast with the Scroll which reads 'and they should write for him' (instead of 'and he
should write' in the Masoretic text), and cf. Tg. Ps. J. 'and the elders should write for him'. The
Rabbis explain I1? as 'for him', see Sipre 160, and m. Sank. 2.4.
33. See e.g. J. Heinemann, Philons griechische undjudische Bildung (1932), pp. 183-84, and the
discussion in H.A.Wolfson, Philo II4, 1968, p. 336.
parallel between the Scroll and the laws of the king in the Mishnaic literature is
very instructive: both of them contain laws from Deuteronomy; in both, royal
affairs and the tithe are emphasized and both begin with an affirmation of
faithfulness to the covenant; the Scroll begins with the covenant renewed after
the episode of the golden calf, containing the verse, 'What I command you this
day' (Exod. 34.11), while the law of the king opens, according to Rabbi Judah,
with 'Hear, O Israel... And if you obey' where we also find 'what I command you
[sing] this day' (Deut. 6.6), 'what I command you [pi.] this day' (11.13).
Moreover, as in the Temple Scroll in which the author joins subjects from
various paragraphs relating to the same issue, so also regarding the law of the
king we learn that when reading 'you shall tithe' in Deuteronomy 14, they would
go on to 'when you have finished paying all the tithe' in ch. 26, and afterwards
return to the law of the king in Deuteronomy 17 in order to join the laws and
regulations of tithing to each other.34 Indeed in the Scroll too, the regulations on
tithing from Deuteronomy 14 are joined to the regulations on tithing from
Deuteronomy 26 (col.43), as Yadin noted.35
The law of the king in the Scroll

The law of the king is the second most important subject in the Scroll next to the
Temple regulations. We could explain this phenomenon in light of my
assumption that the entire Scroll was intended to be a sort of guide for the king in
his carrying out of the laws relating to national life. However, in the Scroll the
law of the king relating to the organization of his kingship is unique. Yadin has
already compared it to 'the rule of the kingship' in 1 Sam. 10.25 (Vol. I, p.264)
and it seems to me that the law of the king in the Scroll can indeed illuminate this
chapter. In 1 Sam. 10.25 we read of'the rule of kingship' (POl^n B2O2)36 which
Samuel wrote in a book and laid up before the Lord. S. Lieberman has shown that
the expression 'written and laid up' (PID1Q1 mrO), means published and sancti-
fied.37 And indeed, it does seem that 'he wrote.. .and laid it up' (fin.. .DrO"1*!) in
Samuel means that he published and sanctified it. We do not know what was in
the book which Samuel wrote and laid up before the Lord, although by all
indications, it was a mutual agreement between the king and the people which we
heard about in 2 Kgs 11 in connection with the covenant of Jehoiada (v. 17).38 So
it seems to us that in the law of the king in the Scroll, traces have been preserved
34. Cf. Rashi on the Mishnah in b. Sofa 4la.

35. Vol. I, p. 114.
36. By contrast with 'the custom of the king' ("]^n B5O2 irepi pccoiAeiccc) in 1 Sam. 8.9,
meaning the custom of the king with his people. In 'the custom of the king' in 1 Sam. 8 the prophet
Samuel brings up the not necessarily legal practice of kings whose custom was to enslave their
subjects, and in this way he wants to dissuade the people from pressing its request for a king. The
'rule of kingship' on the other hand, is the written, binding agreement between the two parties, cf.
'the rule of redemption' and 'the rule of inheritance' in Jer. 32 which is connected to a written,
binding document (w. 7-8).
37. S. Lieberman, Hellenism in Jewish Palestine2 (1962), p. 86.
38. See Z. Ben Barak, 'the custom of the King and the custom of Kingship' (dissertation submit-
ted to the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 1972).
of a mutual agreement of a type which was probably common in the Hasmonean

period. The obligations which appear in this law of the king, but which are not
written down in Deuteronomy 17 include the people's duties to the king such as
the muster for army, the constitution of the royal bodyguard, the donation of the
tithe to the king on the one hand, and the king's duties to the people on the other
hand, for example, that of heeding the advice of his council, dealing honestly,
and administering justice to his people.
To these mutual obligations are added blessings and curses which are a kind
of divine sanction which generally accompanied covenants in the ancient Near
East.39 Indeed we hear of such mutual obligations between a king and his people
from the ancient historians. Xenophon40 tells us that in Sparta the king used to
obligate himself to act in accordance with the laws of the state,41 while the people
obligated itself to maintain the stability of the kingship.42 Josephus describes the
covenant between the king and the people in the time of Jehoiada: the king
assembled the people and soldiers in the temple and made them swear an oath to
be faithful to him and to ensure his welfare and the existence of his kingship,
while the king was made to swear that he would honour the Lord and not
transgress the laws of Moses (Antiq. 9.153).
It is surprising indeed that from the Ptolemaic kingdom there has been pre-
served the royal swearing-in ceremony whose details and circumstances remind
us of the covenant of Jehoiada and show us that coronation customs remained
unchanged for centures. Polybius' description of the crowning of Ptolemy V in
Egypt reminds us of the crowning of Jehoash by Jehoiada. Sosibius, the guardian
of the orphan boy Ptolemy, gathered the bodyguard around the platform, then
placed the crown on the boy's head and made him king and made the army
officers swear an oath to be loyal to the king and preserve his kingship. Later he
relates that they made the people swear an oath as they were accustomed to do by
proclaiming the king (Polybius 15.25).
Such a mutual agreement seems to have been preserved in a description of the
appointing of Simon the Maccabee as the leader in a large assembly of the priests
and the people, heads of the people, and elders (1 Mace. 14.25ff.) This text
mentions a document which was inscribed on bronze tablets and displayed on a
pillar on Mt. Zion (v. 26). As was common in covenants in the ancient world,43
this document begins with an historical introduction (w. 29-40), then reports the
people's decision44 to accept Simon the Maccabee as their prince. Simon the prince
39. For more on this subject, see chapter 1.

40. Rep. Lacedaemon 15.7.
41. KOTO TOUC TTJC rroAecoc KEIMEVOUC vojjouc paoiAsuaeiv.
42. aoTu<t>eAiKTo\; TTJV paaiAeiav irapeêlv.
43. V. Korosec, Hethitische Staatsvertrdge (1931), pp. 12ff.
44. EuSoKTiaav (v. 41 cf. 46) overlaps the Greek !5o£e which introduces resolutions and agree-
ments (cf. e.g. 1 Mace. 15.2 with reference to a treaty with the Romans). This expression recurs when
the subject is the other party, i.e. Simon, who is deciding to take upon himself the office of high priest
and prince: KCU ETTESeâTO.. .Kca EuSoKrjaav (v. 47) which seems to me to reconstruct 'took it upon
themselves' as in Est. 9.27 (cf. ibid., v. 23). For ntap in the sense of pledge by an oath, see
S. Lieberman, JBL 71 (1952), p. 200.
obligates himself to maintain the temple, the army, and the safety of the country,
while the people obligate themselves to obey him, not to assemble against him, nor
to rebel against him (w. 41-47). The covenant was inscribed on bronze tablets
and laid up in the precinct of the sanctuary, while the copy of the covenant was
deposited in the treasury so that Simon and his sons 'might have them' (v. 49), a
custom which is known from the drawing up of contracts in the ancient Near
East.45 The laying up (9eo9ai) of the copy in the temple parallels the laying up
(!T]n) of the rule of kingship by Samuel in 1 Sam. 10.25, and likewise therefore
(see above) it shows that it is given validity by being published.
We may, therefore, assume that also in the case of John Hyrcanus and
Alexander Jannaeus, mutual agreements were kept which are reflected in the 'law
of the king' in the Scroll. That the 'supplementary' law of the king in the Scroll
reflects the covenant between the king and the people at the time of the
coronation we may learn from the fact that it goes into effect: 'on the day on
which you shall make him king' (57.2).
The law of the king in Israel and the ancient Near East
Despite the fact that the law of the king peculiar to the Scroll reflects a custom
which was common in the establishment of the relationship between the king and
his people, in its present form it is more ideal than real, for this is an attempt to
educate and guide the king. Indeed the literary genre of books of guidance for the
king or 'law of the king' was widespread in the ancient world from early times
until the Middle Ages. In ancient Egypt, especially in the Middle Kingdom, we
found instructions in the form of a king's testament to his son. These are in fact
the ethical instructions of a wise man who wrote an educational guide for the
young king.46 Here we find instructions on the subject of royal councillors, the
administration of justice, and the organization of the army - subjects which
appear in the Scroll as well as in laws of the king (Trep'i paoiXsias) from the
Hellenistic period (see below).
45. See G. Kestemont, Diplomatique et droit Internationale en Asie Occidental (1974), p. 123.
For evidence from the Hellenistic period see P.M. Abel, Les livres des Maccabees (1949), pp. 262 (to
w. 48^9).
46. See M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature (1975), I, pp. 9f., 97ff.; P. Hadot, 'Fiir-
stenspiegel', Realexikon in Antike und Christentum VIII, 1972,555ff. At the beginning of his article
he surveys the Egyptian instructions but does not distinguish between general wisdom and ethics and
ethical instruction designated personally for the king, which guide him in the performance of his
functions. This failure to distinguish is also reflected farther on in the article. It includes in the
discussion confessions of the king which is a genre in its own right (cf. Ps. 101), royal psalms which
are also a separate literary genre, and the like. In Hellenistic literature, too, we must distinguish
between a philosophical description of a royal ideal, and concrete instructions intended to guide the
king in the performance of his duties.
Thus for example, we find in the testament of the Egyptian king to his son
Meri-Ka-Re (A, 42ff.):
Officials and courtiers - 'Advance your great men, so that they may cany out your
laws.. .Valiant is the king possessed of courtiers'.
Justice - 'Do justice whilst you endure upon the earth.. .do not oppress the widow;
supplant no man in the property of his father...'
Army - 'Fill your people with an army; see your city full of young men twenty years
old...'47
In Mesopotamia too we find documents containing advice to kings regarding the

conduct of their kingship. In the library of Ashurbanipal, King of Assur (seventh
century BC) there is a text which scholars call 'Advice to a Prince' in which we
read:48
If a king does not heed justice, his people will be thrown into chaos, and his land will
be devastated.
If he does not heed his nobles, his life will be cut short.49 If he does not heed his
adviser, his land will rebel against him.50
If citizens of Nippur are brought to him for judgment, but he accepts a present (bribe)
and improperly convicts them, Enlil, lord of the lands, will bring a foreign army
against him...
If he takes the silver of the citizens of Babylon and adds it to his own coffers,...
Marduk.. .will give his property and wealth to his enemy...
If he mobilizes the whole of Sippar, Nippur, and Babylon, and imposes forced labour
on the people, exacting from them a corvee at the herald's proclamation, Marduk...
will turn his land over to his enemy so that the troops of his land will do forced labour
for his enemy...51
Here we find the same three subjects as in the Egyptian instructions: admini-
stration of justice, attentiveness to advisors, and mobilization of the army, with the
addition of warnings against accepting bribes and coveting the property of others.
The latter two subjects are found together with the first in the Temple Scroll: 'And
he will not accept a bribe to pervert justice, nor will he covet a field and vineyard
or any fortune, house, or "TOPI in Israel' (57.20-21). Most instructive is the fact
that at the end of the Assyrian text which we quoted, there is a colophon in which
47. Lichtheim, op. cit., pp. lOOff. Mobilization into the army at age 20 is found in our Scroll as
well as in Diodorus' description of the conscription of the Egyptian royal bodyguard (see below).
48. W.G. Lambert, 'Advice to a Prince', Babylonian Wisdom Literature (1960), p. 110.
49. Cf. the curse which will come upon the king and his people in the Scroll: 'And in all this, their
towns will be a waste, a hissing, and a desolation and their enemies will cause desolation in them'
(59.4-5).
50. This was the end of Rehoboam who did not follow the advice of the elders (1 Kgs 12).
51. Sippar, Nippur and Babylon were cities with special privileges including exemption from the
duty to mobilize. See H. Tadmor, 'The Temple City and the Royal City in Babylonia and Assyria'
(Hebrew), 'City and Community', Xllth Convention of the Historical Society of Israel, December
1966, Jerusalem 1967, p. 194.
Ashurbanipal says,52 '(this) in tablets have I written, checked,53 and collated.. ,54
for constant reading I have established it in my palace'. The obligation of con-
stant reading55 here parallels the law of the king in Deuteronomy 17.19: 'And he
shall read in it all the days of his life' and parallels what is written by Moses to
Joshua (who represents the type of a king): 'This book shall not depart out of your
mouth, but you shall meditate on it day and night' (Josh 1.8) (and see below).56
Furthermore like the Deuteronomic texts the Assyrian texts were canonized.
E. Reiner has shown57 that the quoted text from Assurbanipal's library was canoni-
cal in Mesopotamia and is actually cited in a Middle Babylonian text from the
twelfth century BCE. It says there that the ancestors handed down tablets where it
is written that the people of Nippur, Babylon and Sippar should not be mistreated.
In a recently discussed letter to Essarhaddon, King of Assyria, the auther cited the
rights of the cities Sippar, Nippur and Babylon and says: 'Let the Lord of the
Kings.. .look at the tablets: "If the King does not give heed to justice"' which
actually constitutes the beginning of the Advice to the Prince mentioned above.
We should note that we found similar colophons in Assyrian ritual texts,58 a
fact which shows that the Assyrian king, like the Israelite, was obligated to read
aloud not only the books concerning kingship, but also writings concerning reli-
gious matters and the cult in general. But this need not surprise us, since the king
was the chief person responsible for religious and cultic procedures in his state,
and as we shall see below, also for the administration of justice, the army, and
the cult. These constituted the three main spheres of the king's concern. Thus we
see that the king of Assyria, too, used to read (so to speak) properly collated tab-
lets which were deposited in his archives (see below), tablets in which were writ-
ten laws regarding the king and those which had to do with religion and ritual.
Egypt in the Late Period

Diodorus Siculus who describes practices of the kings of ancient Egypt, quoting
from Hecataeus of Abdera,59 also relates that the practices of the kings of Egypt
52. See I.M. Diakonoff., Landsberger Festschrift (AS 16,1965), p. 349 n. 24. The Akkadian (A
Babylonian Political Pamphlet from about 700 BC) text reads: ina tuppani astur, asniq, abrema ana
tamarti sitassija (Gtn) qereb ekallija ukin (H. Hunger, Baby I. U. Assyr. Kolophone (AOAT 2,1968),
no. 319.7-8, p. 98.
53. The basic meaning oisanaqu is 'to compare, to straighten out' and hence 'to check the cor-
rectness'. Indeed, instead ofsanaqu, asaru sometimes appears, cf. the colophon asm baria salmd,
'checked, collated, and is correct'. See Hunger, Kolophone, no. 63 (p. 34).
54. Cf. Hebrew nn:n from the root HUD meaning 'to make shine, to see'; thus also baru in Akkadian.
55. Sitassija is from sasu, 'to recite' with the raw-infix indicating constant repetitive action.
56. The Rabbis also interpret the book of the law here as Deuteronomy, see Gen. Rab. VI (ed,
Albeck, p. 49): 'Rabbi Shimon Ben Yohai said, "The Book of Mishneh torah was a signum to Joshua
when the Holy One, Blessed be He, revealed Himself to him, he found him sitting down with the
Book of Mishneh Torah in his hand. He said to him, 'Joshua, be of good courage, this book will not
depart from your mouth, etc.!"'
57. 'The Babylonian Fiirstenspiegel in practice', Societies and Languages in the Ancient Near
East, Festschrift I. M. Diakonoff'(1980), pp. 320ff.
58. Cf. Hunger, op. cit., no. 318-319, pp. 97-98; M. Streck, Assurbanipal, I, pp. 354-75.
59. Book I, 70.
were laid down in the laws and that the latter included not only matters relating
to administration, but also customs of the king's day-to-day life.
In his description we find:
1. A blessing and a curse by the high priest for the king with the blessing
stipulated in the administration of justice for his subjects (cf. the
blessing and the curse in the law of the king in the Scroll).
2. Good deeds will lead the king to fear the god and practise the ways of
right conduct, a feature which reminds us of the passage in the law of
the king in Deut. 17.19 'that he may learn to fear the LORD his God,
by keeping all the words of this law...'
3. A priest-scribe will read from the holy books before the king about the
outstanding deeds of the praiseworthy men so that he will learn from
them (compare the reading of the book of the law by the king and see
the Epistle of Aristeas, parag. 283, and below, p. 176ff).
However, the most instructive subject has a surprising parallel in the law of
the king in the Temple Scroll. We shall present this paragraph side by side with
that which overlaps it in the Scroll.
The Scroll Diodorus^
(And they should take a census) As for the guard (08 pa ire (a)6l (of the
of Israelites who are twenty kings of Egypt) none was a
years old to sixty years old... purchased slave or born in a
and he should select a thousand home, but all were sons of the
from each tribe so there should most distinguished priests, twenty
be twelve thousand warriors62 years old and older and better
60. See the explanation by A. Burton, Commentary on Diodorus Siculus, I, 1972, pp. 209f.
61. Oepcureia indicates a guard in the broadest sense, cf. e.g. Polybius (15.25) in connection with
Ptolemy V and his coronation by Sosibius his guardian, a fact which reminds us of the coronation of
Joash in 2 Kgs 11 which we mentioned above. Sosibius assembles the bodyguard (shield bearers =
uTTccoTnaTac cf. Maccabees 4.3,12) and the guard (SepaTreia), the commanders over the army and
the commanders over the horsemen. Agathocles and Sosibius place the crown on the boy's head and
proclaim him king. The members of the Gepaireia play an important role during the rebellion and
revolution and the king's bodyguard were only a part of this body. On the term 0EpocTT£ (a during the
Hellenistic period see P.M. Fraser, Ptolemaic Alexandria, 1972, Vol. II, p. 152 n. 224.
62. Yadin compares the selection of 12,000 men here to Num. 31.3 but does not mention the
selection of 12,000 men at the advice of Ahitophel in 2 Sam. 17.11 and the 12,000 horsemen with
Solomon (1 Kgs 10.26) (cf. ibid 5, 6). We should note that in connection with the latter passage,
Josephus quotes a detailed description of the king's bodyguard (Antiq. VIII, 184ff), a description
which reminds us of King Aristobulus' escort (Antiq. XIV, 45). (See A. Shalit's note in Antiq. Vol. 2,
p. J "*?p, n. 248). These passages may help to fill in the realistic background to the Hasmonean royal
bodyguard which is apparently behind the command in the Temple Scroll (see Yadin, Vol. 1, pp.
348-349). At the same time, we must admit that in Numbers 31 we find 'one thousand from each
tribe' as in the Scroll 'one thousand of the tribe' (11.5-6). Also in Num. 31 we find 'men of war'
(w. 28 and 49) and in the Scroll 'man of war' (1.9). To be sure, Num. 31 does not speak about the
king's bodyguard, but this chapter does have some connection with the description of the royal
bodyguard in 2 Kings 11, cf. 'the captains' in 2 Kgs 11.4, 15, 19 with Num. 31.14, 43 and 'the
captains who were set over the army' in 2 Kgs 11.15 with Num. 31.14: 'the officers of the army, the
commanders of thousands and the commanders of hundreds'. It is possible that Jehoiada the priest
The Scroll Diodorus60

who will not leave him alone... educated than the other Egyptians
and all the select ones63 whom so that the king, by having the
he will select will be trustworthy nobles caring for his person and
men who fear the Lord, hate unjust guarding him64 night and day,
gain, and valorous warriors, and they will not err and commit a sinful
will be with him always day and night deed.
and guard him from all sin65 and from
the foreign people so he will not be
captured by them (57.9-11).
The similarities between the two documents consist of the following details:
1. Each of the parallel passages begins a description of royal practices.
2. The guard which is described in both has a double function: physical
and moral protection of the king.
3. The members of the guard must be select66 and have a superior
education.
4. They must be over twenty years old.67
5. They guard him day and night.
We should add that the section on the royal bodyguard was quoted only as an
example of permanent regulations regarding royal practices. Therefore, this is a
subject that belonged to the king's law in Egypt, and typologically is one of the
treatises 'on kingship' (irep'i (3aaiA£iac) which we hear of so often during the
Hellenistic period (see below).
Some maintain that Diodorus' description reflects common practice in Egypt
in the Hellenistic period, although in my opinion this assumption is not war-
ranted. E. Meyer68 is correct in saying that although this was written by a Greek
and from the Greek viewpoint, the author intends to depict Egypt as it really was
who commanded the commanders of hundreds who were to be set over the army (2 Kgs 11), embod-
ies the figure of Pinchas the son of Eleazar the priest who commanded the commanders of thousands
and hundreds in Num. 31. For the parallel between the description of the bodyguard in the Scroll and
the description of the bodyguard in 2 Kgs 11, cf. 'and they shall be with him always day and night:
with 'Be with the king when he goes out and when he comes in' in 2 Kgs 11.8.
63. For the meaning of the term see Yadin, The Temple Scroll, Vol. 2 p. 257 ad line 85. And cf.
y. Qidd:. 'Anyone you appoint over you shall be only from the chosen (}m"Q) among your brethren'
(4.5, 66a).
64. TTpoosSpeueiv meaning 'to surround and closely guard'.
65. This defective written spelling (CDH) is found elsewhere in the Scroll: HIE BSETJ BPI (64.9)
where it was corrected by the addition of a supralinear aleph, and see Yadin, op. cit. in his commen-
tary on line 20.
66. In Egypt they must be of priestly descent. We should add that according to Plato (Politeia 290
d), the Egyptian king himself must be of priestly descent.
67. Cf. the instructions of Meri-Ka-Re quoted above.
68. E. Meyer, 'Gottesstaat Militarherrschaft und Standewesen in Agypten', Sitzungsberichte der
preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1928; Philos. - histor. Klasse, pp. 529f. and cf. also
F. Jacoby, Realencyl Pauly Wissowa, VII, 2764.
in its most flourishing period. However, for our purposes it does not matter
whether the practice reflects the Ptolemaic monarchy or an earlier period. What is
important is the fact that outside Israel we have found a royal ideology similar to
that of the Temple Scroll in a source from a neighbouring kingdom, a source
which was written in the period closest to that of the composition of the Scroll.
It would seem that what we have here are ideas which were common in 'laws
of the king' in the ancient Near East and that religious functionaries developed
these ideas in order to formulate their law of the king. It is interesting that despite
the fact that the law of the king in the Scroll does not require the guard to be
composed of priests - unlike the case in Egypt - the author of Chronicles and
following him Josephus (Antiq. 9.143f.) tells us that the guard of Joash was
composed of priests and levites (2 Chron. 23), a fact which is not mentioned at
all in 2 Kings 11. Quite the contrary - in the latter source we find Carites (and the
courtiers) who are generally thought to be foreign mercenaries.69 We should
mention that the author of Chronicles makes the men of the guard levites in order
to have the events conform to his view that foreigners are forbidden to enter the
temple courtyard (see v. 6).70 At the same time, it is not impossible that along
with the tendency to harmonize at the time of the author of Chronicles, the idea
gained general acceptance that the royal bodyguard had to be composed of
priests, as in Egypt.
Personal instructions to the king

Along with the instructions in the socio-political sphere which are a recurrent
theme all through the law of the king which we detailed above, we also find
instructions in the sphere of personal ethics. Thus for example, in Proverbs 31 we
find a moral guide for the king in which are instructions of the king's mother to
her son, king of Massa. The instructions comprise three principles:
1. 'Give not your strength to women' (v. 3).
2. 'It is not for kings.. .to drink wine, or for rulers to desire strong drink'
(v. 4).
3. 'Judge righteously, maintain the right of the poor and the needy' (v. 9).
The warnings against women and wine are given because they are liable to make
the king forget his duties to administer justice and care for the poor. Such instruc-
tions appeared mostly in instructions to kings from the Hellenistic period onwards.
A personal guide for the king is in fact actually a part of the law of the king in
Deuteronomy 17 where the king is forbidden to multiply horses (v. 16), wives
(v. 17), and silver and gold (v. 17) for himself. Hence the reasons given for these
things is the fear that the multiplication of these luxuries will cause the king's
heart to turn away and be lifted up above his brethren (vv. 17, 20).
69. Whether we retain the reading 'ID in which case the reference is to the 'Carites' of Asia
Minor, or we correct it to THD and see Encycl. Biblica, vol. 4, col. 31 Of. (Hebrew), s.v. ""13.
70. W. Rudolph, Chronikbucher, HAT, 1955, pp. 27If.
The personal aspect of the Temple Scroll is expressed in the prohibition

against the king's taking more than one wife71 and in the warning not to covet
any field or vineyard nor any property and house or any TlQn in Israel.72
The law of the king in the Hellenistic period

In the period of Alexander and apparently under the Eastern influence., the
literary genre of the TTEp'i paoiXeiac 'on kingship' developed. Sages, scribes,
and philosphers wrote guidebooks for kings. Cicero testifies that he possessed
books of counsel and guidance which had been written by Aristotle and
Theopompus for Alexander of Macedonia auia(3ouAEUTiKcx irpos 'AXeâvSpov.73
It was also related that Demetrius Phalerus told Ptolemy that he must read the
books of Tiep'i (3aoi Aeiac, for what friends dare not say, they write in a book.74
This literary tradition continued through the period of the Roman empire,75
through the Sassanian period76 until the Islamic period77 when these works are
attributed to Aristotle who taught his doctrine to Alexander the Great. In these
works we find instructions on all the subjects which we mentioned previously
and which are also found in the law of the king in the Scroll. Thus, for example
in the crystallized laws of the king of Ecphantus, Diotogenes, and Sthenidas78 we
find instructions in the following areas:
1. Preservation of righteousness and justice79
2. Preservation of brotherhood and equality80
3. Rej ection of covetousness and amassing of wealth8{
71. It is possible that the prohibition against marrying two women, which appears in the law of
the king in the Scroll, applies to the king only, as does the duty to marry a woman from his father's
household which was taken from the law of the high priest (see Yadin, Vol. 1, pp. 354-55).
72. Cf. 1 Sam. 12.3 where Samuel justifies himself as a judge by saying that he has not taken
anyone's property, defrauded anyone or taken a bribe, after his declaration that he has 'walked
before', i.e. served the people all his life. Thus we should consider the giving of these details as a
reflection of 'the king's instructions' of the type which we have been discussing and also cf. Moses'
speech in Num. 16.15. It is interesting to note that the Septuagint and the Samaritan Pentateuch have
"TOn instead of TO"!, 'ass' in Num. 16.15 a version which apparently influenced the author of the
Scroll, as Yadin has already noted in his commentary, he. cit.
73. Epist. AdAtticum XIII, 28.
74. Plutarch, Apophtheg, 198.
75. See mainly Seneca's de dementia, which is directed at Nero.
76. M. Grignachi, 'La Siyasatu - 'ammiya\ Ada Iranica 6, Monumentum H.S. Nyberg (1975),
p. 237f. He proves that this piece originated in the time of the Sassanids.
77. See G. Richter, Studies zur Gesch. des dltern arabischen Furstenspiegel, LSS NF 3 (1932);
Bosworth, JNES 29 (1970), pp. 25ff.
78. For the protracted controversy among scholars as to whether to attribute these works to the
early Hellenistic age or to the second century AD, see R.E. Goodenough, 'The Political Philosophy of
Hellenistic Kingship', Yale Classical Studies (1928), pp. 55ff. See also the discussion in L. Delatte,
Les traites de la royaute d'Ecphante, Diotogene et Sthenidas (1942), pp. 125ff. (assigning a late date
to the works). At any rate, even if the compositions are late, doubtless as far as the subjects are
concerned, they preserve material from the early Hellenistic period.
79. See the discussion in Delatte, Les traites, etc. pp. 25Iff.
80. 7foW.,pp.241ff.
4. Control of the natural urges82

5. Fear of the God83
6. Showing charity towards subjects.84
In the law of the king in Philo we found similar instructions. Here too, the
administration of justice, equality and the subjugation of pride, hatred of
ill-gotten gain, and care for the underprivileged are emphasized. (Laws
IV, 165f). The choice of subjects and their formulation greatly resembles
the Hellenistic law of the king, although in light of the law of the king
in the ancient Near East, we are not justified in saying that Philo derived
all this from Greek literature.
We encounter the same problems regarding the advice of the Jewish elders to
Ptolemy in the symposia in the letter of Aristeas.85 Here we find almost all the
political and personal instructions mentioned above:
1. Preservation of justice (189, 209, 279, 291-292).
2. Rejection of the reliance upon power and wealth (193-196 and cf.
Deut. 17.16-17,20)86
3. Hatred of ill-gotten gain (209, cf. Temple Scroll 57.9)
4. Heeding advice of good counselors (264, cf. 190)
5. Guarding of the king by men who hate evil and are outstanding in
heroism and righteousness (270, 280-281, cf. Temple Scroll 57.7-11
and Diodorus I, 70; see p. 173ff. above).
6. Reading books (283 and see D. Mendels, Aegyptus 59 [1979] [see n.
85], pp. 127-36).
7. Fostering equality; the subjugation of pride (191, 263 cf. Deut. 17.20)
8. Avoidance of frivolous pleasures (245, cf. Prov. 31.4-5).
9. Clearheadedness = avoidance of drunkenness (vrj<j)6iv, 209).
Here, too, the ideas have been developed and formulated in the spirit and style of
Hellenistic philosophy, but the ideas themselves already existed in Jewish ethics
and traditions of the ideal king. Especially instructive is a series of proverbs
in connection with the king in Ben Sira (Sirach) 10: If. Here we find preaching
in connection with the judge of the people, and its advocate. The poet warns
81. 7ta/.,pp.256ff.
82. 7ta/.,pp.253ff.
83. 7ta/.,pp.263ff.
84. Ibid, pp. 269ff.
85. See D. Mendels, 'On Kingship in the "Temple Scroll" and the Ideological Vorlage of the
Seven Banqets in the "Letter of Aristeas to Philocrates"', Aegyptus 59 (1979), pp. 127-36.
86. Compare Ps. 33.16, 17: 'A king is not saved by his great army, a warrior is not delivered by
his great strength, the war horse is a vain hope for victory and by its great might it cannot save'. Cf.
also Ps. 20.8: 'Some boast of chariots, and some of horses; but we boast of the name of the LORD
our God'. The advice to call upon the name of the god instead of relying upon military might is found
in paragraph 193 in the letter of Aristeas aAAa TOV Geov eTTiKaAoTro 5ia TTQVTCOV. Negation of the
reliance upon military power is found in Egyptian as well as Israelite sources, cf. M. Weinfeld, Early
Jewish Liturgy (2004), pp. 66-67 (Hebrew).
especially against the pride of the king seeing that 'To-day a King, and to-morrow
he shall fall!' (v. 10); he also warns against contempt for the poor and the desti-
tute (21.22-23) while on the other hand praising a God-fearing leader (v. 20).
A written book of the law for the guidance of the king

We have seen that in the ancient Near East and the Hellenistic world it was
common to write books of guidance for kings, although what was unique in
Israel was that the book written for the king contained guidance not only for the
king and court but also laws applicable to the king as the leader of the nation,
laws which the king must take care to execute; as we indicated, Deuteronomy is
such a book. Members of the Qumran sect made sure that the book for the king
should reflect the spirit of their religious law and our Scroll represents such a
book of laws.
There are explicit laws of ancient origin as to the king's duty to keep a book of
the law at hand, deposited in his archive. Thus in m. Sanhedrin 2.4:
He must write out a scroll of the Law for himself; when he goes forth to the battle he
shall take it forth with him, and when he returns he shall bring it back with him; when he
sits in judgment it shall be with him and when he sits at meals it shall be before him, for
it is written, 'It shall be with him and he shall read therein all the days of his life'.
It is surprising that the evidence for the existence of such a book of the law
with a king was found only concerning King Jannaeus who ruled at the time of
the composition of the Scroll, in Yadin's opinion. In Tractate Soferim we find:
It happened with the law of the book of Alexander [i.e. Jannaeus] all of whose tetra
grammata (iTTYnDTK) were written in gold, and that the affair came to the sages and
they said that it should be hidden.87
Moreover, according to t. Sanhedrin, this law was supposed to be proofread in

the court of priests, levites and notables of Israel advising the priesthood.88 This
component of priests, levites, and notables we also find in a council with which,
according to the Scroll, the king had to consult on every important matter. Yadin
considers this council of thirty-six men as half the seventy-one members of the
Sanhedrin*9 so it is interesting that according to the Palestinian Talmud and
Midrash Tannaim to Deuteronomy, the law of the king must be proofread before
the court of seventy-one.90
To our great surprise, we found a similar procedure in the books of the king in
the court of Ashurbanipal. In colophons of texts from the library of Ashurbanipal
which we mentioned above, we read that the tablet was written, collated and
87. Tractate Soferim (Higger ed., pp. 105-106, and cf. ibid., Tractate Soferim 2.1.7 (p. 376),
Tractate Sefer Torah 1.7. On the writing of the law in gold, cf. the letter of Aristeas 176 and Antiq.
12.89. And see also S. Lieberman, Hellenism in Jewish Palestine (1950), p. 206 n. 25.
88. /. Sanh. 4.7 (ed. Zuckermandel, p. 421).
89. Temple Scroll, Vol. 1, p. 351.
90. y. Sanh. 2.7, 20d; D^DH eniD (ed. Hoffman), p. 105 and see Sipre (ed. Finkelstein) para-
graph 160.
10. The Temple Scroll or 'The Law of The King ' 1 79
checked before the assembly of the sages (=a council of the king)91 and deposited
in his palace to be read and consulted.92
C. The Name of The Scroll According to the Sect

93
Yadin would identify the Scroll with the "UHn/^nn ISO which is mentioned
several times in the Qumran Scrolls and with the 'Book of the Second Law' which
we found among the writings of the Qumran pesharim. These assumptions are
confirmed on the basis of my argument that what we have here is the law of the
king, unn ISO in my opinion is the book which the leader and the king were
obligated to meditate upon day and night as we saw in Josh. 1.8: 'This book of
the law shall not depart out of your mouth, but you shall meditate (H^m) on it
day and night'.
There is no doubt that here Joshua represents a king-like leader who carries
out what is written in the law of the king:
He shall write for himself in a book a copy of this law, and it shall be with him, and he
shall read in it all the days of his life (Deut. 17.17, 18).
The meditation in Joshua is the reading in Deuteronomy 17; the two verbs being
identical, as we learn from the parallel in the verse: 'Let the words of my mouth
and the meditation of my heart be acceptable in your sight' (Ps. 1 9. 1 5). 'Medita-
tion of my heart' parallels here 'words of my mouth'.94 Also 'shall not depart out
of your mouth' in our quotation from Joshua shows that the continuation 'and
you shall meditate on it' implies speech.95
Joshua plays the role of a king96 in assembling the people and reading the book
of the law before them as found in Josh. 8.3 1-35 and indeed also in the command
about congregating the people in Deut. 31.9f. which follows the summoning
of Joshua in verses 7-8; the command is in the singular: 'Assemble the people'
(v. 12) being addressed to Joshua.97 And indeed according to Josh. 8.34-35 Joshua
reads the book of the law 'before all the assembly of Israel, and the women, and
91 . It seems to me that the subject is bit mummu which was a sort of academy where wise men
and their students sat, like the Sanhedrin (m. Sank. 4.3^). The bit mummu is appealed to on various
religious and cultic questions which only experts 'who know secrets' could solve. Thus, for example,
we read that Nabunaid, King of Babylon, gathered scribes and wise men 'Those who sit in the bit
mummu, guardians of secrets of the great gods (nasir piristi Hani rabtiti), and consults them regarding
the foundation inscription of the temple. S. Langdon, Neubabyl Konigsinschriften (1912), p. 255,
32f. The Sanhedrin fulfilled similar functions in the ITm rart>.
92. tuppu suatu ina taphurti ummani astur, asniq abrema, ana tdmarti sarrutiya qereb ekalliya
ukin (H. Hunger, Kolophone 1968, no. 318.608).
93. Vol. l,pp.393ff.
94. The root run means 'to mumble, mutter' (cf. Ps. 1 15.10; Isa. 38.14; 59.1 1, etc. as in Aramaic
and Arabic.
95. 'nV in many sources means 'the throat', see H.L. Ginsberg, 'Hebraische Wortforschung,
Festschrift W. Baumgartner', Suppl Vet. Test. 16 (1967), p. 80.
96. Philo speaks a great deal about Moses and Joshua as embodiments of the ideal characters of a
king and see the discussion in H.A. Wolfson, Philo II (1947), pp. 325ff.
97. See Weinfeld, DOS, p. 65, n. 1 .
the little ones, and the sojourners who lived among them'. This is identical with
the command to Moses to assemble the people and to read before them the Torah
in Deut. 31.12. The tradition, it is true, carried on this ideology and assigned the
role of reader to the king (m. Sofa 7.8). We should note that in the Manual of Dis-
cipline from Qumran, the "Unn "ISO which includes 'the laws of the covenant' and
'their rules' (col. 1.7-8) comes after the opening paragraph in which is described
the gathering of the assembly (1.1-5). According to the Manual, at this gathering
all 'the laws of the covenant' 'and their rules' (1.5) must be read; this would sup-
port our assumption that the "inn "1SDD is identical to the section that the king
reads at the gathering of the congregation.
The idea of meditating upon the law day and night is also found in Ps. 1.2:
'but his delight is in the law of the LORD, and on his law he meditates day and
night'; scholars have already hypothesized98 that this is a reference to the king
who is the subject in Psalm 2 (which has no heading and which, according to
b. Berakot 9b and Qumran Scroll constitutes together with Psalm 1 a single psalm.
Another designation for the Scroll which Yadin has suggested is 'The Book of
the Second Law' (rPDETI mi DPI "ISO) which we found in the writings of the sect,"
coinciding with the Greek concept, and therefore, the reference is to Deuteronomy
which is the heart of the Scroll. At any rate, here the subject is the book of the
law of the men of the sect about which apparently the men of the 'Wicked Priest'
spoke evil, as we see from the rest of thepesher: 'it is the book of the second law
which [...] his advisors and they spoke evil of. In thepesher on Ps. 37.32-33100
we find that the Teacher of Righteousness sent a torah to the Wicked Priest and
for this reason apparently he wanted to kill him. Yadin101 correctly suggests that
this law is the Scroll which is also called 'the Book of the Second Law', "120
rT3£n minn. Presumably the Teacher of Righteousness sent to one of the Has-
monean kings a torah so that he should read it and conduct himself in accordance
with it, but the king refused to accept it.
D. The Ordinances of the Temple

The ordinances of the temple with which the author of the Scroll deals at such
length can also explain the setting of the law of the king. According to Deuteron-
omy and contra the law of the tent of meeting in Leviticus 17, before 'the place
which the LORD your God will choose' was fixed, every Israelite did whatever
was right in his own eyes in worshipping the Lord (Deut. 12.8f.) and only when
they had come to the 'rest and the inheritance' which God gave them from their
enemies round about, i.e. during the reigns of David and Solomon102 was the time
98. See the discussion in T. Mettinger, King and Messiah, 1976, pp. 289ff.
99. See 'the Chain of the pesharim" in the section commenting upon Hos. 5.8, DJD V, 177
(Catena A), pp. 67ff., ii, 13-14.
100.A/D V 171, pp. 42ff., col. IV, 11, 6-8.
101. Vol. 1, pp. 396-97.
102.See 2 Sam. 7.1; 1 Kgs 5.17-18.
suitable for building the first temple. The building of the first temple is condi-
tional, therefore, upon the crowning of a king, and as the Rabbis appropriately
said:
'When the Israelites entered Israel they were given three commands: they were com-
manded to appoint a king over themselves, to build the temple and to exterminate the
seed of Amalek'. (t. Sank. 4.5)
Yadin103 cites the Midrashim which discuss the plan of the temple which was
given to David by Samuel. But as is well known, Samuel laid down 'the rights
and duties of the kingship' before the LORD in the time of Saul (1 Sam. 10.25),
and thus it happens that the law which was given to the first king by Samuel
included two important subjects - the temple and kingship which occupy the
most important place in the Scroll. The primary importance of the temple in the
time of the Hasmoneans and especially at the consolidation of their rule and the
making of the covenant with the people, we may see from the covenant between
Simon the Hasmonean and the people which has been mentioned above (p. 169f.),
that was apparently the prototype of covenants between the Hasmonean kings and
the people made in the time of Yohanan and Jannaeus. In the covenant between
Simon and the people we hear that Simon obligated himself to take care of the
temple OTTCOS M^rj QUTCO TTEp'i TCOV ayicov (1 Mace. 14.42, 43)104 while pre-
serving security in the country.
This royal obligation to ensure the regular functioning of the cult is not unique
to Israel. Aristotle bases the obligations of the king upon three things: (1) Leader-
ship in war; (2) Provision of sacrifices; (3) Administration of justice.105 Diotogenes
also explicitly maintains in his law of the king: 'the functions of the king are three:
military leadership, judgment and the cult.106 Similarly, Cicero holds that the prin-
ceps, like the king, must ensure the administration of justice, the army, and the
cult.107 Centuries earlier we hear of the king's role as judge in ancient Israel. The
people which demand a kingship from Samuel ask for a king who will govern
them and fight their battles (1 Sam. 8.20), while in the time of David and
Solomon, the king assumed the third role connected with the temple.
Ezekiel's ordinances
The lengthy descriptions of the temple with all its installations and procedures
which we find in the Scroll (the temple and its courtyards, the altar, the sacrifices,
and festivals) remind us of Ezekiel's vision in chs. 40-48. Here, too, we find (at
the beginning of the plan as in the Scroll), the law of the temple in detail (40.1-
43.12), a description of the altar and the ceremony of the seven-day consecration
of priests (43.13-27; cf. the Scroll 12.15-16), the offerings for the festivals
103. Volume 1, pp. 396-97.

104. The subject appears twice there, apparently because of a corruption, see J. Goldstein, Macca-
bees, AB (1976), ad.loc.
105. Aristo., Politico III 14,7 (1285 b9).
106. See Delatte, Les traites, etc. Diotogene 263,20, p. 37.
107.See Delatte, op. cit., p. 249.
(45.18-25; cf. Scroll 17-30) and the procedures for cooking the sacrifices for the
priests and the people (46.19-24; cf. Scroll 37). Both in the Scroll and in Ezekiel's
plan the prince who shall arise in the future is assigned a law of the king. Ezekiel's
plan was, to be sure, written in detail like the Scroll since the prophet was com-
manded not only to make known the plan but also to write down 'all its ordi-
nances and its whole form and all its laws' (43.II)108 In Ezekiel's vision, the
kings of Israel are responsible for building the temple (43.7-19)109 and supplying
the additional sacrifices on the festivals, new moons, and Sabbaths (45.16-19).
In both the Scroll and Ezekiel's vision there is a detailed law of kingship110:
the prince-king is commanded not to defraud his people, but to execute 'justice
and righteousness'111 (45.8-12), while for its part, the people is commanded to
give its offerings and tithes to the prince (45.13-16). On the one hand, the prince
is warned not to take any land from the inheritance of the people (46.18); on the
other hand, there is the concern for the rights of the prince: the lands which he
grants his servants revert to him in the year of liberty (46.16-17).112 In the
ordinances, the sacral rights of the king are determined (44.1-13; 46.1-3). It
seems therefore, that like Ezekiel's ordinances, our scroll was intended to guide
the leader in the establishment of the cultic procedures, justice, and kingship, and
both of them are laws of the king.
E. The Feast of Booths, Tithes and Reading of the Law before the People
Already Rashi in his commentary on the Mishnah which discusses the section on
the king in the Talmud (b. Meg. 4la) writes that 'the king reads out loud' 'you
shall tithe' pIDUn ~IC?U) (Deut. 14.22), 'when you have finished paying all the
tithe' pftuS n^DH *I3) (26.12) because it is the time of the ingathering and gifts
for the poor, and of dedication of offerings and tithes. This tradition is in fact
reflected in the reading of the law on the eighth day of the Feast of Booths in the
land of Israel. According to the baraita in Megilla 3 la one should read on the last
day of the Festival (i.e. Succot).113 'commandments, laws and first-born' (Deut.
15.19ff.), and in the haftarah 'Now as Solomon finished offering all this prayer...'
(1 Kgs 8.54ff.). Rashi (Meg. 31 a) comments: 'But they begin from' You shall tithe
every year...' (Deut. 14.22) because that portion contains many commands and
laws which pertain to the Festival at this time which is the time of the ingather-
ings', etc.114 As for the haftarah, Rashi says, they read 1 Kgs 8.54ff.: 'Because on
the eighth day he (Solomon) sent the people away' (1 Kgs 8.66).
lOS.See M. Haran, Tarbiz 44 (1975), p. 34 and n. 12.

109.See Y. Kauffmann, rr'anern H]lQ»n Hll^n, Vol. 3, p. 579.
110. Y. Kauffmann, ibid., p. 569f.
111. Cf. M. Weinfeld, Social Justice in Ancient Israel and in the Ancient Near East (1995), p. 5 5.
112.For a Mesopotamian parallel see J. Lewy, Eretz-Israel V, Mazar Vol., 1958, pp. 23ff.
113. 'Every first born' seems to be an addition. See J.M. Epstein, moan HDID^ KIDD, p. 539 n. 9.
114. See the Vitry Mahzor (Hurwitz ed., 1893), pp. 445-46. The reading of'you shall tithe' on the
Festival of Booths is reflected in thepiyyutim of HaKallir of Palestine, see E. Fleischer, Tarbiz 36
(1967), pp. 196ff.
It seems that according to the tradition reflected in this baraita Solomon fulfils
the commandment of assembling the people on the eighth day.115 Indeed in
2 Chronicles 6-7 where a solemn assembly on the eighth day is explicitly men-
tioned (7.9), Solomon offers up his prayer while standing on the bronze platform
before all the assembly of Israel116 which reminds us of the pulpit on which
Josiah stands when he reads the law before the whole people (2 Kgs 23.3),117 and
the 'wooden pulpit' on which Ezra stood when he read the law (Neh. 8.4).
In our Scroll which in our opinion may be considered the 'parashah of the
king' which must be read aloud on the Festival of Booths (indeed the Festival of
Booths and the tithe serve as the focal points), in fact help us to understand the
literary structure of the entire Scroll. The Scroll consists of three parts. The first
contains instructions for the building of the temple and keeping of the festivals
with their sacrifices, and ends with the Festival of Booths and the solemn assembly
on the eighth day, mentioning in passing the covenant that was made with Jacob
in Bethel on the Feast of Booths as well as the new temple in the end of days118
which is well known to us from the book of Jubilees 32.1 Of; 1.26f. and makes a
festive conclusion to the first part. In the book of Jubilees (32. lOf.) there occurs
the second tithing incidental to the revelation to Jacob in Bethel; and indeed the
laws connected with the appointed times for the first fruits in this first part (col.
18-22), is actually the fixing of the tithe year for every kind of produce as we
find on col. 43.4f, and as we also found in the book of Jubilees in the context of
the revelation to Jacob at Bethel.
The second part of the Scroll deals with the structure of the temple and its court-
yards (30^3), and concludes with a long discussion of the building of booths on
the third floor of the structures in the temple courtyard, followed immediately by
the laws of the tithe, its redemption, and consumption in the courtyard.
The third part, which begins on col. 94 is closely associated with Deuter-
onomy and the instructions regarding the allocation of separate chambers for the
priests, levites, and Israelites, and the laws of purity which come afterward are
actually bound to Deuteronomy 14. After its conclusions of the treatment of this
subject, it mentions the rest of the laws of Deuteronomy by the method of asso-
ciation and linkage.
In light of the close relation between the Feast of Booths and the laws of the
tithe in the Scroll, it is clear to us why 'you shall tithe' and 'when you have fin-
ished paying all the tithe' appear at the beginning of the laws which are read in
the parashah of the king.
115.For this reason Ecclesiastes is read at the solemn assembly on the eighth day, see Vitry
Mahzor, p. 441: 'They read Ecclesiastes... 'Give a portion to seven" (Eccles. 11.2); these are the seven
days of the Festival, 'or even to eight' which is the eighth day of the Festival; Kohelet (Ecclesiastes)
because of 'they assembled to King Solomon at thefeast in the month ofEthanim' (1 Kgs 8) and that
is when Solomon said it'.
116. For the blessings accompanying the law of the king which resemble the blessings of the high
priest, see m. Sota 7.8 (end).
117. And see Epstein, op. cit., p. 540.
118. And see Yadin, Vol. 1, pp. 184-85.
F. Summary
In the ancient world, in Mesopotamia as well as in Egypt, there is a literary genre
which can be termed 'the law for the king'. This law comprised various instruc-
tions for the conduct of the king in the sphere of relations with his subjects as
well as his personal life. These instructions were written in a book and intended
to be constantly read aloud before the king.
In Israel this custom is reflected in the law of the king in Deut. 17.14-20.
According to this law, the king is commanded to behave modestly in his court
and is also required to write the 'copy of this law' in a book and read it all the
days of his life so that he 'may learn to fear the LORD his God' (w. 18-19).
Moreover, in Israel the king as leader of the people was required to teach this law
to his people and for this purpose in Deut. 31.10-13 he was commanded to
assemble men, women and children at the end of the Sabbath year and to read the
laws aloud before them so that they, too, like the king would learn to fear the
Lord (v. 13). We hear about the carrying out of this law in m. Sofa 7.8 according
to which the king reads the section on the king at the end of the seventh year.
This section comprises primarily passages from Deuteronomy such as 'Hear, O
Israel' (6.4) and 'if you will heed' (11.13), 'you shall tithe' (Deut. 14.22-29),
'when you have finished paying the tithe' (26.12-15), the section on the king
(17.14-20), blessings and curses (v. 28), as well as other parts of Deuteronomy.
In my opinion, the 'Temple Scroll' belongs to this literary genre. Except for
laws of the temple and its appurtenances which occupy a great deal of space in
the Scroll, the Scroll comprises an introduction dealing with the renewed
covenant in Sinai, laws concerning the tithe, festivals, and sacred gifts, a law of
the king which is expanded with the addition of blessings and curses, as well as
other sections from Deuteronomy. Thus what we have is a framework resembling
that of the 'parashah of the king' in the Mishnah.
The sole exception is the part of the laws on the temple and its sacred objects.
We can explain this in the setting of the period of the Hasmonean kings who had
to carry out the repair of the temple and the performance of cultic procedures,
compare for example 1 Mace. 14 where Simon takes it upon himself to take care
of the temple as part of his obligations to the people. The matter of worship in the
temple was especially important to the Qumran sect which had its own special
calendar and laws of purity in relation to the temple and the holy city, a fact which
prevented their associating with the priests of Jerusalem. We should add that the
instructions for the king (irepi fkxaiAlias) from the Hellenistic period, the care
of the temple and its cult are described as one of the primary functions of the
king. Yadin has already hypothesized that the Temple Scroll may be identical to
the law which the teacher of righteousness sent to the Wicked Priest (pesher on
Ps. 37.32-33), an hypothesis which is reinforced by our assumption concerning
the character of the Scroll. We learn of the books of the law of the Hasmonean
kings from Rabbinic literature which speaks of 'the torah of King Jannaeus'.
Lastly, we should note that the Festival of Booths at which the king read the
book of the law before the people every Sabbatical year as well as the laws of the
tithe with which the king begins the legal part of the treatise of the king ('you
shall tithe', 'when you have finished paying all the tithe') constitute the focal
points of the Scroll. The first part of the Scroll (col. 1-29) concludes with the
Festival of Booths and the solemn assembly, while the second part (30-43) ends
with instructions for building booths on the roofs of the structures in the temple
courtyard and on the eating of the redeemed tithe. Only in the third part does the
author of the Scroll proceed to quote laws from Deuteronomy using his unique
method.
Chapter 11
THE ROYAL GUARD ACCORDING TO THE TEMPLE SCROLL
The law of the king1 in the Temple Scroll (col. 57, Iff)2 prescribes that twelve
thousand men, one thousand from each tribe3, should be chosen for guarding the
king. These guards called 'selected ones' (DmiD)4 must be truthful, fearing
God, hating gain and valiant in war (TOl^S *rn "HIDS). Their task is defined as
follows:
and they shall be with him (the king) always day and night in order to keep him away
from any sinful thing (DPI ~ni5) and from a foreign people ("ID] â) that he might not
be caught in their hand (11.9-11).
1. On the king's law in the Temple Scroll and its relationship to the Furstenspiegel in the ancient
world see Chapter 10.
2. Y. Yadin, enpon n'TD, Jerusalem, 1977, Vol. II, p. 179f.
3. Yadin, ibid., Vol. 1, p. 267, compares the selection of the twelve thousand men here to Num.
33.3f. but fails to note the selection of the twelve thousand in Absalom's revolt and the twelve
thousand parashim of Solomon (1 Kgs 10.26, comp. v. 6). It is noteworthy that Josephus in his
accounts related to Kgs 5.6f., tells us that Solomon was surrounded by riders 'most delightful to
see...they let their hair hang down to a very great length and were dressed in tunics of Tyrian
purple... With these men about him dressed in armour and equipped with bows, the King himself was
accustomed to mount his chariot...' (Antiq. VIII, 185). This information has no support at all in the
OT, and seems to be influenced by court customs of the second temple period. A similar description
is indeed found in connection with Aristobulus who was accompanied, in his appearance before
Pompey, by 'young swaggerers, who offensively displayed their purple robes, long hair...' (Antiq.
14.45). Cf. A. Schalit in his notes to three Hebrew translations of Antiquities, Vol. II, p. 133 n. 248.
All this might serve as realistic background for the king's guard as depicted in theTemple Scroll. This
is especially important since the background of the Temple Scroll is Hasmonean (cf. also Yadin, Vol.
I, pp. 267-68).
Although Num. 31 has no reference to the royal guard it does have some affinities to the
description of Joash's guard in 2 Kings 11; cf. especially PVKDn H2) vv. 4, 15, 19 with Num.
31.14,53 and ^TIH HIpS in v. 15 with Num. 31.14. Indeed Jehoiada, the priest, who organized the
guards of Joash, shares certain qualities with Pinchas, the priest, who commands the officers of hun-
dreds and thousands in Num. 31
For a parallel between the description of the bodyguard in the Temple Scroll and that of 2 Kgs 11,
cf. n'r'Ti or TDH 101? rm in the Scroll and wmi intwn "[ton DK rm in 2 Kgs 11.8.
4. For the meaning of this term cf. Yadin, enpon rfraD Vol. II, P. 180 (11,5,8), Comp^. Qidd.
4.5, 66 a: jmOB p1-Qn ]D K^K TTT ^...imCTO ta (see above p. 174).
5. Deficient spelling like this is found also in col. 64 1.9 mo C3SO2 EH, but there it was corrected
by adding the Aleph above the line, see Y. Yadin, ibid., line 10.
11. The Royal Guard According to the Temple Scroll 187
The juxtaposition of 'valiant warriors' and 'men fearing God'6 is unusual but
more strange is the combination of physical guard with moral-spiritual supervi-
sion; Yadin (Vol. 1, pp. 267-68) tentatively suggests that the specification of the
moral qualities reflects a reaction against the Hasmonean kings who used foreign
mercenaries for their bodyguard.
However, new light is shed on the whole matter by the description of the
Egyptian royal guard by Diodorus Siculus7 who drew upon Hecataeus of Abdera.
Diodorus tells us that the behaviour of the Egyptian kings was regulated by
prescriptions set forth in laws (LXX, 9). The observance of these should lead the
king to fear the gods (LXX, S. Comp. Deut. 17.19). Furthermore, the sacred scribe
recited some of the proper counsels and deeds of the most distinguished men8
publicly (TrapavEyivcooKE) out of the sacred books, 'in order that he who held
the supreme leadership should first contemplate in his mind the most excellent
general principles...' (LXX, 9). This reminds us in general of the law of the king
in Deuteronomy.
The clause of Diodorus' passage most pertinent to our subject (= the Temple
Scroll) is the beginning paragraph, describing the conduct of the kings in ancient
Egypt.
It reads:
In the manner of their guard (SepaTTEia) 9 , for instance, not one was a slave, such as
had been acquired by purchase or born in the home, but all were sons of the most
distinguished priests, over twenty years old and the best educated of their fellow-
countrymen, in order that the King, by virtue of his having the noblest men to care for
his person and to attend him throughout both day and night, might not follow low
practices.
The regulations found in Diodorus Siculus and those of the Temple Scroll
share the following features:
i. the instructions about the bodyguard open the set of regulations about
the King's rule and his behaviour.
ii. a guard with a double function is presumed - both physical care and
moral supervision are imposed.
6. As Y. Yadin noted the writer is here influenced by Exod. 18.21, However *r n ''GEK in Exodus
means 'capable men' (Comp. JPS translation), like the ones mentioned in Gen. 47.6, whereas the
writer of the Scroll changed 'm 'EflN into nDn^Q1^ "rn mDJ to make it clear that it means 'warriors'.
7. Book 1,70, cf. the recent commentary of A. Burton, Diodorus Siculus, A Commentary (1972),
pp. 209ff.
8. Comp. PS. Aristeas, 283, and see D. Mendels, Shnaton 3 (1978), p. 249 (Hebrew).
9. 0£paTTEia designates homeguard in the broad sense, see e.g. Polybius on the coronation of
Ptolemy V, an account which shares much in common with the description of the coronation of Joash
in 2 Kgs 11. Sosibius gathers the bodyguard (= the bearers of the shields UTTaoTTicrras, cf. 4 Mace.
3.12), the homeguard (0EpaTT£ia) the military officers and the officers of the horsemen. Agathocles and
Susibius then put the crown upon the child and proclaim him king. Then they demand an oath of loyalty
from the military officers and also adjure the people as was customary at such occasions (XV, 25).
The 0Epa7TE ice was very active during revolutions and court rebellions, and the bodyguard was only a
part of it; see P.M. Frazer, Ptolemaic Alexandria (1972), Vol. II, p. 152 n. 224.
i\i. The guards should be selected10 and of best education,

iv. The guards should be above twenty years of age.
v. The king should be watched day and night.
Some scholars have expressed their doubts concerning the authenticity of the
information of Hectaeus cited by Diodorus.11 For our purpose the dating or the
very existence of the institution described in the passage by Diodorus is of no
importance. Suffice it to say that an ideology like that of the Temple Scroll has
been found in a contemporaneous source of a neighbouring country. The two
sources apparently reflect royal ideologies prevalent in Judah and Egypt in the
Hellenistic period.12
10. According to the Egyptian regulations the guards should be of priestly origin. According to
Plato (Politicus 290 d) the Egyptian king himself should be of priestly descent.
11. For arguments against this scepticism see E. Meyer, Gottesstaat, Militdrherrschaft und
Standewesen inAgypten, Sitzungsberichte der preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften (Jg. 1928),
Philos. hist. Klasse, pp. 529ff. See also F. Jacoby, Realencycl. Pauly-Wissowa, VII, 2764.
12. For such ideologies embedded in the Trspi paoiAetccs, treatises which served as manuals for
the king in the Hellenistic period, see my article mentioned in n. 1.
Chapter 12
GOD VERSUS MOSES IN THE TEMPLE SCROLL

'I Do NOT SPEAK ON MY OWN BUT ON GOD'S AUTHORITY'
(SIFRE DEUTERONOMY. SEC. 5; JOHN 12.48f.)
As is well known, the author of the Temple Scroll changed the words of God in
the book of Deuteronomy from the third person to first person. As Y. Yadin
already noted, by this change the author wanted to make clear that the Torah of
Deuteronomy was delivered as the direct speech of God and not paraphrased by
Moses, as it appears in the canonical book of Deuteronomy. Here are a few
examples
Temple Scroll MT Deuteronomy
'You will do what is good and right before me; 'for you will do what is good and right in the
I am YHWH your God' eyes of YHWH your God'
The substitution of "OS1? instead of Tin does not matter here since both are
equal in meaning, compare e.g. Tin ]H SHE (Esther 7.3) with '3B1? ]T\ KHD
(Esther 8.5),1 similarly in Akkadian the Sumerogram IGI indicates 'eye' (Tnu) as
well as 'face' (pdnu) and also 'before' (mahar).
What matters is the person speaking: God and not Moses. Since v. 28 ends
the parasha (setumah), the ''DS1? ~ICTm DlftH HPTÛ! looks awkward as a con-
clusion and therefore the author added rDTll^N Tf ^K, a conclusion common
in the priestly literature. By this addition he avoided the omission of the clause
TS Deut.
'for I will require it of you' (53.11) 'because YHWH your God will require it of you' (23.22)
for YHWH your God is testing you' (13.4)

'for I am testing you' (54.12)
According to the book of Deuteronomy only the Decalogue was delivered

directly to the people of Israel at Sinai, whereas the rest of the law was delivered
1. Cf. Chapter 17 p. 244.

by Moses to the people not at Sinai but at the plains of Moab (5.28). This is in
contrast to the other sources according to which all the laws were delivered by
Moses at Sinai (Exod. 21-23; 24.3, Lev. 26.46,34)2 and a covenant was con-
cluded only there.
In Deuteronomy Moses presents the laws in his own name as they were
revealed to him and hence the term: torat Moshe 'the Torah of Moses' in the
Deuteronomic literature (Josh. 8.31; 23.6; 2 Kgs 14.6 compare Mai. 3.22). Fur-
thermore the Torah of Deuteronomy is considered in the book of Deuteronomy
itself as secondary. It is named here mishneh hatorah (Deut. 17.18, cf. Josh.
8.32) which means 'repeated law' or 'second law' and thus alludes to the fact
that Deuteronomy is a (revised) repetition of the main Sinaitic laws of the Tetra-
teuch. Indeed Deuteronomy is dependent on the previous traditions of the Tetra-
teuch but was revised according to the principles of the Hezekianic-Josianic
reforms. Thus, for example, the laws of tithe, of the year of release (H^DE}),
liberation of slaves, the first-born animals, the Passover offering and the three
festivals (Deut. 14.22-16.17) are all ancient laws (cf. Exod. 21.1-11; 22.28-29;
23.10-11, 14-19; 34.19-26). They appear however in Deuteronomy in a new
form adjusted to the principles of centralization of cult. There was thus an aware-
ness of this book being secondary.3
A similar categorization of stabilized canonic tradition versus extraneous or
secondary added tradition is found in Mesopotamia.4 There we find the termsanii
(second/another)for sacred literary material distinct from the original canonic
material. An Akkadian term which overlaps sanu is ahu (=external), an expres-
sion which equals late Hebrew |"IH"TT, for which one is to compare the expression
D^llTn D'HSD 'extraneous books',5 which defines non-canonical literature (see
m. Sank. 10.1). In the Qumran literature we find the term PP3I2? Hlinn "ISO refer-
ring apparently to a non-canonical Torah (4Q177, Catena0 II, 14, DJD V p. 68).
In Deuteronomy Moses appears as the 'law giver'. He emphasizes this role
about 40 times in the constant recurring address: 'which I command you this day'
- although in the name of YHWH. Deuteronomy indeed
constitutes one long farewell speech by Moses which is formulated in the first per-
son. The involvement of Moses is clear not only in the hortatory parts of the book
but also in the law itself (see 18.15-16). The formulation DVH -pita '3DK "1EK is
found in the Tetrateuch only once i.e. in Exod. 34.10 'observe that which I com-
mand you this day' (DVH "pita 'DDK 1BK PN *p IIBD) yet in contrast to the for-
mulation in Deuteronomy wherein the 'lawgiver' is Moses, here the lawgiver is
God, who gives the covenantal commandments anew after it had been violated by
the worship of the golden calf. The formulation 'observe that which I command
2. Only the laws of the division of land and of the conquest (Num. 26.3-65; 33.50-34.29; 36.1-
13) were delivered in the steppes of Moab.
3. See Ibn Ezra in his comment to Deut. 1.5, and Nahmanides to Deut. 1.1.
4. Cf. F. Rochbeg-Halton, 'Canonicity in Cuneiform Texts', Journal of Cuneiform Studies 36
(1984), pp. 140-44.
5. Compare the term »rP"Q, derived from "D = outside, in Rabbinic literature which refers to
extraneous tradition not included in the Mishnah.
12. God Versus Moses in the Temple Scroll 191
you this day' in Exod. 34. 1 1 after which come the commandments of the renewed
covenant (vv. 1 2-26, which parallels Exod. 23.10-19) is linked to the announce-
ment of God which proclaims the elevated status of Israel:
Behold I make a Covenant; before all your people of Israel I will make wonders
), such as have not been done in all the earth nor among all the nations.
This corresponds to 33.16:

If you go with us we shall be distinguished (ir^BDI), I and your people, from all the
people that are upon the face of the earth.
Indeed, according to many commentators the proper position of Exod. 33.14-16

is right after 34.9.6
Now, it is interesting that the single place in the book of Deuteronomy, in
which the formula f l command you this day' is attributed to God and is linked to
observation of the laws as in Exod. 34, is the place in which we find the establish-
ing of the covenant and the promise to elevate the status of the people of Israel:
This day YHWHyour God commands you (DVH "[ISO) to do these laws and judgments;
you shall keep them. . .you have proclaimed YHWH this day to be for you a God. . .and
YHWH has proclaimed you this day to be for him a peculiar people (n*?JD DI7). . .to
make you high over all the nations which he has made, in praise, in name and in honour
(Deut.26.16-19).
There exists a clear connection between Exod. 34.10 and the paragraph that
we just quoted from Deuteronomy 26. In the latter the author connects the giving
of the laws 'this day' to the covenant between God and Israel and to the promise
of Israel's elevated status and distinction; in Exod. 34 this subject serves as an
opening to the laws of the renewed covenant, while in the book of Deuteronomy it
serves to conclude them. As Yadin has pointed out (vol. 2, p. 1) the Temple Scroll
writer opens with the renewed covenant at Sinai as it adjoins the building of the
Tabernacle just as the first covenant (Exod. 19-24) also is joined to the com-
mandments concerning the building of the Tabernacle (Exod. 25ff).
Why does the Temple Scroll open with the second covenant? The Temple
Scroll writer is concerned to begin at the covenant that was renewed after the
golden calf incident and not in the chapters that describe the preceding covenant
which was annulled. This objective already exists in the book of Deuteronomy
itself. In contrast to the sources in the book of Exodus that attributes to Moses the
passing on of the Covenant Code laws to Israel (Exod. 21-23; 24.3) after the
revelation at Sinai (Exod. 1 9-20) the writer of Deuteronomy tells us that only the
Ten Commandments were announced to Israel at Mt. Sinai, and, although the
remainder of the laws were given to Moses also at Sinai (Deut. 5.28), they were
passed on to Israel only upon the establishing of the covenant in the Wilderness of
Moab. The transgression of the golden calf caused the annulment of the covenant
and accordingly all of the obligations and affirmations that were in force prior to
6. See S.R. Driver, Exodus (Cambridge Bible), pp. 361, 368; see also Rashi on 33.16ff. and
Rashbamon33.18.
that transgression and repentance were no longer binding. The Ten Command-
ments were written anew at Mt. Sinai (Exod. 34; Deut. 10.4) but the remainder of
the words of the covenant were given to Israel in the Moab wilderness and there
was a covenant cut with them (Deut. 28.69; 29.9ff). According to this outlook
there was no more validity to the Covenant Code (Exod. 21-23) that was an-
nounced prior to the golden calf transgression and in its stead came the book of
Deuteronomy upon which was cut a renewed covenant in the Moab wilderness.7
In contrast to this the Temple Scroll writer, for whom all the laws of God have
as their source Mt. Sinai (a point of view representative of second temple
Judaism), transfers the laws of the Moabite wilderness covenant once again to
Sinai. In accordance with this he shifts the style of address that is in the book of
Deuteronomy; as are the laws of the Sinai covenant so are the laws of Deuter-
onomy spoken in the mouth of God himself and not in the mouth of Moses, as we
find in our book of Deuteronomy. This is not actually a major divergence from
the tradition of the Deuteronomic writer since he also acknowledges that the laws
of Deuteronomy were spoken to Moses at Sinai (Deut. 5.28), only they were
transmitted to Israel in the covenant at Moab. However, while the book of
Deuteronomy renders the words in the form in which they were transmitted to
Israel by Moses in the Wilderness of Moab, the Temple Scroll writer gives us the
words in the form in which they were given by God at Mt. Sinai: from the mouth
of God in the first person to Moses.
In this matter the author of the Temple Scroll follows the view of the priestly
code in the Pentateuch. In the priestly code every legal section opens with the
phrase:' YHWH spoke to Moses as following' (1EK1? HIDD *?K 71 "DTI) in order
to ascertain that Moses spoke on behalf of God and that the words proclaimed are
not his own. Indeed, when the author of the Temple Scroll quotes from the priestly
code he leaves the commandments of God in the third person since in the open-
ing phrase it was already stated that these are the words of the Lord.8 According
to the priestly code all the laws were given to the Israelites at Sinai (Lev. 7.38;
25.1; 27.34) and only the laws concerning the division of the land and its inheri-
tance were given at the plains of Moab (Num. 26.3; 33.50; 35.1, see above n. 3).
It seems that the fact that Deuteronomy was styled as a sermon of Moses
could give room for the argument that the contents of the sermon are of Moses
himself and not of God. In order to prevent the rise of such arguments the author
of the Temple Scroll changed the divine address from third person to first person.
The same sensitivity is felt in Rabbinic sources and in the Targums and hence
the repeated statements concerning Deuteronomy: 'I (Moses) do not speak on my
own authority but on God's authority'. In the verse in Deut. 1.6: 'YHWH our God
spoke to us in Horeb as follows'. Midrash Sifrei adds: 'he said to them: I do not
speak on my own but from the mouth of the Holy One I speak to you'
(Sifrei sec. 5). Furthermore, whenever
we find Moses saying DD1? HQ1N1 'I said to you', Midrash Sifrei explains: 'I
7. On Deuteronomy as substitute for the Covenant Code see O. Eissfeldt, Einleitung in das Alle
Testament3 (1964), 292ff.
8. Cf. Y. Yadin, The Temple Scroll vol. 1, 72.
12. God Versus Moses in the Temple Scroll 193
don't speak on my own etc.' (sections 9, 19, 25). PseudoJonathan follows this
system and adds to Deut. 1.6.
'and not I by myself.
By the same token, Targum Neophyti adds HO2 HftK 'said Moses' to the pas-
sages which are undoubtedly the words of Moses himself like: 'and YHWH said
to me', 'and YHWH gave to me', and YHWH listened to me' (2.2,9,17,31; 3.2;
5.19, 25; 9.10, 11, 12, 13, 19; 10.1,4, 10,11; 18.17) in order to make clear that
all the other words in Deuteronomy are from God and not from Moses.
The term: 'I do not speak on my own etc', in the Targum and in the Rabbinic
sources comes to confirm the truth of the prophetic message, cf. e.g. the words of
Jeremiah referring to the false prophets: 71 nSft N^ "HDT DD^ "pin 'they speak
from their own minds, not from the mouth of YHWH'(23.16).
Interestingly enough this term is found in the Gospel of John concerning the
prophecies of Jesus: 'not on my own that I spoke', eyco e£ EMO(UTQU OUK eAaArjaa
12.49, compare 7.17-18; 14.10). Before this statement we read: 'the word that I
have spoken, that is what will condemn him on the last day'. This seems to
reflect the Targum's rendering oflDUQ EmN ''DDK concerning the false prophet
who speaks on his own in Deut. 18.19, not 'I will take vengeance on him' but
'my word (remd) will take vengeance on him' HIPD fllST "HB^D (Tg. Onq.),
(Tg. PS. j.) nra msna ncrcD KDK (Tg. Neof.).9
It seems that the term the Torah of Moses coined by the Deuteronomist (Josh.
8.31; 23.6; 2 Kgs 14.6; compare Mai. 3.12), which could be misunderstood as
Moses' own law, motivated the retroversion from Moses to God as well as the
specific statements that it was not Moses speaking on his own but on behalf of
God.
9. Cf. M.E. Boismard, 'Les Citations Targumiques dans le quatrieme Evangile', Revue Biblique
66 (1959), pp. 376-78. See also Raymond E. Brown, The Gospel According to John I-XII (AB
1966), pp. 491-92.
Chapter 13
SARAH AND ABIMELECH (GENESIS 20) AGAINST THE BACKGROUND

OF AN ASSYRIAN LAW AND THE GENESIS APOCRYPHON
U. Cassuto1 interpreted the gifts Abimelech gave to Abraham (Gen. 20.16) and
Pharaoh's 'favour' to Abram (Gen. 12.16) according to the law which states that a
man who takes a married woman on a (trade?) journey2 with him, without knowing
that she is married, must make an oath to that effect and give two talents of tin to
the woman's husband (Middle Assyrian Laws, I, sect. 22).3 Pharaoh, and also
Abimelech, did not know that Sarah was married and were thus obligated -
according to Cassuto - to make an oath and give compensation, as determined in
the Assyrian law.4
Cassuto's comparison, however, is not complete, since the texts speak - in
regard to both Pharaoh and Abimelech - of gifts and favour, but not of any oath.
He did, in fact, assume, in view of the Assyrian parallel, that declarations by oath
were made by the two kings. Such an oath, however, is not mentioned in the text.
Cassuto's assumption, then, remained but a conjecture.
A number of years after the appearance of Cassuto's Commentary (1944), the
apocryphal Genesis scroll of Qumran was published,5 wherein we find, to our sur-
prise, evidence which may nevertheless confirm Cassuto's hypothesis. We read
there in connection with Sarai and her leaving Pharaoh's house:
1. U. Cassuto, A Commentary on the Book of Genesis, II (1964), pp. 357-58 (translated from the
Hebrew by J. Abrahams).
2. In Akkadian: harrana ultasbissi, apparently referring to a trade journey, cf. harrana epesu and
harrana alaku, both meaning to go on a trade journey, see CAD, H, pp. 110-11; 4, E, p. 218, and so
also"p3"n r\WS inlsa. 58.13 andpimD "J"1"D "j^n inProv. 7.19-20; see my comments in MAARA V
3/1 (January 1982), pp. 44^5.
3. See G.R. Driver and J.C. Miles, The Assyrian Laws (1935), p. 392, II. 105-111; G. Cardascia,
Les Lois Assyriennes (1969), pp. 138-41 (translation and notes).
4. Cassuto, n. 1 above.
5. N. Avigad and Y. Yadin, A Genesis Apocryphon, A Scroll from the Wilderness ofJudea
(1956), and recently, J.A. Fitzmyer, The Genesis Apocryphon of Qumran Cave 1, A Commentary2-
(1971).
13. Sarah and Abimelech (Genesis 20) 195
'And the king swore an oath to me that [he had] not [touched her?]6
. . .and the king gave to him7 [silver and go] Id,
many garments of fine linen and purple'.8
We thus find here explicitly both an oath and monetary compensations as in the
Assyrian law. This practice of an oath of purification required of a man accompa-
nied by a married woman without his knowing that she was married, and also the
compensation owed in such a case to the woman's husband for his wife's being
kept for a certain time by another,9 was apparently prevalent in the ancient Near
East10 (as Cassuto assumed), and is not necessarily characteristic of Assyria. The
fact that this practice is found in a law code from the middle of the second mil-
lenium BCE11 on the one hand, and in a Qumran scroll from the first century BCE
or CE12 on the other, presents a historical problem (see the end of this article).
Nevertheless, we can assume that we have here a practice widespread over the
ancient Near East for a period of more than a thousand years, without assuming
any dependence or influence of one source on another.
Cassuto 's explanation of the problem should therefore be accepted, but not as
he presented it in detail, for the following reasons:
1 . Cassuto assumes, in view of the comparison with the Assyrian law, that
both Pharaoh and Abimelech proclaimed that they did not touch Abraham's
wife.13 Against this, it should be noted according to the Assyrian law it is clear
that the man did not make an oath concerning his not approaching the woman,
but concerning not knowing that she was married.14 Indeed, from the Assyrian
law it is not at all clear what the relations were between the man and woman on
6. N. Avigad and Y. Yadin reconstruct: 'that cannot [be changed?] ' - pnm^lZ?*?] ]'WD, apparently
under the influence of the formulas NÊH1? ^ (D-pIT KD^Q) H (D^pl) in Dan. 6.16 (cf. v. 9). This
should really be translated '(an oath) which cannot be broken', see my comments in Shnaton -
Annual for Biblical and Ancient Near Eastern Studies 1 (1976), p. 89 n.l (Hebrew). Fitzmyer (n. 5
above) reconstructs: 'that [he had] not [touched her]', but see our discussion below.
7. It is possible to translate 'and gave to her' (i.e., to Sarah), as does Fitzmyer, ibid, p. 142, since
Abraham speaks of himself in the first person.
8 . Similar to Esther when Ahasuerus bestowed favour on Mordechai for her sake and dressed
him in fine linen and purple (Est. 8.15); see on this matter J. Finkel, 'The Author of the Genesis
Apocryphon Knew the Book of Esther', in C. Rabin and Y. Yadin (eds.), Essays on the Dead Sea
Scrolls in Memory ofE.L. Sukenik (1961), pp. 178-79.
9. Cf. Tg. Ps. J., theFrg. Tg. and Tg. Neof. on Gen. 20.16:
- 'because you were hidden from your husband for one night'.
10. A monetary compensation for keeping someone else' s wife is found in English law; see Miles'
comment in Driver-Miles (n. 3 above), p. 72 n. 5.
11. The Middle Assyrian law code was committed to writing in the days of Tiglath-Pileser I
(1 1 12-1074 BCE) as proven by E. Weidner, 'Das Alter der mittel-assyrischen Gesetzestexte', Archiv
fur Orientforschung 12 (1 937), pp. 48ff., but the laws themselves are ancient and reflect the middle of
the second millenium.
12. For the dating of the Scroll see recently J. A. Fitzmyer and D. J. Harrington, A Manual of Pal-
estinian Aramaic Texts (1978), p. 206.
13. Ibid, p. 244.
14. Cf. the text of the law: ki assat a>ilini la idi itammama, i.e., he shall make an oath that he did
not know she was married, and see the translations and treatments of the law by the commentators of
the Assyrian law (see n. 3 above and also Th. S. Meek, ANET2, p. 181).
the journey.15 Actually, even if there were no relations between them, the deed is
considered as a wrong that has to be righted. If the man knew that the woman
accompanying him on a journey was a married woman and took her with him
without the consent of her husband - even if he did not touch her - this consti-
tutes a trespass. This is the case for Pharaoh and Abimelech: if they had known
that she was married and took her into their palaces, even if they did not touch
her, they were committing a trespass. In order to be cleared of the guilt they are
obliged in such cases to make an oath that they did not know that she was mar-
ried. On the other hand, if the man did not know that she was married, it makes
no difference from the legal standpoint whether he slept with her or not, as is
clear from Section 14 of the Assyrian law which states that a man who slept with
a woman not knowing that she is married is exempt from punishment. It is thus
likely that, according to the analogy of the Assyrian law, the presumed oath of
Pharaoh and Abimelech would necessarily entail a proclamation of not knowing
that Sarah was married. Such a proclamation inheres in fact to Abimelech's words
'my heart was blameless and my hands were
clean' (Gen. 20.5).
It is correct that according to the author of the scroll and also to Philo (On
Abraham 98), Josephus (Antiq. 1.161-165), and Rabbinic literature,16 Pharaoh did
not touch Sarai since it was inconceivable that the saintly Abraham could take
her back if she had been defiled.17 However, such a view does not derive from the
text of Genesis 12 itself. The author of the scrolls and the midrashim transferred
what was said of Abimelech, 'Abimelech had not approached her' (Gen. 20.4) to
Pharaoh, though this is not the plain meaning of the text there.
2. Cassuto's explanation also cannot be accepted concerning the gifts that
Pharaoh gives to Abraham. According to the text of ch. 12, Pharaoh bestows his
gifts on Abraham when he takes Sarai and not when he lets her go. The gifts to
Abraham thus bear the character of a dowry or bridal gift.18 Things are different in
the episode of Sarah and Abimelech in ch. 20, where Abimelech gives his gifts to
Abraham when he lets her go (w. 14-16). According to the plain meaning of the
text,19 the function of the gifts in ch. 12 must thus be distinguished from that in
15. See the discussion in Driver-Miles (n. 3 above), p. 72.

16. Cf. A. Shinan and Y. Zakovitch, Abram and Sarai in Egypt, Gen. 12.10-20 in the Bible, the
Old Versions and the Ancient Jewish Literature (Research Projects of the Institute of Jewish Studies,
Monograph Series 2,1983), pp. 87ff. (Hebrew).
17. See J.C. Greenfield, 'The Genesis Apocryphon - Observations on Some Words and Phrases',
in G.B. Sarfatti, P. Artzi, J.C. Greenfield and M. Kaddari (eds.), Studies in Hebrew and Semitic Lan-
guages Dedicated to the Memory of Prof. E. Y. Kutscher (1980), pp. XXXIV-V.
18. Cf. Pirqe R. EL sect. 26: 'Pharaoh transferred to her by a marriage deed (THiriD "IB27) all of
his capital.. .and Hagar his daughter.. .for a handmaiden. In the continuation of the story it is said, to
be sure, 'so that I took her as my wife?' - H^«^ ' b HPIK npKl (v. 19)'. Cf. also Tg. Ps. J. On 16.1 and
Genesis Kabbah (ed. Theodore Albeck), p. 448 with the parallels noted there. In the Genesis Apocry-
phon also Pharaoh gives Hagar to Abram (col. XX, line 32), though like the other gifts this also was
given upon Abram's sending away.
19. And not as some commentators have endeavoured to do by understanding Abimelech's gift to
Sarah in v. 16 as referring to the past; see, e.g., Rashbam on Gen. 20.16.
13. Sarah andAbimelech (Genesis 20) 197
ch. 20. Only in ch. 20 do we hear of gifts, after the fact, as learned from the
continuation of the passage: 'This will serve you as a covering of the eyes', that
is, the payment Abimelech makes has the character of compensating for the injury
done20 and demonstrates his good intentions in what he had done.21
should be understood as in other places in the Bible, 'I herewith
give', and not 'I gave' in the past tense.22
The author of the Genesis Apocryphon projected the situation described in the
story of Abimelech in ch. 20 onto the Pharaoh story in ch. 12 and transferred the
gifts from the beginning of the account to its end in order to present Pharaoh's
favours and gifts as compensation - and not as dowry, similar to what Cassuto
did. This rearrangement, however, is doubtless a tendentious midrash.
The analogue with the Assyrian law thus concerns and is most pertinent to the
story of Sarah and Abimelech. However, the author of the scroll transferred it to
the story of Sarai and Pharaoh. Nevertheless, it should be admitted that by the
very mention of the oath, the scroll adds an important element to the picture and
further substantiates the analogy with the Assyrian law which Cassuto proposed.
In summary: the connection between the Assyrian law and the biblical account
of Sarah in Abimelech's house, as pointed out by Cassuto, is indeed strengthened
by the version of the Genesis Apocryphon from Qumran though we still do not
know how to connect a practice of the middle of the second millenium BCE with
sources dating 1,500 years later. Do we have here a custom that was prevalent in
a region for such a long period of time? Or perhaps the author of the scroll knew
of the ancient practice of the Mesopotamian region - maybe written Assyrian
laws survived with which he was familiar - and he attributed them to the kings of
Egypt? Moreover, does the biblical narrator indeed assume that besides the
20. DTI? mD3 lit. 'eye-covering', means 'ransom', whose purpose is to atone for guilt. Cf. the
covering of the face of the judge in Job 9.24 done by the evil person: 'he covers the eyes of its
judges' - HDir ;TBS2? ^S. The bride indeed blinds the eyes of a judge (Exod. 23.8; Deut 16.19), i.e.,
covers the eyes of the judges in order that they should not see the guilty one. Cf. also Gen. 32.21:
'I will wipe off his (angry) face' and see Prov. 16.14. In Akkadian as well we
find the expression, 'wipe off the face' —pdna kuppuru. The face and eyes often interchange, and so
also in Akkadian.
The Septuagint translates TOUTCX IOTCCI aoi E'IS TIJJTIV TOU Trpoocoirou aou which has the meaning
of restoring honour to the face of the woman, a meaning found also in Targum Onkelos:
'it is for you a cover of honour'. For the text of theTargum see A. Sperber, The Bible in
Aramaic, I (1959). My student, Galen Marqus, pointed out to me that nyf) also translates *]DD 'money'
(cf. Septuagint to Gen. 44.2:1"Q2? ^DS PN1), and that the Greek translator understood DTI? H1DD as
'face-money' (cf. Tinr) OUMCCTOS - 'blood-money' in Mt. 27.6). According to Liddell-Scott-Jones,
Tinf] also means 'compensation', and if so, the Septuagint has well understood DTI? H1DD as a
present offered in compensation for the wrong which has been done.
21. And see the comments of Rashi and Rashbam.
22. Cf.Gen. 1.29; 9.13; 15.18; 17.20; 23.11; 48.22 etal This form, calledKoinzidenzfaU,mjaXfy
comes with promises of legal character as similarly TirnEB (Gen. 22.16; Jer. 22.5) and TTIDK in
2 Sam. 19.30, which means 'I declare herewith'. On this form in other Semitic languages see recently
W. Mayer, Untersuchungen zur Formenspmche der Babylonischen Gebetsbeschworungen (1976),
pp. 187ff. Rashbam understood TIP] as past tense and was thus forced to assume a reference to a
dowry, like with Pharaoh.
monetary compensation Abimelech gave Abraham, he also made an oath? Such

an oath may be inherent in Abimelech's words to God: 'My heart was blameless
and my hands were clean' (Gen. 20.5). It is difficult to decide the issue. In any
case, both external sources, the Assyrian laws on the one hand, and the Genesis
Apocryphon on the other, shed new light on the story of Sarah and Abimelech.
Part III
THEOLOGY AND IDEOLOGY
Chapter 14
THE COVENANTAL ASPECT OF THE PROMISE OF THE LAND TO ISRAEL
Two types of covenants are found in the Old Testament: the obligatory type
reflected in the covenant of God with Israel and the promissory type reflected in
the Abrahamic and Davidic covenants.1 The nature of the covenant of God with
Israel has been thoroughly investigated and recently clarified by a comparison with
the treaty formulations in the ancient Near East.2 The nature of the Abrahamic-
Davidic covenants, however, is still vague and needs clarification. This chapter
suggests a new way of understanding the character of the Abrahamic-Davidic
covenants by means of a typological and functional comparison with the grant
formulae in the ancient Near East.3
Two types of official judicial documents had been diffused in the Mesopota-
mian cultural sphere from the middle of the second millenium onward: the political
1. See, e.g., D.N. Freedman, 'Divine Commitment and Human Obligation', Interpretation 18
(1964), pp. 419-31, and R.E. Clements, Abraham and David (Studies in Biblical Theology, 2nd,
Series 5; 1967). Cf. Also N. Lohfink, Die Landverheissung als Bid (Stuttgarter Bibelstudien, 28;
1967) and F.C. Fensham, 'Covenant, Promise and Expectation in the Bible', Theologische Zeitschrift
23 (1967), pp. 305-22.
2. Cf. G.E. Mendenhall,' Covenant Forms in Israelite Tradition', Biblical Archaeologist 17(1954),
pp. 5Off.; K. Baltzer, Das Bundesformular (Wissenschaftliche Monographien zum Alten und Neuen
Testament 4; 2nd edn, 1964); D.J. McCarthy, Treaty and Covenant (Analecta Biblica, 2la; 1978);
M.Weinfeld, DDS (1912).
3. A. Poebel, Das Appositionell Bestimmte Pronomen der 1 Pers. Sing. In den westsemitschen
Inschriften und in A.T. (Assyriological Studies 3, 1932). Poebel suggested that the promise to the
Patriarchs bears the character of an oral 'Belehnungsurkunde'. His suggestion was based on the
syntactical function of the phrase 'I am the Lord' preceding the promise of the land. According to his
view, the phrase 'I am the Lord' is a typical opening phrase of royal documents in the ancient Near
East, which has to be connected with and understood as the following: 'I am the one who does so and
so, etc.', and not 'I am the Lord' as an independent phrase of self-introduction. This assumption,
which seems to be correct, is not sufficient to bear out the thesis about the identity of the Abrahamic-
Davidic covenant with the grant. We must, however, give credit to Poebel for his penetrating glance
into the nature of the covenant in Israel, which, although expressed in one sentence, antedated
Mendenhall (see n. 2) by twenty-two years. Cf. his summation of the syntactical discussion, 'Wir
sahen auch, dass in jedem einzelnen Fall die Anwendug der dem Herrscher und Urkundestil
entlehnten Formell durchaus der Situation angemessen war, weil die Verheissung, denNachkommen
der Erzvater das Land Kanaans zu verleihen, gewissermassen eine mundliche Belehnungsurkunde ist
und auch die Bundesschliessung Gottes mit Israel nach der Absicht der Erzahler ahnlich wie der
Abschluss eines Bundnisses zwischen politischen Staaten oder Herrschern unter dem Gesichtspunkt
eines rechtlichen Staatsaktes betrachtet werden soil' (p. 72).
14. The Covenantal Aspect of the Promise of the Land to Israel 201
treaty, which is well known to us from the Hittite empire,4 and the royal grant,
the classical form of which is found in the Babylonian kudurru documents (boun-
dary stones)5 but which also occurs among the Hittites6 in the Syro-Palestine
area7 and in the neo-Assyrian period.8 The structure of both of these types of
documents is similar. Both preserve the same elements: a historical introduction,
border delineations, stipulations, witnesses, blessings, and curses.9 Functionally,
however, there is a vast difference between these two types of documents. While
the 'treaty' constitutes an obligation of the vassal to his master, the suzerain, the
'grant' constitutes an obligation of the master to his servant. In the 'grant', the
curse is directed toward anyone who violates the rights of the king's vassal,10
while in the treaty the curse is directed toward the vassal who violates the rights
of his king. In other words, the 'grant' serves mainly to protect the rights of the
servant, while the treaty protects the rights of the master. In addition, while the
grant is a reward for loyalty and good deeds already performed, the treaty is an
inducement to future loyalty.
The covenant with Abraham and the covenant with David indeed belong to the
grant type and not to the vassal type of document. Like the royal grants in the
ancient Near East, the covenants with Abraham and David were gifts bestowed
upon individuals who excelled in loyally serving their masters. Abraham is prom-
ised the land because he obeyed God and followed his mandate (Gen. 26.5; cf.
22.16,18), and David is given the grace of dynasty because he served God with
truth, righteousness, and loyalty (1 Kgs 3.6; cf. 9.4; 11.4, 6; 14.8; 15.3). The
4. Cf. E. Weidner, Politische Dokumente aus Kleinasien: Die Staatsvertrage in akkadischer

Sprache aus dem Archiv von Boghazkoi, Boghazkoi Studien 8 (1923); J. Friedrich, Staatsvertrage des
HattiReiches in hethitischerSprache, MVAeG^l (1926); 34 (1934).
5. L.W. King, Babylonian Boundary Stones and Memorial Tablets (1912). Cf. also F.X.
Steinmetzer, Die babylonischen Kudurru (Grenzisteine) als Urkundenform (Studien zur Geschichte
und Kultur des Altertuns, 11; 1922).
6. Cf. H. Guterbock, 'Siegel aus Bogazkoy', AfO, Beiheft 5 (1940), especially pp. 47-55, which
deal with the 'Landschenkungsurkunden'; K. Riemschneider, Die hethitischen Landschenkung-
surkunden (Mitteiulungen des Instituts fur Orient-forschung, 6, 1958), pp. 321-81.
7. Cf. the gift-deed of Abban to Yarimlin in D. J. Wiseman, TheAlalah Tablets, no. 1 * (London,
1954), complemented by the tablet ATT/39/84 published by Wiseman in 'Abban and Alalah', JCS12
(1958), pp. 124ff, for which see also: A. Draffkorn, 'Was King Abba-AN of Yamhad a Vizier for the
King of Hattusa?', JCS 13 (1959), pp. 94ff., and the Ugaritic donation texts in PRU2 and 3.
8. Cf. J. Kohler and A. Ungnad, Assyrische Rechtsurkunden, No. 1-30 (1913); J.N. Postgate,
Neo-Assyrian Royal Grants and Decrees (1969).
9. For the structure of the Hittite treaties, cf. V. Korosec, Hethitische Staatsvertrage (1931), and
for the structure of the kudurru documents, cf. F.X. Steinmetzer, Kudurru (No. 5).
10. Cf. the kudurru inscriptions in L.W. King, BBSt (No. 5) and the neo-Assyrian grants in
Kohler-Ungnad, ARu. No. 1-30 (n. 8); J.N. Postgate, Royal Grants (n. 8), No. 1-52. A peculiar threat
occurs in an Old Babylonian grant from Hana, baqir ibaqqaru.,.kupram ammam qaqqassu ikkappar
('whoever challenges the gift, his head will be covered with hot pitch'), in M. Schorr, Urkunden des
altbabylonischen Zivil-und Prozessrechts, VAB 5, No. 219 (1913), pp. 17-24. At times the donor
takes upon himself a conditional self-curse as, for instance, in the grant of Abban, where Abban takes
the following oath: summa sa addinukummi eleqqu = '[may I be cursed] if I take back what I gave
you' (Wiseman, AT [n. 7] 1*, pp. 16-20). For the conditional oath sentences, see W. von Soden,
Grundriss der akkadischen Grammatik (Analecta Orientalia, 33; 1952), 185g,i.
terminology used in this context is indeed very close to that used in the Assyrian
grants. For example, in the grant of Assurbanipal to his servant Baltaya we read:
I am Assurbanipal.. .who does good (epis tabti).. .who always responds graciously1] to
all the officials who serve him and returns kindness to the servant (palihi) who keeps
his royal command, whose heart is devoted [lit., is whole] to his master, served me
[lit., stood before me] with truthfulness, acted perfectly [lit., walked in perfection] in
my palace, grew up with a good name and kept the charge of my kingship. I took
thought of his kindness and I have established his gift...12 Any future prince from
among the kings my sons...do good and kindness to them and their seed. They are
friends and allies (bet tabti, bel deqti) of the king their master.13
The gift comes as a reward for the 'good and kindness' shown by the official
to his master, the king, and is considered itself as 'good and kindness (tabtu
damiqtuy.14
This is very similar in concept to the gifts bestowed upon Abraham and David,
the faithful servants.15 Like the Assyrian king who, prompted by the kindness of
his servant, promises 'good and kindness' (tabtu damiqtu) to his descendants, so
does YHWH to the offspring of Abraham.
Know, therefore, that.. .your God.. .keeps his gracious covenant (IDnm rp*nn ItilD)
to the thousandth generation of those who love him and keep his commandments.
(Deut. 7.9)16
Although this verse is taken from Deuteronomy, which was written relatively
late, its basic formula goes back to the more ancient sources, such as Exod. 20.6
(cf. Deut. 5.10):
The God who does kindness ("FDPI nEJU; cf. epis tabti, above) to the thousandth
generation of those who love me and keep my commandments,
and also,
11. it-ta-nap-pa-lu ina damqati. The reading apalu ('to answer') and not abalu ('lead, direct') is
supported by the vassal treaties of Esarhaddon, 11. 98, 236 (D.J. Wiseman, 'The Vassal Treaties of
Esarhaddon',/ra#20 [1958]) where R. Borger ('Zu den Asarhaddon-VertragenausNimrud',Z4 20
[1961], pp. 177, 182) reads correctly: ina kinate tarsati la ta-ta-nap-pal-su-u-ni ('if you do not
respond with truth'). In a similar context we read in 1 Kgs 12.7:
which means: 'you will respond graciously'; in other words, 'comply with their
requests'. See my article 'The Council of the "Elders" to Rehoboam and Its Implications', Ma 'arav,
A Journal for the Study of the NorthWest Semitic Languages and Literatures 3 (1982), pp. 25-54.
12. For this reading cf. my article 'Covenant Terminology in the Ancient Near East and its Influ-
ence on the West', JAOS 93 (1973), p. 195, n. 77.
13. Postgate, Grants (no. 8) No. 11, pp. 1-13,42^5.
14. tabtu damiqtu is a hendiadys, which denotes covenantal relationship; see my article 'Covenant
Terminology' (n. \2\JAOSK (1973), pp. 191ff.
15. For Abraham and David as Yahweh's servants see Gen. 26.24; Ps. 105.6, 42; 2 Sam. 3.18,
7.5, etc.
16. 'Who love him and keep his commandments' refers to the Patriarchs (like most of the Com-
mentaries, cf. M. Weiss, 'Some Problems of the Biblical "Doctrine of Retribution'", Tarbiz 32
(1963-64), pp. 4ff. (Hebrew) and thus parallels the phrase in the A§§urbanipal grant, 'returns kind-
ness to the reverent who keeps his royal command'.
Who keeps kindness ("IDPl ntf]) to the thousandth generation. (Exod. 34.7)
The kindness (IDPl) of God to David is likewise extended to the future genera-
tions as may be seen from 2 Sam. 7.15 and 22.51; 1 Kgs 3.6 and 8.23; and Ps.
89.34f. Furthermore, as the official of Assurbanipal is called beltdbti beldamiqti
'friend and ally' (lit., 'man of kindness and favour') so are Abraham and David
'the lovers' and 'friends of God'.17
The phrase found in the grant of Assurbanipal, 'who returns kindness to the
reverent (lit., 'the one who fears') who keeps his royal command', which is
parallel to 'keeps/does kindness to those who love me/him and keep my/his
commandments' in the quoted verses, is also found in reference to God's
followers in general. Thus we read in Ps. 103.17-18.
But the kindness of YHWH is from everlasting to everlasting upon them that revere (lit.,
fear) him (TNT) and his righteousness to children's children to those who keep his
covenant flFTHS "HD'2?1?) and remember his commandments (Tips 1'"dTi7l) to do them.18
The phrase tabtasu ahsusma 'I took thought of his kindness' in Assurbanipal's
address to his loyal servant reminds us of God's words to Israel in Jeremiah's
prophecy. 'I took thought of ("f^ TTOT) the kindness (IDH) of your youth...
following me19 in the desert' (Jer. 2.2). The 'kindness' referred to is the one that
Israel did with her God for which she was granted the land (cf. v. 7 and Jer.
31.1 f.). However, unlike the promise to David, where the imagery is taken from
the royal sphere, in Jeremiah the imagery is borrowed from the familial sphere. A
similar typology is actually found in legal documents of a marital nature. For
example, in a gift deed from Elephantine we read, 'I took thought of you..
n
. .and have given it to.. .in affection (DQIIID)20 since she took care of me... '21
The gift by the father is then motivated as in Jeremiah by the devotion of the
donee, his daughter.
God's promises to Abraham and David and their descendants are motivated by
loyal service and are typologically parallel to the 'royal covenantal grants' of the
17. Ibid., and see also Isa. 41.8: ^nniK nn~n». David is called TOP! inPs. 89.20. (Read "[TOPI1?
with manuscripts and versions; the reading "[Tm1? in 4Q Ps. 89 [J.T. Milik, 'Fragment d'une source
du Psautir [4Q Ps. 89] et fragments des Jubiles, de Document de Damas, d'un phylactere dans la
grotte 4 de Qumran', RB 73 [ 1966], p. 99; cf. also E. Lipinski, Le Poeme royal du Ps. 89,1-5, 2-38
[1967], pp. 70ff.] is not original and was influenced - in my opinion - by verse 4a). Compare also
(should perhaps be read as: -pon ETN^) in Deut. 33.8. Here the term is
ascribed to Levi who, like David, was devoted to God and therfore was granted priesthood (see below,
pp. 262-64). The phrase bel tabti bel damiqti equals the Hebrew "TOFT ETN/TOn; cf., e.g., bel dami
with D'DT 2TK in Hebrew. As is the Akkadian bel tabti/damiqti, so the Hebrew IDPI ETK / TOP! is not
a man who is shown kindness but the one who shows kindness, i.e., practices "fDPf and fulfills the
demands of loyalty. Cf. N. Glueck, Hesedin the Bible (1967), pp. 66-69.
18. Compare Ps. 119.63: ynpa HDÎ y&CP -|0R ^ which exactly parallels the Assyrian
phrase dealt with.
19. "HON "['n in Hebrew and alaku arki in Akkadian are legal formulae of the marital and politi-
cal spheres; cf. my 'Covenant Terminology'JAOS 90 (1973), p. 196, n. 83.
20. Cf. the discussion of the term in Y. Muffs, Studies in the Aramaic Legal papyri from
Elephantine (Leiden, 1969), pp. 40ff., 132f.
21. E.G. Kraeling, The Brooklyn Museum Aramaic Papyri, No. 9 (1953), pp. 16-17.
Hittites and Assyrians. Also, as will be shown, the analogy goes even further.
Hittite and Assyrian grants are similar to God's covenants with Abraham and
David even in their formulation of the commitment to keep the promise to the
descendants of the loyal servants.
A Hittite grant typologically similar to the grant of dynasty to David is the
decree of Hattusili concerning Middannamuwa, his chief scribe.
Middannamuwa was a man of grace (kanissanza UKU-0s)22 to my father...and my brother
Muwatalli was kindly disposed to him, promoted him (kanesta...para huittiyai)23 and
gave him Hattusa. My grace (assul) was also shown to him.. .1 committed myself for (ser
memiyahhaf) the sons of Middannamuwa... and you will keep (pahhasdumat)...and so
shall the sons of my son and the grandsons of my son keep. And as my son, Hattusili, and
Puduhepa, the great queen, were kindly disposed (kanestd) towards the sons of Middan-
namuwa so shall be my sons and grandsons...And they shall not abandon the grace
(assulan anda le daliyanzi) of my son. The grace and their positions shall not be removed
(ueh-).24
Like Hebrew "IDn/rQlft, Akkadian tabtu/damiqtu, and the Aramaic HUB, the
Hittite assul and kannesuwar connote kindness and covenantal relationship.25 As
in the case of David, in the Hittite grant the promise is to be 'kept'26 to the future
generations of the devoted servant, i.e., 'the man of grace'.27 The most striking
parallel to the promise to David is the last sentence: 'they shall not abandon the
grace.. .their position shall not be removed'. The language (anda) dally a, equiva-
lent to the Akkadian ezebu and the Hebrew DTU, which is often employed in con-
nection with HftKI "IDnnon, and weh ('turn away', remove) is equivalent to the
Hebrew "T1D, which appears in 2 Sam. 7 in a phrase similar to that of the Hittite
grant IDEE "IID"1 K1? "HDID - 'and my grace shall not turn away from him' (v. 15).
The formulations concerning the promises to Abraham and David are overlap-
ping. Thus we read in Gen. 26.4-5, 'I will give to your descendants all these
lands...inasmuch as Abraham obeyed me C^pH UEEJ)28 and kept my charge
""1E2F1), my commandments, my rules and my teachings',29 a verse
22. For clarification of this term, cf. A. Goetze, Hattusilis (MVAeG 29/3,1924,1925), pp. 64-65.
23. The verbs in question correspond to HCD] and "JtZJD in Hebrew (kaniniya = Akk. kanasu = Hebr.
and huittiya = Akk. ladadu = Hebr. -|BD), both employed with "fDH: "fDH HCD] (Gen. 39.21),
(Jer. 31.3, Ps. 36.11; 109.12). Goetze (ibid.) related kanessuwar to remarasu in Akkadian
and correctly remarked that the object corresponding to remu in Hittite gradually became superfluous
since it had been implied in the verb itself. The same equation has to be made, in my opinion, in
regard to the Hebrew
24. A. Goetze, Hattusilis (MVAeG 29/3, 1925), pp. 40-44; (Kbo 4, 12).
25. assul = SILIM -ul (SILIM = salimum). kanessuwar is synonymous with assul; see Goetze,
Hattusilis (no. 24), pp. 64-65.
26. pahs = Akk. nasaru = Hebr. lltt / "IDE, verbs employed in connection with keeping the
promise.
27. It occurs to me that kaneissanza UKU-os is equivalent to the Hebrew TDH ETK and the
Akkadian bel tabti/damiqti appearing frequently in the context of grants.
28. Cf. in the Amarna letters, amur arda sa isme ana sarri belisu (behold, the servant who obeys
the king, his Lord) (EA 174, 48f.).
29. This verse is not necessarily Deuteronomic; ÎpD UDIZ?, along with other terms expressing
obedience, is very frequent in the Deuteronomic literature, which stresses loyalty to the covenant, but
preserving verbally the notion of keeping guard or charge (issur massarti) found
in the Assyrian text. The notion of' serving perfectly' found in the Assyrian grants
is also verbally paralleled in the Patriarchal and Davidic traditions. Thus, the faith-
fulness of the Patriarchs is expressed by 'walk(ed) before me'
Gen. 24.40; 48.15 = JE; 17.1 = P), which is equivalent to the expression ina
mahriya ittalak/izziz in the Assyrian grant. The P source adds to ^87 "j'nnn the
phrase D^DH iTiTl (Gen. 17.1), which conveys the idea of perfect or loyal service
expressed in the Assyrian document by (ittalak) salmis.3Q According to P, not
only Abraham but also Noah was rewarded by God (Gen. 9.1-17) for his loyalty,
which is expressed by the very phrase used to describe Abraham's devotion:
6.6,9).31
David's loyalty to God is couched in phrases that are closer to the neo-
Assyrian grant terminology. Thus the terms 'who walked before you in truth,
loyalty32 and uprightness of heart'
(1 Kings 3.3,6); 'walked after me with all his heart IID^ tannriK^n (14.8);
and 'a whole heart (like the heart of David)' (111 rD^D) D^ nb (15.3)33 are the
counterparts of the Assyrian terms 'with his whole heart' libbasu gummuru; 'stood
before me in truth' ina mahriya ina kindti izizuma;34 and 'walked with loyalty
this does not mean that the terms were coined by the Deuteronomic school. The combination of
rmim D'pn ('laws and teachings') is never found in the Deuteronomic literature. Deuteronomy
always uses Torah in the singular and usually with the definite article minn ('the law'). On the other
hand, this combination is attested to in JE (Exod. 18.16,20). The origin of mQBD "IDG2 is not Deuter-
onomic; see my DDS (n. 2), Appendix A.
30. Cf. Mai. 2.6 - T1K "[^ Tier031 Glto - which means 'he served me with integrity and
equity'; see Y. Muffs, Aramaic Papyri (No. 20), pp. 203-204 (following H.L. Ginsberg). This phrase
occurs in connection with the grant of priesthood to Levi (see below). For the interpretation ofittalaku
salmis as 'served with integrity' and not as Kohler-Ungnad translates - 'in good or peaceful condition
(wohlbehalten)' - see Y. Muffs, ibid, p. 203. alaku/atalluku salmis is equivalent to DfD ""[^H ('walk
with integrity') (Prov. lOândtom^DfD "['nnn, which in Ps. 101.2 in connected with
(within my house/palace).
31. However, in contradistinction to the JE source, where the loyalty of the Patriarchs is a matter
of the past, in the priestly source it is anticipated.
32. nplU here means loyalty and faithfulness, as does plU in a similar context in the Panamuwa
inscriptions (KAI215.19; 216.4-7; 218.4), where ^
has to be understood as: 'because of my father's and my own loyalty, the king has established me on
the throne of my father'. Virtually the same idea is expressed in 1 Kgs 3.6: 'You have done grace
with your servant David my father as he walked before you in truth, loyalty and uprightness of heart
and you kept your grace (promise) and gave him a son to sit upon his throne as at present'.
33. Cf. Also 2 Kgs 20.3.
34. As in Hebrew "DS^ "j^n / "J^nnn, so also in Akkadian inapdni alaku/atalluku is similar in
connotation to ^S1? "TQU= inapdni uzzuzu, but the latter seems to have a more concrete meaning -
praying, interceding, worshipping and serving - whereas the former is more abstract. Cf. Jer. 18.20.
For discussion of these terms, cf. F. Noetscher, 'Das Angesicht Gottes schauen', nach biblischer
und babylonischer Auffassung (Wtirzburg, 1924), pp. 83ff., 112f. A phrase identical with "f^H
np-Tiin...'US'? may be found in the Hittite A-NA PA-NIDINGIR, MESpara handandatar iya- (cf.
A. Goetze, Hattusilis (No. 22) 1.48, MVAeG 29/3 (1924), p. 10, and his note on pp. 52-55 there),
which means, 'to walk before the gods with righteousness/loyalty', handai is equivalent to the
(perfection)' ittalaku salmis, which come to describe the loyal service as a

reward for which the gift was bestowed.35
In the grants from Ugarit the loyalty of the donee is expressed by terms such
as 'he exerts himself very, very much for the king his lord'.36 Similarly, in a deed
from Susa conveying a gift from a husband to a wife we read, 'it is given her as a
gift because she took care of him and worked hard for him'.37 The same
motivation occurs in a deed from Elephantine quoted above: 'I took thought of
you (TD^ nnÎ?) during my lifetime and have given you part of my house... I
Anani have given it to Yehojisma my daughter in affection since she took care of
me (supported me) pntaD ^ ^p1?) when I was old in years and unable to take
care of myself ,38 The verb anahu, expressing the exertion of the vassal to his
Akkadian kunnu, and handandatar is rendered by NIG.SI.SA-tar (NIG.SI.SA = misarum\ which also
supports our analogy. Instances of para handandatar in which the gods show para handandatar in
distress, war, etc. (cf. Goetze, Hattusilis (No. 22) 1.45; 2.15,45; 3.18,23) might be put in the proper
light by the biblical np"TJS, which also connotes salvation. For the saving acts of God by means of
np"7U, see, e.g., Ps. 31.2; 71.2; 143.11;para handandatar is revealed by the gods (A. Goetze, Die
Annalen des Mursilis, MVAeG 38 [1933], p. 46.15), and the same is said about God in Israel in Isa.
56.1 and Ps. 98.2. Even the phrase in the introduction to the Apology of Hattusili, SA dIStarpara
handandatar memahhi (1. 5), may be better understood on the basis of biblical parallels. Reciting or
telling God's nplJf is very common in the Old Testament and is clearly attested in the ancient poem
ofJudg. 5(v. 11).
As in the Assyrian documents, in Hittite the idiom 'to talk in righteousness/loyalty before RN', in
the sense of serving locally, is attested in the treaties (cf. A. Kempinski and S. Kosak, 'The Ismeriga-
Vertrag', Die Welt des Orients 5 [1970], p. 192.13). The idiom seems to have been rooted in the royal
sphere and then projected onto the divine realm.
3 5. The close affinities to the neo-Assyrian phraseology in these verses may be understood in light
of an identical chronological and cultural background. All of these verses appear in a Deuteronomic
context, which means that they were styled in the seventh century, a period in which the above-
mentioned documents were written. On the affinities of the Deuteronomic literature to the neo-
Assyrian literary tradition, see my DOS (n. 2) (1972).
36. Ana sarri belisu anih dannis dannisma, PRU3,14.27-30; cf. ana sarri anih/itanah, PRU3,
84.24; 141.29; 108.16; 110.7. Cf. the Barrakib inscription, ^D 3D ^D[J7] nK JVm ('and my father's
house exerted itself more than anybody else', KAI216.7-8), which occurs in a passage expressing the
loyalty of Barrakib to Tiglath-Pileser (see above, n. 32). Two different interpretations have been given
to the phrase *?3 3D ^Dp] "38 rrm, but neither of these is satisfactory. F. Rosenthal (ANET2, p.
501), following H.L. Ginsberg (Studies in Koheleth [1950], p. 3, n. 2a) translates, 'the house of my
father has profited more than anybody else', but this does not fit the immediate context, which is
concerned with loyalty to Tiglath-Pileser. The same argument applies to B. Landsberger's translation,
'the house of my father was more miserable than any body else' (Sam 'al, Studien zur Entdeckung der
Ruinenstdtte Karatepe [1948], p. 71), which is diametrically opposed to Rosenthal's translations.
Besides, Landsberger's translation is contradicted by the Panammuwa inscription (&4/214.9), a fact
of which Landsberger was aware (ibid, No. 187). Donner's translations, which we have adopted, is the
most satisfactory and is now supported by the Akkadian parallels. It seems that *?DJ7 is the semantic
equivalent ofanahu. Similarly manahatu means 'results of toil', as does the Hebrew noun *?DI7; for the
Hebrew ^Qi: in this sense, cf. H.L. Ginsberg, Qohelet (1961), pp. 13-15 (Hebrew).
37. assum ittisu mahu dulla ill[ika] nadissi qis[ti], MDP 24,379;7f; for an analysis of this docu-
ment, see J. Klima, 'UntersuchungenzumelamischenErbrecht',^rc/z/v Orientalnil& (1960),p. 39.
38. E. Kraeling, The Brooklyn Museum Aramaic Papyri (No. 21) (1953), p. 9.16-17.
lord and the wife to her husband, actually means to toil, to suffer, but in our
context they denote exertion and devotion. The notion of exertion is sometimes
completed by the verb marasu ('to be sick'), as, for instance, in a letter from El-
Amarna where the vassal says, 'behold I exerted myself to guard the land of the
king (etanhu ana nasar mat sarri) and I am very sick' (marsdku dannis).39 In fact,
the verb marasu in Akkadian has also the meaning of 'to care for', as does the
Hebrew n'Tf.40 Held pointed out the correspondence of the Hebrew ^DD to the
Ugaritic zbl ('to be sick').41 The same correspondence exists between the expres-
sions anahu and marasu on the figurative level. The notion of exerting oneself
for the suzerain is also expressed in the Akkadian inscription of Idrimi, the king
of Alalah, in the middle of the second millennium BCE.42 'I sent a messenger to
the lord and told him about the exertion of my forefathers (adbub manahate sa
abuteyd) for them.. .and they had made a sworn valid alliance (mdmitu) with me.
On the account of our vassal service (exertion, manahate) he received my tribute
(sulmu)...l made many offerings'43 (11. 41-55).
In light of all this, we may properly understand Psalm 132.1
imUU which the Septuagint and the Syriac misunderstood by reading 'anwato
('his humility'), which does not fit the context. In line with what we have seen
above, it has to be understood as 'his submissiveness44 or devotion'. To introduce
God's promise to David, the psalmist depicts the devotion of David to God,
which found expression in his deep concern for the ark. This is what is meant by
the opening prayer, 'Remember to David all his submissiveness'.45 ^ "DT here is
the semantic equivalent of ^ rWE in the quoted Aramaic gift deed, which means
'to take favorable thought'.46 The Akkadian hasdsu, the equivalent of the Hebrew
"IDT,47 likewise means 'to think about' or 'to consider'48 and, in fact, occurs in
39. EA 306.19-21.
40. Cf. especially 1 Sam. 22.8 - "• bu DDQ n'n ]'N1 ('and nobody cares about me') - in the con-
text of loyalty to the king. Cf. also Amos 6.6, «)DV -DE ^ I^Tf] 8^1 ('They do not care about the
breach of Joseph'), and Jer. 22.13,1 "TUT tih I1?!"!] Tl^p D'HIpl D'CDFl 1IT1T ('They have sown wheat
and have reaped thorns, they exerted themselves but did not profit').
41. M. Held, 'The Root ZBL/SBL in Akkadian, Ugaritic and Biblical Hebrew' (Speiser Memorial
Volume), JAOS 88 (1968), p. 93.
42. Cf. E.L. Greenstein and D. Marcus, 'The Akkadian Inscription of Idrimi', The Journal of the
Ancient Near Eastern Society of Columbia University 8 (1976), pp. 59-96.
43. The reference to the covenant with the ancestors of the suzerain and the sending of gifts to
him was a stereotype in the oath of the vassals; see my 'Initiation of Political Friendship in Ebla', in
H. Hauptmann and H. Waetzoldt (eds.), Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft von Ebla (Heidelberger Studien
zum Alten Orient, 2, 1988), pp. 345-^8.
44. Cf. HTU nmK DDK Din ('I subjugated mighty countries') in the Azittawada inscription (KAI
26.18); cf. the Mesha inscription (£4/181.5) and Exod. 10.3: "3BD HDI?1? HDK& T1D "71?, which has to
be rendered, 'how long will you refuse to surrender before me'. Cf. also Gen. 15.13; 16.6; Exod.
1.11; Num. 24.24; 2 Sam. 7.10; 1 Kgs 11.39; Nah. 1.12.
45. The notion that the promise of dynasty to David is to be seen as a reward for his devotion
seems to lie behind the juxtaposition of 2 Sam. 6-7.
46. Cf. H.L. Ginsberg, 'Lexicographical Notes', Hebrdische Wortforschung: Festschrift W.
Baumgartner (Suppl. F715, 1967), pp. 81-82.
47. See, e.g., EA 228.18-19: lihsusmi glossed byyazkurmi; cf. M. Held,'Studies in Comparative
this sense in the neo-Assyrian grant quoted above. After describing the loyalty of
his servant, upon whom he bestows the grant, the Assyrian emperor says, tabtasu
ahsusma ukin si-ri-[ik]-su49 (I took thought of his kindness and established his
gi[ft])'. The establishing of God's grant to the Patriarchs is expressed by
which is the semantic equivalent ofttkm in the Assyrian grant.50
David's exertion, for which he was granted dynasty, is expressed in Psalm 132
by i"[]U, which corresponds to the discussed anahu, marasu and ^DU.51
In the Deuteronomic historiography, however, David's devotion is expressed,
as in the neo-Assyrian grants,52 in a more abstract way - 'walking in truth', 'acting
with wholeheartedness and integrity', etc. The phraseological correspondence
between the Deuteronomic literature and the neo-Assyrian documents is very
salient in the description of the benevolence of God toward the Patriarchs and
toward David. Thus the Assyrian king, before announcing the grant, says, 'I am
the king...who returns kindness to the one who serves in obedience (lit., to the
reverential) and (to the one who) guards the royal command'.53 This phrase is close
to the biblical phrase, 'the God.. .who keeps his gracious promise (IDPim rTHDn)
to those who are loyal to him (lit., who love him) and guard his commandments'
(Deut. 7.9-12), which appears in connection with the fulfillment of God's promise
to the Patriarchs. A similar phrase occurs in the context of the promise of dynasty
to David: 'who keeps his gracious promise (IDPim rP""On) to your servants who
serve you wholeheartedly' (tzh tan JDB^ D^nn, 1 Kgs 8.23; cf. 3.6). The
grant par excellence is an act of royal benevolence arising from the king's desire
to reward his loyal servant.54 It is no wonder, then, that the gift of the land to
Abraham and the assurance of dynasty to David were formulated in the style of
grants to outstanding servants.
The grant and the treaty alike are named JTHD, a word which conveys the gen-
eral idea of an obligation involving two parties, similar to riksu in Akkadian and
ishiul in Hittite. However, in the more developed and therefore more reflective
stage of Deuteronomy one can find a distinction between the term for grant and
the term for treaty. As we have seen, the Deuteronomic sources refer to the
Abrahamic and Davidic covenants as "TDPim JTHDn ('the gracious covenant'), in
Semite Lexicography', Studies in Honor ofB. Landsberger on his Seventy-Fifth Birthday (Assyri-
ological Studies, 15; 1965), p. 399. On the root zkr cf. P.A.H. de Boer, Gedenken und Geddchtnis
in der Welt des A.T. (1962); B.S. Childs, Memory and Tradition in Israel (1962); W. Schottroff.,
'Gedenken' im Alien Orient und im Allen Testament (1967).
48. See Y. Muffs, Aramaic Papyri (No. 20), p. 134.
49. Seen. 12.
50. Compare the Latin foedus firmare ('to establish a pact'), cf. J.J. Rabinowitz, Jewish Law
(1956), pp. 1-2.
51. See n. 36. For the correspondence of to to H3I7, see Gen. 41.51-52; Deut. 26.7, etc.
52. See n. 34 above.
53. anapalihi nasir amat sarrutisu utirru gimilli dumqi, Postgate, Royal Grants (n. 8), numbers
9-11.
54. Cf. F. Thureau-Dangin, 'Un acte de donation', RA 16 (1919), p. 118: 'Ces titres de propriete
sont generalement des actes royaux de donation dont le beneficiare est, soit un enfant de roi, soit un
pretre temple, soit quelque serviteur que le roi veut recompensed.
contradistinction to the covenants of Sinai and the Plains of Moab, which

referred to rT"D only.
The Unconditional Gift. Although the grant to Abraham and David is close in its
formulation to the neo-Assyrian grants and therefore might be late, the promises
themselves are much older and reflect the Hittite pattern of the grant. 'Land' and
'house' (dynasty), the objects of the Abrahamic and Davidic covenants, respec-
tively, are indeed the most prominent gifts of the suzerain in the Hittite and Syro-
Palestinian political reality, and like the Hittite grants, the grant of 'land' to
Abraham and the grant of 'house' to David are unconditional. Thus we read in
the pact55 of Hattusili III (or Thudhalya IV) with Ulmi-Tesup of Tarhuntassa.56
'After you, your son and grandson will possess it, nobody will take it away from
them. If one of your descendents sins (wastai-) the king will prosecute him at his
court. Then when he is found guilty...if he deserves death he will die. But
nobody will take away from the descendents of Ulmi-Tesup either his house or
his land in order to give it to a descendent of somebody else'.57 In a similar
manner Mursili II reinforces the right of Kupanta-Kal to the 'house and the land
in spite of his father's sins'.58 A similar wording occurs in the royal decree of
Tudhaliya IV and Puduhepa for the descendants of Sahurnuvas, a Hittite high
official, where we read:59 'Nobody in the future shall take away60 this house from
55. In fact, this document can also be considered as a grant and, according to V. Korosec
('Eininge juristische Bemerkungen zur Sahurunuva-Urkunde', MunchenerBeitrdge zurPapyrusfor-
schung undantiken Rechtsgeschichte 35 [1945], p. 221, No. 5), is something between a grant and a
treaty. Cf. also E. von Schuler, 'Staasvertrage und Dokumente hethitischen Rechts', Historia,
Einzelschriften 7 (1964), p. 40.
56. KBo 4.10, obv. 8-14; cf. the treaty with Tarhuntassa between Thudhalya IV and Kurunta,
written on a bronze tablet and edited by H. Otten, Die Bronzetafel aus Bogazkoy (Studien zu den
Bogazkoy-Texten Beiheft, 1; 1988), Par. 20. The connection between this treaty and the Davidic
covenant has been seen by R. de Vaux, 'Le roi d'Israel, vassal de Yahve', Melanges E. Tisserant 1
(1964), pp. 119-33.
57. Cf. (KBo 4.10), Rev. 21ff: 'Now as for what I, the sun, have given to Ulmi-Tesup... I have
engraved on an iron tablet and in future no one shall take it away from any descendant of Ulmi-
Tesup, nor shall any one litigate with him about it; the king shall not take it, but [it shall belong] to
his son. To another man's descendant they shall not give it'. It seems that this iron tablet was the
original gift-deed.
58. J. Friedrich, MVAeG 31 (No. 4) (1926), No. 3.7-8 (pp. 112-15), 21-22 (pp. 134-37).
59. KUB 26,43 and 50. Cf. V. Korosec, 'Einige juristische Bemerkungen' (see n. 55) for analysis
of this document.
60. ziladuuwa arha le kuiski dai; cf. the same formula in KBo 4.10, obv. 11. Cf. urram serram
mamman la ileqqe istu qati PN in the grants from Ugarit written in Akkadian (PRU 3 passim), and
shr. 'lint bns bnsm (or mnk mnkm - whoever you are) I'yqhnn. bd PN in the Ugaritic version of the
grants. Compare the conveyance formula from Elephantine,
('on a future day I will not take it away from you in order to give it to the others').
(A.E. Cowley, The Aramaic Papyri of the Fifth Century B.C. (1923), pp. 7.18-19. On the
correspondence between urram serram and "TO DV IN iriD, see J.J. Rabinowitz, Jewish Law (No.
48) (1956), p. 161. The Hebrew "TO and therefore ]l"in« DV also mean future; cf. Gen. 30.33; Exod.
13.14; Deut. 6.20; Josh. 4.6, 21; 22.24, 27 for HHO, and Isa. 30.8 for jlinw DV. Cf. also the neo-
U-manava (or Tesup-manava), her children, her grandchildren and her offspring.
When anyone of the descendents of U-manava provokes the anger of the
king.. .whether he is to be forgiven61 or whether he is to be killed, one will treat
him according to the wish of his master but his house they will not take away and
they will not give it to somebody else'.62
A striking parallel to these documents is found in a will of Nuzi,63 where it
says: 'Tablet of Zigi.. .in favour of his wife and his sons... All my lands.. .to my
wife Zilipkiashe have been given.. .and Zilipkiashe shall be made parent of the
sons.64 As long as Zilipkiashe is alive the sons of Zigi shall serve/respect her
(ipallahsunuti).^ When Zilipkiashe dies the sons of Zigi shall receive their
inheritance portions, each according to his allotment.66 Whoever among my sons
will not obey Zilipkiashe, Zilipkiashe shall put him in the house of detention],67
their mark (on the head) shall be applied to him and (they) will be put in (their)
fetters,68 but (their) right shall not be annulled69.. .and Zilipkiashe shall not give
away anything to strangers'.
Assyrian formula ina serta ina lidis ('some time in the future'); see Y. Muffs, Aramaic Papyri (No.
20), pp. 206-207.
61. duddunu means 'to forgive'; cf. A. Goetze, 'Critical Reviews ofKBo 14 (by H.G. Guterbock)',
JCS 18 (1964), p. 93. Cf. also F. Imparati, 'Conassione de Terre', RHA 32 (1974), pp. 96ff.
62. Cf. the Abban deed from Alalah, ana sanim ul inaddin ('he shall not give it to any one else',
DJ. Wiseman, 'Abban and Alalah', JCS 12 [1958] p. 1.63), and the Nuzi deed mimma ana nakari la
inandin ('she shall not give anything [from the inheritance] to strangers', HSS 5 73.27-28). Compare
the deed from Elephantine quoted above (No. 60): ]"in^^ irftcb ('to give it to the others').
63. Excavations at Nuzi I, HSS 5 73.1-28; cf. E.A. Speiser, 'New Kirkuk Documents', AASOR
10, No. 20 (1930), pp. 51-52.
64. Read a-na a-bu-ti sa mare iteppus (11. 10-11), with P. Koschaker, 'Review of Scheil, MDP
XXIF, OLZ35 (1932), pp. 399f.
65. ipallahsunuti has to be translated as 'she shall respect them', but as Speiser pointed out (see.,
e.g., Introduction to Hurrian, AASOR 20 [1941], pp. 206f.) this grammatical confusion is
characteristic of the Hurrian scribes (cf. also Speiser, 'A Significant New Will from Nuzi', JCS 17
[1963], p. 66 to 11. 2If).
66. u maru sa Zigi attamannu kiemuqisu zitta ileqqu (lit., 'and the sons of Zigi, whoever you are,
shall receive his inheritance portion according to his allotment', attamannu here is the equivalent of
the Ugaritic mnk (mn + ka) quoted in n. 58. Cf. the Canaanite and Aramaic inscriptions: KAI 13.3
(TirWD), 225.5 (HMD), 259.2 (TWT 301), and Zech. 4.7: -\VTth tamT ^*b "TITH HH nnK '0
('whoever you are big mountain before Zerubbabel, you will become a plain').
67. ina bit nu-\pa-ri] inandin; cf. E. Cassin, 'Nouvelles donnees sur les relations familiales a
Nuzi', RA 57 (1963), p. 116, and M. Burrows and E.A. Speiser (eds.), One Hundred New Selected
Nuzi Texts, AASOR 16 (1935-36) (1936), p. 3, line 40: ina (bit) nupari ittadanni; p. 12, line 12: bit
nupari; nuparu occurs in parallel with bit kill m texts from Nuzi; see E. Cassin, 'Nouvelles donnees',
RA 57 (1963), p. 116.
68. abbutasunu umassarsu u ina kursisunu (G\R.-su-nu) isakkan. On the meaning ofabbutu in this
context, see E. Cassin, 'Nouvelles donnees', RA 57 (1963), p. 116; E. Cassin, 'Pouvoir de la femme et
structures familiales', RA 63 (1969), pp. 133f.; E. Speiser, 'New Will from Nuzi' (n. 65), JCS 17
(1963), pp. 65ff.
69. kirbana la iheppe (lit. 'lump [clod] of earth [symbolizing tablet of rights] will not be broken');
cf. E. Cassin, 'L'influence babylonienne a Nuzi', JESHO 5 (1962), p. 133; M. Malul, Studies in
Mesopotamian Legal Symbolism, AOAT (1988), pp. 80ff.
The same concept lies behind the promise of the house to David and his
descendants in 2 Sam. 7.8-16 where we read: 'I will establish the throne of his
kingdom forever, I will be his father and he shall be my son, when he sins I will
chastise him with the rod of men and with human afflictions but my grace will
not be removed...your house and your kingdom will be steadfast before me
forever, your throne shall be established forever'. The phrase 'I will be his father
and he shall be my son' is an adoption formula70 and actually serves as the judi-
cial basis for the gift of the eternal dynasty. This comes to the fore in Psalms 2
where we read, 'he (God) said to me: you are my son, this day71 have I begotten
you. Ask me and I will give you nations for your patrimony and the ends of the
earth for your possession' (w. 7-8).
Similarly we read in Psalm 89:72 'I have found David my servant.. .with whom
my hand shall be established, my arm shall hold hin
73
.. .1 will smash his adversaries before him and will defeat his enemies...
he will call me 'you are my father'74 my God.. .and I will make him as my first
born, the highest of the earthly kings. I will keep my grace forever and my cove-
nant shall endure for him. Should his children forsake my law and will not follow
my decrees.. .1 will punish their rebellion with the rod and their sin with afflic-
tions. But I will never annul my grace with him and shall not betray my pact
75
(with him). I will not profane my covenant and alter what
came out of my lips'.
'House' (dynasty), land, and peoples are then given to David as a fief, and as
was the rule in the second millennium this gift could be legitimized only by
70. Cf. C. Kuhl, 'NeueDokumentezumVerstadnis vonHos. 2.4-15', ZW52 (1934),pp. 102ff.

71. hywm ('this day') indicates the formal initiation of a legal contract; cf. Ruth 4.9-10,14; Gen.
25.31,33; see G.M. Tucker, 'Witnesses and "Dates" in Israelite Contracts', CBQ 28 (1966), pp. 42-
45. Compare S.E. Loewenstamm, 'The Formula me 'atta we'ad 'olam\ Comparative Studies in
Biblical and Ancient Oriental Literatures (AOAT, 204, 1980), pp. 166ff., for the formula istu umi
anmm (from today) in the Akkadian documents from Alalah and Ugarit.
72. On the relationship of this Psalm to Nathan's oracle, see N.M. Sarna, 'Psalm 89: A Study in
Inner Biblical Exegesis', in A. Altman, ed., Biblical and other Studies (Philip W. Lown Institute of
Advanced Judaic Studies, Brandeis University, 1963), pp. 29^6.
73. pin and fDK, verbs connoting strength (cf. the pair pin and fQNI), when intensified by
Hiph'il or Pi'el, express the concept of keeping and holding; cf. Ps. 80.18 -
('May your hand be on the man at your right, upon the man you held with
you'); cf. also Isa. 41.10 - "pin ]"Dl|n jmil? *)K "pnSDK ('I have taken hold of you and helped
you. I kept you with my victorious right hand'). For an understanding of j*DN in Ps. 80.18 and Isa.
41.101 am indebted to the late Professor H.L. Ginsberg.
74. Cf. Jer. 3.4, 19, and see below.
75. Cf. Sefire, p. 3, line 7-3^ KHID DHlpO ('You will have been false to this treaty'); see
W. Moran, 'Recensiones, G.W. Ahlstrom, Psalm 89', Biblica 42 (1961), p. 239. HTON here and in v.
50 has the same meaning as mDK in Neh. 10.1 (cf. J.C. Greenfield, 'Stylistic Aspects of the Sefire
Treaty Inscriptions', Acta Orientalia 29 [1965], p. 8). rttlDN in 2 Kgs 12.16 and 22.7 also, in my
opinion, means pact or contract, and the reason for not calling to account the people in charge of the
work was that they were bound by the oath to deal honestly. On the loyalty oath of craftsmen, see
D.B. Weisberg, Guild Structure and Political Allegiance in Early Achaemenid Mesopotamia (1967).
adoption.76 That this is really the case here may be learned from the treaty between
Supilluliuma and Mattiwaza.77 Mattiwaza (or Kurtiwaza), in describing how he
established relations with Suppiluliuma, says: '(The great king) grasped me with
[his ha]nd.. .and said: when I will conquer the land of Mittanni I shall not reject
you, I shall make you my son,781 will stand by (to help in war) and will make
you sit on the throne of your father.. .the word which comes out of his mouth will
not turn back'.79 A similar adoption imagery is to be found in the bilingual of
Hattusili I.80 In this document, which actually constitutes a testament, we read.81
'Behold, I declared for you the young Labarna: He shall sit on the throne, I, the
king called him my son';82 'he is for you the offspring of my Sun' (he is for you
the offspring of his majesty).83 On the other hand, when he speaks of his rejected
daughter he says, 'She did not call me father, I did not call her "my daughter",'84
which reminds us of Ps. 89.27: 'He will say to me: "you are my father...and I
will appoint (]HD) him as my first born"' (compare Jer. 3.4, 19).
Hattusili I himself is similarly described as adopted and legitimized by the sun
goddess of Arinna: 'She put him into her bosom, grasped his hand and ran (in
battle) before him'.85 According to Psalm 89, David is also grasped and held by
God's hand, as a result of which he succeeds in the battles with his enemies (w.
22-26).86 If the emendation of Ps. 2.7 is correct, then the idea of the heir placed
76. Cf., e.g., Yarimlim of Alalah, who is named son of Abban (see Wiseman, A T444a, [n. 7] seal
impression) but actually was the son of Hammurabi (471.9; cf. *444b). According to A. Alt, 'Bemer-
kungen zu den Verwaltungs-und Rechtsurkunden von Ugarit und Alalach', Die Welt des Orients,
Band 3, Heft 1-2 (1964), pp. 14ff., Abban adopted Yarimlim in order to create the legal basis for
installing him as king of Haleb.
77. Weidner, Politische Dokumente (No. 4), No. 2,11. 24ff. (pp. 40-41).
78. ana marutija eppuskami. ana maruti epesu means to adopt as a son; cf. E.A. Speiser, 'New
Kirkuk Documents Relating to Family Laws', AASOR 10 (1930), pp. 7ff. Cf. also below.
79. amatu sa inapisu ussa ana kutallisu ul itar.
80. F. Sommer and A. Falkenstein, Die hethitisch-akkadische Bilingue des Hattusili I (Labarna
II), Abhandlungen der bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Phil.-hist. Abt. N.F. 16 (1938).
81. u a-nu-um-ma TUR-aw la-ba-ar-na [aq-b\i-a-ak-ku-nu-si-im su-u li-it-ta-sa-ab-mi LUGAL-
ru [af]-si-su-ma DUMU (l)-am (in Hittite, [nu-us-ma-as TUR-la-an] la-ba- ar-na-an te-nu-un [a-pa-
a-as-ua-as-sa-an e-sa-ru LUGAL-sa-an-za] DUMU-la-ma- an hal-z-ih-hu-un (1/2; 2-4). The
Akkadian qabu is equivalent to the Hittite te and the Hebrew "IDK. In this context they have the same
connotation as ^K "IQK in Ps. 2.7, 'proclaim' or 'declare'. The newly appointed king is not the real
son of Hattusili, but the son of his sister, who is being adopted.
82. Compare 1/2.37: 'Behold, Mursili is now my son'.
83. 2.44: NUMUN dUTUsl .KU .NU. Compare the Akkadian ana maruti nadanu in the sense of
adopting; see S.M. Paul, 'Adoption Formulae', EretzIsrael 14, H.L Ginsberg Volume (1978), p. 32
(Hebrew).
84. 3.24-25.
85. anasunisu iskunsu u qassu isbatsu, inapanisu irtupalakam, KBo 10,1 w. 13-14 (cf. H. Often,
'Keilschrifttexte', MDOG 91 [1958], p. 79 and A. Goetze, 'Review of KBo X', JCS 16 [1962],
p. 125). For the corresponding Hittite restoration (KBo 10,2 Vs. 1.28-30), see H.A. Hoffher, 'Birth
and Name-Giving in Hittite Texts', JNES 27 (1968), p. 201 n. 27.
86. According to H.L. Ginsberg (private communication), Isa. 41.9ff., which also deals with
grasping the hand and helping against enemies, refers to the election of Abraham (cf. end of v. 8),
into the bosom of his adoptant also occurs in connection with David.87 It is also
not without significance that the promise of Supilluliuma to Kurtiwaza, as well as
God's promise to David (v. 35), are accompanied by the declaration that the
suzerain will not alter his word. Psalms 132.12 also says that 'the lord swore to
David in truth from which he will not turn away'.
The notion of sonship within the promise of dynasty comes then to legitimize
the grant of dynasty. It has nothing to do with mythology; it is a purely forensic
metaphor. The metaphor is taken from the familial sphere,88 as may be seen from
the quoted Nuzi will. In this document, the father decrees that in case of disorder
the rebellious son might be chained and confined but his inheritance rights will
not be cancelled. The same concept is reflected in 2 Samuel 7, where the phrase
('chastening with the rod') is used, which in other places occurs in a
didactic context (cf., e.g., Prov. 13.24; 23.14). Furthermore, on the basis of the
comparison with the familial documents from Nuzi, the phrase 'rod of men'
and afflictions of the sons of man (D"TN ^H) may now be properly under-
stood. In the so-called tuppisimti documents from Nuzi published89 and analysed
by Speiser,90 we find often, in connection with the provisions about obedience to
the adoptive father,91 phrases such as 'If PNi (the adopted child) fails to show
respect for PN2 (the adoptive father) then just as a man treats his son too shall
PN2 treat PNi'.92 Another document says that 'just as one treats the citizen of
Arrapha, so should PNi treat PN2; he shall put fetters upon his feet, place a mark
on his hand, and put him in the house of detention.93 The intention is clear: the
which supports our view about the common typology of the Davidic and Abrahamic covenants. On
'grasping the hand' in Deutero-Isaiah and the corresponding neo-Babylonian royal imagery, see
S. Paul, 'Deutero-Isaiah and Cuneiform Royal Inscriptions', JAOS 88 (1968), p. 182, n. 19.
87. V^K "infcViTn ^ nSOK ('I will gather him to my bossom, I will say to him') instead of
('I will recite the law, YHWH said to me'). Cf. H. Gunkel, Psalmen
(HKAT; Gottingen, 1929) adloc., which follows Torczyner. For *)DK in the sense of adoption, see Ps.
27.10.
88. Cf. Ruth 4.6 and see Hoffher, 'Birth', etc., JNES (no. 85). We must admit however, that
putting into the bosom as such does not necessarily indicate adoption; it may just as well signify care
and protection. T. Jacobsen ('Parerga Sumerologica', JNES 2 [1943], p. 120) denies that nourishing
by the goddess or placing on her knee in Sumero-Akkadian literature implies adoption. Similarly,
giving birth on one's knees in the Old Testament (Gen. 16.2; 30.3; 50.23) does not necessarily imply
adoption; see J. Tigay, 'Adoption', Encyclopedia Judaica 2, cols. 298-301.
89. E.R. Lacheman, Excavations at Nuzi VIII: Family Law Documents (1962).
90. E.A. Speiser, 'A Significant New Will from Nuzi', JCS 17 (1963), pp. 65-71; cf. also
E. Cassin, 'Nouvelles donnees sur les relations familiales a Nuzi', RA 57 (1963), pp. 113-19.
91. This means, of course, anybody who assumes parenthood of the children (ana abbuti) as, for
instance, the wife or the daughter of the one who draws the will.
92. summa PNi=PN2 la \ipal\lahsu u kime awelu marsu huddumumma ippus kinannama
huddumumma ippus (JEN 572.26-31). Cf. the analysis of this passage by Speiser (n. 90), pp. 68-69.
According to Speiser, huddumumma epesu means to discipline. Cassin (n. 90), p. 116 translates it as
'enfermer'.
93. kime marsu sa awil Arraphe ippusu, kinannama PN rPN2 ippussuma, kursd ina sepesu
isakkan, abbuta ina qaqqadisu isakkan, ina bit kill inandin (Nuzi VIII, HSS 19,39.16-23) (n. 89); cf.
Speiser (n. 90), p. 69; E. Cassin, 'Pouvoir', RA 63 (1969), p. 134 (n. 68).
son given into adoption has the duties of a son (i.e., respecting his parents) but
has also the privileges of a son: he has to be treated like the son of a free citizen
and not like a slave. This is implied in another document of this collection, where
the father says that the adoptive parent 'may act as though she were I'.94 This
kind of privilege for the adopted can be traced back to the Old Babylonian
period. In a document of adoption by manumission, the master of the manumitted
slave says, 'If Zugagu will say to his father Sinabusu 'you are not my father' they
will impose upon him the punishment of the free born',95 i.e., he will not be
enslaved but disciplined as the son of a free citizen.96
What is meant, then, in 2 Sam. 7.14, is that when David's descendants sin they
will be disciplined like rebellious sons by their father,97 but they will not be
alienated. One must say that this lenient approach toward rebellious sons was not
the rule in familial relationship in the ancient Near East. On the contrary, in most
cases rebelliousness brought about the dissolution of sonship, be it sonship by
birth or by adoption.98 Among the quoted adoption documents from Nuzi we find
that the adoptive parent may chastise the disobedient son but may also disinherit
him if he wants.99 Similarly, we find that the Hittite suzerain did not always grant
land unconditionally. In a land grant of Mursili II to Abiradda, the Hittite suzerain
guarantees the rights of DU-Tesup, Abiradda's son, to throne, house, and land,
only on the condition that DU-Tesup will not sin (wastai-) against his father.100
94. k[ima] ydsi eteppus (Nuzi VIII, HSS 19,19.31-32) (n. 89); cf. Speiser, 'New Will from Nuzi'
(n. 90), p. 70 and n. 22 for the grammatical problem involved.
95. PN ana PN abisu ula abi atta iqabbima, aran mdru awile immidusu (M. Schorr, Urkunden
[No. 10], 1913, 23.23-27, p. 46).
96. Contrary to Schorr (ibid.), who understands it as deprivation of freedom, i.e., enslavement.
97. B. Jacob ('Das hebraische Sprachgut im Christlich-Palastinischen' (ZAW22 [1902], pp. 91-
92) interprets D~IK n n 'IHn D n 2flK CDD2D 'Schlage wie sie die Kinder vom Vater erhalten d.h. aus
Liebe und daher mit Maassen', which generally fits our understanding of the phrase. However, his
interpretation of DIN andD^K as 'parents', literally (on the basis of the Palestinian Syriac 'nswt9),
is not warranted. It might as well be understood as 'human' (cf. Hos. 11.4, DDODN D"TN "" ^DrQ
rQHK nrnin ('I drew them with human cords, with bands of love').
98. Cf., e.g., CH, 168-69 and the discussion in G.R. Driver and J.C. Miles' The Babylonian Laws
1 (1952), pp. 348-49, 395-405. These laws apply to the real son as well as the adopted, as may be
learned from a Nuzi document (Nuzi I, HSS 5 [No. 63], p. 7), where it is stated that the adopted son
might be disinherited following repeated trials (11.25ff.), which is similar in attitude to CH, 168-69,
according to which the son is to be disinherited only after being brought up before the judges for the
second time. Compare Deut. 21.18-21, where the rebellious son is to be condemned to death only
after being previously chastised. For dissolution of sonship as a result of disobedience, cf. also RS
8.145 (F. Thureau-Dangin, Trois contrats de Ras-Shamra', Syria 18 [1937], pp. 249-50).
99. PNkursiinandinsuabbutaumassarsu, inabitkiliinandin,summahasihsukirba[nd\iheppeu
ukassasu k[ima} ydsi eteppus ('PN may put fetters upon him, apply the slave mark to him, put him in
the house of detention or, if it pleases her, break the clump of clay to disinherit him [kussudu}, she
may act as though she were I' (Nuzi VIII, HSS 19, 19.28-32) (n. 89).
100. F. Hrozny, Hethitische Keilschrifttexte aus Boghazkoi (BoghazkoiStudien,3,1919),pp. 142-
44, w. 2.10-18; J. Friedrich, 'Aus demhethitischen Schrifttum, 2 Heft',DerAlte Orient24.3 (1925),
p. 20,11. 10-18; cf. also E. Vavaignac, 'L'affaire de laruvatta', RHA 6 (January 1932), p. 196; H.
Klengel, 'Der Schiedsspruch des Mursili IT, Orientalia, NS 32 (1963), pp. 35-36,41-42.
The unconditional promise is therefore a special privilege and apparently given

for extraordinarily loyal service.
In connection with David, this privilege is also reflected in that David is given
the right of the first born. As is now known to us from Nuzi, Alalah, Ugarit and
Palestine,101 the father had the right to select a 'firstborn' as well as to make all his
heirs share alike,102 and was not bound by the law of primogeniture.103 Needless
to say, the selection of the firstborn elevated the chosen son to a privileged posi-
tion in the family and thus entitled him to a double share in the inheritance.
Indeed, the phrase irtJDN TlID (Ps. 89.28) means 'I will appoint him or make
him firstborn', which speaks for a given right and not one acquired by nature.
The titles 'son' and 'firstborn' are also attested among Mesopotamian kings; see
M.J. Seux, Ephitetes royales Akkadiennes et Sumeriennes, pp. 42-44.
In fact, not only David is named the firstborn to God; Israel itself is called by
God 'my son the firstborn Israel' (Exod. 4.22; cf. Jer. 31.8), and as the adoption
of David is supposed to legitimize the inheritance of nations, i.e., the Davidic
empire, the adoption of Israel by God is supposed to validate the gift of land.
Though this is not expressed explicitly in the Pentateuch it is clearly indicated in
a prophetic text (Jer. 3.19), where we read, 'I said I will surely104 put you among
the sons (I will adopt you as a son, D^m jrm QK) JK THON 'DDK!)105 and
give you a pleasant land, the goodliest heritage of the host of nations, and I said
you shall call me my father106 and you will not turn away from me'. The phrase
Dîn "[PP^ ('I will put you among the sons') undoubtedly alludes to adoption,
as Ehrlich indicated, and as such anticipates the inheritance of the land.107
101. Cf. I. Mendelsohn, 'On the Preferential Status of the Eldest Son', BASOR 156 (December
1959), pp. 38-40 and the references there.
102.Cf., e.g., ina libbisunu sa mariya rabiyanu ('there is none among them who shall be the
oldest'), Nuzi VIII (No. 89) HSS 19 23.5-6; cf. 17.12-13; see Speiser, 'New Will from Nuzi\JCS 17
(1963), p. 66 (No. 65) and the discussion on p. 70.
103.This is prohibited in the Deuteronomic Code (21.15-17). The Deuteronomic Law stands in
clear contradiction to Gen. 48.13-20, where Joseph, the son of the loved woman Rachel, is given the
double share, while Reuben, the son of the 'unloved' Leah (cf. Gen. 29.33 -nK132?), is repudiated as
the firstborn.
104.Read rOK instead of HD^; cf. A. Ehrlich, Randglossen zur hebr. Bibel, adloc.
105. Cf. the new IPS translation of The Torah (1978): 'I had resolved to adopt you as my son'. Cf. in
the Azitawadda inscription, w'pb 'btp 'In kl mlk ('and every king made me his father [his suzerain]');
see N.H. Tur-Sinai (Torczyner), The Language and the Book II (2nd edn, 1964), p. 76 (Hebrew). The
Greek poieisthai (the Hebrew btfS, the Akkadian epesu) or thesthai (the Hebrew rP2?,D''2?) are the
verbs used for adoption. D^D !Dn^n in Ezra 10.44 implies adoption (cf. S. Feigin, 'Some Cases of
Adoption in Israel', JBL 50 [1931], pp. 196ff., though we do not accept his restoration). For the
Akkadian ana abbuti epesu as adoption see the discussion by S.M. Paul, 'Adoption Formulae' (n. 83),
pp. 33, n. 23.
106.Inheritance of land in connection with divine sonship (?& S]D) occurs in Deut. 32.8
(Septuagint and Qumran). Compare the cone of Enmetena of Lagash, 'Enlil, the king of all the lands,
the father of all the gods, marked off the boundary for Ningirsu (god of Lagash) and Shara (god of
Umma) by his steadfast word' (Cone A, 1-7); cf. F. Thureau-Dangin, Die sumerischen undakkadis-
chen Koniginschriften (1907), p. 36; J.S. Cooper, Presargonic Inscriptions (1986), p. 55.
107. Cf. above, p. 212.
The use of familial metaphors to express relationships belonging to the royal-

national sphere should not surprise us, since the whole diplomatic vocabulary of
the second millenium BCE108 is rooted in the familial sphere. For instance, the
relationship between the states is defined as abbutu = fathership (suzerainty);
mdrutu = sonship (vassalship); ahhutu = brotherhood (parity relationship). The
phrase itti nakriya lu nakrata itti salmiya lu salmata, 'with my enemy be an
enemy, with my friend be a friend', which is so common in the Hittite-Ugaritic
treaties,109 is already found in the Elamite treaty of the third millennium BCE.110
This phrase is found in an Old Babylonian marriage contract in which we read
zenisa PNi PN2 izenni salamisa isallim = 'PN2 (the second wife) will be angry
with whom PNi (the first wife) will be angry, she will be on good terms with
whom PNi will be on good terms.'111 Similarly, we read in a Mari adoption
document, damaqisuni idammiq lemenisunu ilemmin ('their joy will be his joy,
their sorrow will be his sorrow').112 The close relationship of familial and politi-
cal alliances has also been seen long ago by N. Glueck,113 who says, 'Allies had
the same rights and obligations as those who were blood relatives'.
Thus, the gift of land to Abraham and the gift of kingship to David are formu-
lated in the way Hittite grants used to be formulated, particularly those grants
bestowing gifts upon privileged vassals. Contrary to the prevalent law in the
Hittite kingdom,114 in Ugarit,115 and in Alalah,116 according to which the property
of the condemned is to be confiscated, in the cited documents the property of the
condemned cannot be taken away.
It was the Deuteronomist, the redactor of the book of Kings, who put the
promise of David under a condition (1 Kgs 2.4; 8.25; 9.4f.), as did Deuteronomy
lOS.Cf. J. Munn-Rankin, 'Diplomacy in Western Asia in the Early Second Millennium B.C.', Iraq
18(1956),pp.68ff.
109.Cf. PRU 4, pp. 36, 49 passim. From the Hittites it passed to the Greeks; see my article
'Covenant Terminology' (n. 12)JAOS93 (1973), p. 198 and n. 103.
1 lO.Cf. W. Hinz, 'Elams Vertrag mit Naram-Sin von Akkade', ZA 24 (1967), pp. 66ff. See also
the text in Baghdader Mitteilungen 2 [1963], p. 54, which according to F.R. Kraus, Bibliotheca Orien-
talis 22 [1965], p. 289) is part of a treaty, where we read: [lu a-n]a-ki-ir [is-l\i-mu lu-u a-sa-li-im.
lll.M. Schorr, Urkunden des altbabylonischen Zivil - und Prozessrechts (VAB, 5; Leipzig,
1913), 4.21-23; cf. 5.7-8; Schorr's translation is wrong andUngnad's is incorrect; see p. 11 there. Cf.
CADv.2\ (Z)zenub.
112. ARM 8 1.4-5. R. Yaron, 'Varia on Adoption', Journal of Juristic Papyrology 15 (1965), pp.
173-75, discussed this text in the context of some of the above-mentioned texts and reached similar
conclusions.
1 ll.Hesed in the Bible (n. 17) (1967), p. 46.
114.Cf., e.g., Friedrich, Staatsvertrage (n. 4), No. 3, 7C.13-17 (pp. 112ff.); V. Korosec,
'Juristische Bemerkungen' (No. 53), pp. 218ff., although the different attitudes toward the con-
demned do not reflect a historical development, as Korosec puts it, but might be explained as a double
standard: to the privileged on the one hand and to the unprivileged on the other.
115.PRU3, 16.249.22-29 (pp. 97-98); 16.145 (p. 169, bel ami).
116.v4JNo. 17 (p. 40 - bel masikti). See S.E. Loewenstamm, 'Notes on the Alalah Tablets',
Comparative Studies in Biblical and Ancient Oriental Literatures (AOAT, 20; 1980), pp. 23-26.
14. The Covenantal Aspect of the Promise of the Land to Israel 21 7
with the promise to the Patriarchs.117 The exile of Northern Israel, the destruction
of Jerusalem, and the disruption of the dynasty refuted, of course, the claim of
the eternity of the Abrahamic and Davidic covenants, thereby necessitating a
reinterpretation of the covenants. This was done by making them conditional,
i.e., by asserting that the covenant is eternal only if the donee keeps his loyalty to
the donor. It is true, even in the predeuteronomic documents, that the loyalty of
David's sons and the sons of the Patriarchs is somehow presupposed,118 but it is
never formulated as the condition for national existence as in Deuteronomic
literature. In the JE source, Israel is never threatened with destruction for violat-
ing the law. The non-observance of the covenant will certainly bring punishment
(Exod. 33.33; 34.12) but no annihilation. Even the parenetic section of Exodus
19.5-6, which sounds like a condition, is in fact a promise and not a threat: 'If
you will obey me faithfully and keep my covenant you shall be a treasured posses-
sion (H^D).119 Indeed all the earth is mine but you shall be to me a kingdom of
priests and a holy nation'.120 The observance of loyalty in this passage is not a con-
dition for the fulfillment of God's grace, as in Deuteronomy (cf. 7.12f.; 1 1.13f.),
but a prerequisite for high and extraordinary status.
The Priestly Code also, in spite of the curses and the threat of exile in Leviti-
cus 26, does not end with the breach of the covenant; on the contrary, it has God
saying: 'Even when they are in the land of their enemies I will not reject them or
spurn them so as to destroy them, violating my covenant with them
I will remember in their favour121 the covenant with the ancients
(Lev. 26.44^5). Deuteronomy, however, concludes chapter
11 7. It is significant that in spite of frequent references to the promise of the Patriarchs, Deu-
teronomy never mentions the eternity of this promise (DÎU rP"Q,Dn'm"l'7,D'7II7 117), in contrast to
JE and P; see below.
1 18.Cf. Gen. 18.19. This is an expectation and not a condition.
1 19. For the meaning of il^D and its Akkadian equivalent sikiltum, see M. Greenberg, 'Hebrew
segutta: Akkadian sikiltu\ JAOSll (1951), pp. 172ff. Cf. now PRU5, 60(18.38), 11.7-12 (p. 84),
where the Ugaritic vassal is called the sglt of his suzerain, which is rendered by C. Virolleaud as
propriete. The sglt in the Ugaritic text now elucidates the H^D in the Pentateuch. It seems that sglt
and H^D belong to the treaty and covenant terminology and that they are employed to distinguish the
special relationships of the suzerains to their vassals. On the basis of Ugaritic, biblical and also
Alalahian evidence (cf. the seal impression in D.J. Wiseman, AT, p. 3, where the king Abban is said
to be the sikiltum of the goddess), we may safely say that the basic meaning of the root sakalu is to
set aside a thing or certain property either with good intention (as Israel is set aside form other
nations) or with an evil purpose, as in CH 141 and other Babylonian sources. Cf. the discussion by
M. Held, in 'A Faithful Lover in an Old Babylonian Dialogue', JCS 15 (1961), pp. 1 1-12. For the
Ugaritic text, cf. also H.B. Huffmon and S.B. Parker, 'A Further Note on the Treaty Background of
Hebrew yada ", BASOR 1 84 (1 966), pp. 36ff; S.E. Loewenstamm, 'Am Segulla ', Hebrew Language
Studies Presented to Z. ben-Hayyim (1983), pp. 321-28.
1 20. As a reward for her loyalty, Israel will in turn be God's most precious possession - she will be
God's priesthood. A similar idea is indeed expressed in the consolation prophecy in Isa. 61 .6: 'And
you shall be called the priests of YHWH. You will be named servants of our God, you shall eat the
wealth of nations and in their splendor you shall excel'. For a thorough discussion of this passage see
W.L. Moran, 'A Kingdom of Priests', in J. McKenzie (ed.), The Bible in Current Catholic Thought
(1962), pp. 7-20.
1 2 l.Cf. above, pp. 207-208.
28 with the threat that the people will be sent back to Egypt, and no allusion to
the grace of the covenant is made.122
The Covenant with Abraham in Genesis 15123

In light of our analysis we properly understand the nature of the covenant in Gen-
esis 15: God as the suzerain commits himself and swears, as it were, to keep the
promise.124 It is he, accompanied by a smoking kiln and a blazing torch
125
who passes between the parts as though he were invoking the
curse upon himself.
A similar oath occurs in the Abban-Yarimlim deed, where Abban, the donor,
takes the oath by cutting the neck of a lamb (kisad 1 immeru itbuh\ saying '(may
I be cursed) if I take back what I gave you'.126 In another document, which com-
pletes the data of this gift, we read: 'On that day Abban in exchange for Irridi
gave the city... On that day Yarimlim delivered (or brought up) to Istar... ',127
which seems to reflect a situation similar to that of the covenant in Genesis 15,
i.e., that the inferior party delivers the animals while the superior swears the oath.
In Alalah as in Genesis 15 the animals slaughtered at the scene of the covenant
are considered sacrificial offerings.128 That the act of cutting the neck of the
animal is of sacrificial nature may be learned from another covenantal description
122. Deut. 30.1-10 and 4.29-31 are of a later origin and revolve around the Deuteronomic doctrine
of return to God; cf. H.W. Wolff., 'Das Kerygma des deuteronomistischen Geschichtswerks', ZAW
73 (1961), pp. 180ff., and recently M. Weinfeld, DDS1-11 (AB, 1991), pp. 216-17.
123. See the bibliography in C. Westermann, Genesis (I BK 14, 1979), pp. 247-50.
124. On the covenant with Abraham in Gen. 15 as representing an oath, cf. Lohfink, Die Land-
verheissung (n. 1), pp. 11-23.
125. Compare the Sinaitic theophany where God appears in fire and smoke; cf. Exod. 19.18, 'for
YHWH had come down upon it in fire (EJN) and the smoke C[2?J7) rose like the smoke of a kiln'. In the
commentary of the Syrian church father Ephrem (quoted by T. Zachariae; see J.C. Greenfield, 'An
Ancient Treaty Ritual and its Targumic Echo', Salvation en la Palabra, Targum - Derash - Berith:
Homenaje alProfesorA. Diez Macho [1985], p. 395, we find the tradtion 'that the Chaldeans would
solemnize a pact by passing through the dissecting parts holding torches'.
126.D.J. Wiseman, 'Abban and Alalah', JCS 12 (1958), p. 126,11. 39-42; cf. n. 10 above. In the
continuation Abban states that if Yarimlim betrays him he will forfeit his territory, thus making the
gift conditional. We must, however, keep in mind that the deed of Abban to Yarimlim is not a deed of
grant but rather of exchange. Alalah was given to Yarimlim in place of the destroyed Irridi. The gift
of Alalah is therefore not a reward for loyal service as is the case in grants, but part of a political
arrangement between two parties.
127.ina umisu Yarimlim...[anad]Istar useli, reading with CAD E, p. 130. According to Lohfink
(Landverheissung [n. 1], pp. 93ff.) the tradition of Gen. 15.7ff. reflects an incubation dream in a
sanctuary (Hebron or Shechem). If true, this might be an additional parallel with the Alalah covenant.
128. Cf. Jubilees 14.9ff.; Pseudo-Philo, Biblical Antiquities 23.6-7; Apocalypse of Abraham 9-15;
Josephus, Antiq. I, 183-85; see C.T. Begg, 'Rereadings of the 'Animal Rite' of Gen. 15 in Early
Jewish Narratives', CBQ 50 (1988), pp. 36-46. For the sacrificial nature of the offerings brought to
the ceremony in Gen. 15, see E. Loewenstamm, 'Zur Traditionsgeschichte des Bundes zwischen den
Stucken', FT 18 (1968), pp. 500ff. (in English mAOAT204, [1980], pp. 273-80). FT 18 (1968), pp.
500ff. (in English in AOAT2Q4, [1980], pp. 273-80). However, in view of the evidence presented
here, we cannot accept his opinion that the sacrifice is a late element in the tradition of Gen. 15.
in Alalah, where we read, 'the neck of a sacrificial lamb was cut in the presence of
PN the general'.129 A later Alalahian covenantal text130 tells us about offerings131
in connection with the oath of the vassal Idrimi to his Human suzerain.132 The
ancient covenant in Exodus 24 is wholly based upon sacrifices, and the secular
Patriarchal covenants are also ratified by sacrifices (Gen. 21.27).133
In Greece, too, sacrifices were offered at the covenant ceremony.134 Thus we
read in the Iliad 3.103-07 that for the covenant with the Achaeans the Trojans
bring two lambs and a ram and prepare libations (3.268ff.). Furthermore, as in
Genesis 15.9, in Greece three animals (trityes), a bull, a ram and a boar, were
usually taken for the covenantal rite.135 The offerings of the lustrum in Rome also
consisted of three animals (souvetaurilid), a boar, a sheep and a bull (sus, ovis,
taunts), and according to Dionysus of Halicarnassus, the triple sacrifice consisted
of a bull, a ram and a goat,136 as in Genesis 15.9.
This tradition of covenantal sacrifices goes back to the third millennium BCE.
In the treaty between Lagash and Umma, recorded on the stele of the vultures,
we hear about sacrificing a bull137 and two doves.138 The doves remind us of the
129. AT* 54.16-18: GU SILA a-sa-ki IGI PN UGULA UKU.US ta-bi-ih (cf. A. Draffkorn 'King
Abba-AN' (No. 7), JCS13 (1959), p. 95, No. 11). The presence of the general at this transaction may
be paralleled with Gen. 21.22f. and the Yahwistic counterpart in 26.26ff., where the covenant between
Abimelech and Abraham and Isaac, respectively, is made in the presence of Phicol the general. For
who joins ta'B in 26.26, cf. Jonathan D. Safran, 'Ahuzzath and the Pact of Beer-
Sheba', in M. Cogan (ed.), Beer-Sheva 2: Presented to S. Abramsky on his Retirement (1985), pp.
121-30 (Hebrew). According to Safran, iniTlD is equivalent to merhum in Mari, who is in charge of
the pasture lands.
130.S. Smith, The Statue of'Idri-mi (1949); for a thorough investigation of this inscription see E.L.
Greenstein and D. Marcus, 'The Akkadian Inscription of Idrimi', The Journal of the Ancient Near
Eastern Society of Columbia University 8 (1976), pp. 59—76.
131. See 11. 55-56 - SISKUR (niqe) usarbi (I multiplied offerings); cf. 11. 89-90.
132.E. Szlechter, 'Les tablettes juridiques datees du regne d'Abi-esuh conservees au Musee d'art
et d'histoire de Geneve', JCS 1 (1953), p. 92, 5.16-17; A. Goetze, 'Critical Review of S. Smith The
Statue ofldri-mi\ JCS 4 (1950), p. 228, n. 20.
133. We are told there that Abraham gave seven lambs to Abimelech as a 'witness' (rn#) or as
Speiser (Genesis, AB, ad loc.) translates, a 'proof for his rights on the well. A similar procedure is
found in an old Babylonian act of partition where one of the partners gives to the other two lambs as a
proof of the agreement (E. Szlechter, JCS 1 [ 1953], p. 92,5.16-17). Cf. also A. Goetze, JCS 4 (1950),
p. 228, n. 20.
134.Cf. P. Stengel, Die griechische Kultusaltertumer (1920), p. 119, n. 7; 137; M.P. Nilsson,
Geschichte des griechischen Relgion, I3 (1967), pp. 139ff.; W. Burkert, Griechische Religion (1977),
pp. 133ff.
135. Cf. P. Stengel, Griechische Kultusaltertumer (n. 134), pp. 119, 137f.
136. It was pointed out that the later Greeks sometimes performed such sacrifices and the knowledge
of such sacrifices may have misled the scribe of the work of Dionysius; see E. Gary, Dionysius Hali-
carnasseusis (Loeb Classical Library, 1939), pp. 338-39.
137.Rev. 1.37-40, Utu lugal ni-sig10-ga-ra larsam (ki) e-babbar NINDA + GUD-se an-ku, which
is translated by E. Sollberger (Le systeme verbal dans les inscriptions 'royales'presargoniques de
Lagas [1952], example 161), a Utu, le roi etincelant, a Larsa dans L'Ebabbar, j'y ai fait le sacrifice
(alimentaire). Compare idem, Inscriptions royales Sumeriennes et Akkadiennes (1971), p. 54. The
passage is not altogether clear; some scholars take the phrase to mean that the doves were offered like
pigeon and the turtledove in Genesis 15, whereas the NINDA + GUD (fattened
bull), which equals Akkadian biru, is in many cases three years old139 and may
therefore be paralleled with Gen. 15.9. An offering of a similar kind, though in a
different context (lustration), is found in Lev. 14.4, 49, where two birds are
taken, along with cedar wood, crimson stuff, and hyssop.
Release of birds for lustration is very common is Mesopotamia and Anatolia.140
Especially instructive are the Hittite lustrations, where we find, as in Leviticus,
cords of red wool, etc., put on the head of the substitute like a crown.141
In the covenantal ceremony of Genesis 15, as in the treaty between Lagash
and Umma, it is very difficult to distinguish between the sacrifice proper and
the lustration; we may have a combination of both here. Indeed, the rite of pass-
ing between the pieces of the victims originated in Asia Minor and had been
propagated in the sphere of Hittite influence; cf. E.J. Bickerman, 'Couper une
alliance', Archives d'histoire du droit Oriental 5 (1950-51), pp. 141ff. Cf. Also
S. Henninger, 'Was bedeuted die rituelle Teilung eines Tieres in zwei Halften?'
Biblica 34 (1953), pp. 344-53. Especially interesting for our discussion is the
case in which a man, a goat, a puppy, and a little pig were cut, and the soldiers
had to pass between the pieces (see O. Masson, 'A propos d'un rituel Hittite pour
la lustration d'une armee: le rite de purification par le passage entre les deux
parties d'une victime\RHR 137 [1950],pp. 5-25). An oath accompanied by pass-
ing between the pieces is found in Greece: electing a candidate for office is done
by passing between the pieces of the sacrifice while walking toward the altar
(Plato, Laws 753d).
In Mari we encounter a ritual accompanying the covenant (ARM 2.31) that
also does not look sacrificial. For the covenant between the Haneans and the land
sacrificial bulls (see J.S. Cooper, Presargonic Inscriptions [1986], p. 36 and the references there, pp.
33-34), but in the other paragraphs the doves are being released and not sacrificed. Cf. also G. Steiner,
'Der Grenzvertrag Zwischen Lagas und Umma', Ada Sumerologica 8 (1986), pp. 219ff. C.T. Begg
('The Covenantal Dove in Ps. 84.19-20', FT37 [1987], pp. 78-80), interprets Ps. 84.19-20, where
twr (dove) is mentioned next to bent (covenant), on the basis of Gen. 15.9,17.
138. 'Two doves on whose eyes he had put kohl (and) on whose heads he had strewn cedar he
released them to Enlil at Nippur (with the plea): "As long as days exist.. .if the Ummaite.. .breaks his
word..."'
139. Cf. biru B, CAD B, p. 266. The three-year-old bull in 1 Sam. 1.24 (Septuagint and Qumran)
and the three-year-old animals in Gen. 15 do not therefore reflect precisely a Shilonite tradition, as
Loewenstamm contends (loc cit). It seems that the three-year-old-animal was considered of good
quality in general; cf., e.g., 1 immeru sa sullusitu damqu ('one three-year-old sheep of good quality',
C.J. Gadd, Tablets from Kirkuk, RA 23 [1926], p. 154, No. 47.15); sullusita enza ('a three-year-old
she-goat') in connection with a feast (Anatolian Studies 6 [1956], p. 152.15,44); / alpu sulussu esru
S0...PN ana Ebabbara iddinu ('the three-year old ox, the tithe which PN has given to Ebabbara')
(J.N. StrassmaiQrJnschriftenvonNabomdus, Konig von Babylon [1889],No. 1071.1). Forcattleand
sheep and their ages in Mesopotamia, cf. MSL 5 Vol. 1 and esp. p. 67 there. For the age adjective
sulussu, cf. also iTEÎZ? rtai? (Isa. 15.5; Jer. 48.34) and see Mishnah Parah 1.1 rPE'm
140. Cf. David P. Wright, The Disposal of Impurity: Elimination Rites in the Bible and in the Hittite
and Mesopotamian Literature (1986), pp. 80-83.
141.Ibid, p. 56.
of Idamaras, the provincial tribes brought a young dog and a she-goat, which the
king of Mari did not permit but gave the command to use a donkey foal (hayaru)
instead. The 'killing of a donkey foal' (hayaram qatalum) for a covenant ceremony
was so common that this phrase was tantamount to 'making a covenant'.142 In the
ceremony of Genesis 15, the passing between the parts symbolizes the self-curse,
similar to the act of 'seizing the throat', but this does not nullify the sacrificial
nature of the ceremony. On the contrary, the ritual adds solemnity to the oath. It
is only in the covenantal ceremonies of the first millennium that the sacrificial
element gradually disappears and gives way to the dramatic act. Thus, the neo-
Assyrian treaty and the Deuteronomic covenant become binding and valid not by
virtue of the treaty ritual but by the oath-imprecation (the mamitu)1^ that accom-
panies the ceremony. The ritual itself- if it was performed - served only a sym-
bolic and dramatic end: to tangibly impress upon the vassal the consequences
that would follow inevitably should he infringe the covenant. The treaty between
Ashurnirari V and Mati'ilu of Bit-Agusi144 even states explicitly that the ram is
brought forward in the treaty ceremony not for sacrificial purposes but to serve as
a palpable example of the punishment awaiting the transgressor of the treaty
(Drohritus): This ram was not taken from its flock for sacrifice (UDU.SISKUR),
it has been brought to conclude the treaty of Ashur-nirari, king of Assyria, with
Mati'ilu, if Mati'ilu [shall violate] the covenant and oath to the gods, then just as
this ram, which was taken from its flock and to its flock will not return, and not
behold its flock again, so Mati'ilu with his sons (ministers), the men of his land,
shall be taken from his land, and to his land he shall not return, and not (behold)
his country again' (col. 1,11. lOff.).
Like Saul, who cut a yoke of oxen into pieces and proclaimed, 'Whoever does
not come after Saul and Samuel, so shall it be done to his oxen' (1 Sam. 11.7),145
Bar Ga'yah declared in his treaty with Mati"el, '[As] this calf is cut apart so
shall Mati"el be cut apart'.146 Zedekiah's covenant with the people on the
manumission of the slaves (Jer. 34.8-22) is to be understood in an analogous
manner. Hence, those passing between the two parts of the calf (v. 18) must have
accepted the consequences ensuing from a violation of the oath-imprecation: 'So
may it befall me if I shall not observe the words of the covenant'.147 Dramatic
142.Cf. M. Held, 'Philological Notes on the Mari Covenantal Rituals', BASOR 200 (1970), pp.
32-40.
143.Cf. M. Weinfeld, DDS(\912\ pp. 102-104.
144. See E. Weidner, 'Der Staatsvertrag Assurniraris VI von Assyrien mit Mati'ilu von bit Agusi',
AfO 8 (1932), pp. 17-34; E. Reiner, ANET\ pp. 532-33; R. Borger, 'Assyrische Staatsvertrage', in
O. Kaiser, Texte aus der Umwelt des Alien Testaments, Band 1 Lieferung 2 (1983), pp. 155-58;
S. Parpola and K. Watanabe, Neo-Assyrian Treaties and Loyalty Oaths (State Archives of Assyria, 2,
1988), pp. 8-13.
145. Compare the Mari letter (ARM2,48), where it is proposed to cut off the head of a culprit and
circulate it among the cities of Hana so that the troops may fear and quickly assemble.
146. [w 'yk zy] ygzr 'glh znh kn ygzr mt' 7; see J. A. Fitzmyer, The Aramaic Inscriptions ofSefire, I
(1967),A.39-^0.
147. See W. Rudolph, Jeremia (HAT, 2nd edn, 1985), p. 205.
acts of this sort were not, however, performed only with animals. In the Sefire
treaty,148 in the vassal treaties of Esarhaddon,149 and in Hittite military oath-
taking ceremonies,150 similar acts were performed with wax images and other
objects.151 Generally speaking, however, it appears that this was not a requisite
part of the ceremony. Many Hittite and Assyrian treaties make no mention of such
acts, and neither does the book of Deuteronomy. Apparently the oath-imprecation,
which was recorded in the treaty document, was believed to be enough to deter
the treaty party from violating the stipulations of the treaty.
Distinction should therefore be made between the covenant in Genesis 15
(which, like the covenants of Alalah and Mari, preserves the sacrificial element
alongside the symbolic one), and the covenant in Jeremiah 34, in which the cere-
mony, although performed before God, seems to be nothing more than a self-
curse dramatized by a symbolic act. Another difference between Genesis 15 and
Jeremiah 34 is that while in Genesis 15, as in the Abban deed, it is the superior
party who places himself under oath, in Jeremiah 34, as in the treaty of Ashur-
nirari V, the vassals are the parties who commit themselves to their masters.
The Legal Formulae in the Covenant with Abraham

It has already been indicated that the legal formulae expressing the gift of land
to Abraham are identical to the legal formulae of conveyance of property in the
ancient Near East.152 Especially instructive in this case are the formulations of
conveyance in perpetuity. For example, the formulae, 'for your descendants for-
ever' (0*7)17 "fl? "JlTlT^-Gen. 13.15) and 'for your descendants after you through-
out their generations' (Dim*? "pnK ^mt1?153 - Gen. 17.7-8)154 are identical to
148.1A.35-42.
149.D.J. Wiseman, Vassal Treaties (n. 11), 11. 608-11.
150. J. Friedrich, 'Der hethitische Soldateneid', ZA 35 (1924), p. 163,1.41^45; 2.1-3; see nowN.
Oettinger, Die militdrischen Eide der Hethiter (Studien zu den Bogazkoy Texten, 22, 1976).
151. This type of symbolism was also employed in Babylonian magic; see E. Reiner, Surpu: A
Collection ofSumerian and Akkadian Incantations 3, AfO 11 (1958); pp. 60-112.
152.Cf. JJ.Rabinowitz,/ew/s/*Lmv(1956),pp. 130-31; idem, 'TheSusaTablets', VT\ 1(1961),
pp.55ff.
153. As Loewenstamm indicated in his article 'The Divine Grants of Land to the Patriarchs \JAOS
94 (1971), pp. 509-10 (AOAT 204 [1980], pp. 423-25), there are two types of legal declarations in
the grant formulae: (1) the land is given to the patriarch and to his seed (Gen. 13.15; 17.8; 26.3; 28.4,
13; 35.12), and (2) the land is given to the patriarch's seed (Gen. 12.7; 15.18; 24.7; 48.4). The former
type represents the standard formula of the royal grant, but it is inappropriate in Genesis, where the
patriarchs are sojourners in the land and only their descendants are the legal possessors of it. On the
formulation of the land promise in the Priestly code versus the one in the Deuteronomic source, see
M.Z. Brettler, 'The Promise of the Land of Israel to the Patriarchs in the Pentateuch', Shnaton 5-6
(1981-82), pp. VII-XXIV.
154.111 (duru) with the pronominal suffix is also attested in old Babylonian documents pertaining
to conveyance in perpetuity. Cf., e.g., eqlam ana durisu idna ('give the field as his permanent
property') (TCL 7,16.13; cf. F.R. Kraus, Briefe aus dem British Museum [Altbabylonische Briefe], in
Umschrift und Ubersetzung 1 [Leiden, 1977] to which one might cf. Lev. 25.30, 'that house shall be
established forever to him that bought it throughout his generations' TTTn1? (i.e., for his permanent
property).
the conveyance and donation formulae from Susa,155 Alalah,156 Ugarit157 and
Elephantine.158 In Assyria and Babylonia proper we meet with different cliches in
this context, such as ana arkat umem or ana sat ume,m which, though not as close
to 0*711? "717 or Dm*!1? as the expressions of the peripheral documents (adi daris,161
etc.), nevertheless render the same idea of perpetuity.
The proclamation of the gift of land in Genesis 15 is also styled according to
the prevalent judicial pattern. In the gift-deed of Abban to Yarimlin we read, 'On
that day (ina umisu) Abban gave the city...'. Similarly, we read in Gen. 15.18,
'On that day (Ninn DVD) Yahweh concluded a covenant with Abraham saying:
"To your offspring I give this land".' The phrase 'on that day' in these instances
certainly has legal implications.162 The delineation of the borders and the specifi-
cation of the granted territories in vv. 18-21 indeed constitute an important part
of the grant documents in the ancient Near East.163
The formulation of the Priestly covenant with Abraham, 'to be unto you a God'
Gen. 17.7,8) and the priestly formulation of the covenant
with Israel, 'I will be your God and you shall be my people'
Lev. 26.12; Exod. 6.7; cf. Deut. 29.12), is takenfromthe
sphere of marriage/adoption legal terminology,164 as is its Davidic counterpart in
2Sam.7.14.165
155.Cf. ana dur upala ana serseri...kTma abu ana man isdmu, PN ana darati isdm (MDP 22,
45.10-21) ('forever and for all times, for the offspring.. .like a father, who bequeathes to his son, so
shall PN bequeath forever'.
\56.mdrmdrisu ana ddria marianni: 'his descendants will have the status ofmariannu forever'
(AT 15.8-9); cf. S. Smith, 'A Preliminary Account of the Tablets from Atchana', The Antiquaries
Journal 19 (1939), p. 43.
l57.Cf.PRU3,p. 160, 16.13221-3%: uittadinsuanamAdalseni[u]anamaresuadidariti('and
gives it to Adalseni and his sons forever'); cf. 16.248.14 (p. 48: ana ddri duri\ 16.182 + 199.9 (p.
148: ana ddriti/ana ddri duri) 16.146.10-12 (p. 146: eqlatusamidanadariti). In Ugaritic the formula
is wlbnh 'd 'lm (PRU2, 16.382, pp. 20-21).
158.Cf. A. Cowley, The Aramaic Papyri of the Fifth Century B.C. (1923), 8.9, p. 22: >ntyslyth bh
mnywjrfznh rfdclm wbnyky }hryky ('you have rights over it from this day forever and your children
after you'); ibid., 25.9, p. 85. Cf. R. Yaron, The Law of the Elephantine Documents (1961), p. 82f,
165 (Hebrew).
159.F. Steinmetzer, 'Die Bestallungsurkunde Konigs Samas-sum-ukin von Babylon', Archiv
orientdlni 1 (1935), pp. 314-18, 2.9.
\6Q.ana sdti irensu ('he granted to him in perpetuity'), BBSt 8 (n. 5), 1;13; cf. also 34.6.
161.Cf.G4DD,p. 198.
162.Cf.n. 71 above.
163.Cf. BBSt (no. 5) (passim) and also Cowley, Aramaic Papyri (n. 158), 8.3ff; 13.13f.; 25.4f. On
this point see my DDS (n. 2), pp. 69ff.
164.Cf. Y. Muffs, 'Studies in Biblical Law IV (The Antiquity of P)', Lectures at the Jewish
Theological Seminary (1965). For the use of verba solemnia in marriage and adoption in Meso-
potamia see S. Greengus, The Old Babylonian Marriage Contract', JAOS 89 (1969), pp. 514ff. On
the prophetic vs. pentateuchal imagery of the covenantal relationship between God and the people,
see my DDS(n. 2), pp. 8Iff.
165. The tradition of the covenant with Abraham is very ancient and reflects the covenant customs
in Mari and Alalah, but the literary formulation of this covenant is more recent and seems to be from
The covenant with Abraham and the covenant with David are indeed based on
a common pattern, and their literary formulation may have the same historical
and literary antecedents.166 The promise of the land to Abraham is preceded by
the promise of progeny (Gen. 15.4-5), and the latter is formulated in the way the
promise of the dynasty is phrased in 2 Sam. 7.12: *pI7DQ KIT 1£N. Similarly, the
promise of a great name to Abraham ("JOB nb"fi^1 - Gen. 12.2) sounds like
2 Sam. 7.9: 'David will have a name like the name of the great ones of the earth'
As I have shown elsewhere,167 the greatness of the
name has political significance,168 which also finds expression in the Genesis tradi-
tions apparently crystallized under the impact of the united monarchy.169
The priestly source in Genesis goes even further and combines the promise of
land with the promise of dynasty. To the promise of progeny he adds, 'Kings
shall come out from you' (17.6,16; 35.1), which sounds like apromise of dynasty.
The Grant of Hebron to Caleb

On the basis of the grant typology, discussed here, we may properly understand
the nature of some other promises and bestowals in the Old Testament. Thus, the
accounts of the conquest inform us about the gift of Hebron to Caleb (Josh.
14.13-14; Judg. 1.20; cf. Num. 14.24;Deut. 1.36).170 The reason for the gift was
the faithfulness of Caleb during his mission with the spies: 'Because he filled up
after the lord' (*?trier Tf^K Tt nTO K^ft ^ JIT - Josh. 14.14; cf. w. 8, 9 and
Num. 14.24; 32.11-12; Deut. 1.36), a phrase which is semantically equivalent to
(be perfect, i.e., wholly devoted) of the Abrahamic covenant and
of the Davidic covenant. Furthermore, as in the Abrahamic-Davidic cove-
nants and in the grants of the ancient Near East, in the Caleb gift we also find the
conventional formulae of conveyance in perpetuity: 'to you and your descendants
forever' (0*7117117 JH^...^ - Josh. 14.9).
Granting a city or a territory to the one who excelled in the king's expedition
is indeed very common in the kudduru documents,171 and the case of Caleb has
the time of the United Monarchy; cf. R.E. Clements, Abraham and David (Studies in Biblical
Theology, 2nd Series 5; 1967).
166.Cf. K. McCarter, II Samuel (AB, 1984), p. 205.
167. 'Political Greatness: The Realization of the Promise to the Patriarchs', Eretz-Israel Vol. 24
(1993), A. Malamat volume.
168.Cf. sumam rabem in connection with military victories in ARM 1, 69.14-16.
169. The extent of the promised land in Gen. 15.19-21, and especially the Kenites, Kenizzites and
Kadmonites mentioned there, also point to a Davidic background; cf. B. Mazar, 'Historical Back-
ground of the Book of Genesis', JNES 28 (1969), pp. 79f.
170. Joshua is secondary in this tradition (cf. Num. 14.24; Deut. 1.36). The promise of land to
Joshua was incorporated later, when the conquest was nationalized and the original account of spying
out the south (to Hebron and the Valley of Eshkol, Num. 13.22-23) was expanded by an alleged
excursion to the northern part of the country (to Rehob at Lebo-hamath, v. 21). See Commentaries
and J. Liver, 'Caleb\ in Encyclopedia Miqra 'it 4, cols. 106-110 (Hebrew).
171.Cf, e.g., King, BBSt (n. 5), pp. 3Iff., 43ff, 96ff.
therefore to be considered as a grant, although we do not know whether the grant

reflects an authentic historical fact of the times of the conquest or is rather a back
projection of later times. Granting a city to a vassal who proved loyal to the
overlord is found in connection with the city Siqlag, which was given to David
by Achish, the Philistine king (1 Sam. 27.6).172
Clements173 suggested that Hebron was the birthplace of the traditions of the
Abrahamic and Davidic covenants. The tradition about the grant to Caleb is cer-
tainly rooted in Hebron. It therefore seems plausible that the tradition of the grant
of Hebron to Caleb had been transmitted by the same circle that transmitted the
tradition of the Abrahamic-Davidic covenants.
The Grant of Priesthood and Priestly Revenues

The documents of grant in the ancient Near East also include grants of status -
maryannu-ship,m priesthood,175 etc. The priesthood of Aaron in Israel had also
been conceived as an eternal grant. Thus we read in Num. 25.12-13: 'Phinehas,
son of Eleazar son of Aaron the priest, has turned back my wrath from the Israel-
ites by displaying among them his passion for me.. .say, therefore, I grant him
my pact of friendship (D1 ^ rP""D). It shall be for him and his descendants after
him a pact of priesthood forever (D ^11? J"D i"O IT "Q)'. As in other grants, here the
grant is given for showing one's zeal and devotion for the master; and like the
other grants, the gift of priesthood is given in perpetuity.176 In biblical texts that
do not follow the rigid distinction (of the Priestly Code) between priests and
Levites but rather adopt the Deuteronomic attitude of priests and Levites being
one group, the grant applies to the whole tribe of Levi. Thus, we read in Mai.
2.4f.: 'that my covenant might be with Levi.. .my covenant was with him of life
and well being (0*1^271 D n Tf)'. In the continuation, an indication of the loyalty
and devotion of Levi is also found, which is similar in its phraseology to the
descriptions of the loyalty of Abraham and David.177 'he walked with [he served
me] with integrity and equity' (TIN ^H "WQm Dl^ra - v. 6).178 The eternal
covenant with Levi is also mentioned alongside the covenant with David in Jer.
33.17ff.
Priestly revenues in the ancient Near East were also subject to grants and royal
bestowals. This is also reflected in Israel. The holy donations assigned to the
Aaronide priesthood are formulated in the manner of royal grants:179 'All the
172.Cf. J. Tigay, 'Psalm 7.5 and Ancient Near Eastern Treaties', JBL 89 (1970), p. 183.
173.Seen. 1.
174. Cf. S. Smith, The Antiquaries Journal 19 (1939), ATT/8/49 (p. 43): mar maresu ana daria
maryanni u sangi sa Enlil ('his grandsons in perpetuity are [will be] maryannu and priests of Enlil').
175.Cf., e.g., Schorr, Urkunden (no. 10), VAB 5, No. 220; F. Thureau-Dangin, 'Un acte de
donation de Marduk - zakir - sumi', RA 16 (1919), pp. 141ff., and the Alalah text in the previous
note.
176. Cf. above.
177. Cf. above.
178.Seen. 30 above.
179. Following the translation of The Torah, Jewish Publication Society of America (1962).
sacred donations of the Israelites, I grant them to you and your sons as a pre-
requisite,180 a due for all time
Num. 18.8; cf. Lev. 7.34ff.), and in slightly different formulations,
'all the sacred gifts that the Israelites set aside for YHWHI give to you, to your
sons.. .as a due forever, it shall be as everlasting salt covenant.. .for you and your
offspring as well' (v. 19).
Similarly, the tithe, which according to Num. 18.2If., belongs to the Levites,
was also given to them as a grant for the services that they perform
Grants of the tithe of a city to royal servants are actually known
to us from Ugarit, as we read, for instance, in the grant of Ammistamru II.181
'(From this day) Ammistamru granted everything whatsoever (that belongs to the
city) to Yasiranu.. .forever for his grandsons: his grain, and his wine of its tithe'.
Yasiranu receives here the right to collect the tithe.182
The connection of the Aaronites and the Levites to Hebron has been pointed
out,183 and we may therefore suppose that the 'Sitz im Leben' of the grant to Aaron
and the Levites is rooted in Hebron, as are the other grant traditions discussed.
As has been shown, the grants to Abraham, Caleb, David, Aaron, and the
Levites have much in common with the grants from Alalah, Nuzi, the Hittites,
Ugarit, and middle-Babylonian kudurru's, i.e., in documents from the second
half of the second millennium BCE. This fact and the possible link of the men-
tioned Israelite grants to Hebron, the first capital of David's kingdom, may lead
us to the contention that it was Davidic scribes who stood behind the formulation
of the covenant of grant in Israel.
180. On the priestly revenue as a royal grant see Y. Muffs, 'Joy and Love as Metaphorical
Expressions of Willingness and Spontaneity in Cuneiform, Ancient Hebrew and Related Literatures',
in J. Neusner (ed.), Christianity, Judaism and other Greco-Roman Cults: For Morton Smith at Sixty, 3
(1975),pp.l4ff.
181.GN qadu gabbi mimmi sumsisa iddin ana PN...amz daris ana mare maresu: sesu, sikarsu sa
ma 'sarisu (PRU 3, 16.153): 4-11 (pp. 146-47). As in Ugarit, in Israel the tithe is taken from grain
and wine (and also oil).
182.Cf. M. Heltzer, The Rural Community in Ancient Ugarit (1976), pp. 50-51.
183.Cf. the dissertation by M.D. Rehm, 'Studies in the History of the Pre-Exilic Levites',
announced in the Harvard Theological Review 61 (1968), pp. 648-49. Cf. also B. Mazar, 'Cities of
Priests and Levites', SVT1 (1959), pp. 197ff.
Chapter 15
THE DAY OF ATONEMENT AND FREEDOM

(DEROR): THE REDEMPTION OF THE SOUL
The freedom proclaimed on the Day of Atonement (Lev. 25.10) underwent a

process of spiritual metamorphosis during the second temple period, so that the
proclamation of freedom brought about not only the physical liberation of slaves
and of land, but also the liberation of the soul and its restoration to its pure
source. Thus, for example, Philo of Alexandria says in connection with the Day
of Atonement:l 'We find it (the number ten)2 in Jubilee (a<|>Eais), in the complete
freedom of the soul, which shakes off (aTTOOEio|j8VTis = EQ£>) from its mislead-
ing (ways) and returns to its heritages'.
This concept of Yom Kippur as proclaiming freedom to the soul - that is, the
return of the soul to its pure source by means of abandoning sin - appears in the
Qumran scrolls:3 'And that which is said, "in this year of jubilee, each of you
shall return to his holding".. .and called to them freedom, that they may abandon
[the burden] of all their sins' (1.1-6).
It seems, indeed, that the motif of forgiveness and atonement in the Day of
Atonement liturgy was influenced more than a little by the erasing of debts and
sins in the declaration of 'freedom' and amnesty. In the Hellenistic period, the
royal amnesties opened with the forgiving of errors and deliberate sins
(ayvofiMara, ajjapTrjMCXTa),4 expressions which later found their way into the
religious realm (Tob. 3.4).5 Indeed, the prayers and confessions of Yom Kippur
ask forgiveness for both deliberate and unwitting transgressions.6
1. De congressupruditionisgratia, 107-108; cf. Quoddeferiorpotiori, 63; De Congressu, 89.

2. That is, on the tenth of Tishrei, i.e., the Day of Atonement of the Jubilee year.
3. See J.T. Milik, 'Milki-sedeq et Milki-resac dans les anciens ecrits juifs et Chretiens', JJS 23
(1972), pp. 95-109 (11 Q. Melch).
4. Cf. my SocialJustice, pp. 147-48.
5. Compare Ben-Sira 23.2. These expressions penetrated into Christian theological literature in
connection with the atonement of sins. See, for example, Eusebius, concerning Jesus, who forgives
errors and deliberate sins: Auoiv TE KCU ot(|>£aiv TGCJC TTpiv ayvorjpccTcov Kcci ajjapTrjMocTcov
UTTIOXVOUMEVOS Evangelica Demonstratio IV, 10. Cf. The discussion of this in L. Koenen, Eine
Ptolemdische Konigsurkunde (Pap. Kroll) (1957), pp. 5-6.
6. The one confessing must say: 'I have sinned (TIKBn), I have done iniquities (THI?), I have
transgressed (T1I7BS)' based upon the verse, 'And he shall confess over it all the iniquities (mmi?)
and transgressions (DITTEJB) of the Israelites, whatever their sins (DnRDn)' (Lev. 16.21). According
to Rabbinic interpretation, niDir alludes to deliberate sins, DnOTS to rebellious acts, and D'KBn to
unintentional errors (t. Kippurim 2.1; b. Yoma 36b; y. Yoma 3.7, 40d).
The statements concerning the erasure of transgressions and sins in Isaiah

44.227 are made against the background of the proclamation of freedom.8 An
analogy to this may be seen in Sargon's declaration of freedom:9 'Their iniquities
will be no more, their transgressions will be reduced, their sin will be erased,
their violations will be an abomination'.10
Together with the erasure of sin, one finds in Isa. 43.25 the refusal to remember
- that is, the forgetting of sin: an expression widely used in Greek in connection
with the proclamation of liberation (amnestia}\ it also occurs in Akkadian
(masutu).u The most concrete example in the realm we are discussing is the
phrase, 'Erase our notes of indebtedness' in the Abmu Malkenu prayer recited on
Jewish fast days,12 which is undoubtedly influenced by the act of liberation
entailed in the nullification of debts.
In Israel, the declaration of freedom (D'HETft), which had served in the Ancient
Near East to bring about equality and social rights of the citizens, became a
model for the redemption of the soul and of forgiveness of sins on Yom Kippur.13
Just as liberation 0"H"n) served as a model for the redemption of the individual,
and particularly for the forgiveness of sins, so did it serve as a model for the
redemption of the collectivity and the erasure of its sins at the End of Days. In
the Qumran Scrolls, in the Melchizedek midrash (11Q Melch.) cited above, the
7. 'I wipe away prPPlD) your transgressions £"p J72JB) like a cloud, your sins ("pnNBn) like mist;
come back to Me, for I redeem you'. Cf. Ps. 51.11: 'Hide your face from my sins, wipe out (Tino) all
my iniquities;' cf. v. 3.
8. Indeed, this verse is incorporated into the Amidah for Yom Kippur.
9. See H. Tadmor, 'The Temple City and the Royal City in Babylon and Ashur', in: Holy War
and Martyrology: Town and Community, Lectures delivered at the 12th Convention of the Historical
Society of Israel - December 1966 (1967), p. 192.
10. A.T. Clay, Miscellaneous Inscriptions in the Yale Babylonian Collection (YOS. 1.) (1915),
no. 38, II.31-35: ai ibbassi esltsun, egitsunu limattema, lipassis hitetsun, sahmastum lu ikkibsunuma.
Cf. C.J. Gadd, 'Inscribed Barrel Cylinder of Marduk-apla-iddina IT, Iraq 15 (1953), p. 130; W. von
Soden, AHw, p. 369, ikkibu 56.
11. Cf. M. Weinfeld. SocialJustice (1995), pp. 171-72.
12. Cf. S. Singer, The Standard Prayer Book (1943), p. 68.
In the liturgical poem by Yannai (5-6 centuries CE) BSCJQ DTD T3 TlTINn, recited on Rosh
Hashanah and Yom Kippur, immediately following the petition: 'find us righteous in judgement, O
King of Judgement', we read: 'He who is equal (imtZH), and makes equal great and small'. As noted
by Y. Baer, this text expresses the Platonic ideal that God is 'equal' in the upper world, and therefore
is a guarantor of the equality of human beings in the lower world; see: Y. Baer, 'The Ritual Sacrifice
in Second Temple Times', Zion 40 (1974), pp. 95-153 (Hebrew). It is interesting that Yannai's point
of departure for this view is the passage concerning the Jubilee year in Lev. 25:
You gave equality to all creatures
All are equal before You at the day of Creation
Let those who were sold for free be redeemed for free
And buyer and seller are equal as one.
Master of all, in all You have equalized all
Slave and his master, handmaiden and her mistress.
- Qedusha for the weekly portion [of the Palestinian cycle], 'and when you sell property' [Lev.
25.14], Piyyutei Yannai (ed. M. Zulai), pp. 168-69.
15. The Day of Atonement and Freedom (Deror) 229
verses from the Torah concerning the sabbatical year and the release (Lev. 25;
Deut. 15) are interwoven with prophecies from Isa. 61.1-3, in which the prophet
informs the people that he is sent 'as a herald of joy to the humble' and 'to pro-
claim release to the captives'. Isaiah 61.1, 'release' is interpreted there as a day of
forgiveness of sins (see above) and as the day which concludes the year of grace
of Melchizedek (cf. 1.9). The 'end', i.e., the time of redemption, will come during
the first Sabbatical cycle of the Jubilee following nine Jubilee cycles, and will
take place on the Day of Atonement. On this day, all the peoples of the earth will
be judged: Melchizedek will execute vengeance for the divine judgements (cf.
Isa. 61.2: 'and a day of vindication by our God' [ir H^N1? Dp] DV ]). It is to this
day that the Qumran midrash applies the words of the prophet: 'How welcome on
the mountain are the footsteps of the herald announcing peace, heralding good
fortune, announcing salvation' (Isa. 52.7). The author of the scroll goes onto say
(line 18) that the harbinger is 'the anointed one of the spirit, of whom Daniel
said, "until the [time of the] anointed leader is seventy weeks"' (Dan. 9.25).
The notion of release is here intertwined with the calculations of the end found
in Daniel, connected with the 'seventy sevens' (Dan. 9.24), i.e., 7 x 70 = 490
years, which indeed corresponds to the end of the tenth Jubilee cycle (50 x 10),
according to the calculations of the peser of Qumran given here. Melchizedek
thus fulfills here a function of the Messiah of the spirit, who foretells the redemp-
tion during the year of grace, which is [also] the year of release. Such an exegesis
of Isa. 61.1-3 must have lain in the background of Lk. 4.16-19, in which Jesus
sees himself as bearing to the reader news of freedom and a year of grace from
the Lord.14
The prophecy in Isa. 61.1-3, whose source is connected with the Jubilee of
years which passed between the destruction of the temple (586) and the declara-
tion of Cyrus (536), acquires mystical-apocalyptic significance during the period
of the second temple being motivated by calculations of the end of seventy sab-
batical years (Daniel) and ten Jubilees (Midrash Melchizedek). It thus became a
focus for the longings for redemption in both Judaism and Christianity.
The connection between the earthly, 'release of debts' and the divine one seems
to be very old. It is not only found in Leviticus 25, where 'the day of atonement'
(DmS'TDn DV) is also the day of release of slaves and land (vv. 9-10), it is found
to our surprise also in Ugarit.
In the Ugaritic text KTU1.40 we find a Ugaritic ritual ceremony concerning
the expiation of the sins of the children of Ugarit, men and women, king and
queen and the foreigners (mUK ITOn I}) who live in Ugarit.15 The citizens of
14. For a detailed discussion of the development of the prophecy in Isa. 61.1-3, from the Bible
until Christianity, see J.A. Sanders, 'From Isaiah 61 to Luke 4', in J. Neusner (ed.), Christianity,
Judaism and other Greco-Roman Cults; Studiesfor Morton Smith at Sixty. Part One: New Testament
(1975), pp. 75-106. It seems to me that the function of Jesus as the harbinger of the kingdom of God
(see Mk 1.14-15) is rooted in this ideology.
15. See recently: Texts Ougaritiques, Tome II, Textes religieux rituels correspondance (ed.
A. Caquot and J.L. Cunchillos, 1989), pp. 140-49.
Ugarit have sinned with anger (*]N) and impatience (£>S!J HHp) and they undergo
an act of forgiveness while offering sacrifices. It was A. Caquot who identified
the ceremony with the ceremonies of Yom Kippur.16 Recently G. del Olmo lete
suggested that the term "IBD which appears in this text so often is none other than
Akkadian misarum which signifies a royal decree of freedom: release of debts
etc.17 Here it applies to sin and debts of religious nature, like the Israelite Jubilee.18
As in the Ugaritic text the expiation of sins in Leviticus applies to the Israelites
as well as to the alien residents (Lev. 16.29). Another text that is pertinent to the
Ugaritic ceremony is Num. 15.22-26 where after an expiation offering brought
on behalf of the people is (vs. 24-25) we read: 'The whole Israelite community
and the foreigner residing among them shall be forgiven'. This formula is
actually recited on the eve of "US'13 DV in the synagogue until our day.
Here is a tentative partial translation of the Ugaritic text that we relate to.19
Lines 9-17: One offers the lamb of 'release' (~IO2) the 'release'
of the children of Ugarit.. .and the area OSD)20 of
Ugarit.. .they are.. .Human, Hittite etc.
in your impatience (DD^S] ~IUp)21 and in the loathful
deed
which you committed.. .we shall offer sacrifices...
Lines 18-25: One offers a sheep for the 'release' of... The foreigners of the walls of
Ugarit.. .You sinned with
your anger (pSND) and in your impatience (p&S] ""!i£p)...
we shall offer sacrifices...
the father of the children of II...
to the assembly of the gods.
Lines 26-34: one offers a donkey for the 'release',

the release of the children of Ugarit...
the 'release' of Niqmadu...
with your anger with your impatience.
16. A. Caquot, 'Un sacrifice expiatoire a Ras Shamra', RHPhR 42 (1962), p. 211.
17. G. Del Olmo lete, 'El Sacrificio de Expiacion Nacional en Ugarit (KTU1.40 Y Par)', in La
Paraula al Servei dels Homes (1989), pp. 43-56.
18. See M. Weinfeld, SocialJustice (1995).
19. The text is divided into six sections marked by horizontal lines. Section one is hard to recon-
struct. Section two refers to the people addressed in the masculine (DDCJBD, DDBNn), section three
refers to the people in the feminine (] D2JS3,] DSKD); the third (26-34) addresses the people in the mas-
culine and refers to the King Niqmadu; the fourth (35-41) addresses in the feminine and includes the
Queen Nititu. For the most recent discussion of this text, see D. Pardee, 'The Structure of RS 1.002',
in Semitic Studies in honor ofW. Leslau, II (1991), pp. 1181-1196.
20. In my opinion 'B3 here is like Hebrew HSD, which designates district, especially that of "111
(Josh. 11.2; 12.23; 17.11; 1 Kgs 4.11). According to M. Ben-Dov, TTBD - A Geographical Term of
Possible 'Sea People' Origin', Tel Aviv 3 (1976), pp. 70-73, the term nph is derived from Greek
VCCTTTI which designates forest in the plain, i.e., Sharon. The term was in use among the Sea People.
See however N. Na'aman, Borders and Districts in Biblical Historiography (1986), pp. 184-85.
21. Cf.R.D.Haak,'A Study and Interpretation of QSRNPS',J5L 101 (1982), pp. 161-67.
15. The Day of Atonement and Freedom (Deror) 231
Lines 35-41: He returns to recite... 'release' of the children of Ugarit...

Of the foreigners of the walls of Ugarit
the expiation ofNititu (the queen)
We shall offer sacrifice...
the father of the children of II.
The confession is recited here on behalf of the people, the foreigners, the king
and the queen apparently by a priest, as we find it in the Yom Kippur ceremony
according to Lev. 16.21 (comparer. Yoma).
Atonement on behalf of the people and its leaders, as we find in the Ugaritic
text, actually appears in Leviticus 4 where purification offerings are prescribed
for the high priest, the community, the chieftain and the commoner. Similarly in
the Yom Kippur ceremony the high priest offers purification offerings on behalf
of himself and his household (Lev. 16.11) and on behalf of the people (Lev.
16.24).
Chapter 16
THE CRYSTALLIZATION OF THE 'CONGREGATION OF THE EXILE'

AND THE SECTARIAN NATURE OF POST-EXILIC JUDAISM
As I have shown elsewhere,1 apodictic law (thou shalt/shalt not do) was imposed
on the people of Israel by its leaders, kings and rulers in the Early Israelite
period. Moses and Joshua bind/command the people to observe the Lord's
commandments (Exod. 15.25; 19.7-8; 24.3-8; Deut. 29.9-14; Josh. 24.25), as
does Josiah (2 Kgs 23.1-3), and accordingly the laws are addressed in the second
person, singular and plural. In the second temple period on the other hand, laws
and commandments are worded in the first person plural -1 refer to the pledge
(TIDQN) of Nehemiah in Neh. 10, in which the people assume, in first-person
speech, the obligation of observing the commandments:
We will not give our daughters in marriage to the peoples of the land (v. 31)
... we will not buy from them on the Sabbath (v. 32)
We will forgo [the produce of] the seventh year... (v. 32)
We have laid upon ourselves obligations.. .(v. 33)
.. .the first-born of our sons and our beasts.. .to bring to the House of our God (v. 37)
A similar form of expression has been found in the regulations of a religious-

cultic group in Ptolemaic Egypt.2
We shall assemble in the temple on holy days... we shall pay in coins of silver.. .we
shall provide wine and beer.. .we shall offer burnt offerings (kll.w) and make libations.
Earlier before the appearance of the Persian Empire, the kings were responsible
for establishing cultic practice: cf. Jeroboam setting up golden calves at Dan and
Beth El (1 Kgs 12.28-30) and Hezekiah and Josaiah establishing the unification
of the cult in Judah (2 Kgs 18.4; 22; 23.1-20). Priests who opposed these cultic
reforms were slaughtered on their altars (2 Kgs 23.19). According to 2 Chronicles,
King Hezekiah gave:
.. .the king's portion, from his property, for the burnt offerings
- the morning and evening burnt offering, and the burnt offerings
for sabbaths and new moons and festivals.. .(31.3)3
1. M. Weinfeld, 'The Origin of the Apodictic Law - An overlooked Source', Vetus Testamentum
23 (1973), pp. 63-75.
2. Cf. the demotic code from the days of Ptolemy III (223 BCE) cf. F. de Cemival, Les asso-
ciations religieuses en Egypte, d'apres les documents demotiques, 1972, Papyrus Lille 29, pp. 1-38.
3. Cf. also Ezek. 45.17.
16. The Crystallization of the 'Congregation of the Exile ' 233
During the Persian period religious observance became a voluntary matter.

People assemble and accept obligations but are not subject to externally imposed
laws. On the phrase in Exod. 19.17,'... and they took their places at the foot of
the mountain', the Sages commented that God held a mountain over the people
like a tub, i.e. forced a decision from them by overwhelming pressure, saying:
If you accept my law - well and good; if not, this is where you shall be buried. . .
(b. Shab. 88a)
Rabba adds that in the days of Ahasuerus the people nevertheless expressed their
willingness to accept the commandments of the Torah:
. . .the Jews undertook and irrevocably committed themselves. . .(tap! ID^p) 4
(Esther 9.27)
And indeed the commitment that the returnees from Babylon undertook is worded
as a voluntary consent and not as external dictation. They say:
'Now then, let us make a covenant with our God (im^K1? JV"Q n"OD) to expel all
these women and those who have been born to them. . . ' (Ezra 10.3)
Cf. 2 Chron. 29.10 on Hezekiah:

Now I wish to make a covenant with the Lord God of Israel. . .
'To make a covenant with' (*? rv~Q DID) usually means the strong party dictat-
ing from on high, binding the weaker party on oath to observe the conditions the
stronger lays down, cf., for example, Exod. 23.32; 34.15;Deut. 7.2; 1 Sam. 11.1;
etc. In Ezra 10.3, by contrast, the returnees from exile commit themselves vol-
untarily to observe the commandments. Moreover, their undertakings do not
apply to the whole of the people, as was usual in first temple times, but to the
'children of the exile' (H'TUPI ^H) or the 'congregation of the exile '
(Ezra 4.1; 6.19,20; 8.35; 10.7, 16).
The congregation of the exile' (n'TUPI *Tlp) was in dispute with the 'Remnant
of Judah', as we can see from Ezek. 11.16 and 33.23ff. It was the exile or the
exile of Judah that Jeremiah called 'the good figs' (Jer. 24.5; 29. 1 7) that came to
be accepted as the heirs of Judah and Israel and designated 'the men of Judah and
Benjamin' (Ezra 10.9; cf. 4.1). The returnees demanded the status of Israel for
themselves alone and were absolutely opposed to the claim of the 'Remnant of
Judah' to the land, that the latter had put forward a hundred years earlier.5
The voluntary nature of the 'children of the exile's' obligations is most obvious
in the commitment that we find in Nehemiah's Pledge to provide the annual wood
offering (v. 35). Before the Exile there was no such duty as the royal administra-
tion or the national leadership provided all supplies for the sacrificial ritual. All
changed after the destruction of the temple. In the Persian period, there being no
4. See S. Lieberman 'the Discipline in the so-called Dead Sea Manual of Discipline', JBL 71
(1952), pp. 199-206.
5. Cf. S. Japhet, 'The People and the Land in the period of the Restoration', Studies in Jewish
History of the Second Temple Period (Collected by Daniel R. Schwartz [Hebrew], 1995), pp. 127-45.
royal administration to maintain the ritual, this duty was assumed by the religious
community or a voluntary association. And in the Temple Scroll from Qumran
(col. 23-24) we see that the supply of the wood offering has become an impor-
tant matter. In the Hellenistic period it was one of the religious associations' cen-
tral duties: I refer to the xy Ionia.6
A like case is the third-of-a-shekel annual temple contribution that the returnees
committed themselves to, to finance its activities. In former times the king or
another national leader would have taken care of this (see Num. 7 ; Ezek. 45.16-
1 7). From the time of Nehemiah on, we are told of a pledge (H3QK) framing self-
imposed commitments, in contrast to the externally imposed obligations typical
of the first temple period. The formation and development of the various religious
associations in the Persian period reflects this change. Politically, the subject king-
doms were subordinate to the Persian king, but, as though in compensation for
this loss of independence, they were granted autonomy in their internal religious
affairs.
Another reflection of this transition is the modification of the institution of the
herem (proscription). In pre-exilic times this entailed killing the individual (Exod.
22.19; Lev. 27.29) or the group (Deut. 13.13-19 - a condemned town; Judg.
20.48 ; 2 1 .5 , 1 1 ) on whom the herem had been laid. After the Exile, the institution
took on the meaning of ostracism / excommunication, which also entailed the
forfeiture of property; see Ezra 10.8:
. . .anyone who did not come in three days would. . .have his property confiscated (Din1')
and himself excluded from the congregation of the returning exiles (
We find a similar proscription in the regulations of the Yahad sect from Qumran:
Every one of them who transgresses a commandment of the Law of Moses, with a
lifted hand or a slack hand, shall be banished finn^CP) from the Council of the
Community (1QS 8.22-23).
By failing to meet his self-imposed obligations, the transgressor had removed him-
self from the congregation that he had voluntarily joined and was thus expelled
from the community of Yahad.1
The departure of prophecy from Israel in this period is also explained by the
Persian ruling strategy not to permit political independence to small peoples,
whereas the empires of Assyria and Babylon had allowed the existence of vassal
kingdoms. In Israel's monarchical period the prophets had achieved the status of
being both indispensable andunconstrainable. No significant political step could
be taken without prophetical endorsement. Wars could not be undertaken without
first consulting a prophet, and such was the case not only in Israel but in all the
6. See F. Poland, Geschichte des griechischen Vereinswesen (1909), pp. 258 nn. 2,466; M.C.
Youtie, 'The Kline of Sarapis', Harvard Theological Review 41 (1948), pp. 22-23; A.E. Raubitechek,
'A new Attic Club; (ERANOS)', The S. Paul Getty Museum Journal 9 (1981), line 42 (p. 94).
7. M. Weinfeld, The Organizational Pattern and the Penal Code of 'the Qumran Sect (1986), pp.
41-42.
16. The Crystallization of the'Congregation of the Exile' 235
states of the Ancient Near East. The loss of political independence made national
prophecy redundant, and so the opening of the second temple period saw its disap-
pearance. Haggai and Zechariah continued to prophesy since the hope still existed
that Zerubbabel, of the line of King Yehoiachin of Judah, would re-establish the
monarchy (cf. Hag. 2.21), but as soon as this hope had been extinguished
prophecy as a national institution ended. Only individual prophecy survived, as
E.A. Urbach has shown.8
The character of Judaism at the opening of the second temple period was deter-
mined by the deeds and decisions of Ezra and Nehemiah, who led the returnees.
The returnee congregation saw themselves as the true Israel and dismissed other
groups claiming the inheritance, e.g. 'the remnant of the people' (Hag. 1.12; Zech.
8.11,12) as unrepresentative of the true Israel. Whereas Haggai and Zechariah
address themselves to the 'remnant of Israel' and entirely ignore the benefactions
the returnees received from Cyrus and Darius, Ezra and Nehemiah accentuate the
part the Persian kings played in the rebuilding of the temple and the restoration
of Israel, released from its exile (Ezra 6.22; 7.27-28; 9.9).
The prophecy of Deutero-Isaiah also extols the rescue of Israel through the
medium of Cyrus and his pronouncement in favour of rebuilding the Jerusalem
Temple and returning the exiles to Judah and Jerusalem (Isa. 44.26,28; 45.13).
As events have transpired, it was indeed the return of the Babylonian exiles
that gave the Law of Moses dominion over Judah and thus liberated the Jews
from false gods once and for all.
The traditional perception of the Sages who saw in the membership of
HaKnesset HaGedola the embodiment of Ezra and Nehemiah's leadership is
exactly right. The term knesset is equivalent to the Aramaic NHETDD which trans-
lates the Hebrew kahal The Aramaic KHETDa passed into Akkadian (Kinistu)
where it came to be applied to the founding assembly of the public around the
new temple.
HaKnesset HaGedola refers, in the opinion of the Sages, to the assembly in the
days of Ezra and Nehemiah and comprised elders, senior public officials, levites
and priests (Ezra 10.8; Neh. 10.1). This is to be compared to 1 Mace. 14.28:
...the great assembly of priests and the people and the heads of the nation.. .9
The sectarian elements of second temple Judaism may be outlined as follows:
Pedigree
The sectarian character of the Community of the Exile is made very clear to us
by a directive of Ptolemy IV Philopater (222-205 BCE). He ordered that all
devotees of the Dionysos cult in Alexandria be assembled and be required to
submit a signed declaration confirming from whom they had received the sacred
rites, a declaration that was then to be verified to the third generation. The sacred
list had to be signed and sealed by each devotee.
8. Tarbiz \1 (1946), pp. 1-11.

9. Cf. M. Weinfeld, The Organizational Pattern etc. (see above n. 7), pp. If.
This incident reminds us that in the period of restoration the 'returnees were
required to produce a written affirmation of ancestry before they could be
accepted into the congregation and were rejected if no written proof could be
submitted (Ezra 2.59; Neh. 7.61). The verification to the third generation ordered
by Ptolemy IV recalls the order in Deut. 23.8-9 that only third-generation descen-
dants of Edomites or Egyptians could be accepted into the congregation of the
Lord' i.e. be accepted as a Jew.
The Manual of Discipline of the Yahad community also mentions candidates
being registered by name:
.. .and they shall be registered in the order one before the other...
(5.23;6.23;8.19)10
And any new member of the community shall be measured by his deeds.. .and written
down in his place in accordance with his share in the lot of the light.
(Damascus Covenant 13.11-12)
All shall be registered by name.. .and written down by name, each after his brother.
(Ibid, 14.3-6)
Oath taking
Oath taking also assumed a prominent place in the internal organization of such
communities. With respect to the returnees from the Babylonian exile we read
that they will:
.. .take an oath with sanctions to follow the Teaching of God...
(Neh. 10.30)
And with respect to the Qumran sect:

Everyone who enters the community shall enter into God's covenant...He shall
undertake a binding oath.. .He shall undertake by oath...
(Manual of Discipline 5.8-10)
And he who enters the covenant of all Israel.. .shall take on him the oath of the cove-
nant. . .and shall be registered according to the oath of the covenant to which Moses
swore the people of Israel.. .to return to the Law of Moses.
(Damascus Covenant 15.5-9)
In a mystery sect of Isis in Egypt (Apuleius):

Make yourself one of this order (militia) to which you have sworn an oath...
(Metamorph 19.15, 30)
Baptism, Immersion
Joining one of these communities and entry into the covenant of Abraham, i.e. con-
version to Judaism, entailed immersion/baptism. The same practice obtained in
joining the Community of the Yahad, the Community of Christians, and the Isis
Mystery sect in Egypt. With regard to the latter association, we find that Lucius
immerses himself in water seven times before initiation.
10. Ibid., pp. 22-23.

16. The Crystallization of the 'Congregation of the Exile' 237
Another feature of the practice of these religious associations was the bestowal
of prizes on temple builders: Zech. 6.9-16 relates how delegates of the exile bring
silver and gold to make diadems for their leaders Joshua ben Yehozadak and,
apparently, Zerubbabel, for their part in bringing about the rebuilding of the
temple.
We find a similar happening in the Sidonian colony of Piraeus in Greece. The
Sidonian settlers who had the status of an autonomous guild with their own
temple, crown Shema 1?a'al who had built a courtyard for the temple of Bacal-
Sidon. The two events differ in that in Judah the delegates from exile crown the
builder of a temple in their homeland, whereas in Sidon it is the builder of a
temple in the Greek diaspora who is acknowledged:
On the 4th day of the feast, in the 14th year of the people of Sidon, it was
decreed by the Sidonians in assembly to crown ( 'tr) Shamacbacal son of Mgn
who had been the chief (ns ') of the community (gw) in charge of the temple and
in charge of the buildings in the temple court, with a crown ( 'trf) of gold worth
20 darics. . .the men who are in charge of the temple should write this decision on
a stele and should set it up in the portico before the eyes of the men11 (Phoeni-
cian in Athens; KAIno. 60, 319 BCE)
This is to be compared with the episode in Zech. 6.10-14:
Take silver and gold from the exiles, from Heldai, Tobiah...and enter the
house of Josiah. . .who have come back from Babylon. Take it and make a crown;
put the crown on the head of Joshua son of Jehozadak, the high priest. . .these are
the words. . . Here is a man named Zemah (=branch), he will show up from the
ground where he is and build the temple of the Lord... The crown shall be in
charge of Heldai. . .a memorial in the temple of the Lord.
The fact that a group minority develops a state is nicely depicted by Aristotle:
For in early partnership we find mutual rights of some sort and also friendly feelings. . .
All associations are part as it were of the association of the State. Travelers for instance
associate together for some advantage, namely to procure some of their necessary
supplies. But the political associations too, it is believed, was originally formed, and con-
tinues to be maintained, for the advantage of its members. . .Thus the other associations
aim at some particular advantage; for example, sailors combine to seek the profits of
seafaring in the way of trade or the like. . .some associations appear to be formed for
the sake of pleasure, for example, religious guilds and dining clubs, which are unions
for sacrifice and social intercourse. But all these associations seem to be subordinate to
11. H. Donner und W. Rollig, Kanaanaische und Aramaische Inschriften, No. 60; J. Teixidor,
'L'Assemblee Legislative en Phenicie d'apres les Inscriptions', Syria 57 (1980), pp. 454-64.
the association of the State, which aims not at a temporary advantage but at one
covering the whole of life.
The State as a Social Associate (Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics [IX, 1-6])
As noted earlier, the books of Haggai and Zechariah show utter disregard of
the returned exiles, in complete contradistinction to the books of Ezra and
Nehemiah. The word 'exile' appears once only in the story (Zech. 6.10) of the
delegation from Babylon that came in connection with the gold and silver for the
diadems. The books of Ezra and Nehemiah, by contrast, are full of 'the children
of the exile' and the 'congregation of the exile' that took shape after the Return
to Zion. Haggai and Zechariah continued to function within a state-wide, all-Israel
perspective, anticipating the re-establishment of the monarchy under Zerubbabel,
of the line of King Yehoiachin of Judah. Ezra and Nehemiah, maintaining their
loyalty to the kings of Persia, pursued a strategy based on voluntary associations.
We do not know at what point in the second temple period the diverse sects
began to consolidate. The usual assumption is that the parties began to take shape
in the Hasmonean period, but there is evidence for the existence of voluntary
associations as early as the Persian era. For this reason Nehemiah's Pledge should
be seen as signifying the transition from the dictation of state laws to the volun-
tary self-committal of a range of associations, of which the 'congregation of the
exile' was one.
The existence of an autonomous institution called kinistu (Aramaic knista,
Hebrew qahal} from the late Babylonian period on also suggests that voluntary
associations had begun to flourish under Persian sovereignty, replacing, for non-
political purposes, the former organs of the state.
Chapter 17
'You WILL FIND FAVOUR. . .IN THE SIGHT OF GOD AND MAN'
(PROVERBS 3.4): THE HISTORY OF AN IDEA
A. The Formula in the Bible

In Proverbs 3.1 ff., we read that a son who observes the teachings of his 'father',
the sage, will be rewarded with length of days and years of life and well-being1
and will find hen (favour) wesekhel fob in the sight of God and man. Sekhel fob,
like the adjacent word hen, means '(the impression of) a good appearance'2 = (cf.
Ski - histakel in late Hebrew),3 as we find in connection with Abigail: 'The woman
was tobat sekhel wiyefat to 'ar (beautiful) (1 Sam 25.3), an expression synonymous
withyefat to 'ar wetdbat mar 'eh4 (see Esther 2.7, Gen. 29.17; 39.6). It should be
added, however, that sekhel, as opposed to mar'eh, also connotes intelligence,
and thus the double meaning of this root must be borne in mind (see below).
Sekhel in the sense of seeing and looking is also found in Gen. 3.6 in connec-
tion with the tree of knowledge, which is called: 'a delight to the eyes and.. .lovely
lehaskiV. lehaskil should be interpreted here as 'to look (upon)', as it appears in
the Aramaic Targums and as indicated by Ibn Janah in his Sefer Ha-Shorashim.
This meaning is confirmed by the description of the garden of the goddess Siduri
in the epic of Gilgamesh. Of this garden, which contained trees bearing precious
stones and diamonds (cf. Ezek. 28.13), it is said.5 '(Clusters of grapes hang)
lovely to gaze upon (ana dagdla tdbai)...(bearing fruit,) beautiful to see (ana
amarisdhy.
In this manner we can understand the phrase sekhel fob yitten hen : 'good
appearance wins favour' (Prov. 13.15), as well as other phrases cited by Ibn
Janah in Sefer Ha-Shorashim.6 Of course, sekhel also means intelligence, like th
1. For a discussion of this verse (v. 2) and its division into parallel cola see: Y. Avishur, 'Phoe-
nician Topoi in Proverbs 3', Shnaton le-Miqra ule-Heqer ha-Mizrah ha-Qadum 1 (1976), pp. 17ff.
(Hebrew).
2. This was already noted by Jonah Ibn Janah in his Sefer ha-Shorashim and by David Kimhi in
his Sefer ha-Shorashim. Sakl in Arabic means 'form', and on this point, it is interesting to note Tob.
1.13: xapiv Kcci popery. According to P. Perles in 'A Misunderstood Hebrew Word',yg#, NS 17
(1926-27), p. 233, the Hebrew text, upon which the translator was dependent, read hen wesekhel (but
see objection of J. Barr, Comparative Philology of the Text of the Old Testament (1968), pp. 244-45.
3. It is interesting to note that the hitpael form of byn also connotes seeing and looking.
4. See the translation of the Peshita. (ntth spyr hzwh wspyr qwbllh
5. R.C. Thompson, The Epic of Gilgamesh, col. IX, vv. 49-51, Cf. CAD S, p. 66.
6. Such as 'Happy is he who looks to (= is thoughtful of) (maskil) the wretched' (Ps. 41.2) and
'All this that the Lord has made me see (hiskil) by his hand on me - the plan of all the works'
root byn, which includes the connotation of sight' (see n. 3). This being the case,
it appears that in Gen. 3.6, as well as in 1 Sam. 25.3, the author intentionally used
the verb sekhel to convey appearance so that he could also allude to the second
meaning of the root, namely knowledge and intelligence.7 Just as the tree of
knowledge, which offers wisdom, is 'a delight to the eyes and nehmad...
lehaskil, 'namely, both pleasant to look upon and desirable as a source of wisdom,
so too is Abigail tobat sekhel - both beautiful and intelligent. The story of Abigail,
in fact, does attempt to stress her intelligence: 'And blessed be your prudence
(fa 'amekhy (25.33), in other words, your intelligence (cf. temu in Akkadian).8
The verse under discussion (Prov. 3.4) cannot, therefore, be completely under-
stood unless we interpret sekhel tob to mean the good appearance of the son,
through which he will find favour in the sight of God and man. The teachings and
commandments that the son must learn in order to receive favour and sekhel tob
are likened to an item of jewellery bound about the throat (v. 3), which serves to
adorn its wearer. Similar descriptions are also found in connection with instruc-
tion (tordh) and discipline (musar) in Prov. 1.8-9: 'My son, heed the discipline
of your father, and do not forsake the instruction of your mother. For they are a
graceful wreath (liwyat hen), upon your head, a necklace about your throat', and
in conjunction with wisdom (hokhmah) in Prov. 4.7ff: 'The beginning of wisdom
is acquire wisdom...She will adorn your head with a graceful wreath (liwyat
hen), crown you with a glorious diadem'. Liwyat hen in these passages is
explained in detail by our verse: 'And you will find favour and sekhel tob in the
sight of God and man'.
Life, length of days and years, and favour in the sight of God and man, which
appear in Prov. 3.1^4 as the rewards for observing the teachings and command-
ments, are also found in the Phoenician inscription of Yehawmilk, king of Byblos
(fifth-fourth century BCE).9 tbrk bclt gbl >t yhwmlk mlk gbl wthww wfrk ymw
wsntw...wttn lw...hn lcn Înm wlcn cm *rs z whn cm *r$...[lcri\ kl m
[= May the mistress of Byblos bless Yehawmilk king of Byblos and grant him
life and lengthen his days and years.. .and grant him.. .favour in the sight of the
gods and the people of this land and favour with the land (in the sight of) every
king.]
A shorter blessing, which from a linguistic standpoint is closer to Proverbs 3.4,
(1 Chron. 28.19). Compare Exod. 25.40: "See and do the design which you were shown on the
mountain'.
7. See also the commentary of Benno Jacob. Genesis, uebersetzt und erklaert (1934), p. 107,
regarding the double meaning of Gen. 3.6.
8. The double meaning of external appearance and intelligence is also found in Lk. 2.52: 'And
Jesus increased in wisdom (oo^'ia) and in stature (f|AiKia) and in favour (xapis) with God and man'.
'Stature'and 'wisdom' express both aspects of the word sekhel: external appearance and intelligence.
The various interpretations of sekhel tob have been noted and analysed by B. Couroyer, Revue
Biblique 86 (1979), p. 961. Couroyer accepts the ecumenical translation: tupasser-aspour bien avise.
Indeed, aviser connotes seeing and understanding, as does sekhel. Couroyer, however, failed to notice
that the root ski also means 'seeing'.
9. Dormer und Rollig, Kanaanaische und Aramdische Inschriften (=KAI) (1962), no. 10.8ff.
17. 'You will find Favour...In the Sight of God and Man' 241
appears in a Phoenician inscription from Memphis in Egypt (second-first century

BCE).10
fwyjtn Im hn whym lcn *lnm wbn *dm
[= And (the gods) shall grant them favour and life in the sight of gods and men.]
The similarity between the Phoenician formulas and Prov. 3.1-4 gives rise to the
assumption that these verses were influenced by Phoenician sources.11
However, the Ramesside letters, published by J. Cerny12 and later translated
by E.F. Wente,13 have revealed that blessing formulas such as these were more
common in Egypt during the late Ramesside period (c. eleventh century BCE).14
In one of the letters, for example, a man informs his friend that he is praying that
the gods grant the friend life, health, and peace, length of days and old age, and
give him favour (hsf) before God and man.15 This formula recurs in the letters in
various forms.
Another interesting blessing that appears in the letters asks that the gods give
the addressee life, health, and peace, and favour in the sight of the officer or
general.16
Similar formulas are found in the Bible in connection with Egypt: Of Joseph it
is said 'the Lord was with Joseph: He extended kindness to him and gave him
favour in the sight of the chief jailer' (Gen. 39.21).
While here, as in the Phoenician inscriptions, the expression reads 'gave favour
in the sight ofb&eney whereas in the Egyptian letters it is 'gave favour before
(m b3h}\ this difference is of no consequence,17 since in Hebrew, too, 'in the sight
of can be interchanged with 'before (liphne)\ Compare, for example, 'f
favour in your sight' (Esther 7.3) and 'found favour before him' (Esth. 8.5). In
Akkadian as well, the sign IGI stands for both eye (mu) and face (pdnu) (and also
means before = mahar).
Three other verses that refer to God granting a person favour in the eyes of a
superior also appear in connection with Egypt:
And I will give this people favour in the sight of the Egyptians (Exod. 3.21).
And the Lord gave the people favour in the sight of the Egyptians. Moreover, the man
10. KAI no. 48.

11. See Avishur (above, n. 1).
12. J. Cerny, Late Ramesside Letters (Bibliotheca Aegyptiaca IX), 1939.
13. E.F. Wente, Late Ramesside Letters (SAOC 33, 1967). See recently E. Wente, Letters from
Ancient Egypt (1990).
14. This has been recently discussed by Couroyer (above, n. 7), pp. 92-101.
15. Wente (above, n. 12), nos. 1,3,6, etc. The juxtaposition of life and favour in these letters and
in the Phoenician inscriptions accounts for the parallelism of life (hayyim) and favour (hen) ian Prov.
3.22. Avishur (n. 1, above), p. 14, saw a Phoenician influence here, as well, but as it is now apparent
that the Egyptian formulas are earlier, it would be better to assume that the influence was Egyptian.
16. Wente (above, n. 12), nos. 8, 11, 14, 45.
17. I therefore do not believe that there is any particular significance in the fact that the Septuagint
translates b&eney in Prov. 3.4 as EVCOTTIOV (and not Iv a<|>0aAo7c), as Couroyer claims (above, n. 7),
p. 96.
Moses was very great in the land of Egypt, in the sight of Pharaoh's servants and in the
sight of the people (Exod. 11.3).18
And the Lord had given the people favour in the sight of the Egyptians (Exod. 12.36).
Clearly, it is no coincidence that the expression 'gave favour in the sight of (a

superior)', a stereotypical phrase in the Egyptian letters, occurs in verses that
make reference to Egypt.
Verses from a later period which contain this expression no longer speak of
granting hen (favour) but rather of granting rahamim (mercy, compassion) (com-
pare Babylonian usage, below). However, it is not the use of the word rahamim in
place of the word hen that causes us to regard these verses as late, as rahamim and
hesed (kindness) are both synonyms of hen.19 In the Joseph story, for example, we
read: 'May El Shaddai grant you rahamim (mercy) before the man' (Gen. 43.14).20
Rather, the lateness of these verses lies in their syntax: instead of 'grant
rahamim to so-and-so before someone', we read 'grant (or 'set') so-and-so
lerahamim before someone':
Set them lerahamim in the sight of their captors [=grant them mercy in the sight of
their captors] (1 Kgs 8.50).
He set them lerahamim before all their captors [=made all their captors kindly
disposed toward them] (Ps. 106.46).
And God set Daniel lehesed ulerahamim before the chief officer [=disposed the chief
officer to be kind and compassionate toward Daniel] (Dan. 1.9).
And set him lerahamim before this man [= dispose that man to be compassionate
toward him (Neh. 1.1).
Compare also the phrase in the letters from Elephantine: 'wlrhmn ysymk qdm
drywhws mlk'\'may he set you before King Darius [= dispose Darius to be com-
passionate toward you]' (see below).
In fact, the Aramaic Targums (Tg. Onq., Tg. Ps.-J., and the Syriac) translate
the phrase 'gave hen in the sight of, found in the earlier verses cited above, as
yhb Irhmn qdm/b ryny [= gave Irhmn (le + compassion) in the sight of]. Moreover,
the phrase 'give lehen lehesed ulerahamim in the sight of [= dispose favourably,
kindly, and compassionately toward] is common in Jewish liturgy, as will be
shown below.
18. Compare the Yehawmilk inscription quoted above: 'favour in the sight of the people of this
land...and in the sight of every king and man', which recalls favour 'in the sight of Pharaoh's
servants and in the sight of the people' in this verse.
19. Indeed, they are juxtaposed and parallel. See Y. Avishur, The Construct State of Synonyms in
Biblical Rhetoric, 1977, pp. 110-11,154 (Hebrew) (in Gen. 39.21, we find #era/beside hen). The
triplet hen, hesed, and rahamim recurs frequently in Jewish liturgy. See below, and my comments in
the Shnaton 1 (1976), pp. 253-54.
20. It has already been noted that this verse shows evidence of the Priestly redactor (note the
expression 'El Shadday) and is thus later than the source of the story itself. Indeed, the use of the
phrase 'gave compassion (ntn rhmym) to so-and-so before someone', instead of the expression 'gave
favour in the sight of someone' that appears in the other verses cited here, attests the lateness of the
verse. Nevertheless, this formula is earlier than 'gave lerahamim before so-and-so', which appears in
the late verses to which we will shortly refer. Compare Deut. 13.18 'and gave you compassion' and
Jer. 42.12 'and I shall give you compassion', with the verses soon to be cited in which the expression
'gave lerahamim' appears.
Another verse relevant to the present discussion is Ps. 84.12: Tor the Lord
God is sun (semes) and shield (mageri): the Lord grants (yitteri) favour and
honour, and does not withhold good (fob) from those who walk blamelessly'.
God gives favour and honour to those who walk blamelessly, just as he grants
blessing21 to the innocent in Ps. 24.4-5. A. Ehrlich22 has suggested that semes
(sun) refers here to a neck ornament (cf. Arabic sams,23 and he compares this
verse to Prov. 1.9 and Prov. 1.3, the verse that engendered the present discussion
(see above). Without mentioning Ehrlich, M. Dahood24 compared the shield and
the use of the verbyitten in Ps. 84.12 with Prov. 4.9: 'She will place (titteh) upon
your head a graceful wreath (liwyat hen): a crown of glory she will deliver to you
(temagneka)\ It is quite probable, therefore, that the 'sun and shield' are objects
of the verb yitten and not divine epithets. They are the ornaments by virtue of
which favour and honour are bestowed upon their wearer. As we shall see below,
in the Bible (1 Sam. 2.26), and in Assyrian literature, 'good' (tab) often replaces
'favour' (hen) in the phrase 'favour in the sight of, and it thus seems that the end
of Ps. 84.12 also refers to 'finding favour'.
Two other verses that refer to 'granting favour' appear in Proverbs: 'and he
shall grant favour to the lowly' (lcnyym [qere: lcnwym}) (3.34), and 'sekhel fob
(good appearance/sense) wins (lit. grants) favour' (13.15). The book of Proverbs
is replete with Egyptian influences, and thus it is not surprising that it contains
both the stereotypical phrase 'find favour in the sight of God and men', found in
Egyptian letters, and the concept of 'granting favour (ntn hri)\
Other than in the verses cited above, the phrase 'grant favour' (natan hen) does
not occur in the Bible.
B. The Formula in Assyrian Literature

The motif under discussion is also found in Mesopotamian literature of the first
millennium BCE, especially in royal epistles from the neo-Assyrian empire. Here
we find the formula 'good in the sight of gods and men'. Thus, for example, an
official writes to his king, Ashurbanipal:25
May Ishtar grant you length of days and years, physical health and joy of heart.. .the
issue of my lord the king's mouth is good with gods and men (sitpisa sarri... [tab itti]
Hi u amiluti)26
21. 'Blessing' (berakhah) appears together with 'shining of countenance' and 'granting favour' in
the Priestly Benediction in Num. 6.25-26 'The Lord bless you... The Lord cause His face to shine
upon you and grant favour to you (wiyhuneka)'', and in the final blessing of the eighteen Benedictions
of daily prayer: 'Grant peace, goodness, and blessing, favour (hri), and kindness (whsd), and com-
passion (wrhmym) to us...' See also below.
22. A.B. Ehrlich, Die Psalmen (1905), p. 203.
23. Compare the'suns (sevisim) and the crescents' in Isa. 3.18. Since it has become apparent that
sps in Ugaritic means sun, there is no longer any doubt that sevis is the Arabic sams, an adornment
worn about the neck in the shape of a small sun. See also H. Wildberger, Jesaja 1-12 (BK), 1972,
p. 141.
24. M. Dahood, Psalms II (1968), p. 283.
25. L. Waterman, Royal Correspondence of the Assyrian Empire (1930), no. 1110.5f.
26. CAD A/II amffitu, p. 59, 2.
In another letter to the same king we find:27

This act of kindness which is acceptable before gods and men (ina IGIDINGIR UJ-ti
mahratuni) which the king has done.28
A letter from Ashurbanipal to his courtier reads:29

The things that you have done are good with gods and man (sa ina muhhi ill u amili
[LU] tabu sunu).
Here we find the phrase 'gods and man (LU)', as in Prov. 3.4, rather than 'gods
and men (LU-ta), as in the other references cited above.
The formula is found in the negative in the words of Esarhaddon:30
Anything that is not good with gods and men (sa eli Hani u amllutu la tabu)*1
The formula 'good before (or: with) God and men' is reflected in 1 Sam. 2.26:
'and favour (tob) both with (cim) the God and with (cim) men' (cf. Lk. 2.52).
Here, 'im is synonymous with liphne (before). Indeed, these words are parallel in
Ps. 72.5: 'Let them fear You as (cim) the sun [shines], as (liphne) the moon
[lasts], generations on end'.32
The words cim and liphne (or b&eney) are also interchanged when they appear
together with the word hikkabed (to be honoured). In 2 Sam. 6.22 we find: 'but
among ('im) the slavegirls that you speak of, among them (cimam) I will be hon-
oured (ikkabedah)\ whereas in Lev. 10.3 we read: 'and I will be glorified
(>ekkabed) before (calpene) all the people'. In Isa. 43.4 and49.5 we find hikkabed
b&eney.
In Mesopotamia, as in Egypt, Phoenicia, and Israel, we also find prayers that
God dispose god and men to treat the suppliant with compassion and goodness:
May the good angel stand at my head, god and goddess and men provide me with
well-being (salimu lirsuni)?^
May the god, the goddess, and men provide me with well-being, and show me compas -
sion.34
27. Waterman (above, n. 25), no. 358.19.

28. Compare the identical formula in the treaty of Esarhaddon with the vassals: 'May that which
is acceptable in the sight of God and men be acceptable in your sight and good for you' (11.296-97).
See my translation in Shnaton 1 (1976), p. 102, and the note on this line on p. 84. See also K.H.
Deller, 'Die Briefe des Adad-sumu-usur', Festschrift von Soden, ADAT1 (1969), p. 50, which con-
tains references to other places within the royal epistles in which this formula appears.
29. Waterman (above, n. 25), no. 1380.
30. R. Borger, Die Inschriften Asarhaddons (1956), p. 42,1.42.
31. In Assyrian prayers we found 'the anger of God and men' (Sibsat Hi u amiluti). See
E. Ebeling, Akkadische Gebetserie 'Handerhebung' (1953), p. 78.57.
32. In this verse, liphne takes on the meaning of cim = as. See S. Paul 'Psalm 72.5, A Traditional
Blessing of the Long Life of the King', JNES 31 (1972), pp. 351-55. In contrast, in 1 Sam. 2.26, 'im
means liphne (before).
33. Ebeling (above, n. 31), p. 148: 24-25.
34. Ibid.,p. 78.61. According to the B text (seen. 10inhisbook,inwhichweflndsa/Fwtf raswas
well as rema sakanu), rema rasu is identical to sallma rasu/sakanu and both express pardon and mercy.
Provide me with a good angel...[may] the god, the goddess, and the men who are
angry make peace with me, speak honestly to me.35
These Babylonian prayers make reference to 'well-being' and 'compassion' and

not to 'favour'. Indeed, in biblical verses from the period of the Babylonian exile
as well (see above), 'compassion' (rahamini) appears in place of'favour' (hen).
Essentially, there is no difference between prayers for favour and requests for
well-being and compassion. What they actually speak of is the development of a
mutual relationship between the suppliant and God and men: According to one
formula, the suppliant asks to find favour in the sight of God and men and accord-
ing to the other, he asks that God and men make peace with him and show him
compassion. The formulas we have quoted from the Assyrian royal inscriptions,
however, differ from the west Semitic formulas in that they do not speak of
finding favour in the sight of God and men, but rather request, as we have seen,
that the individual be good with God and men; in terms of content, however,
these prayers are identical.
In late biblical books we also encounter the phrase 'find peace' in the sight of
someone, instead of 'find favour'. The verse 'So I became in his eyes as one who
finds peace (salom)' (Song 8.10) is nothing but a variation of'So I became in his
eyes as one who finds favour (hen)'. Moreover, in late Jewish liturgy, the words
hen, hesed, rahamim, tobah, berakhah, andsalom (favour, kindness, compassion,
goodness, blessing, and peace) frequently appear together, as in the final blessing
of the Eighteen Benedictions of daily prayer:36 'Grant peace, goodness, and bless-
ing, favour and kindness and compassion to us and all Israel Your people'. The
origins of this blessing can be traced to the Priestly Benediction in Num. 6.25-26,
in which we also find the combination of the words 'blessing' (berakhah), 'favour
(hen), and 'peace' (saldrri):
The Lord bless you (yebarekhekhd).. .the Lord cause His face to shine upon you and
be gracious to you (wiyehunekd). The Lord lift up his countenance upon you37 and
grant you peace (salom).
And indeed, the rabbis interpreted wiyehuneka to mean 'give you favour in the
sight of mankind'38 and 'grant you peace' as 'peace with every man'.39 It seems
that the Priestly Benediction and the final blessing of the Eighteen Benedictions
are not prayers for pardon and mercy, in other words, requests that the suppliant
be exempted from punishment; rather, they ask that God grant favour and peace
to the people of Israel, so that others will love them and make peace with them,
as in the formulas of 'granting favour' under discussion.40
35. 7ta/.,p.82.110ff.
36. See also my article in Shnaton 1 (1976) (above, n. 19), pp. 253-54.
37. nastfpdnim (lifting of countenance), \i\nQpanu wabalu in Akkadian (see CAD A I abalu A
\panu B, pp. 18-19], means to show kindness.
38. Sifre Naso 41 (Horowitz edition, p. 44).
39. Ibid., 42 (p. 46).
40. I therefore prefer the translation appearing in the notes to the JPS translation (1962), 'make
His face to shine upon thee and be gracious to thee', to the translation offered in the body of the text,
'deal kindly and graciously with you'. Also cf. the translation of the New English Bible. The 'shining
The 'good angel' mentioned in the Babylonian prayers asking for peace from
god and men is a personal intermediary to whom the suppliant turns. In our opin-
ion, he is identical to the Muses to whom Solon turns in his prayer (see below),
as well as the angels who are asked to grant favour and kindness in late Jewish
prayers (see below).
C. The Formula in Letters from the Persian Period

The Aramaic letters from the Persian period open with blessings for peace,
longevity, happiness, and health (=strength), similar to those from Egypt and
Assyria.41 They also contain wishes for the attainment of peace and compassion
from God, on the one hand, and from the king and ministers (=men), on the other.
For example, in a letter to Bagohi regarding the construction of the temple at
Elephantine we read:
Sim mr°n >lh smy3 ysgl sgv3 bkl cydn wlrhmn
ysymnk qdm dryhws mlk3 wbny byt3 ytyr mn hd yl
whyn 3rykyn yntn Ik whdh wsryr hwy bkl cydn42
[= May our Lord, God of the heavens, ask for much peace at all times, and
dispose Darius the king and his household compassionately toward you a
thousandfold more than now and grant you a long life, and may you be happy
and healthy at all times.]
The 'thousandfold' blessing is found frequently in Neo-Assyrian letters. For

example:
May gods and men repay the kindness of the king, my lord, a thousandfold.43
May the gods increase such blessings a thousandfold and grant them to the king, my
lord44
These blessings should be compared with Deuteronomy 1.11:

May the Lord, the God of your fathers, increase your numbers a thousandfold, and
bless you (see also 2 Sam. 24.3)
In another Persian letter (from ' Artahay to Nehtihur) we read:
of God's face' is explained in the final blessing of the Eighteen Benedictions of daily prayers:
barkhenu abinu be 'or panekha (bless us, our Father, with the light of your countenance), which
recalls Sefer Ha-Razim (see below), in which the angels are asked to grant the brilliance of their
countenance to the suppliant so that he will find hen wahesed in the sight of all men.
41. Regarding the various blessing formulas in the Aramaic letters see J.A. Fitzmyer, 'Some
Notes on Aramaic epistolography', JBL 93 (1974), pp. 214-15. See also B. Porten, 'The Archive of
Jedeniah son of Gemariah of Elephantine - The Structure and Style of the Letters (I)', Eretz Israel 14
(1978). H.L. Ginzberg volume, pp. 165-66.
42. A.E.Cow\Qy,AramaicPapyrioftheFifthCenttiryB.C.(\921),no.W, 11,1-3;cf.No.31.11,
1-3; no. 38.11,2-3.
43. Waterman (above, n. 25), no. 6, rev. 14.
44. Ibid., no. 435,1. 18, Deller (above, n. 28), p. 50j; CAD L s.v. limu B a.
17. 'You will find Favour...In the Sight of God and Man' 247 247
slm wsrrt sgy' hwsrt Ik...kn 'bd kzy I 'Ihy' wl 'rsm thd[y]45
[= I am sending (blessings of) peace and much health,.. .act in order to

appease God46 and Arsam.]
The letter concludes with a prayer for peace:

[slw kzy] 3lhy> slm ysmw Ik
[ = pray that the gods will grant you peace].47
D. The Formula in Greek Literature

In Solon's prayer to the Muses we read.48
oApov MOI TTpoc 0ecov McxKapcov SOTE KCCI TTpoc arravTcov dvSpcoTTcov aiei 56£av
IXEIV ayaSrjv
[ = Grant that I inherit wealth from the immortal gods and good honour (favour)49
always from all men.]
This call to the Muses resembles the call to the intermediary angels,50 which was
common in Babylonian and Jewish prayers (see below). The formula, however,
differs from those we have discussed here: it is not favour and honour that is
requested of gods and men, but rather wealth from God and honour from men.
Nonetheless, these prayers are essentially the same, since the request to find favour
in the sight of God and men is really a plea that the gods and men be good to the
suppliant. In the case before us, the poet asks for wealth from the gods and honour
from people.
E. The Formulas in Late Hebrew Literature

In the Book of Tobit 1.13, we learn that God gave Tobit favour and 'good appear-
ance' (xaptv KOU MOp<t>T]v)51 before Shalmaneser the king, whereas inEccl. 45.Iff.
we read that Moses 'found favour in the sight of all mankind [and was beloved
45. G.R. Driver, Aramaic Documents of the Fifth Century B.C. (1957), no. xlll.
46. Driver (above, n. 44) felt the need to translate 'Ihy' as 'his Majesty', but there is no basis for
this.
47. Driver (above, n. 45), 1. 5.
48. For a recent discussion of this prayer see K. Alt, Hermes 107 (1979), pp. 389f.
49. Alt (above, n. 48), translates 5o£e as Ansehen, which mean an appearance that inspires both
respect and admiration. Cf. Ps. 84.12: 'God grants favour and honor (hen wekhaboct)', cited above.
50. The Muses resemble the angels in many ways: they sing in a choir and offer praise to Zeus
(Hesiod, Theogony, 11.1 Off) and to Apollo (Iliad 1,603-604), as do the angels in the Bible (Isa. 6.3;
Ez. 3.12; Ps. 89.6ff; Job 38.7); they are omniscient (7//W2.484ff), as are the angels (2 Sam. 14.20);
the Muses inspire the poet to prophesy (E.R. Dodds, The Greeks and the Irrational, 1959, p. 82), as
does the angel who talks with the prophet (Zech. 1.9, 14, etc.); they appear out of a mist (Hesiod,
Theogony, 9). Cf. Isa. 6.4; Ezek. 1.4-5; cf. My article The Heavenly Praise in Unison', MeqorHajjim,
Festschrift fur G. Molin (1983), p. 434.
51. See n. 3, above. Mopcfrrj here is close in meaning to 6o£a (= Ansehen) in the prayer of Solon,
and See n. 49, above.
by God and men'.52 Our interest, however, lies in the prayers to God that ask for
favour in his sight and in the sight of man (literally, that God give the suppliant
favour in the sight of others, see above). Such formulas are indeed found in Jew-
ish liturgy. In the morning blessings53 of the daily service we find:
And give me today and everyday grace, favour and mercy (lehen ulehesedulerahamim
in your sight and in the sight of all those who see me [= dispose them favourably,
kindly, and compassionately toward me] (b. Ber. 60b).
Even more interesting are the formulas in Sefer Ha-Razim?* which appear in
the context of the adjurations of the angels:
I adjure you to grant favour, grace and mercy (hen wahesed werahamim) to so-and-so
from the brilliant grace, favour and mercy of your countenance.. .and cause me to find
favour, grace, and mercy, and honour (kabod) in the sight of all mankind (p. 76).
From this we learn that the 'favour' (hen) on a person's countenance emanates
from the countenances of the angels, and therefore one turns to the angels in this
matter. As we have already mentioned, favour was necessary in order to charm
the ministers and other superiors upon whom an individual was dependent.
Indeed, the author of Sefer ha-Razim states explicitly regarding the angels who
grant favour:
These are the angels who change the minds of the king and the will of great ones, and
chiefs, and rulers, and leaders and crown with favour and grace (hen wahesed) all
those who request anything of them in purity (p. 73).
The receipt of favour from the angels was dependent upon writing 'characters on
a silver plate' and binding this plate to the tablet of the heart (p. 84), an act that
recalls the verses in Prov. 3.3-4: 'Bind them about your throat, write them on the
tablet of your heart, and you will find hen wesekhel tob in the sight of God and
man' (see above). The prayers in Sefer ha-Razim bear a striking resemblance to
the Babylonian prayers, which are also adjurations accompanied by magical acts.
The act of turning to the angels in order to attain favour is preserved in the
official liturgy, as well. Toward the end of the version of the Grace after Meals
customary among Ashkenazi Jews we find the prayer:
May those on high speak favourably on our behalf, so that we may have enduring
peace. May we receive blessings from the Lord, justice from the God who saves us,
and may we find hen wesekhel tob in the sight of God and man.
In the Babylonian Talmud (Hul 92a) we read that the princes of the nations
(=angels)55 intercede on Israel's behalf, and thus the above formula may indeed
be regarded as a plea that the angels intercede on the suppliants' behalf, to ensure
that they find favour in the sight of God and man.
52. Also cf. the Wisdom of Solomon 4.1: 'Perfection.. .will be recognized by God and men'.
53. Cf. my article 'The Morning Prayers (Birkhot Haschachar) in Qumran and in the Conven-
tional Jewish Literature', Revue de Qumran 19 (1988), pp. 481-94.
54. M. Margalioth, Sefer Ha-Razim (1967). The editor dates the work to the third century CE.
55. See Rashi's commentary on this passage.
17. 'You mil find Favour...In the Sight of God and Man' 249
Even more instructive is a prayer that is said after the Priestly Benediction that
is taken from a liturgical collection by Rabbi Nathan Hannover entitled Shtfarei
Ziyyon. The prayer is based on the names of angels, 'nqtmpstmpspsym dywnsym'
which are derived from the verses of the Priestly Benediction.56 In it, we read:
And set us le'ahaba lehen ulhesed in your sight and in the sight of all who see us'
[= dispose them lovingly, favourable, and kindly to us].
This prayer is undoubtedly directed toward the angels, and indeed, in Sefer ha-
Razim, Pesipiel (cf.pstmpspsym) appears as one of the angels to whom one turns
if one wishes to find favour and kindness in the sight of superiors.57
F. Summary
Prayers for the favour of God and men, officials and rulers, first appear in Egyp-
tian letters from the late Ramesside period (eleventh century BCE). They are later
found in Phoenician inscriptions, one of which has been discovered at Memphis
in Egypt. In the Pentateuch, such motifs appear in connection with Egypt: God
gave Joseph favour in the sight of the keeper of the prison (Gen. 39.21); God gave
favour to the Israelites in the sight of the Egyptians and Moses was esteemed
among Pharaoh's courtiers (Exod. 3.21; 11.3; 12.36). The expression 'find hen
wesekhel fob in the sight of God and man' (Prov. 3.4) is even found in a collec-
tion of proverbs replete with Egyptian influences.58 It seems, therefore, that the
expression entered Israel through Egyptian influence.
In Mesopotamia as well, this expression was prevalent, but instead of the
words 'find favour' (in the sight of God and men) we find 'to be good' (with God
and men), a phrase which also occurs in 1 Sam. 2.26. Moreover, instead of
'favour', the Mesopotamian formulas ask for 'compassion and peace', requests
that also occur in late biblical literature ('dispose him to be compassionate to')
and in Jewish liturgy.
Furthermore, the Babylonian texts refer to a good angel who stands beside the
one who asks for compassion and peace. This phenomenon was also recently
discovered in Sefer ha-Razim, published by M. Margalioth.59 Here, the angels are
sworn to grant the suppliant favour and grace in the sight of all who see him
especially officials and rulers upon whom the suppliant is dependent. Prayers
such as these filtered into the Jewish liturgy, despite the objections to praying to
angels in the official liturgy.
56. A. Berliner, Randbemerkungen zum taeglichen Gebetbuch I (1909), pp. 32-34.

57. Margalioth (above, n. 54), pp. 83-84, 11. 38-56.
58. Regarding the Egyptian background of Prov. 1-9 see C. Kayatz, Studien zu Prov. 1-9, eine
form- und motivgeschichtliche Untersuchung unter Einbeziehung aegyptischen Vergleichsmaterial
(WMANT), 1966, 22. According to Couroyer (above, n. 7), pp. 98ff., the expression sekhel fob in
Prov. 3.4 is similar to the Egyptian spd-hr which appears there next to hswt=hen, as in Prov. 3.4, and
it refers to one possessing sharpness and alertness.
Addendum in the Light of Two New Epigraphic Discoveries

A. In the bilingual (Akkadian, Aramaic) inscription appearing upon the statue of
the King of Gozan on the Habur, which was discovered at Tel Fekheriah in
1979,60 we read, in the Aramaic section:
W/W'H 'mrtpmh 7 'Ihn w7 'nsn tytb
[= (the statue) was erected in order that the words of his mouth (the king's
request) will be good with God and men.]
This formula corresponds to the Assyrian formula quoted above: 'May the
issue of the king's mouth be good with God and men'.61 It should be noted that
the statue and its inscription served as an intermediary, so to speak, for the
transmission of the king's prayers to his God.62 The statue is, therefore, a kind of
' good angel', an advocate of the king who ensured that god and men would grant
the king's wishes, a matter which we have discussed above.
B. In a dedicatory engraving on Pithos B found at Kuntilat Ajrud, we read after

an opening formula similar to the opening of the letter (said so-and-so.. .say to
so-and-so).63
May he bless you and keep you. Favour him (hnnh) with all that he may ask of man...
And may YHWH give him as his heart [desires].64
Here too, we find a twofold request: (1) For favour in the sight of men so that
everything asked65 of people will be granted: (2) That God will grant the suppli-
ant his wishes. The combination of 'all that he may ask of men' and 'favour'
recalls verses from the story of the Exodus from Egypt, mentioned above: 'Tell
the people to borrow, each man from his neighbour...and the Lord gave the
people favour...' (Exod. 11.2-3) and 'and borrowed from the Egyptians.. .and
the Lord gave the people favour...' (Exod. 12.35-36, and cf. Exod. 3.21-22).
It should also be added that the elements: 'The Lord bless you and keep
you...and be gracious to you (wiyehunekay in the Priestly Benediction (s
above) are reflected in the inscription from Ajrud: 'May he bless you and keep
you (ybrkk wysmrk).. .and favour him (hnn)\
60. Cf. La Statue de Tell Fekherye et son inscription biblique assyro-aramenne (ed. Ali Abou-
Assaf, Pierre Bordreuil, Alan R. Millard, 1982).
61. The Akkadian in the Tell Fekhrye Inscription reads: qibitpisu eli Hani u nise tubbi, see ibid
(n.60),p. 16.
62. Regarding this practice in Mesopotamia see W.W. Hallo, 'Individual Prayer in Sumerian: The
Continuity of a Tradition', JAOS 88 (1968), p. 79 n. 74; idem, 'The royal Correspondence of Larsa',
in S.N. Kramer Anniversary Volume (1976), p. 211.
63. See J. Naveh, 'Graffiti and Dedications', BASOR 235 (1979), p. 29.
64. I wish to thank Dr Z. Meshel for bringing this find to my attention.
65. Cf. the Panamuwa inscription: wmz '$ 'I mn 'Ihyytn ly (Donner-Rollig, above, n. 9,214.4) and
see also the dedicatory inscription to Panamuwa II which concludes with a fragmentary blessing, of
which the following words have survived: qdm 'lh wqdm 'ns (before God and before men) (ibid.,
215.23).
Chapter 18
UNIVERSALISTIC AND PARTICULARISTIC TRENDS

DURING THE EXILE AND RESTORATION1
It was the prophets, as is well known, who cultivated the religious universalistic
ideal, articulating the visionary hope that all the nations of the world recognize
YHWH, the God of Israel. Pentateuchal literature mentions no such idea. To the
contrary, the Pentateuch actually contains the idea that YHWH himself appor-
tioned 'the gods' among the nations of the world, and that these 'gods' constitute
the natural focus of their faith. These second-order deities and the faith in them
'the Lord your God allotted to other peoples everywhere under heaven' (Deut.
4.19; cf. 29.25).2 However, during First Temple times, the prophetic universal-
istic aspirations amounted to no more than a Utopian wish, a vision to materialize
only in the distant future. Israel during this period was not itself entirely clean of
paganism, and the time had not yet ripened to speak of reforming other nations in
this regard.
Only during the period of the Restoration did this prophetic universalistic
ambition first find practical, concrete expression. This period saw the nation of
Israel purified, purged of the sin of paganism, ready to have an impact on other
nations as well. Deutero-Isaiah, who prophesied during this period, does not offer
a vision of the eschaton or days yet to come, as had his prophetic forebearers, but
rather envisions for the present, for the reality of his own times. This prophet,
who watched the ancient geopolitical world disintegrate in the wake of Babylon's
demise, turns to the bewildered Gentile refugees, saying in unequivocal terms:
'Turn to me and be saved.. .for I am God, and there is none else... To Me every
knee shall bend, every tongue swear loyalty' (45.22-23). The prophet perceives
his period as the right moment for fixing the world under the kingdom of God.
The Babylonian kingdom, the land of idolatry, is falling apart, and on the horizon
1. Translated from the Hebrew by Simeon Chavel. Addenda placed at the end of the reprinted
version of the article in 1979 have been integrated into the work.
2. This constitutes one of the verses which, according to Rabbinic tradition, the wise scribes
revised in the copy of the Pentateuch they prepared for King Ptolemey. They wrote: 'the Lord your
God allotted them to illuminate for all the nations' D'DUH ^D^ TNH1? (Mek. to Exod. 12.40). Rashi
brings this comment at Deut. 4.19, but it cannot be made to fit the parallel verse in Deut. 29.25, which
says, 'gods whom they did not experience and whom He had not allotted to them'. On the character
of the tradition about scribal revisions, see A. Geiger, The Bible and Its Translations, pp. 282ff.
(Hebrew trans, of German original), and recently E. Tov, "The Rabbinic Tradition Concerning the
Alterations Inserted into the Greek Pentateuch and Their Relation to the Original Text of the LXX',
Journal for the Study of Judaism 15 (1984), pp. 65-89.
arises Cyrus, the king seen by the prophet as YHWH's anointed (45.1), upon
whom it falls to play an important role in realizing the universalistic objective.
Chapters 40-48 in the book of Isaiah, said against the background of Cyrus'
rise and the conquest of Babylon,3 contain prophecies in which the monothei stic
message reaches the pinnacle of expression (41.4; 43.10; 45.5-7,14,18,22). This
message is directed mainly at the islands and peoples at the ends of the earth (41.1,
5; 42.4, 10, 12; 45.22; 49.1). Before this prophet's eyes stands the giant empire
recently built by Cyrus; these distant islands and peoples, therefore, are apparently
those of Greece, Asia Minor, and, in the East, those in the region of India, which
Cyrus had recently conquered. According to this prophet, Cyrus fulfills a divine
mission in that he spreads the monotheistic faith throughout the world. Plausibly,
Cyrus suited this assignment more than any other king because he came from an
aniconic religion, whose concepts resembled those of the Israelite faith more than
the religions of other nations. Indeed, Cyrus is anointed by YHWH, called by
him 'so that they may know, from east to west, that there is none but me; I am
the Lord and there is none else' (45.6).
In the background of Deutero-Isaiah's prophecy stands the drama of a legal
suit4 against the Gentiles and their gods. Taking the gods of the Gentiles and their
worshippers to court, the God of Israel asks them to lay out their arguments and
proofs to substantiate the divine power of these supposed gods (41. Iff, 2 Iff., et
al). Since they cannot demonstrate the power to see the future, to envision the
unfolding of history, they are false. By contrast, Israel testifies in this trial to the
existence of prophecies from its God, proving the exclusive existence of its own
God (43.10; 44.8). By the same token, additional pieces of evidence brought dur-
ing the trial demonstrate Israel's God as the one and only. These proofs are both
positive and negative. One line of reasoning argues that the gods of the Gentiles,
mute idols, insignificant and empty, aspire vainly to represent the image of God,
who transcends description through any sort of image or form (40.18,25, et al.).5
A second line of argument brings proof positive from the creation of heaven and
earth: 'Lift high your eyes and see: who created these?' (40.26) - God created the
luminaries and the forces of nature; these creations themselves are not divine.
The case results in a clear verdict: 'I am He: before Me no god was formed and
none shall exist' (43.10), 'I am God and there is none else' (45.22). Undoubtedly,
this formulation has particular significance. The Pentateuch generally contains
the expression, 'I am YHWH', whereas here the prophet says, 'I am God',
3. See M. Haran, Between the First and the Last: A Literary and Historical Study of the Unit of
Prophecies in the Book of Isaiah, Chapters 40-48 (1963).
4. For this motif in Deutero-Isaiah see L. Kohler, Deuterojesaja stilkritisch untersucht, BZA W!>1
(1923). See also B. Gemser, 'The Rib-Pattern in Hebrew Mentality', SVTlll (1955), pp. 120ff.
5. In this, he rebuts earlier conceptions, primarily the priestly one according to which God made
mankind in his own image (Gen. 1.26-27; 5.1). Elsewhere I deal with Deutero-Isaiah's polemic
against the anthropomorphic conception in Gen. 1 in connection with other images: God's work and
rest (40.28), his consultation with the heavenly retinue (40.14; 44.24), and existence of primordial,
formless matter (the deep, earth, and darkness) prior to Creation (45.7, 18-19). See my article in
Tarbiz 37 (1968), pp. 105-132.
18. Universalistic and Particularistic Trends 253
emphasizing the universal aspect of Israel's God.6 Remarkably, the proofs for
God's exclusive unity and existence come from the cosmic-universal sphere, not
the national one. God appears here as the creator of the world, the 'maker and
breaker' of kings (40.23), not as the one who, in particular, took Israel out of
Egypt, as he appears elsewhere in the Bible, especially the Pentateuch.
The unique character of Deutero-Isaiah's universalistic prophecy also stands
out in that it contains no mass movements of peoples and kingdoms to Mount
Zion, as found in the prophecies of Isaiah son of Amos and Micah in connection
with the justice which will usher in world peace.7 The prophet beckons the private
individual, wherever he or she is, to bow to YHWH and swear by him (45.23).
And indeed, different people from various places hearken his call, declaring their
affiliation to the God of Israel: 'One shall say, "I am the Lord's", another shall use
the name of "Jacob", another shall mark his arm,8 "of the Lord" and adopt the
name of "Israel" ' (44. 5).9 Even if this context deals with Israel, still Israel func-
tions here as a tool in the universalistic mission. Israel bears the responsibility of
bringing the monotheistic creed to the world and was 'elected' to this task. Indeed,
election has a special significance in Deutero-Isaiah.
In two places the Bible demonstrates a fully formulated ideology regarding
election, in Deuteronomy and in Deutero-Isaiah.10 Deuteronomy sees election
mainly as a privilege. From among all the nations on the face of the earth, YHWH
chose Israel to be his holy people (Deut. 7.6; 14.2); He chose to favour only the
forefathers of the Israelites (4.37; 1 0. 1 5). In the chapters of the consoling prophe
by contrast, election constitutes an obligation and an assignment.11 God chose
Israel to serve as a covenantal people12 and a light unto the nations (Isa. 42.6;
6. On the use of the formulation, 'I am YHWH', see J. Morgenstern, 'Deutero-Isaiah's Termi-
nology for "Universal God" ', JBL 62 (1943), pp. 269-80; S.M. Blank, 'Studies in Deutero-Isaiah',
HUCA 15 (1940), pp. 1-46; so, too, G.F. Moore, Judaism I, 1927, pp. 227ff.
7. The main idea in this prophecy does not consist of eschatological repentence, as B. Uffenheimer
would have it ('History and Eschatology in the Book of Micah', Bet Mikra [1963], p. 53 [Hebrew]),
but rather eternal peace, as Y. Kaufmann perceived (History of the Israelite Faith, III.204-205
[Hebrew]). The nations swarm to Zion not in order to know YHWH and accept his religion, but in
order to fall under his legal sovereignty: 'Thus He will judge among the nations and arbitrate for the
many peoples, and they shall beat their swords into ploughshares. . .they shall never again know war'.
Indeed, the verses adjacent to this prophecy, in Isa. 2.5 and in Mic. 4.5 ('Though all the peoples walk,
each in the names of its gods, we will walk in the name of the Lord our God forever and ever')
demonstrate that the prophecy does not speak of eschatological repentance.
8. Hebrew 1 T DinT means he will write on his hand to signal his affiliation, like the custom of
marking slaves on their hands to establish their owners. See R. Yaron, The Law of the Elephantine
Documents (1961), p. 49, and recently, M. Bar-Han, 'Magic Seals on the Body Among Jews in the
First Centuries C.E.', Tarbiz 57 (1987), pp. 37-38 (Hebrew).
9. See A vot de Rabbi Nathan (Schecther edn) ch. 36: ' "and he shall be called by the name Israel"
- these are the true proselytes HEN n; '. S. Lieberman (Greek and Hellenism in Israel, p. 63) brings
the following reading, which he prefers as more correct: 'these are the Gentile proselyte
10. See G. Quell, Theologisches Worterbuch zum NT TV, 1939, pp. 148ff.
11. See I. Heinemann, 'The Election of Israel in the Bible', Sinai 16 (1945), p. 22. He names this
category of election, 'appointment'.
12. The word 'nation' (DI7) in 42.6 means all humanity, as demonstrated by the previous verse
49.6).13 In Deuteronomy, which sees paganism as the natural allotment of the

Gentiles, election comes to distinguish Israel from the other nations, to distance
Israel from them; in other words, election in Deuteronomy serves a nationalistic
goal. In Deutero-Isaiah, election functions to draw the nations to Israel and its
faith, namely, it serves a universalistic aim. The election of Israel here does not
purport to bring great success to Israel itself, as in Deuteronomy, but rather to
have Israel serve as a means for the spiritual advancement of the nations - for
their own benefit. YHWH chose the 'servant of YHWH', that visionary image in
Deutero-Isaiah14 symbolizing the ideal and true Israel, even if not portraying
Israel realistically, not only in order to firmly establish the Israelite tribes, but also
to have them serve as a light unto the nations, bringing the salvation of YHWH to
the furthest reaches of the earth (49.6). National redemption in Deutero-Isaiah,
then, amounts to a means for a general universal redemption, which itself marks
the true salvation.
The Beginnings of the Realization of the Universalistic Vision

If chs. 40-55 bring the universalistic message merely in the form of an entreaty,
beseeching the nations of the earth, the later chapters in Deutero-Isaiah (56-66),
said as far as one can tell in Israel and not in Babylon,15 contain already the begin-
nings of the realization of the universalistic vision.
In ch. 56 the prophet turns to the Gentiles joining YHWH's ranks and to the
eunuchs in the courts of the Gentile kings, promising them complete absorption
into the congregation of Israelite faithful (vv. 1-8). This prophecy provides clear
testimony to the existence of Gentile groups accepting the 'yoke of the kingdom of
heaven'. It appears that the Jewish diaspora in Babylon and Persia in this period in-
spired excitement and activity among the Gentiles, particularly those in court
circles. Judean exiles, including apparently the prophet himself, belonged to the
Judean elite, so it should occasion no wonder that they played a role in the royal
court. Some go so far as to say that Deutero-Isaiah was close to Cyrus and his
courtiers.16
(42.5): 'Thus says God the Lord, who created the heavens and stretched them out, who spread out the
earth and what it brings forth, who gave breath to the people upon it and life to those who walk
thereon'.
13. At least from the point of view of the concept and theme of election, there is an identification
between the 'servant of YHWH' spoken of here and Israel. Election and 'calling by name' are said of
both Israel and the servant; see Haran, supra, pp. 33-37.
14. Zion and Israel undergo a process of personification in Deutero-Isaiah. Zion appears in the
image of a widow-mother with a passive role (absorbing her sons), whereas he imagines Israel as
YHWH's servant, fulfilling an active role in the service of its Lord.
15. This is the opinion of most scholars among both those who attribute these chapters to
Deutero-Isaiah and those who attribute them to another prophet (Trito-Isaiah). I see no compelling
reason to see in them the work of another prophet. One can explain the distinction between them as
the result of different circumstances and not necessarily a different period. Haran (supra, pp. 83 ff.)
presumes that chs 49-55, too, display a Judean background; the presumption is a reasonable one.
16. M. Haller, 'Die Kyros Lieder Deuterojesajas, Eucharisterion Gunkel', FRLANT36 (1923), I,
pp. 261-77.
Daniel 1, too, speaks of Jewish children 'proficient in all wisdom, knowledge-

able and intelligent', who serve in the king's court (v. 4). True, the stories of
Daniel in their current form are not authentic; nevertheless, they reflect real
historical circumstances, as exemplified by the descriptions of Nebuchadnezzar
which fit the personality of Nabonidus and the events connected to him.17 An
historical background identical to that in the stories of Daniel stands behind the
Prayer of Nabonides found in Qumran (4Q PrNab).18 This text tells of a Jewish
prophet who attempts to persuade Nabonides to abandon gods made of silver and
gold and to admit to the existence and dominion of the Highest God. Recently
R. Meyer19 analysed this document, arguing that, composed in the Persian period,
it preserves information about the Jewish settlements in the environs of Tema,
the seat of Nabonides' rule.20 The story's interests, in his opinion, reflect the uni-
versalistic spirit21 which predominated in those times in the Diaspora in the East
or among the Jewish communities in northern Arabia, a spirit which permeates
the stories of Daniel as well.22
The Scroll of Esther may testify to the status of the Jews in the courts of the
Persian kings as well. Behind the Wisdom veneer which currently colours the
work,23 stands an historical reality which accords with the Persian period, per-
haps even the specific time of Xerxes I.24 The case of Nehemiah, who served as
the chief cupbearer in the court of Artaxerxes I, indicates the degree to which
Jews penetrated the royal courts at that time.25
Presumably, the beliefs and ways of the Jews serving in the royal court set an
example for the Gentiles, especially the cultured and enlightened among them,
attracting many to Israel's religion. Indeed, this period sees the monotheistic
creed spreading throughout the world for the first time. Malachi says:
For from where the sun rises to where it sets, My name is honoured among the nations,
and everywhere incense and pure oblations are offered to My name; for My name is
honoured among the nations - said the Lord of Hosts' (1.11).26
17. See primarily W. von Soden, 'Eine babylonische Volksuberlieferung von Nabonaid in den
Danielerzahlungen',Z4JF53 (1935), pp. 81-89; idem, 'Kyros und Nabonid: PropagandaundGegen-
propaganda', Archaeologische Mitteilungen aus Iran, Ergdnzungen 10 (1983).
18. J.T. Milik, 'Priere de Nabonide et autres ecrits d'un cycle de Daniel', RB 63 (1956), pp. 407-
415; D.N. Freedman, 'The Prayer of Nabonides', BASOR 145 (1957), pp. 31-32; Ch. Gevaryahu, 'The
Prayer of Nabonaid from the Scrolls of the Judean Desert', in J. Liver (ed.), Studies in the Scrolls of
the Judean Desert, 1957, pp. 12ff. (Hebrew); P.M. Cross, 'Fragments of the Prayer of Nabonidais',
IEJ 34 (1984), pp. 260-64.
19. R. Meyer, Das Gebet des Nabonaid (Sitzungsberichte der sdchischen Akademie der Wissen-
schaften zu Leipzig, phil-hist. KL 107/3, 1962).
20. Ibid, pp. 61 ff.
21. Ibid, pp. 106ff.
22. A Bentzen, Daniel2 (HAT, 1952), pp. 27,47.
23. S. Talmon,' "Wisdom" in the Book of Esther', VT13 (1963), pp. 419-55.
24. Ibid, p. 453.
25. See W. Rudolph, Ezra undNehemia (HAT, 1949), p. 103.
26. There is no justification for striking this verse from Malachi, contra K. Elliger, Das Buch der
zwolfkleinen Propheten (ATD), 11.198.
Further on he says:
For I am a Great King - said the Lord of Hosts - and My name is revered
) among the nations (v. 14).
'Revered' (K"TiD) here means 'worshipped' and 'adored' (the Nifal of KT).
Indeed, at that time a new circle of believers arose, going by the name 'the reverers
of YHWH' (71 n$T); no doubt they are the converts27 to Judaism referred to in
later times as ôpounevoi, aepojjevoi TOV Geov.28
The Restoration psalms, especially the Psalms of Thanksgiving (Ps. 113-118),
mention 'the reverers of YHWH' as a defined circle standing beside 'the house of
Aaron' and 'the house of Israel' (1 15.9-1 1; 1 18.2-4; compare 135.19-20). Indeed
these psalms are saturated with universalistic ideas and thought processes found in
the literature of the period. Similar to Malachi, the poet here says, 'From east to
west the name of the Lord is praised' (1 13.3). 29 The continuation speaks of God's
exaltation on one hand and his presence among the poor and lowly on the other
(w. 4-9), an idea found in Isa. 57. 15. Psalm 1 14 recounts the via triumphalis of
which Deutero-Isaiah speaks so often.30 Psalm 115 polemicizes against pagan
idolatry in quintessentially Deutero-Isaianic terms (compare primarily Isa. 44.9-
20), and beside this polemic the poet solicits YHWH's blessing for both Israel
and 'the reverers of YHWH' . Psalm 1 1 7 presents the praise offered by the Genti
nations,31 while immediately following, in Psalm 118, appears the thanksgiving
psalm of the house of Aaron, the house of Israel and the reverers of YHWH (w.
1-4). The continuation describes the salvation from poverty and suffering, spoken
of also in the songs of 'YHWH's servant', and the salvation and justice which, as
we shall presently see, characterize Deutero-Isaiah.
A similar universalistic spirit defines the concluding section of Psalm 22 (vv.
23-32),32 which too includes within it 'the reverers of YHWH'.33 Gunkel34 already
27. Cf. Esth. 9.27.

28. Acts 10.2,22; 12.16; 16.14; 18.2. See further E. Schurer, The History of the Jewish People in
the Age of Jesus Christ, rev. and ed. G. Vermes et al (3 vols., 1973) III. 166, and L. Rott-Gerson,
'"Reverers of God" in Jewish Inscriptions from Sardis', Eshel Beer Sheba 1 (1976), pp. 88-93
(Hebrew), who argues correctly that the titles 'reverer of God' (Seoasjiiric) found in two inscriptions
with reference to persons who contributed to the floor-mosaic in the Sardis synagogue serve to signal
the special standing of non-Jewish contributors. Second-order support for the phenomenon of eternal-
izing the names of Gentiles within the walls of holy places exists in a passage of the prophecy dis-
cussed in this article: 'I shall make for them in My house and within My walls a monument and a
name' (Isa. 56.5).
29. The expression, 'May the name YHWH be blessed now and forever', in Ps. 113.2 has the char-
acter of Second Temple liturgy. See A. Hurvitz, From Language to Language, 1972, p. 100 (Hebrew).
30. Note the parallel between v. 8 in this psalm and Isa. 48.21. Isa. 48.20, which speaks of leaving
Babylon, links up with v. 21, which mentions the exodus from Egypt (cf. Isa. 43.16-20; contra Haran,
supra, pp. 70-71).
31. One should see this declaration against the background of Deutero-Isaiah's prophecy; so H.-J.
Kraus,Pja/wciiI-n2, 1961.
32. Many (Duhm [KHC], Schmidt [HA 7] et al.) hold that these verses constitute a separate psalm.
In any case, they do not fit organically with the verses preceding them.
33. See Lev. Rabb. 3.2: 'You who fear the Lord, praise Him! All you offspring of Jacob, honor
18. Un iversalts tic and Particularistic Trends 257
recognized the sundry points of contact between the section and Deutero-Isaiah;
indeed we read here of the reverers of YHWH' giving their praise alongside 'the
offspring of Israel' (v. 24), of suffering and God's withdrawal (v. 25; cf. Isa.
53.3), of the base sinners returning to YHWH (v. 28; cf. Isa. 45.22), and of all
earth-dwellers bowing before him (v. 30; cf. Isa. 45.23).
It appears that in this period the Jewish diaspora began exerting its influence
over the nations among which it sat, in effect laying the groundwork for the
Christian activity of a later period.35 Against the background of the excitement
generated by the Israelite religion among the nations in those times, an excite-
ment by all appearances accompanied by Jewish propaganda, one can compre-
hend Zechariah's prophecy:
In those days, ten men from nations of every tongue will take hold - they will take
hold of every Jew by a corner of his cloak and say, 'Let us go with you, for we have
heard that God is with you' (8.23).
The prophecies of that period even feature 'missionary' ideas: God gathers all
nations and tongues to come see his glory, then marks them with a sign,36 and
sends emissaries (D^bS)37 from them to relate his glory to the nations and
distant islands who have not yet heard of him or seen his glory (Isa. 66.18-19).
The movement to accept Judaism received its impetus and encouragement
mainly from the prophets of those times. With the Gentiles feeling their inferi-
ority to the rooted Jews, the Restoration prophets felt it appropriate to encourage
them to join the Jewish ranks. Indeed, as noted above, in chapter 56 Deutero-
Isaiah (or, according to others, Trito-Isaiah) promises the Gentiles and the eunuchs
complete integration into the Israelite congregation:
Let not the foreigner say, who has attached himself to the Lord,
'The Lord will keep me apart from His people';
And let not the eunuch say,
'I am a withered tree' (v. 3).
This verse comes to allay the fears of the Gentile converts concerning the particu-
laristic tendencies among the Jewish 'men in the street'. Such anxiety certainly
gained momentum from the antagonism beginning to dominate in that time
between the Returnees and the 'peoples of the lands', so these words of the
Him!: You who fear the Lord-R. Joshua b. Levi said, these are moral people; R. Ishmael b. Nahman
said, these are the converts'.
34. H. Gunkel, Die Psalmen (HKAT4), 1926.
35. Wherever Paul goes in his travels he encounters the 'reverers of YHWH'. See above, n. 28.
36. The sign here serves as a banner raised to the nations; cf. 49.22; 62.10-11.
37. Hebrew B^B is not necessarily one who survives or escapes a battle, but rather one who
leaves the front in order to report on events taking place on the battlefield; so 2 Kgs 9.15: 'allow no
courier to leave the city to go and report (K: "H1?; Q: "Hil1?) this in Jezreel'. Compare Gen. 14.13;
Ezek. 24.26-27; 33.21-22. Here, too, couriers are sent to recount YHWH's glory to the nations.
YHWH does not gather the nations and tongues for the purpose of destroying them, as in Ezek. 38-
39, but rather to draw them towards the God of Israel and so that they will bring with them the
Israelites in faraway countries.
prophet constitute a polemic of sorts against those holding a narrow nationalistic

view, who were unwilling to allow the Gentiles to participate in the (re)building
of the temple and in the religious life of the people. This polemic finds expres-
sion also in the words of the prophet Zechariah, who was active during the height
of the conflict that broke out between the Returnees and the 'peoples of the lands':
Shout for joy, Fair Zion! For lo, I come; and I will dwell in your midst...
Many nations will attach themselves to the Lord and become My people (2.14).38
The anonymous prophet from those times expresses similar ideas in Isa. 14.1:
But the Lord will pardon Jacob,
And will again choose Israel,
And will settle them on their own soil.
And strangers shall join them
And shall cleave to the House of Jacob.39
Duhm argues that 56.1-8, which in his opinion begins a new prophecy,40 has a
particularistic character in contrast with the prophecies in chapters 40-55.
However, a close examination of this prophecy will reveal a pervasive spirit
unequivocally universalistic and moreover a dependence on the universalistic
ideas of Deutero-Isaiah as articulated in chs 40-55.
The pericope begins (v. 1):
Thus said the Lord:
Observe what is right (pSE?Q) and do what is just (HplH);
For soon My salvation (TlUllzr) shall come, and My deliverance fnjjlli) be revealed.
Hebrew np*Ti£ in this verse has two different senses,41 a social set of actions42
performed by human beings and a soteriological set of actions performed by
God. Identical with salvation (niMCT), HpTiS in the second stich of the verse
comes as reward for human justice. This salvation soon to come and the deliver-
ance about to appear mark the universalistic redemption whose significance
means world-wide recognition of Israel's God, as Isa. 51.4-5 makes clear:
38. There is no reason to say that Haggai objects to this conception. The opinion of J.W.
Rothstein (Juden und Samaritener, 1908, pp. 5ff.) that Haggai directed his prophecy in 2.10-14
against the Samaritans has no basis (see Kaufmann, History of the Israelite Faith, VIII.220-221
[Hebrew]). The pericope does not mention the phrases 'people of the land' or 'peoples of the lands',
expressions so typical of the books of Ezra and Nehemiah regarding the Samaritans and their
dependants (see E. Meyer, Die Entstehung des Judentums, 1896, p. 123). To the contrary, 'the people
of the land' in Haggai refers to the entire people of Judah (2.4). This is also no justification for seeing
Haggai as a nationalistic, particularistic prophet; see Kaufmann, ibid., p. 220 n. 11.
39. For those who join up with the Jews in Second Temple times, see also Est. 9.27: "The
Jews.. .and all those who joined up with them'.
40. The distinction between two prophetic works in Isa. 40-66 and the line demarcating them were
established first by Duhm in his commentary to Isaiah (B. Duhm, Das Buck Jesaaja [HKAJ], 1892).
41. On the development of meanings within the prophecy of Deutero-Isaiah, see Kaufmann,
History of the Israelite Faith, VIII.68.
42. On ODBQ1 npliJ as a hendiadys see E. Z. Melamed, &Hendiadys in the Bible', Tarbiz 16 (1945),
pp. 173ff. (Hebrew); M. Weinfeld, Social Justice in Ancient Israel and in the Nations (1995).
Hearken to Me, My people,

And give ear to Me, O My nation,43
For teaching (min) shall go forth from Me,
My way fBBEJQ) for the light of peoples.
hi a moment will I bring it:
The triumph Cp"TH) I grant is near,
The success (T2T) I give has gone forth;
My arms shall provide for (itiBIZr) nations;
The coastlands shall trust in Me,
They shall look to My arm.
The collection of psalms from the period of the Return (Pss. 96-98), which have
linguistic and ideational contact with Deutero-Isaiah,44 contain hymns with this
soteriological justice as their background. God judges the world justly (p!SQ)
and the nations faithfully OffllCttC) or fairly (DntZTlM) (96.10, 13; 98.9), and
this in fact occurs after they sing to him 'a new song' and tell of his salvation
among the nations and many islands (96.1-2; 97.1; 98.1; cf. Isa. 42.10,12; 49.1).
Deutero-Isaiah reports that salvation is nearly at hand and justice is about to be
revealed; here, the poet announces that God has revealed his justice and made his
salvation known to the Gentiles (98.2). As in Deutero-Isaiah, so, too, in these
psalms all nations see YHWH's glory (Isa. 40.5; Ps. 96.3; 97.5) and the lowest of
the earth witness God's salvation (Isa. 51.12; Ps. 98.3). National redemption here
serves only as a precondition for universal redemption; its realization heralds the
beginning of universal redemption.
43. The Peshitta reads ' O peoples... O nations'. It appears that this reading reflects a more original
version; cf. 'Listen O coastlands to Me, and give heed, O nations afar' (49.1).
44. See Kraus' commentary to these psalms (H.J. Kraus, Psalmen, I-II2, 1961). Mowinckel's
opinion (S. Mowinckel, Psalmenstudien II, 1921, pp. 195f.) that these are First Temple coronation
psalms upon which Deutero-Isaiah drew does not appear reasonable at all. Not only does the style
they share determine that a direct link exists between these works, but so do the literary and concep-
tual motifs, which have their explanation in the conditions of the Return and appear expansively in
the prophecy of Deutero-Isaiah. Note especially the Nature's songs (Ps. 96.11-12; 98.7-8; Isa. 44.23;
49.13), the message of the imminent salvation reaching the lowest people of the earth, the praise of
the island peoples, and the 'new' song (see above), and the disparagement of paganism as well (Isa.
44.9-20; et al; Ps. 96.5; 97.7). These psalms do contain deposits inserted from early psalms, but the
insertions attain here new meaning. For example, the verses in 96.7-9 come from a more ancient
psalm (Ps. 29) with roots in Ugaritic literature (see H. Ginsburg, Ugaritic Writings, 1936, pp. 129-31;
P.M. Cross, 'Notes on a Canaanite Psalm in the O.T.', BASOR 117 [1950], pp. 19-21); however,
whereas that psalm speaks of the 'sons of gods' giving honour and strength to YHWH (v. 1; cf. Ps.
89.7-8), here the 'families of nations' take this role (v. 7), which accords with Deutero-Isaiah's
universalistic ambitions. Psalm 29 describes the 'sons of God' paying respect to the enthroned God
establishing his kingship, whereas here the 'families of nations' bring him honour and strength by
receiving his judgment, namely, by being saved by him. Ps. 96.10 actually quotes 93.1, but in 93.1
the context consists of the establishment of God's throne after his having subdued the 'Great Waters'
and the 'Mighty Breakers' (vv. 3-4), whereas in 96.10 the citation refers to the judgment of the nations
and its just decision. According to S. Loewenstamm (Leshonenu 27-28, p. 121 n. 20 [Hebrew]), the
author of Ps. 96 replaces the 'sons of gods' by the 'families of nations' in order to preclude any for-
mulation which may give the impression of legitimizing the 'gods of the nations' as real; this trans-
formation, too, suits Deutero-Isaiah's world-view.
The universalistic motif continues in v. 2, in which the prophet says:

Happy is the man who does this, the man who holds fast to it:
Who keeps the Sabbath and does not profane it,
And stays his hand from doing any evil.
The Hebrew words OTK and D"TK p behind English 'man', denoting the human
being as such, constitute terms found primarily in the Psalmodic- Wisdom literature
in cosmic-universal contexts.45 The observance of the Sabbath emphasized in this
verse does not belong to the distinguishing particularistic features which coalesced
in that time, as the Wellhausian scholars would have it. Strict Sabbath observanc
in Israel goes way back (Amos 8.5),46 but conditions in the Exile turned it into
the quintessential sign of belonging to the Jewish religion and, making a great im
pression upon the Gentiles, it attracted special attention from them.47 The period
of the Exile freed the Sabbath of its connection to the temple and the cult, linking
it instead to the synagogue, where the people read from the Torah and pursued
the knowledge of God. Indeed, this fact explains the juxtaposition of Sabbath and
Gentile. The Gentiles learned about the Jewish religion during the Sabbath, when
the Jews gathered to hear Torah-wisdom from the Sages;48 perhaps, then, one
may suppose that the prophet actually said his piece here on the Sabbath, in the
same way that he delivered the message of ch. 58 on a fast day.
The following verse, more than any other, puts the universalistic imprint on
the prophecy under discussion:
I will bring them to My sacred mount
And let them rejoice in My house of prayer. . .
For My house shall be called a house of prayer for all peoples (v. 7).
This verse offers something of a challenge to those who would claim an exclusiv-
ity for the Israelite religion and espouse the rejection of those Gentiles wishing to
participate in the rebuilding of the temple and the worship of God that goes on it.
To this exclusivist group and its ideas we turn in the next section.
The Isolationist Ideology

Pentateuchal literature, especially in its two theological strands (P and D), con-
tains many pronouncements whose main import intends to distance Israel from
the nations, to separate Israel from them: 'You shall be holy to Me, for I the Lord
45. Cf. primarily Ps. 8.5; 144.3; Job 9.2; 15.14; 25.6 et al
46. See my article in Tarbiz 37 (1968), pp. 127ff. (Hebrew)
47. With regard to a later period, see Josephus:
The masses have long since shown a keen desire to adopt our religious observances; and
there is not one city, Greek or barbarian, nor a single nation, to which our custom of
abstaining from work on the seventh day has not spread (Against Apion 2.39; trans.
H. St. J. Thackeray, Josephus, vol. I, Loeb edn, 1926, pp. 406-407).
48. Paul, for example, in his sermon in the synagogue on the Sabbath, turns to both the Jews and
the 'reverers of God':"Av5pec'lopar|A'iTcn KOU oi <))opovjpEVOt TOV 0sov (Acts 13.16).
am holy, and I have set you apart from other peoples to be Mine' (Lev. 20.26);
'For you are a people consecrated (CTnp DU) to the Lord your God; of all the
peoples on earth the Lord your God chose you to be His treasured people' (Deut.
7.6; 14.2).49 Alongside these declarations sit concrete laws forbidding the main-
tenance of social contact and marriage connections with the nations in the land of
Canaan (Deut. 7.3-4; cf. Exod 23.32-33; 34.12-16). Deuteronomy, laying
particular stress on Israel's election and holiness, prepares a framework of laws
meant not only to limit contact with the Canaanite nations, but also to prohibit
members of the surrounding nations, even eunuchs, from joining the community
of YHWH (Deut. 23.1-9). Although these laws intended to hurt the chances of
eunuchs and Gentiles to assimilate into and be absorbed by Israel, in point of fact,
these commandments could not by themselves stand in the way of such would-be
members. Ultimately, the eunuchs who desired to join Israel, victims of monarchic
despots, did not castrate themselves of their own accord; by the same token, the
Gentiles who wished to participate in the Israelite congregation did not have
Canaanite or even Ammonite or Moabite roots, whom the text prohibited from
ever coming into YHWH's community (Deut. 23.4-7). The Gentiles' real worries
did not come from these verses, written against the background of the cultural
and political relationships of Israel and Judah with its neighbours in the First
Temple period and earlier,50 but rather from the movement which built upon these
verses a new, radical ideology. This movement, from which Ezra and his group
emerged, broadened and deepened the divide between the true Israelites and the
Gentiles, developing an extremist religio-national brand of dogmatics based more
on the hermeneutic interpretation of scripture then on the verses themselves. In
Deuteronomy, and likewise in the priestly literature, separation from the Canaanite
nations functions to preclude pagan abominations: 'lest they lead you into doing
all the abhorrent things that they have done for their gods' (Deut. 20.18); 'for all
those abhorrent things were done by the people who were in the land before you,
and the land became defiled' (Lev. 18.27), while the reservations concerning the
neighbouring, non-Canaanite nations have historico-national justifications, such
as: 'No Ammonite or Moabite shall be admitted into the congregation of the
Lord.. .because they did not meet you with food and water on your journey after
you left Egypt' (Deut. 23.4-5). By contrast, the isolationist camp stripped the
Pentateuch's separationist laws of their justifications, taking them instead in
absolute terms. Moreover, they added to these laws their own explanation:
'mixing the holy seed among the peoples of the lands' (Ezra 9.2); Israel, the 'holy
seed', must separate from every foreign nation regardless of its origins. They
interpreted the rigoristic commandments in the Pentateuch with respect to the
Ammonites and Moabites as covering the entire Gentile population:
49. For the nationalistic background of the concept of a 'holy nation' in Deuteronomy, see my
article, 'The Awakening of Nationalistic Consciousness in Israel in the Seventh Century BCE', Ozle-
David: DavidBen-Gurion Jubilee Volume (1964), pp. 396-420.
50. See S. Mowinckel, 'Zu Dt. 23, 2-9', Acta Orientalia 2 (1923); K. Galling, 'Das Gemeinde-
gesetz in Deuteronomium 23', Bertholet-Festschrift (1950), pp. 176-91.
At that time they read to the people from the Book of Moses.. .that no Ammonite or
Moabite might ever enter the congregation of God.. .When they heard the Teaching,
they separated all the alien admixture pltf)51 from Israel' (Neh. 13.1-3).
Similarly, they explained the pentateuchal demand never to seek peace and joint
prosperity with the Ammonites and Moabites (Deut. 23.7) as referring to all the
peoples of the land (Ezra 9.12).
The 'holy nation' (tDnp DI?) in Deuteronomy, which had had only a religio-
national meaning, is transformed here into a 'holy seed' (CTTp IHT), with a
religio-biological meaning. The foreign women sent away by Ezra were not
idolaters, otherwise the text would have mentioned it explicitly, as elaborated by
Y. Kaufmann.52 The reason for their rejection consists solely of their foreign
genealogical origins.
Instead of the generosity of religious spirit found in Isaiah 56, 'Let not the
foreigner say... "The Lord will keep me apart f] ^"H1 ^""DPf) from His people"',
Ezra denounces the fact that those of Israelite seed did not keep themselves apart
0 *m] *b) from all the Gentiles (Ezra 9.1; cf. Neh. 9.2). Ezra not only refused to
accept converts and proselytes, but even insisted that those Gentile women who
had married Jewish men and were considered Jewish converts53 be ejected along
with their children.
This isolationist program did not begin with Ezra. The rejection of the
Samaritans during ZerubbabePs time also is anchored in this exclusivist world-
view. The Samaritans did not engage in idolatry, but rather came from Gentile
converts.54 According to what they say, they look to the God of Israel and
sacrifice to him since the days of Essarhaddon (Ezra 4.2), and there is no
justification for doubting this testimony. They wish to participate in rebuilding
the temple but the Returnees reject them on religious isolationist grounds: 'It is
not for you and us together to build a House to our God, but rather we alone, the
yahad (IIT), will build it to the Lord God of Israel' (Ezra 4.3). Yahad here
functions as a noun similar to 1 Chr 12.18, with the meaning, as in the Dead Sea
Scrolls, of a group of people tied by a single mutual covenant or council,,55 in
other words, a closed community.
In contrast with this closed attitude, Deutero-Isaiah - as said above - sees in
the temple 'a house of prayer for all nations' (56.7); presumably he would whole-
heartedly support a joint effort together with the Gentiles in the rebuilding of
the temple. The passage 'Aliens shall rebuild your walls' (60.10), even if in an
eschatological context, rings with dissonance in a world where any partnership
with Gentiles causes fuming and anger. One should take this verse, then, as repre-
senting a position opposed to the isolationist program. Likewise, the prophet's
51. Hebrew mi? here means 'alien admixture' not Arabian tribes (= Bedouin) as assumed by
E. Meier, Die Entstehung des Judentums, S. 130 Anm. 2. See my essay in EncMiq VI, s.v.
cols. 361-362.
52. History of the Israelite Faith, VIII.284ff.
53. Ibid.
54. Ibid, pp. 189-90.
55. S. Talmon, 'The Sectarian IIT - A Biblical Noun', FT7 3 (1953), pp. 133f.
promise to the eunuchs, 'I will give them, in My house and within My walls, a
monument and a name' (56.5), may provide support for this assumption. Indeed,
as against the confinement of the Jewish religious cult and the shutting of the
gates before the Gentiles, the prophet strives for universalism in the cultic sphere
as well.56
Universalism in the Cult

Deutero-Isaiah not only promises the Gentiles and the eunuchs inclusion in the
Israelite congregation and its faith, but also declares for them complete partici-
pation in the Israelite religious worship. This acceptance of the Gentiles into
Jewish worship does not find its expression solely in complete participation, but
even in the temple service: 'And from them likewise I will take some to be priests
and Levites, said the Lord' (66.21). One can certainly take this verse in two dif-
ferent ways: God will take priests and Levites either from among the Gentiles
who bring the Israelite brothers, or from among the Israelite brothers brought by
the Gentiles.57 However, it appears that the emphasis in 'from them likewise',
which contains something of an exaggeration, tilts the balance in favour of those
who say that the verse refers back to the Gentiles.58 Support for this view of the
prophet, again, comes from ch. 56 in Isaiah. Here the prophet speaks about 'the
foreigners who attach themselves to the Lord, to minister to Him' (v. 6). 'To
minister (mE}1?) to YHWH' - as opposed to the expression, 'to worship (TOI71?)
YHWH' - means to participate in the holy chores in the temple set aside for the
tribe of Levi: 'At that time the Lord set apart the tribe of Levi.. .to stand before
the Lord, to minister to Him (imt£/?), and to bless in His name' (Deut. 10.8; cf.
17.12; 18.7; Jer. 33.21-22; Ezek 40.46; et al). Indeed this language found in
Isaiah 56 'to attach oneself to YHWH and to minister to Him', appears word-for-
word in the priestly literature: 'they will be attached (Tl^l) to you and minister
("irnCTl) to you' (Num. 18.2). It appears reasonable, then, that the prophet intends
to say that the Gentiles will serve as attendants of YHWH in the court of his holy
dwelling.
This desire does constitute something new in the Israelite cult. Among the
temple personnel the foreign element had always stood out (the Gibeonites, the
Nethinim, and 'Solomon's slaves'); probably, the tribe of Levi originated in a
group of unpropertied sojourners who offered their services to the temple59 and
56. Admittedly, Malachi does come out against inter-marriage in 2.10-16, 'the only place in the
entire prophetic corpus which mentions inter-marriage' (Kaufmann, History of the Israelite Faith,
VIII.370), but he takes this critical stance against the background of the cruelty that emerged in a mar-
riage from youth, so it differs from the criticism of Ezra which is based solely in the pentateuchal
laws. Besides, Malachi's designation for the Gentile, 'daughter of a foreign God', reeks of paganism,
an element entirely absent from the 'Gentile women' episode in Ezra's time.
57. See, for example, Skinner in his commentary.
58. See the thorough comments of Delitzsch on this verse (F. Delitzsch, Jesaja 1866, S. 648).
59. For a variety of opinions on the origins of the tribe of Levi, see recently J. Licht, EncMiq IV,
s.v. Levi, cols. 460-478 (Hebrew).
later, with the establishment of the monarchy, to the king.60 On the basis of the
word '81^' in South Arabian inscriptions, many derive the name Levi from
'loan' (TIKI bn), namely, a person 'loaned' to the Temple. Indeed, like the Gentile
temple slaves called Nethinimf1 i.e., those given over, the Levites too are calle
'given (D^rD)' to YHWH (Num. 8.16).
In this aspiration for universalism within the cult the prophet goes up against
the circles of isolationist world-view, too. As is well-known, the congregation of
Returnees debated the problem that they had only a small number of Levites and
temple attendants. Ezra relates in his memoirs that among those who returned
with him he found no Levites, and he seeks out Levites to serve as 'attendants for
the house of our God' (Ezra 8.15ff.). The difficulties in locating Temple attendants
resulted from the fact that the Returnees kept meticulous genealogical records with
regard to cultic personnel (Ezra 2.62-63 = Neh. 7.63-64) and disallowed anyone
not from the Levites, the Nethinim, or 'Solomon's slaves' from particpating in the
maintenance of holy, temple matters (Ezra 8.20). Against this rigouristic exclu-
sivism stands the radical liberalism of the prophet. Not only does he promise
priesthood even for those not of Levite descent (61.5-6), but he also promises
cultic jobs to the Gentiles now joining YHWH's ranks. These promises absolutely
contradict Ezekiel's contention - grounded in priestly teachings - that only the
Levitical priests of Zadokite descent may keep guard over the holy vessels, that
the Levites will provide lesser services, and that the Gentiles are to be ejected
from the temple entirely (Ezek 44.6-31).
The prophetic demand for universalism within the cult was so radical that later
generations, unable to come to grips with it, attempted to soften and change it by
manipulating the prophet's words. Instead of 'As for the foreigners who attach
themselves to the Lord, to minister to Him (imE^), and to love the name of the
Lord, to be His servants', lQIsaa reads, 'As for the foreigners who attach them-
selves to the Lord to be His servants and to bless His name'. The author of the
Scroll deleted the phrase 'to minister to Him', since the idea of a Gentile min-
istering in the temple did not suit him. A Gentile - according to this author - may
worship YHWH ('TDI7' 'be his servants'), but not minister to him (THE). The
concept of attendance (me?) indeed supercedes the concept of worship and ser-
vice (PITOU). All subjects serve the king, but only a select few merit ministering
to him (Gen. 39.4; 1 Kgs 1.4; Ps. 101.6; Prov. 29.12 et al). For similar reasons the
author of lQIsaa revises the text from 'to love the name of the Lord' to 'to bless
the name of the Lord'. Gentiles may - in this author's view - stand in the same
grouping together with those who subject themselves to YHWH out of fear, but
60. Probably, the tithe, too, slated according to the priestly literature for the Levites, has its roots
in the taxes the Levites collected from the populace and stored in their cities, 'the Levitical cities' (the
blurring of sacral and royal tithes resulted from the fact that the temple was a royal one, benefitting
from the king's patronage). In this case, we have uncovered another point of similarity to the
Canaanite cities during the years of Egyptian rule, according to whose model the Levitical cities were
built - in Mazar's opinion - because those cities included warehouses for storing the taxes collected
from the people. B. Mazar, 'The Cities of the Priests and Levites', SVT VII (1960), pp. 193-205.
61. See E.A. Speiser, IEJ13 (1963), pp. 69ff.
not with those who worship YHWH out of love. They may bless YHWH and
praise him, but they do not love him.
Even if this reading does contain a measure of authenticity, still it appears that
the original reading differed from the one offered by the author of the Scroll. In
pentateuchal literature the Levites stand before YHWH to minister to Him and to
bless in His name (Deut. 10.8; 21.5). It stands to reason, then, that the passage
here also originally read, 'who attach themselves to the Lord to minister to Him
and to bless in His name" in accordance with the formulation in Deuteronomy.
'To bless in His name' means to bless Israel in YHWH's name, as the priests
must do according to the priestly literature: 'Thus shall you bless the people of
Israel.. .Thus they shall link My name with the people of Israel' (Num. 6.22-27).
This activity is quintessentially a cultic one given to the priests who administer in
the holy precincts. By contrast, the author of the Scroll has, 'to bless His name', an
expression found frequently in the liturgical literature62 meaning to praise God.63
The Septuagint demonstrates the desire to soften this radical text as well. LXX
translates 'minister' (mtft) here with SouAeueiv, a verb which normally conveys
the concept of service and slavery. Indeed, beside this occurrence, this verb never
renders 'minister' (m^). LXX goes so far as to diverge from its normal practice
with regard to 'attaching themselves' (D^l^n) as well, translating it by irpoo-
KEioGcu, a verb generally used in LXX to render 'sojourn' pity64 Both the scrolls
of the Judaean Desert and the Septuagint65 in this verse reflect the difficulties
later Judaism had with a prophetic universalistic world-view whose time had
past.
Within the same period of time, then, there existed in Israel two opposing
world-views, a universalistic one aspiring to draw Gentiles to Judaism and con-
vert them and a particularistic one which desired to draw a sharp line of demarca-
tion between Israel and the rest of the world's nations. Y. Kaufmann sees in this
opposition the birthpangs of religious conversion.66 Conversion by ethnic and
geographical reaffiliation no longer existed then and religious conversion as it
would develop in the halakhah had not yet taken its place. As he sees it, the
62. See Y. Kutscher, The Language and Linguistic Background of the Great Isaiah Scroll from
the Dead Sea Scrolls (1959), p. 171 (Hebrew).
63. For the late character of the expression 'to bless YHWH's name', see Hurvitz, From Lan-
guage to Language., p. 240.
64. I.L. Seeligmann (The Septuagint Version of Isaiah, 1948, pp. 45ff.) demonstrated how the
Pentateuch influenced the translational methods of the Greek translators; in this case, the influence
worked in a negative vein. The translator, who knew the pentateuchal formulation, TTpooTE0TiTcoaav
aoi Km AeiTOupysiTcoaav, regarding the Levites, deliberately avoiding using it when speaking of
the Gentiles; only the later translators (Aquilas, Symmacus and Theodotion), who translated more
meticulously, re-introduced it into the text. Seeligmann (p. 117) found another example of Septuagint
translators neutralizing a universalistic text (by giving it a nationalistic re-interpretation) in Isa.
19.24-25.
65. On an important tendentious change shared by the Septuagint and the Dead Sea Scrolls and
bound up with pre-Gnostic influences, see I.L. Seeligmann, Tarbiz 21 (1958), 'SeTôu aura <|>coc',
pp. 121 ff.
66. Kaufmann, History of the Israelite Faith, VIII, 298-99.
people did not know how to behave towards those joining up with the Jews and
taking Judaism upon themselves at that time, hence the confusion. It appears to
me, though, that there was no confusion, but rather two different religious world-
views, prophetic universalism and pentateuchal particularism. The prophetic uni-
versalistic line of thought neither contended with nor attempted to 'solve' the
'problem' of those taking on Judaism. Gentiles willing to join Israel clearly s
be accepted with open arms; moreover, Jews had the grand task of drawing these
Gentiles in, to be taken under God's wing. This world-view does not constitute
long-term visionary thinking, some wish for future times. Deutero-Isaiah, after
all, directs his words at concrete groups of eunuchs and Gentiles existing in his
time and environs; he does not mean to pacify generations yet to come.
The pentateuchal particularistic line of thought did not offer an answer to the
question of the Judaization of Gentiles either. The members of this movement
inferred from the Pentateuch that Israel must not mingle with the nations, but
separate from them. In opposition to each other stands the living, dynamic pro-
phetic word of YHWH, which adjusts divine demands to the circumstances of th
time and place, and the static, conservative word of YHWH enshrined in the Penta-
teuch, considered as an unchangeable one-time revelation. Ezra, scribe of the
Mosaic Torah, anchoring himself in the Torah, especially in Deuteronomy whose
nationalistic program stands out more, saw no possibility of attracting and attach-
ing Gentiles to Judaism. By contrast, the later prophets, drawing upon the heri-
tage of their prophetic forebearers, preached universalism and a liberal policy
towards the Gentiles.
To the benefit of Second Temple Judaism, the gap between these two trains of
thought progressively narrowed. The prophetic camp which had waved the
banner of radical liberal policy had to agree to place practical, concrete demands
on converts, while the pentateuchal camp had to forego its conservative isola-
tionist policy. So evolved the institution of religious conversion, which at its root
is universalistic, but enjoins the acceptance of the burden of observing the com-
mandments. A Gentile may accept the Israelite faith in a moment's time,67 but on
the condition that he accept upon himself the national religious duties in Israel's
Torah.
67. See ibid., pp. 44-45.

Part IV
NEW TESTAMENT
Chapter 19
PENTECOST AS FESTIVAL OF THE GIVING OF THE LAW
It is still a prevalent view that Pentecost as a festival commemorating the revela-

tion at Sinai and giving of the law (1]rmn ]D!3 pT)1 cannot be earlier than the
destruction in 70 CE. Thus, for example, E. Lohse in his article TTevTr|KOOTr|2
states that 'only in the Christian period do we find evidence that later Judaism
linked this feast too with the events of the age of Moses, and particularly remem-
bered the giving of the law at Sinai on this day. The immediate occasion for thus
changing the meaning of Pentecost was the destruction of Jerusalem in 70 CE,
which meant that the ancient pilgrimage could no longer be held nor the first
fruits and sacrifices offered in the temple' (English Translation p. 48).3 It is true,
that in the last decade this view has been challenged, especially by French schol-
ars. Thus J. Potin in his La Fete Juive de la Pentecote (Lectio Divina 65,1-II,
1971)4 argues that Pentecost as 'Festival of the Covenant' goes back to the sec-
ond or even the third century BCE and in this he was actually anticipated by other
French scholars.5 In general, however, scholars still cling to the conventional
view, i.e., that Pentecost as the festival of the giving of the law is late. It is
admitted that some Jewish sects associated Pentecost with the Covenant but
officially - so it is argued - the festival of the giving of the law was not cele-
brated before the second century CE. Thus, for example, J. Kremer in his recent
monograph Pfingstbericht und Pfingstgeschehen (Stuttgaarter Bibel Studien 63/6
1973) states:
die Erinnerung an die Gesetzgebung am Sinai, die im Rabbinischen Schriften mil
Pfingsten verbunded wird, wurde allerdings erst nach der Zeit der Zerstorung des
Tempels allgemein damit in Verbindung gebracht (p. 29).
1. Cf. Amidah liturgy of Shavuot. See I. Elbogen, Der Judische Gottesdienst in seiner
geschichtlichen Entwicklung?,1931, p. 138.
2. Theologisches Worterbuch zum NT, Band VI, 1959, s.v. (English translation in Theological
Diet Of NT, vol. VI, 196a8
3. Compare also 'Shavuot', Encyc. Judaica, vol. 14, col. 1320: 'In rabbinic times a remarkable
transformation took place.. .the festival became the anniversary of the giving of the Torah'. Cf. Also
J. Howard Marshall, 'The Significance of Pentecost', Scottish Journal of Theology 30 (1977), p. 349.
4. I am grateful to Professor R.J. Tournay O.P. for drawing my attention to this study.
5. Compare also R. Le Deaut, 'Pentecote et tradition juive', Assemblers du Seigneur 51 (1963),
pp. 22-38; M. Delchor, 'Pentecote', in Diction, de la Bible, Suppl VII1966, 858-79, idem., RB 79
(1972), pp. 610-14.
19. Pentecost as Festival of the Giving of the Law 269
and this in spite of the fact that he himself associates the Pentecost story in Acts
2.1-13 with the Sinai tradition.
This skeptical attitude towards Pentecost as festival of the giving of the law has
penetrated Jewish scholarship too, cf., e.g., G. Alon,
pp. I l l n. 91 andS. Safrai^D^rr^Cm ^DîT^n, 1965, p. 189 and n. 143,
although some leading Jewish scholars in the past argued for the antiquity of the
festival.6
In this study we try to clarify the covenantal nature of the Pentecost by tracing
its origins to the Old Testament literature (Psalms and Chronicles) and by show-
ing its continuation in the Second Temple period.
Covenantal Festival
A. According to Exod. 19 the revelation at Sinai took place in the third month
(Siwwan), the month in which Pentecost is due according to the Pharisaic as well
as to the Essene and Qumran calendar. Though there is no evidence in the law
that the Sinai theophany was commemorated as was Exodus (cf. Exod. 12) indi-
cations of such commemoration may be found in the Psalmodic literature. Psalm
50 opens with a theophany which is similar to that of Sinai; (compare especially
(v. 2) withDeut. 33.2
However, there the scene takes place in Zion and not in Sinai.
God, the Lord.. .spoke and summoned the world from east to west. From Zion, perfect
in beauty God appeared - let our God come and not keep silence. Devouring fire runs
before him, and rages around him fiercely. He summoned the heavens above, and the
earth to the judgment of his people. Bring in my devotees who made a covenant with
me over sacrifice.. .The heavens proclaimed his righteousness...
It seems that this passage reflects a dramatization of the Sinai theophany in

Jerusalem. As at the covenant of Sinai so here God reveals himself in storm and
fire, he calls from heaven to his people and asks to gather the ones who made a
covenant with him over sacrifice (cf. Exod. 24.5). At last he proclaims.
Listen my people and I will speak
O, Israel I will instruct you
I am God, your God.
The last sentence is none other than a chiastic quotation ofJTI^K 71 ^D]N of the
decalogue, but because of its Elohistic setting (being embedded in the group of
Elohistic psalms) the tetragrammaton was transformed into Elohim. In the
continuation of the psalm we find admonition against stealing, adultery and false
witness (vv. 18-19), crimes enumerated in the decalogue.
Another psalm in which the first two commandments of the decalogue are
quoted is Ps. 81. Here a festival is explicitly mentioned:
6. Cf. H. Albeck, Das Buck der Jubilden und die Halacha, pp. 15-16, J. Heinemann, Philons
Griechische und Judische Bildung, p. 128.
Blow the horn of the New Moon

On the full moon for our feast day
For it is a law for Israel
A ruling of the God of Jacob.
He imposed it as a decree upon Joseph
When he went forth from the land of Egypt
I heard a language that I know not.
I relieved his shoulder of the burden
His hands were freed from the basket...
I answered you from the secret place of thunder
I tested you at the waters of Meribah.
Hear my people and I will instruct you
You shall have no foreign god
You shall not bow to an alien god
I the Lord am your God
Who brought you out of the land of Egypt...
(translation according to Psalms, JPS, 1972)
Here we find a festival involved in a theophany that occurs after the Exodus
and is associated with the decalogue. The first two commandments are quoted
chiastically jn^K 71 "31* 133 ^ mnncn a1?! IT ^K "p mrT rt. Before the
citation of the commandments the trial at the waters of Meribah is mentioned
(v. 8) which reflects the sequence of the events as told in the Book of Exodus:
waters of Meribah (ch. 17) and then the story of revelation (chs. 19-20).
In this revelation God is depicted as answering from the secret place of
thunder DITI1HDD "]3UN which undoubtedly points to the Sinai tradition where
God answered Moses in thunder (liter, voice and see below) from the cloud (Exod.
19.19, cf. Ps. 99.7 Dm^N H3T |3^ TlQin) while the horn was blowing. Saimi-
larly we read in Deut. 5.19 that God spoke to the congregation out of fire and
cloud with a mighty 'voice', compare v. 20: 'You heard the voice out of the dark-
ness'. The appearance of God in secret (1HD) out of the darkness while giving
his voice (= thunder) is also mentioned in Ps. 18: 'He made darkness around him
his secret place.. .the Lord thundered from heaven. The Most High gave forth his
voice (I'np ]m jVblM 71 D'QOT DITTI)' (w. 12-14). It is clear that here
'thunder' equals 'voice' as we find elsewhere in the Bible and in the ancient Near
East.7 As in Ps. 50 where the verb TIT! is used in connection with the com-
mandments: *p HTIJKI ^tner rnniKl ^0 nfiQB so in Ps. 81 the verb
precedes the quotation from the decalogue: *|3 nTDKl *QO I7DB?. The verse
which occurs there likewise refers to these commandments. In fact
paired with miU is found in 2 Kgs 17.15 andNeh. 9.34 and as Veijolaha
shown8 it means 'to impose covenantal laws'. On the other hand TITI has the
connotation of 'instruct' as pointed out by Couroyer.9 It is interesting to note that
in the Jewish Pentecost service a so-called liturgy of miHTK (linked to the deca-
logue) was recited (I. Elbogen, Gottesdienst, p. 217) which seems to have very
7. Cf. My article in Eretz Israel vol. 14 (H.L. Ginsberg Festschrift).

8. T. Veijola, Ugarit Forschungen 8 (1976), pp. 343ff.
9. B. Couroyer, Revue Biblique 82 (1975), pp. 206ff.
ancient roots. Indeed ""inin like TITI means 'to warn'10 as well as 'to instruct'
and it is possible that the liturgical tradition of rrniTTK is traced back to liturgical
situations like those reflected in Ps. 50 and 81. It is true that the festival implied
here could also be the New Year as Mowinckel suggested11 and as was interpreted
by the Rabbis,12 however this still remains a conjecture, whereas the sequence of
events as depicted in Ps. 81 seem to point towards Pentecost and not the New
Year. The blowing of the horn in Ps. 81 belongs to the ceremony of covenant
renewal as may be learned from the Asa episode in 2 Chr. 15.1 Of, quoted below,
where blowing the horn accompanies the covenantal oath. It is likely that just as
the Jubilee which follows seven yearly weeks (0^2? mrQID IDE?) was inaugurated
by blowing the horn (Lev. 25.9) so also the Pentecost which comes after seven
weeks (Lev. 23.15: mrD£> IDC?) was celebrated by blowing the horn.
B. A covenant ritual performed in the third month and most likely on Shavuoth is
described in 2 Chr. 15.1 Off. Here we read that the people gathered in Jerusalem
in the third month13 and after sacrificing, entered the covenant to seek the Lord
'with all their heart and soul' and bound themselves by oath to the Lord through
acclamation and sounds of trumpets and horns. The oath here is a covenantal
oath14 undoubtedly constituting a renewal of the first Sinaitic covenant ratified by
a pledge accompanied by sacrifices (Exod. 24.3ff.).15 The word ilU'DE), which
occurs three times in the passage, points towards a connection with the name
mUin^.16 The double meaning of miTO^ is explicitly referred to in the Book of
Jubilees 6.21: 'this feast is two fold and of double nature'.17 The sounding of
horns in the discussed passage finds its analogy in the sound of the horn at the
10. See I. L. Seeligmann, Hebrdische Wortforschung, W. Baumgartner Festschrift (SVT 16), pp.
265ff.
11. S. Mowinckel, Le decalogue, 1927, p. 129f. Cf. also G. von Rad, Gesam. Studien zum A.T.
(1961),pp.28ff.
12. Cf. b. Rosh Hash. 8a, b.
13. TheTargumaddsinv. 11 herefcriTQEn t«m see A. Sperber, The Bible in AramaicWsL,p.45.
14. For 'oath and covenant' as hendiadys cf. my article rP~Q in Theol Worterbuch zum AT, I
(1973).
15. 2 Chr. 15.15 recounts that the people 'rejoiced at the oath because they had bound themselves
with all their heart and had sought him with all their will' (D31JTI tan). The 'joy' (nnDE) coupled
with 'willingness' Cpm) found here, express the legal idea of free and uncovered will of the one who
takes upon himself the obligation, cf. Y. Muffs, 'Joy and Love as metaphorical expressions of willing-
ness and spontaneity in cuneiform, ancient Hebrew and related literatures', Morton Smith Festschrift,
vol. Ill, 1975, pp. Iff. Compare also the evening liturgy of the Shema' Benediction. ]1U"Q IHlDtal
rO"l nnDtzn.. .Drr by 1 tap 'they took upon themselves his kingdom, willingly.. .with great joy'. For
]1ST1 and iirOT and its legal connotation cf. the discussion of Muffs, op. cit., pp. 21ff.
16. On the tendency for 'double meanings' in the Book of Chronicles, cf. Y. Zakowitch, ^23
D& ''CrnB, MA thesis, Hebrew University of Jerusalem (1971), pp. 166ff.
17. Cf. R.H. Charles, The Book of Jubilees (I902)adloc. Charles comments: 'why this festival
should be said to be 'of a double nature' I do not see', (p. 53, n. 21). According to our view the double
nature of the festival lies in the double meaning of the root IDE), which underlies mime? JFT. It should
be added however, that Pentecost in the Book of Jubilees is of a double nature: it is associated with
the pledge of the Lord to the Patriarchs on the one hand and with the pledge of the Israelites to the
Lord on the other.
revelation at Sinai in Exod. 1 9. 1 6, 1 9. As has been seen by Ehrlich18, blowing

horn belongs to the oath ritual, a custom that persists in Judaism until this day.19
C. Pentecost as the covenantal festival par excellence is most clearly presented in

the book of Jubilees. The covenants with Noah and Abraham were established on
the fifteenth of the third month, which is the date of the Pentecost, in accordance
with the calendar of this book20 as well as with the calendar of the Qumran sect.21
We are told in the book of Jubilees that Noah was the first one to celebrate the
feast of weeks and therefore was commanded that the future generations 'should
celebrate the feast of weeks in this month once a year, to renew the covenant
every year' (6. 1 7). A similar injunction is proclaimed right after the covenant wit
Abram: 'On that day we made a covenant with Abram, according as we had cove-
nanted with Noah in this month and Abram renewed the festival and ordinance
for himself forever' (14.20).
Both covenants followed the offering of sacrifices (6.3; 14. 19) as was the case
with the covenant at Sinai (Exod. 24.3ff.) and the covenant of Asa mentioned
above. The covenant with Abram, concerning circumcision, was also established i
the middle of the third month (15.1) and the revelation to Jacob also takes place in
the middle of the third month after celebrating the harvest festival (44.4ff).
D. The people of Qumran used to renew the covenant annually ( 1 QS 1 . 1 6ff.)

according to an unpublished text from Qumran cave 4 the annual covenant cere-
mony took place at Pentecost.22
Name of the Festival

The Hebrew and Aramaic names for Pentecost as reflected in the Mishnah
(passim), the Targums23 and Josephus aremSMMMnitl? (aaapQai,Antiq. Ill, 252).
mUU means 'assembly' or 'solemn gathering' which indicated that Pentecost was
especially noted for its solemn convocation. It commemorated - in our opinion -
the covenant assembly at Sinai. As has been shown by D.Z. Hoffman the desig-
nation mUU for the Pentecost is to be explained against the background of bib-
lical *?npn DV 'the day of assembly' which in Deuteronomy marks the day of
revelation and giving of the law (9.10; 10.3; 18. 16).24 Indeed this is the only
reasonable explanation for the name mUtf given to the Pentecost.
18. Cf. A. Ehrlich, IBIBSQ tnpD, adloc.

1 9. For blowing the horn in the oath ritual cf. Aruch Completum s.v. HDH (p. 229)
20. See Charles, op. cit. p. 52 to w. 17-18.

21. Cf. s. Taimon, p^pio ^ .xb jTOT iSD,niTi];n rn'ram onpnia, 1957, 77ff.
22. Cf. J.T. Milik, Ten Years of Discovery in the Wilderness of Judaea, 1959, pp. 113ff.; for
additional possible evidence cf. M. Delcor, 'Pentecote', Diet. Bibl. Supp, 870-71.
23. Tg. Onq. and Tg. Ps.-J. Num. 28.26, Targ. Neof. I (facsimile 1970) Deut. 16.10
24. D.Z. Hoffman, Das Buck Leviticus, 1 905-1 906, II., p. 228f. Mark that Tg. Ps-J. and Tg. Neof.
translate ' n n DV a'n nenD DV3 and in Deut. 18.16: Kr
That Pentecost was notorious for its solemn massive gatherings may be learned
from Josephus and the New Testament. Josephus tells us twice about big gather-
ings in Jerusalem on Pentecost. One is at the time of the Parthian invasion in 40
BCE:
when the feast called Pentecost came round the whole neighborhood of the temple and the
entire city were crowded with country-folk (War 1.253, comp. Antiq. 14.337).
The second time is after the death of Herod in 4 BCE:

on the arrival of the Pentecost.. .it was not the customary ritual so much as indignation
which drew the people in crowds to the capital. A countless multitude flocked in from
Galilee, from Idumaea, from Jericho, and from Peraea beyond the Jordan, but it was the
native population of Judaea itself which, both in numbers and ardor, was preeminent
(War 2.43, comp. Antiq. 17.254).25
In both cases the gathering is particularly noted. It is true, the gatherings were
exploited for military activities, but these could not be upheld were it not for the
particular solemn occasion.
Similarly we read in the Acts 2, that the crowd witnessing the miracles of the
Pentecost included:
Parthians, Medes, Elamites, inhabitants of Mesopotamia, of Judaea and Cappadocia, of
Pontus and Asia, of Phyrgia and Pamphylia, of Egypt and the districts of Libya around
Cyrene; visitors from Rome both Jews and proselytes, Cretans and Arabs... (vv. 9ff.).26
That Pentecost was outstanding for its pilgrimage may be also learned from
Acts 20.16 according to which Paul wanted at all costs to spend Pentecost in
Jerusalem. Philo marks Pentecost as a festival greater than another great feast
(Spec. Leg. 2.176). In another place (Spec. Leg.
1.183) he calls Pentecost the most national celebration
and when describing the celebration of the Pentecost by the Therapeutae he
refers to the festival as jJEyicnT) sopTT] 'the biggest holiday'.
Pentecost in the New Testament

Most instructive for our purpose is the story about the founding of the Christian
congregation on the day of Pentecost as told in the Acts of the Apostles:
When the day of the Pentecost arrived (reached its course) they were all together,
when suddenly there came from the sky a noise like that of a strong wind which filled
the whole house.. .and there appeared to them tongues divided like flames of fire and
rested on each one of them. And they were all filled with the Holy Spirit and began to
talk in other tongues as the spirit caused them to utter... (2.Iff.).
The main components of this story may be found in the traditions of the law-
giving at Sinai.
25. Translation according to Thackerey, Loeb Classical Library.

26. For a thorough analysis of this catalogue cf. J. Kremer, Pfingstbericht etc., pp. 145ff.
1. The heavenly noise and the fiery tongues have their roots in the description
of the Sinai revelation as it was elaborated in the Midrashic literature of the
Second Temple period. The Aramaic Targums as well as Philo explain the Aoyoi
coming out of the mouth of the deity at Sinai as blazing flames becoming words
or voices, a concept based apparently on Exod. 20.18:
liter.: 'all the people saw the voices and the flashes/torches'. Philo
recounts that the flames (cÂoyes) became articulate speech in the language
familiar to the audience (Decal. 46). Targum Pseudo-Jonathan as
well as Genizah Targum fragments and Neofiti similarly describe the word of
God departing from his mouth as blazes and torches (Exod. 20.2).
The word that went out from the mouth of the Holy one, may his Name be blessed,
was like shooting stars and lightenings and like flames and torches of fire, a torch of
fire to the right and a torch of flame to the left. It flew and winged swiftly in the air of
the heavens and turned around and became visible in all the camps of Israel and by
turning it became engraved on the two tablets of the covenant.
2. The idea of the division of flames into tongues is rooted in the Midrashic
notion that each one of the Lord's words was divided into seventy tongues, that
is, the languages of all the nations.28 Thus we read in b. Shab. 88b: Rabbi
Yohanan said: 'The Lord gives a command, those who bring the news are a great
host' (Ps. 68.12), every dibbur that came from the Almighty was divided into
seventy languages.29 Another dictum by R. Yishmael: 'Behold my word is like
fire declares the Lord - and like a hammer that shatters rock' (Jer. 23.29). It was
taught by Rabbi Yishmael: Just as the sledgehammer (when shattered by harder
rock) is divided into many slivers, so every word which was uttered by the Holy
One was divided into seventy tongues.30 Most significant is the overlap in phrase-
ology between this tradition and the account in Acts: the tongues of fire were
divided.
Rabbi Yishmael Acts 2.3
The word (like fire) was divided into seventy There appeared to them tongues divided
tongues like flames of fire
27. For the variants in the Targums see J. Potin, La Fete Juive etc. Tome II, pp. 37ff.
28. Cf. the seventy nations in Gen. 10 and see my short commentary on Genesis (1975), ad loc.
29. Cf. Midrash Tehilim (ed. Buber) 92.3.
30. Amongst the various Rabbinic parallels that were adduced by Strack-Billerbeck to the episode
in Acts 2, this dictum was also quoted but without noting its importance for understanding of the motif.
Cf. also: 'R. Yosi bar Haninah says: As a man who strikes with a hammer on
stone and the fire sparks sprinkle around...so the Holy discharged the dibbur
from his mouth and it was divided into luminaries' (Midr. Ps. to 92.3).
3. The fiery tongues that rested on each of them (Acts 2.3) remind us of the
divine glory of the divine diadems31 which were put on the head of the Israelites
when they proclaimed 'we will do and obey' (UIDCB1 iTOIJ]) at Sinai (b. Shab.
88a).32
The Speaking with Tongues

Following the revelation to the Christian congregation - we are told by Luke -
the members of the congregation started to talk in different languages. Scholars do
not know how to explain 'the talking in tongues' here. In their opinion it means
'ecstatic babbling', and according to E. Meyer, it reminds us of the activities of
the bands of the popular prophets in ancient Israel.33 Though one cannot deny the
central place of the TTVEUjja in this tradition (see below) there is no justification
for understanding 'the speaking with foreign tongues' as ecstatic babbling. Luke
in Acts 2 just wants to inform us that the revelation was destined not only for the
Galileans who constituted the main bulk of the population present there (2.7) but
for all the nations and 'tongues' of the world. Behind the story lies the Jewish
tradition that the Torah was given in seventy languages, i.e., in the languages of
all the nations in the world34 and it is no mere coincidence that Rabbi Yishmael
who expounded the verse about the fiery word of God dividing itself into seventy
tongues, was also the author of the dictum that the Torah was written on the
stone of Mount Ebal in seventy languages.35
Another Midrash speaks about God revealing himself at Sinai in four tongues
(SV/re/toDeut. 33.2):
When the Holy.. .revealed himself to give the Torah to Israel, he talked to them not in
one language but in four:
1. 'God came from Sinai', that is, in Hebrew.
2. 'He shone forth from Se'ir', that is, in Roman.
3. 'He appeared from the Mount Paran', that is, in Arabic.
4. 'And came (rtnKI) from £Hp mm""!, that is, in Aramaic.36
31. The divine glory Tna/TT/Tfn constitutes the fiery halo which surrounds the head and thus
forms a crown. For the nature of the "TOD and its Akkadian and Egyptian equivalent melammu and
nsrt, cf. my article in Eretz Israel vol. 13 (H. I. Ginsberg Festschrift).
32. According to the earlier tradition God himself tied the diadems upon their heads while the
later tradition has it that the angels did it, see E. E. Urbach, The Sages, I, pp. 148-49.
33. Cf., e.g., E. Meyer, Ursprung undAnfdnge des Christentums III (1923), pp. 142f., 221.
34. Cf.t.Sof.8.7.
35. Cf. the Mek. on Deut. Discovered by Schechter, J. Lewy Festschrift, p. 189.
36. For other parallels cf. Potin, La Fete Juive, pp. 258ff.
Speaking Tongues as a Spiritual Gift

The 'fiery tongues' have their origin - as shown - in the Jewish Midrashic tradi-
tions about God's revealing the Torah in seventy languages. The 'speaking in
tongues' by the members of the holy congregation37 belongs however to another
tradition and viz. the tradition about 'charismata' or the spiritual gifts bestowed
upon the ones overtaken by the holy spirit (cf. 1 Cor. 12.10, 28; Acts 10.44-
45).38 This tradition has its roots according to our view, in the story of Num. 11
about the spirit of God descending upon the seventy elders (v. 25) who were to
adjudicate the tribes of Israel. As is well known this story served as the prototype
for the seventy members of the Sanhedrin in the second temple period and
regarding them we are told that they should know and speak39 seventy languages
(/. Sanh. 8.1,7. Seqal 5.1,48d, b. Sanh. 17a, Menah. 65a). The people of the
elected body of the nation upon whom the spirit of God rested were thus endowed
with the gift of tongues and this is exactly what we find in the miracle story of the
Pentecost.40 If it is true - as some argue - that it is only the Apostles who recaeive
the spirit in the upper room, then the analogy with Num. 11 is even stronger,, Like
the elders and the Sanhedrin, the Apostles too were in charge of judging Israel
(Mt. 19.28, Luke 22.29) and therefore were in need of the divine spirit.41 On the
other hand it is possible that the whole community was considered as a council
similar to that of the 'seventy' and therefore all its members received the holy
spirit.
'Speaking in tongues' is a divine gift as is every propensity and talent but it is
no more than a medium of communication. It was especially important for the
Christian congregation which was comprised of people from different nations.
'Speaking in tongues' was needed not only for the translation of the message but
also for understanding prayer, and this is what stands behind 1 Cor. 14. In this
chapter we find the legitimation for praying in foreign languages.42 'Amen' can
only be said when the prayer is understood:
37. It is not clear altogether whether Acts 2.4 refers to the 120 men mentioned in 1.15 or to the 12
Apostles. At any rate the writer has in mind here the holy body constituting the fountain of the
Christian community.
38. Cf. Beare, JBL 83 (1964), cf. also Martin JBL 63 (1944).
39. Every member must understand the languages and should be able to speak at least two of
them. The ability to speak the languages does not mean controlling them perfectly, cf. S. Lieberman,
Greek in Jewish Palestine (1942), pp. 15-16.
40. It seems to us that the story in the Letter of Aristeas about the seventy-two elders who
translated the Torah through divine inspiration, belongs to the same category. For the story in the
letter of Aristeas and its connection with the account of the revelation at Sinai, cf. most recently H.M.
Orlinsky, HUCA 46 (1975), pp. 94ff.
41. Cf. E. Stauffer, ThLZll (1953), p. 202, who compares the 120 to the 120 members of the
'Knesset HaGedolah'.
42. Cf. m. Sot. 7.1
I will pray with my spirit but I will also pray with my understanding. I will sing43 with
my spirit but I will sing also with my understanding. If you utter your praises in the
spirit how is the person in a layman's position to say Amen to your prayer? For of
course he does not know what you are saying (vv. 15ff).
'Speaking in tongues' is - as Beare summarized in his study - 'one among

many gifts, amid a great diversity and is less highly valued than the gift of
prophecy or prayer and 'praise with the mind'.44 It is a medium for disseminating
the divine message and for understanding the prayer and is not an aim in itself.
Coming back to our main subject we may sum up in saying that the revelation
as described in Acts 2 is patterned after the revelation at Sinai and the pouring of
the spirit on the elders in the Sinai desert. Just as the revelation at Sinai occurred
on the day of the Pentecost so the revelation to the first Christian community
happened on this very day.45 The date of the first revelation at Sinai, viz. the holi-
day of Pentecost served as a point of departure for other mystic experiences. Two
episodes of later Jewish tradition are instructive in this respect. The first episode
pertains to the mystic experience of Joseph Caro (1488-1575). During the vigil
of the Pentecost night (Order of the Night ofShavuof), a voice came out suddenly
of the mouth of Caro. The people around him heard the voice, fell on their faces
and everybody fainted.46
The second episode relates to the proclamation of Shabbatai Tsevi (1626-
1676) as Messiah. During the vigil of the night of Shavuot, the divine spirit
rested upon Nathan of Gaza, and he fell into a trance and announced: 'Shabbetai
Zevi is worthy to be King of Israel'.47
It is also possible that Josephus' story in War 6.299f. belongs to the same cate-
gory. We are told there that at Pentecost night before the war, the priests heard a
noise and then a divine voice: 'We are departing hence'.48
The Sinaitic Prototype of the Revelation to Jesus

Just as the revelation to the first Christian community was patterned after the
revelation to the Israelites at Sinai so the revelation to Jesus was patterned after
the revelation to Moses. In the Sinai stories we are told that Moses ascended the
43. 'Sing' here is associated with liturgy, cf. 1QS X9: ninu mDTK which comes before
which points toward the
recital of the Shema' in the morning and evening, cf. M. Weinfeld, Shnaton, An Annual for Biblical
and Ancient Near East Studies, Vol. 1, 1976, p. 77 n. 245, idem. Tarbiz 45 (1976), p. 20. Cf. also
H. Conzelman, Der erste Brief an die Korinther, 1969, ad he.
44. JBL 83 (1964), p. 246.
45. E. Haenchen (The Acts of the Apostles, Commentary, 1971) who goes along with others in
stating that evidence for the Jewish Pentecost tradition (associated with Sinai) has not been found
earlier than the middle of the second century, nevertheless admits that Luke's story is influenced by
the story of Sinai and that the tongues of fire which had become tongues of speech at Sinai (relying
solely on Philo) influenced the story of Acts 2 (p. 174).
46. Cf. R.J.Z. Werblowsky, Joseph Karo (1962), pp. 19-21.
47. Cf. G. Scholem, Shabbatai Tsevi (1975), pp. 217ff.
48. Cf. Tacitus, Hist.V, 13.
Mount together with Aaron, Nadab and Abihu (Exod. 24.9) and after six days of
waiting God called from the cloud (Exod. 24.16) and Moses entered the cloud.
Following the contact of Moses with the Lord his face changed (Exod. 34.28f.).
Afterwards the tabernacle was built, when it was finished it was covered with a
cloud (Exod. 40.34) out of which the Lord called unto Moses and commanded
him (Lev. 1.1, cf. Deut. 31.14-15).
The story of the transfiguration has been similarly structured. Jesus ascended
the Mount after six days (Mk 9.2; Mt. 17.1) together with his three followers:
Peter, James and John. He was transfigured before them, following which booths
were made for him and for Moses and Elijah who were with him there. After that
a cloud overshadowed the booths and out of the cloud a voice was heard,
proclaiming the election of Jesus.
The story of the transfiguration shows a perfect analogy with the stories about
Moses at Sinai and there is no doubt therefore that the stories of the Gospels come
to tell us that by ascending the Mount and speaking with Moses and Elijah Jesus
became like them. As is well known, Moses and Elijah had revelations at Sinai
and both of them together represent the supreme divine will as expressed in the
Law and the Prophets, cf. Mai. 3.22-24, the concluding verses of the Torah and
the Prophets.
It seems then that the revelation to Jesus as well as the revelation to the first
Christian community were structured according to the Sinaitic narrative. The result
achieved was that Jesus fulfills the role of Moses while the Christian congregation
takes the place of the Israelite congregation at Sinai. The Jewish tradition about
the Torah revealed by God through Moses from which Judaism drew its main in-
spiration was replaced in the Christian community by the revelation to Jesus on
the Mount on the one hand and by the revelation to the first Christian community
on Pentecost on the other.
Chapter 20
THE CHARGE OF HYPOCRISY IN MATTHEW 23

AND IN JEWISH SOURCES
Matthew 23 constitutes, as is known, a charge sheet against the Pharisees. The

main charge is hypocrisy. The author compiled all sorts of traditions and struc-
tured them in a way that would enhance the image of insincerity and hypocrisy.1
The chapter may be divided into three main parts: (1) the programmatic section
(w. 1-12); (2) seven passages that open with 'woe to hypocrites' (w. 13-30);
and (3) a concluding section about the doom of Jerusalem (w. 31-39).
The programmatic section opens with a statement about the scribes and Phari-
sees who sit on Moses' seat2 and preach, but do not practise what they preach
(w. 2-4). Then comes a passage that exemplifies the false ostentatious behaviour
of the scribes and Pharisees (w. 5-7). This passage, which concludes with the
accusation that the Pharisees love to be called 'rabbi', leads to the Christological
passage (vv. 8-12) that elaborates the idea that the real 'rabbi' is Jesus.
The purpose of this study is to show that most of the accusations of hypocrisy
contained in this chapter are rooted in Jewish tradition. In the programmatic
section, moreover, this applies not only to the contents but also to the structure.
Indeed, while the woes also have their roots in Jewish admonitions, the pro-
grammatic part already raises the fundamental issue (w. 2-3):
The scribes and the Pharisees sit on Moses' seat, so practice and observe whatever
they tell you, but not what they do, for they preach but do not practice. They bind
heavy burdens hard to bear and lay them on men's shoulders, but they themselves will
not move them with their finger.
As has been seen by scholars,3 the charge should properly refer to scribes
(ypaMM«Ts7s)4 and teachers of the Law (VOJJIKOI). For it was these two groups
1. Cf. D. Flusser, 'Two Anti-Jewish Montages in Matthew', Immanuel 5 (Summer 1975), pp.
37-45. For the nature of the composition of Mt. 23, cf. recently D.E. Garland, Intention of Matthew
23 (Supplements to Novum Testamentum, 52, 1979).
2. ETT! T% MCOUOECOS Ka0eSpa$, corresponding to the expression HOD"! fcmnp in Pesiq. Rav
Kah. 1.7 (Mandelbaum ed., p. 12). Such chairs were indeed discovered in various synagogues in the
Land of Israel. See E.L, Sukenik, Tarbiz 1.1 (1929), pp. 150-51; J.N, Epstein, ibid., p 152.
3. Cf. Garland, pp. 4Iff.
4. The scribes (ypc<MMaTE?s = DHB1D) fulfilled administrative-judicial functions, as has been
shown by D.R. Schwartz,'' Scribes and Pharisees, Hypocrites': Who Are the Scribes?' (Hebrew), Zion
50 (1985), pp. 121-32. The scribes were identified with the Levites and the DHOIE; on the latter, see
my 'Judge and Officer in Ancient Israel and in the Ancient Near East', Israel Oriental Stuties, I
who were in fact sitting on Moses' seat, rather than all the Pharisees as Matthew
tries to present the matter. Indeed Luke 11, which contains a parallel to the woes
passage, reflects some awareness of this distinction. There the first three 'woes'
are addressed to the Pharisees (w. 42,43,44), but the other three to the teachers
of Law (w. 46,47,52). Thus in Luke the charge of loading people with burdens
hard to bear is directed at the latter group5 and not at the Pharisees in general.
Condemnation of scribes and teachers who do not follow their own teaching
goes back as far as Jer. 8.8:
How can you say: 'We are wise and we possess the Torah of the Lord'?
Surely, for naught has the pen labored, for naught the scribes.6
The prophet condemns the scribes and the wise men for not observing the teach-
ing that they themselves had committed to writing. The pen of the scribes had
made the Torah, as it were, into a lie.7
Condemnation of scribes and teachers of Torah who do not follow their own
prescriptions is also well known from rabbinic literature. They are called there,
as in Matthew, 'hypocrites in regard to Torah' (mm nS]Il). As we shall see pre-
sently, they are even accused of the same sins as in the Gospels. About such
teachers there existed proverbial sayings in rabbinic literature, as for example:
- 'there are those who preach well but do not practice well',8
and in positive form:
- 'good are the commands that come out of the mouth of those who perform them'.9
What is most instructive in these rabbinic sources, however, is that they link
the contrast between preaching and practising to knowledge of the divine will or
to the 'key of heaven', an idea that occurs also in the context of the woes passages
in Matthew (23.13) and Luke (11.52). The sages admitted that it is hard to find a
person whose teaching and practice are in complete harmony, since preaching
implies the revealing of God's will, but knowledge of God's will is hard for a
man of sinful nature. As Avot de-Rabbi Nathan 39 puts it:
Because of his sin it is not granted to man to know what likeness is on high, and were
it not for that, the keys would have been handed over to him and he might have known
(1977), pp. 83-86. But the VOMIKO! were of a scholarly character: teachers of the Torah (see next
note).
5. VOJJIKOS = mm erm, 'the interpreter of the Law' (cf. Sir. 35.15 and the Qumran literature,
passim), who was sometimes interchangeable with the scribe. Compare 4 Mace. 5.4 with 2 Mace. 6.18.
Moses, on whose chair the teachers sit, is called Hp'Ol] in the midrashic literature; cf. S. Lieberman,
Hellenism in Jewish Palestine (1950), pp. 81-82.
6. Cf. the Jewish Publication Society's The Prophets: A New Translation (1978). IpE^ here
means 'in vain', as in 1 Sam. 25.21.
7. See my DDS (1972), p. 160.
8. /. Hag. 2.\\t. Yebam. 8.7 and the parallels in talmudic literature.
9. t. Yebam. 8.7; Gen. Rab. 3.4.6 (Albeck ed, p. 326
20. The Charge of Hypocrisy in Matthew 23 and in Jewish Sources 281
what heaven and earth were created with and would have obtained knowledge from
the most High.... The one who follows the right path will be happy.10
Only the most outstanding of the sages, such as R. Eleazar b. Arakh, break their
way through to heaven so as to get the divine knowledge. Thus t. Hag. 2.1 says
that when Eleazar b. Arakh succeeded with his study Merkavah ('divine chariot',
i.e., a knowledge not available to the many), Johanan b. Zakkai proclaimed:
There are those who preach well but do not practice, there are others who practice well
but do not preach well, but Eleazar b. Arakh preaches well and practices well. Happy
are you Abraham, our father, that Eleazar b. Arakh descended from you who knows
and understands to preach in honor of his Father in heaven.
As has been noted by S. Lieberman, what Johanan b. Zakkai meant was that
receiving heavenly knowledge depends upon the performance of the Lord's
will,11 a view reflected in the statement of Rabbah bar Rav Huna in b. Shab. 3 Ib:
A man who possesses learning without the fear of heaven is like a treasurer who is
entrusted with the inner keys but not with the outer; how is he to enter?
This passage provides a link between Mt. 23.13 and Lk. 11.52, showing that they
reflect the same view: because of their non-compliance with divine norms, neithe
the teachers of the Law nor their students will enter the divine realm, whereby they
are deprived of the key of knowledge. Each of these verses, however, contains half
of the idea: Mt. 23.13 speaks about closing the way to heaven but says nothing
about knowledge, whereas Lk. 11.52 talks of taking away the key of knowledge
but says nothing about this knowledge being heavenly.
Also the position of the two verses is significant. The one opens the series of
woes in Matthew where they are directed at 'hypocrites', while the other closes
the series of woes in Luke where they are directed at 'teachers of the Law'. This
woe is therefore a most important factor in both versions of the homily; it can be
explained only against the background of the rabbinic sources according to which
hypocritical teachers who do not observe what they preach cannot get the key to
heavenly knowledge. Moreover, note the opening dictum in Mt. 23.13, which
refers to those who shut the Kingdom of Heaven against themselves and their
followers.
That Mt. 23.13 has close affinities with the preceding verses may be learned
from the insertion of verse 14 after it. The interpolator of this verse, who missed
in vv. 6-7 the clause about the devouring of the widows' houses (cf. Mk. 12.38-
40, Lk. 20.46-47, and see below), found the proper place for it after the
statement about shutting the way to heaven. He saw that v. 13 is an integral part
of the introductory unit, although stylistically it belongs to the section of the
seven woes of the next passage.
The programmatic section in w. 1-12 opens with the charge of ostentatious
behaviour. This charge is presented differently in the various Synoptic gospels.
10. Regarding the conclusion of the passage, we follow the manuscript in Schechter's edition, p.
75a. See S. Lieberman, Tosefta Ki-Fshutah: Moed, p. 1288.
11. Lieberman, ibid.
Mt. 23.5-7 reads:

They make their phylacteries broad and their fringes long. They love to have the first
couches at the table and the first seats in synagogues12 and salutations in the market
places and being called 'rabbi' by men.
Mark (12.38-40) and Luke (20.46-47; cf. 1 1.43) have:

. . .who like to walk around in long robes and to have salutations in the market places
and to have the first seats in synagogues and the first couches at the table, who devour
widow's houses and for a pretense make long prayers.
Before adducing evidence to show that the charges listed here are attested
rabbinic literature, a general remark should be made: Pharisees are reproached as
hypocrites in the rabbinic sources themselves. Thus t. Sofa 22b contains a whole
passage dedicated to this topic, opening with a baraita that lists seven types of
Pharisees (D^"1S).13 The characterization of the types and the exact meaning of
the definitions there elude us, because of the antiquated language of the tradition.
It is clear, however, that some of those seven types of Pharisees are criticized for
showing off their religious devotion in every possible way. Among them are one
who 'carries his piety on his shoulder fMC? C7HS), and one who looks for a task
to perform in order to prove that he observes everything possible (TQin in 27113
This baraita is followed by a dictum of R. Nahman b. Isaac, said in connec-

tion with the hypocritical types of Pharisee, which reminds us of the charge in
Mk. 12.38 and Lk. 20.46 (see further below) about Pharisees who walk around in
long robes: 'Let the great court call to account those who are wrapped up in a
cloak p N'ID'U] ' (Rashi: 'those who wrap themselves in cloaks as though they were
true Pharisees'). By way of association, the talmudic editor adduces a historical
anecdote about Alexander Jannai (103-76 BCE):
King Jannai said to his wife: 'Fear neither the Pharisees nor their opponents, but [fear]
the hypocrites who pretend to be Pharisees but whose deeds are those of Zimri and
who expect a reward like Phinehas'.
The true meaning of this episode may be understood against the background of
Josephus' account (Antiq. 13.398f.) of how King Alexander Jannai advised his
wife concerning her peacemaking with the Pharisees. The Pharisees knew how to
influence Queen Alexandra and apparently not without flattery (cf., e.g., Antiq.
13. 404^06).
The Qumran sect, too, accused the Pharisees of hypocrisy in this period. Its
writings call them nip1?!! nervn which means 'seekers of smooth things', paral-
leled by 'lying interpreters' pT3 'H1 17D) and 'seekers of deceit' (jTtri "Wrf; cf.
12. TTpcoTOKAioia and TTpcoTOKaSeSpia correspond to Hebrew 2?K"Q !"QDn and

respectively.
13. For the baraita on the seven types of Pharisee, see also.y. Sofa 5.7 20c;>>. Ber. 9.7,14b. Cf.
also ARNA.31 (Schechter ed., p, 109) and B.45 (ibid., p!24).
14. Cf. the explanations in the Talmud.
1QH 2.31-34). As has been shown by D. Flusser and others,15 the 'seekers of
smooth things' in Pesher Nahum (4QpNah 2.13-34, 1.7; 3.6-7) and in other
places in the Qumran literature are none other than the Pharisees. These are
depicted there as hypocrites, 'who by their false teaching and their lying tongue
and a deceitful lip lead many astray' (4QpNah 2.13-34, 2.8-9)
The same source notes that they had invited Demetrius, the Greek king, to join
them in their struggle against Alexander Jannai. It was for this reason the latter
hanged them alive (4QpNah 169 3-4, 1.6-7). Apparently it was a period when
the Pharisees exploited their status in order to assert power. This historical
situation is what gave rise to the stigma of hypocrisy ascribed to the Pharisees.
As we have seen, however, the Pharisaic literature itself preserves bad memories
of that period, which find expression in the passage quoted from t. Sofa 22b.
Let us now turn to some individual accusations made in Matt. 23.5-7 and their
parallels in Mark and Luke. We shall inquire in what measure they, too, are
reflected in Jewish-Pharisaic literature.
1. Ostentatious display of formal attire: parading in cloaks (ev OToAcns Mk.
12.38 and Lk. 20.46). This accusation is quite common in rabbinic literature. In
the passage from t. Sofa 22b quoted above, R. Nahman b. Isaac denounces the sin
of those who wrap themselves with cloaks in order to show off. Such demonstra-
tions of one's formal position are often condemned by the rabbis. Thus ben Azzai
said: 'It is easier to rule the world than to teach in the presence of two men
wrapped in cloaks (DT"7DD D^SIftUn)'. 16 A somewhat different version is found
in the Midrash on Psalm 18.44:
'You have rescued me from strife' - so that I will be saved from being judged before
them. Ben Azzai said: 'It is easier to rule the world than to rule [influence] two men
wrapped in robes.'17
This refers to the judges who used to wrap themselves in their robes before taking
up a case (b. Shab. 10a).18 As we shall see, this kind of admonition is directed
toward judges and official leaders who care about their prestigious position but
do not pay attention to the oppressed who need help.
It is not the formal attire itself that is condemned here, but the abuse of it.
Sometimes, therefore, praise is given to those who, though wrapped in robes, do
not flaunt their importance. Commenting on the meaning of Isa. 23.18, 'Rather
shall her profits go to those who abide before the Lord', the sage says to Ishmael
b. R. Jose: 'It refers to people like you and your friends and two -man wrapped
in cloaks like you who do not feel yourselves important'.19
15. Cf. D. Flusser, 'Pharisees, Sadducees and Essenes in Pesher Nahum' (Hebrew), Essays in
Jewish History and Philology in Memory ofGedaliahu Alon (1970), pp. 133ff. See also Y. Yadin,
'Pesher Nahum (4Qp Nahum) Reconsidered', Israel Exploration Journal 21 (1971), pp. 1-12.
16. ARNA.25 (end, Schechter ed.). On the attire of rabbinic school cf. S. Krauss, 'The Cloak of
Rabbinic Scholars' (Hebrew), Jubilee Volume for M.S. Block (1905), pp. 83-93.
17. Midr. Ps., Buber (ed.), p. 81.
18. Buber, ibid, notes.
19. Eccl.Rab.1.9.
2. Arrogant demonstrations of piety: exaggerated details of ritual attire (Mt.

23.5). Whereas Mark and Luke speak of'cloaks', the parallel in Matthew speaks
of the wearing of 'broad phylacteries' (<|>uAaiaT|pia, signifying "p^SH)20 and
'long fringes' (KpaoTreSa, rTiTU). These details, too, are mentioned in rabbinic
criticism of Pharisaic peacockery, besides the already mentioned flaunting of
cloaks to which those fringes were attached. Thus on the verse 'I further ob-
served all the oppression.. .behold the tears of the oppressed, with none to com-
fort them' (Eccles. 4.1), Ecclesiastes Rabbah comments:
R. Benjamin interpreted the verse as referring to hypocrites in regard to Torah fBDn
mm). People suppose that they can read the Scriptures and the Mishnah, but they
cannot. They wrap themselves in cloaks and put phylacteries on their heads. Of them it
is written, 'Behold, the tears of the oppressed, with none to comfort them'. 'It is mine
to punish', says God, as it is said: 'Cursed be they who do the work of the Lord
deceitfully'. (Jer. 48.10)
The juxtaposition of the demonstration of ceremonial piety on the one act, and
oppression of the underprivileged on the other, is thus clearly reflected in the
rabbinic literature too. Similarly, in interpreting the commandment against taki
God's name in vain, Pesiqta Rabbati 22.5 states.21 'You are to put on
phylacteries and wrap yourself in your [fringed] cloak p"P *?B] and then go forth
and commit transgression'.
To the ostentatious wearing of phylacteries and the fringed cloak, it adds the
accusation of arrogating to oneself the first place at dinner, also mentioned in the
Synoptic Gospels (Mt. 23.6, Mk. 12.39 and Lk. 20.46):
'Do not take God's name in vain' - R. Simon said: 'If this refers to a false oath, this is
superfluous because it has already been said: "You shall not swear falsely by the name"
[Lev. 19.12]. But what it means here is that you are not to wrap yourself in a cloak,
cover yourself with the fringes, transgress the Torah in secrecy, presume to make the
blessing first, open [the meal first or take the portion first.'22
Making the phylacteries broad as an ostentatious sign of status, exactly as foun

in Matt. 23.5, is mentioned in the testimony of R. Hai Gaon (10th, century CE):
It was the custom in the academy for the students to make their phylacteries small, no
higher than a finger.. .whereas the great rabbis would make theirs some three fingers
high, so that the students should not be equal to them.23
The term 'hypocrites in regard to Torah' (mm 'SD11), quoted above from Eccl
Rab., is attested also in Lev. Rab interpreting Eccl. 5.5:24
'Do not let your mouth bring you into disfavor' - R. Benjamin interpreted this verse as
referring to hypocrites in regard to Torah.
20. For the equation of 4>uAaKTf]pia in Matthew with ]^SH, see J.H. Tigay, 'On the Tern
Phylacteries (Mt. 23.5)', Harvard Theological Review 72 (1978), pp. 45-52.
21. Friedmann ed., 111 b.
22. J. Mueller, Teshuvot Ge'onei Mizrah u-Ma'arav (1888), par. 132; cf. par. 171.
23. Cf. J.H. Tigay, op. cit., p. 49 and reference there.
24. Margulies ed., p. 357.
3. Ostentatious behaviour in tithing all kinds of petty things: observing minu-

tiae of the Law, such as tithing mint, dill and cumin, while sinning against the
great principles of the Law (Mt. 23.23; Lk. 11.47). This, too, has its parallels in
Jewish Pharisaic lore, which accuses Esau of exactly the same behaviour pattern.
On Gen. 25.28, 'because [the meat from his] hunting was in his mouth'
the Midrash comments: 'He [Esau] used to ask his father, 'Does one give
tithe from straw? Does one give tithe from salt or water?'25 In 'mouthing' such
questions, according to this interpretation, Esau 'hunted' his father's esteem by
pretending to be a very pious man.
To sum up, accusations of Pharisaic hypocrisy in the Gospels contain motifs
identical with the accusations in the rabbinic sources. These are: (1) not practising
what one preaches; (2) ostentatiously wearing cloaks; (3) showing off phylacteries
and fringes; (4) demanding the first place at dinner; (5) tithing trivial things. All
these are denounced in rabbinic literature, a fact that shows that such a critique
was prevalent in Judaism at the time when Christianity began to take shape.
It appears that the critique of Pharisaic hypocrisy was a common phenomenon
in Judaism of the first centuries of the common era. When the authors of the
Synoptic Gospels wrote about Pharisaic hypocrites, they were using material that
was widespread in Pharisaic lore itself.
25. See Gen. Rab. 63.10, Albeck (ed.), p. 693, and note there.
Chapter 21
HlLLEL AND THE MISUNDERSTANDING OF

JUDAISM IN MODERN SCHOLARSHIP
My point of departure for the discussed topic will be the view of J. Wellhausen
on Judaism. Wellhausen was an outstanding scholar in Old Testament and New
Testament whose life ambition was 'historical interpretation based on philological
examination'.1 Yet he readily admitted that he did not include rabbinic literature
in his historical reconstruction of the second temple period. He read only Josephus.
He admitted also that the theologians did not study even that.2
In his entry on 'Israel' in Encyclopedia Britannica, Wellhausen defined Judaism
as follows:
Judaism is historically comprehensible, and yet it is a mass of antinomies.. .The Creator
of heaven and earth becomes the manager of a petty scheme of salvation; the living God
descends from His throne to make way for the law [the very law which was the basis of
Jesus' education! - M.W.]. The law thrusts itself in everywhere; it commands and
blocks up the access to heaven; it regulates and sets limits to the understanding of the
divine working on earth. As far as it can, it takes the soul out of religion and spoils
morality. It demands a service of God, which, though revealed, may yet with truth be
called a self-chosen and unnatural one, the sense and use of which are apparent neither
to the understanding nor to the heart. The labour is done for the sake of the exercise. It
does no one any good, and rejoices neither God nor man.. .The ideal is a negative one, to
keep one's self from sin, not a positive one, to do good upon earth. The occupation of
the hands and the desire of the heart fall asunder.. .There is no connection between the
Good one and goodness.3
He goes on to claim that the gospel develops hidden impulses of the Old Testa-
ment, but it is a protest against the ruling tendency of Judaism. Jesus understands
monotheism in a different way from his contemporaries... He feels the reality of
God dominating the whole of life, he breathes in the fear of the Judge who
requires an account for every idle word. This monotheism is not to be satisfied
with stipulated services, how many and great soever; it demands the whole man,
it renders doubleness of heart and hypocrisy impossible. Jesus casts ridicule on
the works of the law, the washing of hands and vessels, the tithing of mint and
cumin, the abstinence even from doing good on the Sabbath. Against unfruitful
1. Seen. 12.
2. Seen. 12.
3. Encyclopedia Britannica9 (1881), Vol. XIII, pp. 269-431.
21. HUM and the Misunderstanding of Judaism 287
self-sanctification He sets up another principle of morality, that of the service of

one's neighbour.4
What follows is much in the same vein. Wellhausen continues extolling the
church and denigrating Judaism.
The same bias appears in Wellhausen's Israelitsche undjudische Geschichte?
Here the New Testament is presented as the apex of the spiritual creativity of the
'true Israel', while the vast Hebrew literature which flourished in the Middle Ages
did not, Wellhausen argues, emerge from the true roots of Israel's tradition.6 Un-
like Christianity, Judaism sees salvation as a miraculous event, unrelated to the
religious and ethical behavior of the individual. The idea of individual responsi-
bility before God, he concludes, is far-removed from Judaism.7
Wellhausen presents here a completely distorted view of the situation.8 While it
is true that Jewish halakha is, and has always been, a labour for its adherents,9 its
observance has never been a matter of 'labour done for the sake of the exercise'
4. Reprinted in J. Wellhausen, Prolegomena to the History of Israel, trans. J. Black and A. Men-
zies (Edinburgh, 1885), pp. 508-10. The German edition of this study appeared in J. Wellhausen,
Skizzen und Vorarbeiten: Erstes Heft (1884).
5. Seventh edition (1914; originally published in 1894).
6. 'Die ausgedehnte jiidische Literatur des spatern Mittelalters kann man nicht eigentlich als ein
Gewachs aus der alten Wurzel betrachten' (p. 358).
7. 'Israel', pp. 364ff.
8. His views correspond to those of his contemporaries in German, esp. E. Schiirer and
W. Bousset. Many of these never made an effort to study rabbinical sources or to read the literature of
the Jewish school and synagogue. Nevertheless, they dared to define Judaism in a confident manner.
Cf., e.g., the words of G.F. Moore: 'What Bousset lacked in knowledge, he made up, however, in the
positiveness and confidence of his opinions.. .[by] unsupported assertion coming by force of sheer
reiteration' ('Christian Writers on Judaism', HTR 14 [1921] p. 242).
On the prevailing anti-Jewish atmosphere of German theologians in the 19th century, cf. J. Blen-
kinsopp, Prophecy and Canon (1977), pp. 19-20. See also W. McKane and his reaction to Blenkinsopp
mJSOT 17 (1979), pp. 66-67, and Blenkinsopp's response to McKane in JSOT18 (1980), pp. 105-
107. On the religious sentiments of Wellhausen's own time, see recently: L.H. Silberman, 'Wellhausen
and Judaism: Julius Wellhausen and his Prolegomena to the History oflsrael\ Semeia 25 (1982),
pp. 75-82.
R. Smend in his article, 'Wellhausen und das Judentum' (ZTK 79 [1982], pp. 249-82), has pre-
sented a thorough and valuable discussion of Wellhausen's attitude towards Jews and Judaism.
Smend rightly concludes that in those days nobody would be blamed for thinking or talking like him.
To be sure, this does not mean that he and his contemporaries were free of anti-Semititc feelings.
Wellhausen was not happy at all about the survival of the Jews. On other occasions he did not hide
his feeling of aversion to Jews. (See R. Smend, 'Wellhausen und das Judentum', p. 269 n. 95.)
According to W.R. Nicoll in the protocol of his meeting with Wellhausen in Eldena near Greif-
swald (March 8,1881): 'Wellhausen hates Jews' (See T.H. Darlow, William Robertson Nicoll: His
Life and Letters (1925), p. 42. See, however, the reservations of R. Smend in ZTK 78 (1981), p. 165.
We should admit that Wellhausen's personal feeling do not count when it comes to scholarly matters.
What we try to show is that whatever Wellhausen's personal feelings toward Jews may have been, his
characterization of Judaism is false.
9. Hence the various complaints about its rigidity, stiffness, etc. See references, esp. the ones
concerning Buber, in R. Smend, ZTK 79 (1982), p. 278 nn. 140-41. On Buber's attitude toward insti-
tutionalized religion, see Y. Amir, 'Buber and the Synagogue', Here and Now: Studies in the Social
and Religious Thoughts ofM. Buber (1982), pp. 115-18 (Hebrew).
but was rather an instructive discipline in the demanding multi-faceted service o

God. A claim that halakha ignores the commandment of the heart and the 'reality
of God dominating the whole of life' is simply misrepresentation. Wellhausen
was apparently unaware that the biblical words 'I have set the Lord always
before me' (Ps. 16.8)10 are displayed prominently upon the lectern of every syna-
gogue, and he apparently knew nothing of that Judaism which struggles against
'a commandment of men, learned by rote'
Wellhausen himself testifies that besides some Mishnah and Mekhilta, he
never studied any rabbinic literature,12 which makes him ill-qualified to say what
10. In the translations of this and other biblical passages, I have made use of the recent transla-
tions of the Scriptures published by Jewish Publication Society of America. I have, where the context
required, deviated from the Society's rendering.
11. See, e.g., Bahya ibn Paquda's Duties of the Heart, trans. M. Hyamson (1962), esp. Vol. n, pp.
144-51 ('Repentance', Chapter V) and pp. 198-201 ('Spiritual Accounting', Chapter III). The
medieval philosopher's idea and its formulation derive from Isa. 29.13 (despite Wellhausen's idea of
the inauthentic roots of medieval Jewish writings!).
12. See Die Pharisder, p. 123 n. 1. In another note (p. 19 n. 1), he says that the Mishnah from
beginning to end is characteristic of the Pharisees, and that there is no point in going to detail as it is
all the same. Clearly no one who has studied Mishnah properly would make such a statement.
As pointed out by H. Liebeschutz in his survey of Wellhausen (Das Judentum im deutschen Ges-
chichtsbild von Hegel bis Max Weber [1967], pp. 245-68), this conscious decision to forego the
careful study of rabbinic literature is especially astonishing on the part of a scholar whose life's
ambition was historical interpretation based on philological examination. Liebeschutz's study was
brought to my attention by the late Professor I.L. Seeligman. As for Wellhausen's work on the
Pharisees, his devoted friend Wilamowitz-Moelendorf testified that he wrote this work without any
training in rabbinics. Wellhausen stated, 'I read only Josephus, the theologians do not even do that',
Erinnerungen (1848-19142; [1928], p. 188).
This ignorance of Jewish sources crippled Wellhausen not only in his study of the Pharisaic period
(i.e., the time of Jesus), but also in his evaluation of topics treated in the Priestly Code of the Penta-
teuch. For instance, in his dicussion of the 'shoulder, the two cheeks, and the maw' given to the priests,
he makes reference to Josephus (Prolegomena , p. 14 n. 8 [ET, p. 154]), but not to the Mishnah (Hul.
10.1; cf. Sifra 17.6). Elsewhere, discussing P's outlawing of the high places since the time of the
erection of the tabernacle, he cites (in Latin!) m. Zebah. 14.4, but neglects to mention the Mishnayot
which follow and speak of the subsequent legalization of the high places (Prolegomena , p. 37 n. 1 [no
found in ET]). Y. Kaufmann accuses Wellhausen of willful distortion (History of the Israelite Reli-
gion, vol. 1 [1938], p. 132 n. 34 [Hebrew]), but it is just as likely that the case is one of citation from
faulty, incomplete secondary sources. Wellhausen's superficiality in dealing with rabbinic material is
far more serious a shortcoming than his hatred of Talmudists, a hatred he certainly did not lack (cf.
Die Pharisder, p. 123).
Regarding the lack of training in Judaic sources among the New Testament scholars of Wellhausen's
age, cf. G.F. Moore in 'Christian Writers on Judaism' (note 4): 'It is not without significance that all
these authors - Schurer, Baldensperger, Weiss, Bousset - were New Testament scholars, the oldest of
them scarcely past thirty years old. Schurer was the only one who thought it was necessary to know
anything about the rabbinical sources, and he found in Surenhusius' Mishnah just the right material
for the demonstration of 'legalism'. Beyond this he never went; the others did not go so far'.
One of the biggest distortions of Judaism in Bousset's book about Jesus (Jesus Predigt in ihrem
Gegensatz zum Judentum, 1892) is his statement that 'later Judaism had neither in name nor in fact the
faith of the Father-God; it could not possibly rise to it' (cf. G.F. Moore, 'Christian Writers on Judaism',
p. 242). Whoever opens a Jewish prayer book will hardly miss the phrases "DD^D ir 3R ('our Father,
our king') or D'QEnttf I^DN ('our Father in heaven').
21. Hillel and the Misunderstanding of Judaism 289
Pharisaic Judaism is and is not. One Mishnaic passage which he certainly did not
learn is the dictum that 'a man may offer much or little, so long as he directs his
mind toward heaven (m. Menah. 13.11). Had he learned it, he could not have
claimed that Judaism separates the legal act from the proper thought and the
'understanding of the heart'.
It is also evident that Wellhausen failed to see that the Jewish religious experi-
ence is one of joy in fulfilling a commandment. The law is observed not for the
sake of the exercise, but to perform the will of the Creator. Wellhausen entirely
missed the fact that Judaism sanctifies life by eradicating the separation of jus
from fas (of law from religion) by rendering all aspects of life - the synagogue,
the home, and the market - a continuous act of divine service. Every step taken
by the Jew is directed by awareness that he or she is fulfilling God's will.
The notion, which Wellhausen ascribed to Jesus as the antithesis of Judaism,
that true monotheism is 'not to be satisfied with stipulated services...; it demands
the whole man' is actually an authentically Jewish view. Rabbi Jose is quoted as
saying 'and let all your deeds be done for the sake of Heaven' (m. >Abot 2.12).
Elsewhere, this statement is attributed to Hillel the Elder, who is said to have
performed such deeds as eating, drinking, and bathing for the sake of Heaven.13
This same concept is expressed in the words of the amora Bar Kappara (b. Ber.
63a): 'Under which short passage are all the laws of the Torah subsumed? 'In all
your ways know him' (Prov. 3.6)'.
Jesus was perpetuating a dispute current in the Judaism of his age: Hillel
demanded, as we have seen, that one direct all his deeds to Heaven. Shammai held
that such religious intent is necessary only for deeds that go into the performance
of a divine command; it was not necessary for other actions.14
Although Wellhausen quoted Shammai and not Hillel, Judaism adopted
Hillel's view.15 Judaism understands the commandments as the concretization of
a few ethico-religious principles:
R. Simla! preached: Six hundred thirteen precepts were uttered to Moses: Three
hundred sixty-five prohibitions, corresponding to the number of days in the solar year,
and two hundred forty-eight injunctions corresponding to the number of organs of a
man's body... David reduced the number to eleven as it is written: 'A Psalm of David:
Lord, who may dwell in Your tent?' He who lives without blame, who does what is
right.. .who has never done harm to his fellow' (Ps. 15.1-5).16 .. .Isaiah proceeded to
13. ARNB 30 (cf. Schechter edition, p. 66); see also E.E. Urbach, The Sages: Their Concepts and
Beliefs, vol. 1 (1975), pp. 339-42. Urbach writes, 'One cannot overlook the danger to the observance
of the precepts from the standpoint of Hillel, for if every act can be done in the name of Heaven, then
something is abstracted from the absolute value of the precept and a way is opened for nullification of
the worth of the ritual laws whose connection with knowledge of the Lord is not clear or simple. In
truth, Jesus reached such extreme conclusions in his polemic agaisnt the Halakha, as is reported in the
Gospels' (p. 341).
At any rate, it was not Jesus who invented this sort of montheism.
14. See Urbach, Sages, p. 450.
15. To characterize the Pharisaic attitude, Wellhausen quoted Shammai's and not Hillel's view
about the Sabbath, and thus distorted the picture (Die Pharisder, p. 19; ETp. 116). On the theological
aspects of the controversy between Shammai and Hillel, see Urbach, Sages, p. 340.
16. Cf. my article in Tarbiz 62 (1993), pp. 5-15.
reduce the number to six, as it is written, 'He who walks in righteousness, speaks
uprightly' (Isa. 33.15). .. .Micah further reduced the number to three, as it is written,
'He has told you, O man, what is good, and.. .the Lord requires of you to do justice...
to love kindness.. .and to walk humbly' (Micah 6.8) Again came Isaiah and reduced
the number to two, as it is said, 'Thus said the Lord: Observe what is right and do what
is just' (Isa. 56.1)... .Amos finally reduced the number to one, as it is said, 'Thus said the
Lord to the House of Israel: Seek me, and you will live' (Amos 5.4). (b. Mak 23b-24a)
The point of the homily is that the essence of the divine command and all the
individual precepts it entails can be expressed in any number, however small, of
the general religious-ethical demands, and that the classical prophets and
psalmists had affirmed this fact. Another Talmudic view, that of R. Nahman bar
Yishak, is that the reduction of the number of commandments to one, expressed
according to R. Simlai in the passage from Amos, is better expressed in the words
of Habakuk, 'The righteous shall live by his faith On31QK3)' (Hab. 2.4). This
notion that the 'faith of the righteous' is equal to the whole of the Law is found in
Gal. 3.11-12. However, as opposed to the Talmudic passage, it appears there as
part of the Pauline polemic against the observance of the precepts of the Torah.
Urbach realized that R. Simlai's homily was intended primarily to express the
idea that humanity is to be wholly engaged in the fulfillment of God's will - both
spacially and temporally.17 The individual commandments are thus no more than
a detailed elaboration and concretization of humanity's submission to and near-
ness to the Divine. Such a view is directly opposed to that voiced by Wellhausen
in his book on the Pharisees:
Die Summe des Abgeleiteten erstickte die Quelle, die 613 Gebote des geschriebenenund
die tausend anderen des ungeschriebenen Gesetzes liessen fur den Gewissen keinen Platz.
Die Summe der Mittel wurde der Zweck, man vergass Gott tiber der Thora und der
Zugang zu ihm tiber der Etikette, durch welche er ermoglicht werden sollte.18
The same R. Simlai preached that the Torah both begins and ends with acts of
kindness. It opens with God's providing raiment for Adam and his wife, and ends
with his attending to the burial of Moses (Sofa 14a). The lesson is an obvious
one: lovingkindness OOPI) as practised by God himself, is the alpha and omega
of the Law.19 Wellhausen's claim that Pharisaic Judaism was an outgrowth of
the priestly religion and was therefore characterized by moral insensitivity is
17. Urbach, Sages, pp. 343^5.

18. Die Pharisaer, p. 19. Most Christian scholars failed to acquire a true understanding of the
nature of Judaism and thus held views like this. The English biblical scholar G.A. Smith writes on
Deut. 4.7, 'For what great nation is there that has a God so close?... Legal Judaism lost this sense of
constant nearness of God [i.e., the one operative in Deut. 4.7] and did not compensate for the loss by
its apocalypses' (Deuteronomy, Cambridge Bible [1918], p. 60). Only recently has the trend been
reversed as Christian scholars have begun to get aquainted with Judaism; see C. Klein, Theologie und
Anti-Judaismus (1975).
19. Cf. Tg. Ps-J. to Deut. 34.6 and cf. Mt. 25.31-39. Rabbi Simlai, a third century sage, was a
kind of 'apostle' (or emissary-sage). In his preaching he polemicized with Christians (cf. B.Z.
Rosenfeld, 'The Activity of Rabbi Simlai: A Chapter in the Relations Between Eretz-Israel and the
Diaspora in the Third Century', Zion 48 [1983], pp. 229-39). It is against this background that we
should understand the affinities of his sermons to the New Testament.
untenable.20 Lev. 19 (cf. esp. w. 14,18,32-34) and 25 (cf. esp. w. 1,17,36,43)

are replete with moral demands, such as not putting a stumbling block before the
blind (19.14), loving the neighbour (19.18), standing up before an old man (19.32),
loving the foreigner (19.39), not cheating (25.17), not charging interest (25.36),
and not ruling over a slave ruthlessly (25.43). The idea that the Priestly Code is
morally apathetic is as distorted as the notion that Pharisaic Judaism is. Well-
hausen did not feel the true pulse of Judaism. Proper intent (kawanah) while per-
forming the commandments was always a crucial issue to the Rabbis.21 There
would have been no place for the many Talmudic discussions of this topic if, as
Wellhausen contended, the commandments were merely exercise.
Christian Morality
According to Wellhausen, religion reached its height in Christian morality. Yet
this Christian morality itself is rooted in Pharisaic Judaism, as the Gospels them-
selves attest. Thus we read in Mt. 22.35f.,
And one of them [the Pharisees], a legal expert [vojjiKos],22 asked him, to test him:
'Master, which is the great commandment [evToXr) |jeyaAr|] in the law?' And he said
to him,' "You shall love the Lord your God with all your heart, and with all your soul,
and with all your mind".23 This is the first and great commandment, and the second is
like it: 'You shall love your neighbour as yourself. On these two commandments hang
all the law and the prophets'.(Mt. 22.B6-39)24
20. 'For what holiness required was not to do good, but to avoid sin', s.v. 'Israel', Encyclopedia
Britannica, reprinted in ET of Prolegomena, p. 500.
21. Cf. Urbach, Sages, pp. 390-95.
22. Compare Lk. 10.25. In 4Macc. 5.4, Eleazar standing before Antiochus is called VOMIKOS. In
2 Mace. 6.18 he is called 'one of the first scribes' (TTpcoTEUOvrcov ypaMM«TEcov), i.e., one engaged
in the interpretation of the Torah(5£UTEpcoois,niinn En"TQ); cf.minn £S1f! (Sir. 15.1) and min
cnn (35.15; see also Qumran passages). The latter are occasionally reckoned among the Pharisaic
scribes, but are not identical to them; see, for example, Lk. 11.45, where the VOMIKOS, does not see
himself as one of the Pharisees. The Pharisees are the members of the sect; the soferim are the
officials and assorted temple scribes, and the VOMIKOI are the learned preachers and interpreters of the
Law. On Moses as a VOMIKOS, see S. Lieberman, Hellenism in Jewish Palestine (1950), pp. 81-82.
23. ccyaTrf|os Kupiov TOV 0Eov aou ev oArj TT\ KapSia aou.. .V|AJXTI oou.. .Siavoia oou. The word
Siavoicc (cf. Mk. 12.30; Lk. 10.27) never appears in the LXX for Heb. run, and represents, I believe
Heb. "liT, as in the LXX of Gen. 6.5; 8.21; IChr. 29.18; in accord with the Midrashic comment in
'with all thy heart' (i.e., with both your inclinations "p"")iT; Sifre Debarim 32, ed. Finkelstein, p. 55
and refs.). In contrast ouvriai? in Mk. 12.35 is the equivalent of Heb. Mada'ofda 'at, which replaces
classical leb in rabbinic Hebrew (see A. Ben David, Leshon Miqra Uleshon Hakamim, vol. 1 [1967],
p. 92); cf. also the commentary of Abraham Ibn Ezra to Deut. 6.5. "pKQl "J2»3 "[m1? appear in
Qumran as 'intelligence [Din], strength [!"D], and fortune []1H]' (1QS 1.12; cf. 3.2). The LXX
rendered 1KD in Deut. 6.5 with Greek ioxus or 5uvcc|Jis (see n. 25 below). The Aramaic translations
render TKD nks (property) or mmwn (money; see below). Cf. also CD 13.11 and my article in lyunim
bemiqra: Sefer zikkaron le-Y.M. Grintz (1982), pp. 41-47.
24. See Sifra, Kedoshim 1.1: 'Why was [this chapter] said to the entire people? Because the
essentials of the Law are subsumed in it'. See also D. Flusser, Yahadut umeqorot hanatsrut (1979),
p. 36.
The Pharisee's questions about the 'great commandment' correspond in large

measure to the dictum of Rabbi Akiba:' "Love your neighbor as yourself: that
is the major principle [^TITI ^3] in the Law' (Sifra Lev. 19.18).25
On the other hand, Jesus' statement that all the law and the prophets hang on
these two commandments corresponds to Hillel's reaction to the heathen who
wanted to be converted on the condition that Hillel teach him the entire Torah
'while standing on one foot'. Hillel replied, 'What is hateful to you do not do to
your neighbour. This is the entire Torah; all the rest go and study [i.e., all the rest
is a commentary]' (b. Shab. 3 la).26 This saying appears in the Palestinian Targum
as a translation of Lev. 19.18: 'Love your neighbour as yourself.27 In the parallel
ofMk. 12.28-33 we read:
And one of the [Pharisaic] scribes came, and.. .asked him, 'Which is the first command-
ment of all?' And Jesus answered him, 'The first of the commandments is, "Hear, O
Israel; the Lord our God is one Lord: And you shall love the Lord your God with all your
heart, and with all your soul, and with all your mind, and with all your strength".28 This
is the first commandment. And the second is like it, namely, "You shall love your neigh-
bour as yourself. There is none other commandment greater than these'. And the
scribe said unto him, 'Well, Master, thou hast said the truth, for there is but one God; and
there is none other but he: And to love him with all the heart, and with all the under-
standing [OUVEOIS] and with all the soul, and with all the strength, and to love his neigh-
bor as himself, is more than all burnt offerings and sacrifices'.
Both Luke 10.25-28 and Matthew 28 state clearly that the legal expert
approached Jesus to test him, and Jesus stood the trial. Jesus thus revealed his
awareness that the two commandments mentioned are the basis of Pharisaic
Judaism.
By expressing the view of the Pharisees, Jesus reveals his own opinion as well.
Christian interpreters have always realized this, though they have consistently
felt compelled to stress the difference between the position of the Pharisees and
that of Jesus. Bousset, for example, writes as follows:
25. See Flusser, Yahadut. It is best to avoid interpreting EvroXf) as 'principle' (^3) as Flusser
does, since ^73 is not the same as mSD at all (see M. Smith, Parallels Between the Gospels and
Tannaitic Literature (1945).
The phrase EVToXf] MEyioTris appears in the letter of Aristeas in connection with the honouring of
parents (§228). Second in importance is the love of neighbour, expressed in the language of LXX,
'your friend who is as yourself (6 4>iAos 6 'iocs T% vpux^lS oou; Deut. 13.7). For the view that hon-
ouring one's parent is the most important commandment, seey. Pe'ah 1.1 (15d): 'R. Simeon ben
Yohai says, the respect of father and mother is so great that the Holy One, Blessed be He, preferred it
above His own honor... Said R. Abba bar Kahana: 'Scripture equates the easiest of the command-
ments with the most stringent. The easiest is to let [the mother-bird] leave the nest, the most stringent
is the honoring of father and mother'. This same view may be present in Sifre-Deut. 13.7: 'Your
friend who is as yourself; this is your father' (ed. Finkelstein, p. 151).
26. Cf.^^WB26(Schechtered.,p.53).
27. For this saying and its sources, see Urbach, Sages, p. 589, and p. 955 n. 93.
28. The word used here is ioxus. In Deut. 6.5, the word Siivam? appears (LXX). However, loxfe
is used in 2 Kgs 23.25. In Hebrew and Aramaic sources of the Second Commonwealth and thereafter,
me 'odis interpreted as 'money'. See CD 9.1; 12.10; m. Ber. 9.5; Tg. Onq. and Tg. Yer. to Deut. 6.5.
The scribes at Qumran apparently understood me 'od as fortunes.
Die Heraushebung und Zusammenstellung der zwei Gebote tritt also nicht eigentlich
also eigener Gedanke Jesu auf, sondern auch ein ehrlicher und nach dem Heil ver-
langender Schriftgelehrter konnte wissen, dass dies die wichtigsten Gebote des alten
Bundes waren....Aber die einzelnen ernsten Rabbiner haben nicht vermocht, diese
Erkenntnis fur die Welt fruchtbar zu machen; erst dadurch, dass Jesus fur diese
Anschauung eintrat, hat er gewissermassen die Seele der alten Religion entdeckt, aus
der Umklammerung einer tausendgliederigen Gesetzesuberlieferung befreit und ihren
edelsten Gehalt in die neue Religion uberfuhrt Der ganze Wust des Zeremonial-
Gesetzes aber mit seinen zahllosen Einzelheiten ist damit zuruckgedrangt und zum
Absterben gezwungen.29
The tendentious inaccuracy of such interpretation speaks for itself. Neither the
Pharisees nor Jesus considered the traditional meticulous observance of the com-
mandments in any way a contradiction to the precepts of love of God and neigh-
bour, nor did the authors of the Gospels themselves (cf. Mt. 5.17-20; Lk. 16.17).
As a matter of fact, as we have stressed, the Pharisees considered observance to be
the very realization of these ideals. It was Hillel, one of the greatest of the Phari-
sees, who saw - as indicated - in Leviticus 19.18 the basis of the whole Torah.
And it was this same Pharisee Hillel who taught that man must 'love his fellow
men and bring them near to Law' (m. >Abot 1.12), a lesson which recalls Jesus'
befriending of the sinners in order to bring them to faith. Hillel's school indeed
ruled that Torah is to be taught to all men, even sinners, since 'many sinners in
Israel, after having been brought to the study of the Torah, have become righte-
ous, pious and proper men'. This view was opposed by the school of Shammai,
who taught that 'one should teach only those who are wise, humble, of distin-
guished ancestry, and rich'.30
The difference between the attitudes of Hillel and Shammai in matters of
formalities and etiquette comes to clear expression in the manner of recitation of
the Shema' credo.31 According to the school of Shammai, one should stand while
reciting the Shema' in the morning, as written in Deut. 6.7: "jDlpDl ('at your
rising'), whereas the recital of Shema' in the evening should be performed while
reclining ("pDCni). In contrast, the school of Hillel says, 'Everyone recites in his
own way: one may stand, recline, walk, and even work during the recital'.
Shammai stresses the formal act: the ceremony during the recital. Hillel ig-
nores altogether the ceremony and stresses instead the intention of the heart.
R. Meir interprets Deut. 6.6, 'The words which I charge you will be on your heart'
'the words will follow the intention of the heart'.
Concerning the objection to formal attire and etiquette, most interesting is the
critique of hypocrisy in rabbinic literature. Here we find the same accusations as
in Matthew 23. As in the Gospels, so in the rabbinic literature, we read about
'hypocrites in regard to the Torah', as shown in chapter 20.32
29. W. Bousset and W. Heitmuller, Die Schriften des Nuen Testaments*, Band 1 (1929), p. 186.
30. ARN A 3 (ed. Schechter, pp. 14-15).
31. Cf. I. Knohl, 'A Parasha Concerned with Accepting the Kingdom of Heaven', Tarbiz (1983),
pp. 11-32.
32. Cf. chapter 20, above.
Chapter 22
EXPECTATIONS OF THE DIVINE KINGDOM

IN BIBLICAL AND POSTBIBLICAL LITERATURE
In this chapter I will try to show that the basic motifs of the divine kingship, such
as longing for the coming of Yahweh, the revelation of God's kingdom, the speedy
coming of the kingdom and the sanctification of the name of Yahweh in the uni-
verse, are reflected in the Old Testament but reached their apogee in Judaism and
Christianity.
In the Old Testament these motifs were embedded in the prophecies while in
Judaism and Christianity they were formulated as independent prayers and decla-
rations. Thus the sanctification of God's name in the universe comes to expression
in the Kaddish on the one hand and in the Christian Lord's prayer on the other. The
longing for Yahweh's appearance appears as an attribute of holy persons both in
Judaism and Christianity. By the same token the revelation of God's kingdom
and the speedy coming of the kingdom are put in the form of a prayer. The fol-
lowing is a survey of the evidence.
The salvation of Israel was depicted from the beginning as the coming of God,
the King, from his holy abode in order to save Israel from its enemies. This is
already attested in the poetry of ancient Israel. According to the Song of Moses
(Deut. 33), God appears from Sinai, Seir and Paran in order to help the tribes of
Israel in the conquest of the promised land (Deut. 33.26-29). God acts there in
the capacity of a king (v. 5) as he acted in Exodus (Exod. 15.18; Num. 23.21-22;
24.7-8). In Deut. 33.2,5 we read:
Yahweh came (83) from Sinai and shone forth (mT)
from Seir. he appeared (VSin) from Mount Paran...
There arose a King in Jeshurun
when the heads of the people were assembled
all the tribes of Israel together.
At the end of the poem one reads:

There is none like the God of Jeshurun
who rides the heaven to your help...
who drove out the enemy before you (vv. 26-27).
Similarly in the Song of Deborah (Judg. 5), the God of Israel came to help the
tribes of Israel in their encounter with the Canaanites by his appearance from
Seir/Edom and Sinai (w. 4-5). This is to compare with Ps. 68.8-9,16-18 where
22. Expectations of the Divine Kingdom 295
God figures as coming from Sinai with thousands of chariots (v. 17). Likewise, in
the ancient poem of Habakkuk 3:
God comes from Teman
the holy one from Mount Paran
his radiance overspreads the skies
and his splendour fills the earth...
he stands still and shakes the earth
he looks and makes the nations tremble...
the eternal mountains are riven
the everlasting hills subside
the tents of Cushan are shaking
the tent-curtains of Midian flutter.
Here, next to the 'coming' is the revelation of his glory.

The theophany is also reflected in the inscriptions of Kuntilet-Ajrud of the
beginning of the eighth century BCE that mention Yahweh Teman (cf. Hab. 3.3):
and when El appears [shines forth, mi]
the mountains melt and the hills dissipate...
to bless El on the day of war.1
The salvation of Israel appears mainly on the day of Yahweh, that is, when God
appears to intervene on behalf of his people, as shown above.2 There I have tried
to demonstrate that the Day of the Lord is reflected in the Israelite prayers, as S.
Mowinckel suggested,3 however not in the New Year liturgy as he proposed, but
in the liturgy in general.
I will try to show here in detail the components of the divine kingship as it
developed in Judaism and Christianity.
1. Longing for 'The Day of The Lord'

Longing for 'the day of the Lord' is found for the first time in the prophecy of
Amos (5.18) but the very longing appears as something known and traditional. It
expresses the hope for divine salvation and is encountered in the other prophecies
speaking about waiting for divine salvation (Mic. 7.4,7: nSH,*?rp; Isa. 8.17,30.18:
Hab. 2.3: 'If it delays, wait for it, for when it comes it will be no time to
linger'; Zeph. 3.8: 'wait for me...for the day when I will stand up as witness').
Daniel continues this tradition into the second temple period with the exclama-
tion: 'happy is the man who waits' (Tanon niDK 12.12). The waiting for God's
coming is reflected widely in the Jewish and Christian sources of the second
temple period. Thus we read in the Qumran prayer devoted to Zion:
1. See M. Weinfeld, 'Kuntilet Ajrud Inscriptions and their Significance', Studi Epigrafici e
Linguistici 1 (1984), pp. 121-30.
2. Chapter 4
3. S. Mowinckel, Zum israelitischen Neujahr und zur Deutung der Thronbesteigungspsalmen:
Zwei Aufsdtze (1952), pp. 26-38; idem, The Psalms in Israel's Worship (2 vols. 1962), I, pp. 106-92.
Great is your hope, O Zion...those who desire (D'INnan) the day of your salvation will
rejoice in your plentiful glory...how they waited for your salvation... Your hope will
never die, O Zion, and your aspiration will never be forgotten (11 QPsa 22.2-11, DJD,
IV, p. 43).
The sage Simeon Ben Shetah (first century BCE), is said to have opened his oath
with the declaration: 'May I not live to see the Consolation
if...'(6. Mak. 56).
Similarly, about Joseph from Arimathea it is said in the New Testament: 'that
he lived in expectation of the kingdom of God' (Lk. 23.50), as with Simon the
righteous and pious who was waiting for the consolation of Israel (Lk. 2.25); com-
pare Lk. 2.38: Simon waiting for the redemption of Jerusalem
The Aramaic Targum to 2 Sam. 23.4 refers to those who desired (jHEPfft) the
consolation (KDQn3) to come. Similarly, the Targum to Jer. 31.5 refers to those
who desire (] "HISPID) the years of consolation (^nOPI3) to come, who say, 'when
will we arise and go up to Zion?' The consolation is not necessarily the rebuilding
of the temple but rather all eschatological hopes. The 'waiting' for the 'kingdom
of God' or 'kingdom of heaven' was expressed clearly in the Jewish Liturgy. Thus
is found in the Kedusha Liturgy of Sabbaths and festivals:
from your abode, our King, appear and reign over us for we wait for you
When will you reign in Zion? Speedily, in our days, do you dwell there for-
ever. May you be exalted and sanctified (ETTpPni ^"TJinn) in Jerusalem your city through-
out all generations and to all eternity. May our eyes behold your kingdom, as it is said in
your glorious Psalms by your truly anointed, David: 'The Lord shall reign forever, your
God, O Zion, for all generations: Hallelujah (Kedusha liturgy).4
Surprisingly, this is confirmed by external evidence: Shenoute, Abbot of Athribis

in Egypt, in the fourth century says.5
They [the Jews] assemble, according to their customs.. .on the Sabbaths, New Moon
days and festivals...to prostrate, calling in the Hebrew language: 'on which day will
you come? at what time will you reveal yourself? because we are expecting your
coming... Do not tarry, even if you tarry, we will wait'.
The anticipation of divine rule in Zion is found in every component of Jewish

liturgy, starting with the ancient core of the daily service (thzAmidah, = 'eighteen
benedictions') and ending with the personal prayers of Talmudic sages now
appended to the public service. Included in the official Amidah prayers are:
Restore our judges as at first...reign you alone over us (some rites add: speedily), O
Lord.6
Make spring up speedily the branch of David for each and everyday we hope for your
salvation.
Blessed be the lord who makes spring up the horn of salvation
4. Cf. S. Singer, The Authorized Daily Prayer Book (1943), p. 99.

5. E. Amelineau, Oeuvres de Schnoudi (1914), 11, pp. 379-80.
6. Authorized Daily Prayer Book, p. 5 8.
Y. Liebes has suggested that the word nittlZF here alludes to UW = Jesus, and that
the Christian Jews formulated this prayer,7 a very controversial thesis. It is prob-
able however - in my opinion - that the Christian Jews interpreted this old Jewish
Blessing as referring to Jesus, who was named Yeshua and considered to be a
descendant of David.
2. The Revelation of The Glory of the Lord

The revelation of God's glory on the day of salvation is already attested in the
ancient poems mentioned above in verbs like 'shine' (IT Sin, PDT) and explicitly
in Habbakkuk: 'his radiance overspreads the skies and his splendour fills the
earth' (3.3). The Glory of God that fills the whole earth is mentioned in Num.
14.21 and also in the tris-hagion of Isa. 6.3. Compare Ps. 72.19.
The revelation of the glory of Yahweh is especially stressed in the prophecy of
Deutero-Isaiah, see for example Isa. 40.5: 'the glory (TOD) of Yahweh shall be
revealed (H^Dl) and all flesh shall see it together'. The LXX renders the second
part of this verse: 'and all flesh shall see the salvation of Yahweh', like the Maso-
retic Text of Isa. 52.10: 'Yahweh has revealed his holy arm in the sight of the
nations and all the ends of the earth will see the salvation of our God'. According
to H.L. Ginsberg, the term 'arm' in this context serves as a metaphor for salvation
(cf. Isa. 51.5; 52.10; 53.1).8 In fact, the revelation of the glory ("1133) of Yahweh is
synonymous with the revelation of his arm (171""! T) as well as of his righteousness
(np"TB) see, for example, Isa. 62.2: 'the nations will see your righteousness and
kings your glory (TOD);' and Isa. 58.8: 'your righteousness will go before you and
the glory of Yahweh will go after you'. The same is found in the ascension psalms,
for example, likePs. 98.1-3: 'his right hand and his holy arm helped him (niTETin
1 *?), Yahweh has proclaimed his salvation, in the sight of the nations he revealed
his righteousness'.
In the prayer of Ben Sira (Sir. 36.19) is included the revelation: 'Fill Zion with
your majesty (Tin), fill your tabernacle with your glory
Revelation of God's glory and splendour, so characteristic of the Day of the
Lord prophecy, is likewise prominent in the second temple liturgy. In the Aleinu
prayer is stated: 'We hope soon to behold your majestic glory'9 and in the New
Year Amidah we find: 'Reign over the whole universe with your glory and be
exalted over all the earth in your grandeur, Shine forth (USin) in your splendid
7. Y. Liebes, nnCT pp rPDHD, in Early Jewish Mysticism (Jerusalem Studies in Jewish

Thought, 3,1984), pp. 313-48; cf. also, idem, 'The Angels of the Shofar and Yeshua Sar Ha-panim',
in Proceedings of the First International Conference on the History of Jewish Mysticism: Early
Jewish Mysticism (1987), pp. 1-2.
8. H.L. Ginsberg,' "The Arm of YHWH" in Isaiah 51-63', JBL 77 (1958), pp. 152-56.
9. Authorized Daily Prayer Book, p. 94. On this prayer, see J. Heinemann, The Prayers in the
Talmud: Forms and Patterns (1977), pp. 173-75; and recently, Y. Ta-Shma:
The Frank Talmage
Memorial (ed. B. Wallfish, 1993), I, pp. 85-98.
majesty QTI7 ]1fcW TTH) over all the inhabitants of your world'.10 Similarly, in the
Musaf for festivals: 'Reveal your glory of your kingship to us and appear and be
exalted above us in the sight of all the living', and in the prayer Al Hakkol said
before the reading of the Torah.11 'Let his kingship be revealed and seen over us
speedily and very soon' (Sop. 14.1). Luke 19.11 says: 'the kingdom of God will
be revealed soon' and the epistle to the Romans: 'the glory [of God] that will be
revealed'(8.18).
The inclusion of eschatological motifs, and especially the notion of concluding
a prayer with such motifs, is found in biblical hymns and prayers. The Song of the
Sea concludes: 'The Lord shall reign forever and ever' (Exod. 15.18). Psalm 29
concludes with the establishment of God's kingdom on earth (v. 10). Psalm 68
concludes with a call to all the kingdoms of the earth to acknowledge God's
majesty. The doxology following the second book of Psalms concludes with 'Let
his glory fill the whole world. Amen and Amen' (Ps. 72.19, cf. Num. 14.21).
Psalm 22, a psalm of thanksgiving for salvation from distress, likewise ends with
the hope that the whole world will acknowledge the divine salvation: 'Let all the
ends of the earth pay heed and turn to the Lord, and the peoples of all nations pros-
trate themselves before you, for kingship is the Lord's and he rules the nations'
(vv. 27-28 [Heb. 28-29]). Mesopotamian prayers also tend to end with an eschato-
logical petition. The hymn to the god Shamash ends: 'may they bear your trib-
ute... the wealth of the lands in sacrifice.. .may your throne-dais be renewed...
whose utterance cannot be changed'.12
This tradition of eschatological prayer is continued in the book of Ecclesias-
ticus. In the prayers of Ben Sira (Sir. 36), many eschatological elements are later
incorporated into the Jewish liturgy.
Save us you God of all, put your awe upon all nations (D^l^n ^D *?I? "pnB D"1^). Raise
your hand against the heathen and let them see your power. As you became holy
among us before their eyes, so be honored with us before our eyes. Let them learn, as
we also have learned, that there is no God but you...Hasten the destined hour (fp) and
remember the appointed time ("F171D). For who can tell you what to do? Gather all the
tribes of Jacob (Sir. 36.1-11).
The beginning of the prayer is echoed in the opening of the New YGarAmidah
liturgy.13 'Put your awe upon all your creatures fpBMJD ^D ^17 ""pPIB )D)' (see
above), while the continuation 'be honored with us' is echoed in the following
section of this New Year prayer: 'Grant honor, O Lord, to your people
.'14 The formula 'Raise your hand against the heathen' (v. 3) is reflected in
the abridged form of the daily Amidah.15 'Raise your hand against evildoers' and
10. Authorized Daily Prayer Book, p. 353

12. W.G. Lambert, Babylonian Wisdom Literature (1960), p. 138, 11. 196-99.
13. Authorized Daily Prayer Book, p. 350, 360.
15. Authorized Daily Prayer Book, p. 67.
'let them learn that there is no God but you (v. 5). This parallels the second para-
graph ofAleinu: 'May all the inhabitants of the world realize and know that before
you every knee must bend'.16
'Hasten the destined hour Q*p), remember the appointed time ("TIME)' refers to
the era of salvation and these two words are used in Day of the Lord prophecies.
The motif of the ingathering of the exiles, which follows, is also an integral part
of the daily Amidah11 and Jewish eschatology in general. The prayer of Ben Sira
continues:
Show mercy to the city of your sanctuary, Jerusalem, city of your dwelling place. Fill
Zion with your majesty, fill your tabernacle with your glory. Give acknowledgement to
your creation at the beginning; and fulifill the vision which has been spoken in your
name (vv. 13-15).
Here is the motif of glorious revelation, which is attested in both the daily and
New Year liturgy. The rebuilding of Zion and Jerusalem are described as the ful-
filment of prophecy. This idea is echoed in the daily Amidah: 'Return in mercy to
your city Jerusalem and dwell in it as you have promised (mUl)'.18 The 'glory'
which is to fill Zion is identical with the 'divine Presence' (TirDE?) which accord-
ing to the Abodah Benediction of the Amidah19 is to be restored to Zion: 'Be
appeased Lord, our God, and dwell in Zion QV1D "pDGTl)'. All these are to be
traced back to the prophecy of Zechariah (2.14; 8.2).
Both the prayer of Ben Sira and the daily Amidah are rooted in the eschato-
logical hopes of the prophets. As I have pointed out, these aspirations are likewise
to be found in Mesopotamian prophecies,20 but without the ideological-religious
element of the elimination of idolatry. As in Israelite prophecy and Jewish liturgy,
where expressions of aspiration are for the ingathering of the exiles, the restoration
of ideal justice and the end of evil, and the establishment of a cultic centre, so
Mesopotamian prayers ended with eschatological petitions.21 As in Israel, both
prayer and prophecy reflected eschatological hopes. It is likely that, as in many
other cases, prophecy adapted liturgical material to its own purpose, and not vice
versa. Although in later liturgy, verses from prophets were incorporated into
prayer, the original desire for the revelation and God's kingdom predates classical
prophecy. It lies behind the expectations of the people as described by Amos
(5.18-20).

17. Authorized Daily Prayer Book, p. 5 8.
19. Authorized Daily Prayer Book, pp. 61-62.
20. See above p. 301.
21. See 'The Sama§ Hymn', in Lambert, Babylonian Wisdom Literature, p. 138, 11. 196-99.
3. The Sanctification of the Divine Name and

The Establishment of the Divine Kingdom
In the light of the above, it becomes clear that the belief in a future redeeming
revelation is reflected in the prayers of the people. Although the people are
aware, and the prophets constantly remind them, that this revelation is bound up
with a last judgment in which even Israelite evildoers will not be spared, the
central aspect of the revelation is the sanctification of God's name and the estab-
lishment of the God of Israel as King of the universe. This is expressed in
Ezekiel's prophecy (38.18-23) regarding God: 'on that day...a terrible earth-
quake shall befall the land of Israel... I will punish him [the enemy] with
pestilence and bloodshed...hailstones and sulphurous fire... I will be magnified
(TI^Tinrn) and sanctified and make myself known to many nations'. A similar
expression is found in Zech. 14.9. 'The Lord will come forth and make war on
those nations... there shall be a continuous day... only the Lord knows when - of
neither day nor night... And the Lord shall be king over all the earth...the Lord will
be one and his name one'. Compare also the passage in Isa. 5.15-16: 'humankind
shall be brought low... humbled will be the haughty. And the Lord of Hosts is
exalted in judgment: the Holy God sanctified by righteousness', a motif that
belongs to Isaiah's Day of the Lord prophecy (2.9,11,17). These motifs of sanc-
tification of God's name and the establishment of his kingdom became dominant
in the liturgy. I have cited above references to God's kingdom in the liturgy; to
these must be added references to the sanctification of his name.
The Amidah prayers of the New Year contain references to the sanctification of
God's name along with reference to his kingship. After the petition 'Rule over us
you alone speedily', follows: 'you are holy and your name is awesome
'22 in connection with which Isa. 5.16, 'And the Lord of Hosts is
exalted by judgement; the Holy God sanctified with righteousness', is cited. A
Benediction regarding the sanctification of God's name (DETf nCTHp) is contained
in the daily Amidah as well,23 and according to ancient sources (Si/re 343) and
Geniza texts,24 this Benediction also contained the above mentioned phrase 'you
are holy and your name is awesome', now recited only on the New Year. The
juxtaposition of God's holy name and his kingship is a dominant motif in all
Jewish liturgy. The congregation must recite seven times daily the Kaddish?5
which begins with the sanctification of God's name and establishment of his
kingdom. Although its origins are unclear, the Kaddish has very ancient roots
and it expresses the Israelite aspiration of the Day of the Lord. 'Magnified and
Sanctified may be his name in the universe in the world that he created according
to his will and let him make rule his kingship during your life and the life of all

24. See recently, Y. Luger, 'The Weekday Amidah based on the Genizah' (PhD thesis, Bar-Han
University, 1992), pp. 68-79.
25. See J.M. Epstein, Aruch ha-Shulchan (1903-1907), Orah Hayyim par. 55,4.
Israel speedily and fastly'. Compare the Hebrew Prayer before the recital of the
Torah: 'Let his name be magnified and sanctified in the worlds that he created...
according to his will'; in the Sabbath angelic liturgy: 'Let your name be sanctified
and your mentioning, our king, be praised, on the heaven above and on the earth
below
These prayers parallel the Lord's prayer: 'Sanctified be your name. Your king-
dom come; your will be done on earth as in heaven [throughout the world]' (Mt.
6.9; Lk. 11.2).
The Complete Kaddish is recited at the end of each service, and is the summit
of all the prayers. Similarly, the Aleinu prayer is recited toward the end of each
service. This poetic Hebrew prayer expresses the hope that idolatry will pass
from the earth, that the world will be perfected in the kingdom of the Almighty
and that all will accept the yoke of God's kingship. It is accepted in modern
scholarship that this prayer is from second temple times (see above). It is in fact
the credo recited by the worshipper at the end of the service. According to J. Ta-
Shma this prayer stems from the Ma'amadot service when the people recited
prayers during the worship of the priests of their turn (~lft£}ft).26
Other prayers that combine the sanctification of the divine name and the
establishment of the divine kingdom include the prayer before the reading of the
Torah, cited in tractate Sop. 14.1: 'Magnified and glorified.. .be the name of the
supreme King of Kings.. .in the world which he has created.. .according to his
desire... May his kingdom be revealed and seen by us',27 which is in fact a
Hebrew version of the Aramaic Kaddish. Compare also the prayer in the pre-
liminary morning service, cited in the Midrash Tanna debe Eliahu: 'Reveal your
holiness to those who sanctify your name. ..let all mankind realize and know that
you alone are God over all the kingdoms on earth: gather them that hope for you
from the four corners of the earth... who among all your creatures can say unto
you: what are you doing?... '28 This liturgy has much in common with the prayer
in Sirach 36, quoted above; especially salient are the parallels in the motifs of
sanctification of the Lord: the recognition of all the inhabitants of the world that
there is no god besides Yahweh, the hope of the ingathering of the exiles,
coupled with the idea of the absolute sovereignty of God ('who can say to God:
what are you doing?').
4. The Speedy Coming of the Divine Kingdom

Public Prayers
The anticipation of the divine kingdom, and the wish that it be revealed 'speedily'
and 'soon' p"Hp ]Dm KÎD, Kaddish, 'during your life') is also rooted in the
prophecies of the Day of the Lord.
26. See Ta-Shma, n. 9 above.

28. AuthorizedDaily Prayer Book, p. 10.
'The great day of the Lord is approaching...most swiftly

(Zeph. 1:14).The time has come; the day is near (DVH Slip) (Ezek. 7.7).For the
day is near. The day of the Lord is near (Ezek. 30.3).For the day of the Lord has
come. It is close pllp) in the valley of decision (Joel 4.14).Yea, against all
nations, the day of the Lord is close pllp) (Obad. 15). For the vision is a wit-
ness [read 109 for 'the appointed time'] a truthful PIS129 for the destined hour...
even if it tarries, wait for it still. It will surely come (N1IP KD) without delay'
(Hab. 2.3).
Compare the following liturgical passages:
'Rebuild it [the Temple] soon, in our days... (ir^n impD) (Amidah)™
"Speedily cause the offspring of your servant David to flourish"
(Amidah)?1 "May his kingdom be revealed very soon" (prayer before the reading
of the Torah).32 "We hope (PIN""!1? JTlp])... soon to behold your majestic glory"
(Aleinu)?^ "Speedily in our days (mncn inTD), in our lifetime do you dwell
there forever'" (Sabbath morning KedushaK)?*
All these should be compared with the following verses from the Gospel of
Luke:
'.. .they thought that the reign of God would reveal itself at any moment (Lk.
19.11) ...you may know that the kingdom of God is near (eyyus) (Lk.
21.31).The kingdom of God has come close (riyytKEv) to you (Lk. 10.9).The
kingdom of God has come close (riyyiKEv)' (Lk. 10.11).
The closeness of the Day of the Lord must encourage the people to repent.
Thus Isa. 56.1: 'Observe what is right and do what is just (social justice), for soon
my salvation shall come..'. cf. 51.4-5: 'Hearken to me my people.. .The triumph
I grant is near, the salvation has gone forth'; Mt. 3.2: 'repent for the kingdom of
heaven is close to you (riyyiKEv)', and Mk. 1.15: 'The time has come, the
kingdom of God is close to you. Repent'.
29. For nsn = 10 see S.E. Loewenstamm, Comparative Studies in Biblical and Ancient Oriental
Literatures (AOAT, 204, 1980), pp. 137^5.
APPENDICES
1. Longing
Jewish Christian
May I not live to see the Consolation he lived in expectation of the kingdom of
(nomn HK-IN K*?) if i... (b. Mak. 56). God (Lk. 23.50).
Those who desire (^tortD) the years of Simon the righteous and pious who was
consolation (KPOrfl) to come: who say: waiting for the consolation of Israel (Lk. 2.25),
'when will we arise and go up to Zion'. compare Lk. 2.38: Simon waiting for the
redemption of Jerusalem (=
Great is your hope, O Zion... those who
desire (D^lKPQn) the day of your salvation
will rejoice in your plentiful glory... how
they waited for your salvation... Your
hope will never die, O Zion, and your
aspiration will never be forgotten (1 lQPsa
cols. 22.2-11 [DJD, IV, p. 43]).
2. Revelation
Reign over the whole universe with your The kingdom of God will be revealed soon
glory and be exalted over all the earth in (Lk. 19.11).
your grandeur. Shine forth (UBin) in your The glory (of God) that will be revealed
splendid majesty f|TI7 ]1»: Tin) over all (Rom. 8.18).
the inhabitants of your world.
Save us you God of all, put your awe upon
all nations (Cririn ^D ^ JinS D'0). Raise
your hand against the heathen and let them
see your power. As you became holy
among us before their eyes, so be honored
with us before our eyes. Let them learn, as
we also have learned,
that there is no God but you... Hasten the
destined hour (j*p) and remember the
appointed time ("II71B). For who can tell
You what to do? Gather all the tribes of
Jacob (Sir. 36.1-11).
3. Sanctification
Kaddish The Lord's Prayer
'Magnified and Sanctified may be his name 'Sanctified be your name. Your kingdom
in the universe in the world that he created come; your will shall be done on earth as in
according to his will and let him make rule heaven [= 'throughout the world']' (Mt. 6.9;
his kingship during your life and the life of Lk. 11.2).
all Israel speedily and fastly'. Compare the
Hebrew prayer before the recital of the
Torah: 'Let his name be magnified and
sanctified in the worlds that he created,
according to his will'.
4. Speedy Coming
The great day of the Lord is approaching... ... they thought that the reign of God will
most swiftly reveal itself at any moment (Lk. 19.11).
(Zeph. 1.14). ... you may know that the kingdom of God
The time has come; the day is near is near (iyyus) (Lk. 21.31).
(Ezek. 7.7). The kingdom of God has come close
For a day is near. A day of the Lord is near to you (Lk. 10.9).
(Ezek. 30.3). The kingdom of God has come close
For the day of the Lord has come. It is (Lk. 10.11).
close p1"]p) in the valley of decision (Joel
4.14).
Yea, against all nations, the day of the
Lord is close pllp) (Obad. 15).
For the vision is a witness [read 117] for the
appointed time... even if it tarries, wait for
it still. It will surely come, without delay
(Hab. 2.3).
Rebuild it (the Temple) soon, in our
days...(ircr:} m-lpn) (Amidah)?5
Speedily cause the offspring of your
servant David to flourish (Amidah)?6
May his kingdom be revealed very soon
(prayer before the reading of the Torah).37
We hope... soon to behold your majestic
glory (Aleinu)?* Speedily in our days, in
our lifetime do dwell there forever
(Sabbath morning Kedushah).39
May our eyes behold your return in mercy
to Zion, blessed are you, O Lord who
restores the divine presence to Zion.40
3 5. Authorized Daily Prayer Book, p. 59.

39. AuthorizedDaily Prayer Book, p. 199.
40. Authorized Daily Prayer Book, pp. 58-62.
INDEXES
INDEX OF REFERENCES
BIBLE
Old Testament 16.2 213 30.3 213
Genesis 16.6 207 30.33 209
1.21 88 17.1 205 31.45 30
1.26-27 252 17.6 224 9
531.49 23
1.29 197 17.7-8 222 31.51-52 30
2.4 69 17.7 223 31.53 23
2.17 69 17.8 222, 223 32 47
3.5 107 17.16 224 32.2 61
3.6 239, 240 17.20 197 32.21 197
3.22 107 18.6 123 32.25-33 61
5.1 252 18.19 217 35.1 224
6.5 LXX 291 18.27 131 35.12 222
8.21 122 20 196, 197 39.4 264
8.21 LXX 291 20.4 196 39.6 239
9.1-17 205 20.5 196, 198 39.21 204,241,
9.13 197 20.14-16 196 242, 249
10 274 20.166 194, 195, 41.51-52 208
12 196, 197 196 43.14 242
12.2 224 21.222 219 44.2 197
12.7 222 221.27
7 219 45.8 33
12.16 194 22.16 197,201 47.6 187
13.15 222 22.18 201 48.4 222
14.13 257 23.11 197 48.13-20 215
15 27,218, 24.7 222 48.15 205
220, 222, 24.40 205 48.22 197
223 25.28 285 50.23 213
15.1 59 25.31 211
15.4-5 224 25.33 211 Exodus
15.6 95 26.3 222 1.11 207
15.7 218 26.4-5 204 3.6 84
15.9 219,220 26.5 201 3.21-22 250
15.10 29 26.24 202 3.21 241,249
15.13 207 26.26 219 4.22 215
15.17 220 27.27 124 4.23-27 61
15.18-21 223 28.4 222 4.27 61
15.18 197,222, 28.13 222 5.21 23
223 29.17 239 6.7 223
15.19-21 224 29.33 21 10.3 207
Exodus (cont.) 23.4 161 34.28 278

10.28 69 23.8 197 40.34 278
11.2-3 250 23.10-19 191
11.3 242, 249 23.10-11 190 Leviticus
12-13 113 23.14-19 190 1.1 278
12 161,269 23.15 161,162 2 122, 125
12.1-14 161 23.16 161 2.14 122
12.15-20 161 23.17 20 4 231
12.35-36 250 23.18 162 7.34 226
12.36 242, 249 23.19 162 7.38 192
12.40 251 23.20 26 10.3 244
13.1-10 113 23.22 16 10.10-11 103
13.3-4 162 23.25-26 26 11-15 162
13.7 162 23.32-33 261 14.4 220
13.11-16 113 23.32 233 14.49 220
13.14 209 24 18,29,219 16.2 124
15.11 41 24.3-8 34, 232 16.11 231
15.18 50, 73, 24.3 164, 190, 16.13 124
294, 298 191,271, 16.21 227,231
15.25 232 272 16.24 231
16.3-4 162 24.5 29, 269 16.29 230
17 270 24.7 21,42 17 160, 180
18.16 205 24.8 29 17.1-7 160
18.20 205 24.9 278 17.13-14 160
18.21 187 24.16 278 17.13 160
19-24 164, 191 25 164, 191 18.27 261
19-20 164, 191, 25.40 240 19 291
270 31.13 144 19.9 161
19 82, 269 32.34 69 19.12 284
19.5-6 217 33.14-16 163, 191 19.14 291
19.7-8 232 33.16 163, 191 19.18 291,293
19.8 42 33.18 163, 191 19.27-28 162
19.16 272 33.22 84 19.32-34 291
19.17 233 33.33 217 19.32 291
19.18 218 34 163, 164, 19.39 291
19.19 270, 272 191, 192 20.26 260
20.2 274 34.6 115 21.5 162
20.6 202 34.7 203 21.8 64
20.18 274 34.9 191 22.28 159, 160
20.22-23 164 34.10 190, 191 23 161
20.33 164 34.11 162, 163, 23.5 161
21-23 164, 190- 168, 191 23.6 161
92 34.12-26 163, 191 23.15 271
21 160 34.12-16 261 25 228, 229,
21.1-11 160, 190 34.12 217 291
21.2 160 34.15 233 25.1 192
22 159 34.18 161,162 25.9-10 148, 229
22.1-3 161 34.19-26 190 25.9 271
22.15-16 159 34.20 162 25 291
22.19 234 34.22 73 25.1 291
22.28-29 190 34.25 161,162 25.10 227
25.14 228 31.14 173, 186 8.5-10 112,113

25.17 291 31.28 173 8.8 63, 114,
25.30 222 31.43 173 118,120
25.36 291 31.49 173 8.9 63,114
25.43 291 31.53 186 8.10 63,114
26 217 32.11-12 224 9.10 272
26.12 223 33.3 186 10.3 272
26.31 122 33.50-34.29 190 10.4 164, 192
26.34 190 33.50 192 10.8 263, 265
26.39 60 35.1 192 10.14-17 138
26.44-45 217 36.1-13 190 10.15 253
26.46 190 11 113
27.29 234 Deuteronomy 11.13-21 113
27.34 192 1-30 162 11.13-15 162
1.1 158, 190 11.13 38, 166,
Numbers 1.5 158, 159, 168, 184,
5.2 159 190 217
6.22-27 265 1.6 192, 193 11.14-17 38
6.25-26 243, 245 1.11 246 11.19 17,38
7 234 1.36 224 12 160
8.16 264 3.24 138 12.8 180
11 276 4.7 290 12.16 160
13.21 224 4.9 17 12.22 160
13.22-23 224 4.10 32 12.24 160
14.18 115 4.19 251 12.26 160
14.21 297, 298 4.26 22 13 14,15,33
14.24 224 4.29-31 218 13.4 189
15.1-15 123 4.37 253 13. 7 LXX 292
15.22-26 230 5-6 113 13.10 13,14,15
15.24-25 230 5 113 13.13-19 234
16.15 176 5.1-6.1 112 13.15 40
18.2 263 5.10 202 13.18 242
18.8 226 5.19 270 14 162, 168,
18.19 226 5.20 270 183
18.21 226 5.28 164, 190- 14.1-2 162
20.15-16 143 92 14.2 162,253,
23.21-22 294 6.4-9 113 261
24.7-8 294 6.4 37, 166, 14.3-21 162
24.24 207 184 14.21 162
25.3 LXX 36 6.5 38,291 14.22-16.17 190
25.5 LXX 36 6.5 LXX 291,292 14.22-29 184
25.12-13 225 6.6 168,293 14.22 182
26.3-65 190 6.7 17,38,293 14.28 166
26.3 192 6.20 209 15 229
28 123 7 26 15.12 160
28.16-17 161 7.2 233 15.13 160
29 123 7.3-4 261 15.18 160
30 160 7.4 162 15.19 182
31 173, 174, 7.6 253,261 16.3 69
186 7.9-12 208 16.10 272
31.3 173 7.12 26,217 16.19 197
Deuteronomy (cont.) 26.14 159 Joshua

17 165, 168, 26.16-19 191 1.8 172, 179
169, 179 28 218 4.6 209
17.1 160 28.4 26 4.21 209
17.3 162 28.18 26 8.31-35 179
17.4 40 28.20 162 8.31 190, 193
17.6-13 165 28.36 165 8.32 190
17.12 263 28.45 26 8.34-35 179
17.14-20 184 28.69 192 11.2 230
17.16-17 177 29.9-14 232 12.23 230
17.16 175 29.9 18, 164 14.8 224
17.17 175, 179 192 14.9 224
17.18-19 184 29.11-14 35 14.13-14 224
17.18 179, 190 29.12 223 14.14 224
17.19 165, 172, 29.14 18 17.11 230
173 29.19 21 22.24 209
17.20 165, 175, 29.20 21 22.27 209
177 29.25 251 23.6 190, 193
17.28 184 29.69 164 24 18
18.7 263 30.1-10 218 24.2-13 143
18.15-16 190 30.19 22 24.24-26 34
18.16 272 31.7-8 179 24.24 42
18.19 193 31.9 165, 179 24.25 232
20.9 165 31.10-13 184
20.18 261 31.11-12 165 Judges
21.5 265 31.12 167, 179, 1.20 224
21.10-14 159 180 5.4-35 81
21.15-17 215 31.13 17,32,184 5.4-5 294
21.18-21 214 31.14-15 278 5.4 69
22.11 161 31.25-26 165 5.11 206
22.25 159 31.28 22, 167 6.19 123
22.28-29 159 32 113 13.19 123
23.1-9 261 32.1 113 13.23 123
23.4-7 261 32.7 113 16.26 41
23.4-5 261 32.8 215 20.26-27 78
23.7 262 32.13 113 20.48 234
23.8-9 36, 236 32.19 113 21.5 29, 234
23.1 8 LXX 36 32.29 113 21.11 234
23.22-24 160 32.40 113
23.22 189 32.43 LXX 142 Ruth
24.5 165 33 294 4.6 213
26 163, 168, 33.2 69,81, 4.7 40
191 269, 294 4.9-10 211
26.3-4 163 33.5 294 4.14 211
26.5-11 137 33.8 203
26.5-9 143 33.12 116 1 Samuel
26.7 208 33.26-29 294 1.24 123, 220
26.10-19 163 33.26-27 294 2.26 243, 244,
26.12-15 184 33.28 81 249
26.12 166, 182 8 168
26.13-15 137 8.9 168
8.20 181 3.3 205 11.15 173, 186

9.8 132 3.6 201,203, 11.19 173, 186
10.25 7, 168, 205, 208 12.16 211
170,181 4.11 230 14.6 190, 193
11.1 233 5 173 17.15 270
11.7 221 5.17-18 180 18.4 232
12 22 5.18 129 20.3 205
12.3 176 6 173 22 232
12.5 22 8 183 22.7 211
12.7-11 143 8.10 124 23 165
18.18 132 8.12 102, 124 23.1-20 232
22.8 207 8.23-24 138 23.1-3 232
25.3 239, 240 8.23 203, 208 23.2 18,21
25.21 280 8.25 216 23.3 183
25.33 240 8.32 145 23.19 232
26.19 122 8.34 145 23.25 292
27.6 225 8.36 145
8.39 145 1 Chronicles
2 Samuel 8.43 145 12.18 262
3.18 202 8.50 242 16.36 140
6.22 244 8.53 LXX 102 17.14 116
7 213 8.54 182 17.19 131
7.1 180 8.66 182 21 134
7.5 202 9.4 201,216 21.1 134
7.8-16 211 10.6 186 21.15 134
7.10 207 10.26 173, 186 23.25 116
7.12 224 11.4 201 28.9 35
7.14 214,223 11.6 201 28.19 240
7.15 203, 204 11.39 207 29.10-19 139
7.16 116 12 171 29.10-13 150
7.18 131 12.7 202 29.10 140
7.21 131 12.28-30 232 29.11 146
7.22-23 138 14.8 201,205 29.13 146
9.8 132 15.3 201,205 29. 18 LXX 291
14.17 47, 107 18.36 124
14.20 107, 247 18.38 124 2 Chronicles
15.21 31 19.13 84 5.12-13 46
17.11 173 19.19 35 5.13 46
19.6 16 22 106 6-7 183
19.29 95 7.6 46
19.30 197 2 Kings 7.9 183
22 81 8.13 132 12.8 35
22.7-15 81 9.13 72 15.10 271
22.51 203 9.15 257 15.13 18
23.4 88 11 168, 173- 15.15 271
24.3 246 75,186, 19.2 16
187 20.6 139
/ Kings 11.4 173, 186 23 175
1.4 264 11.6 175 29.10 233
1.39 72 11.8 174, 186 31.3 232
2.4 216
Ezra 9.5 139, 140 24.14 105

2.59 36, 236 9.6-8 150 25.5 106
2.62-63 264 9.6-7 142 25.6 260
2.64 46 9.6 140, 142 38.7 46, 105,
3.4-6 145 9.7-9 142 247
3.12 149 9.8 140 40.10-13 84
4.1 233 9.9-12 142
4.2 262 9.13 141, 142 Psalms
4.3 262 9.14 141, 142 1 180
6.19 233 9.25 118 1.2 180
6.20 46, 233 9.27 145 2 180
6.22 235 9.28 145 2.1 115
7.27-28 235 9.32 140, 141 2.7-8 211
8.15 264 9.34 270 2.7 212
8.20 264 9.35 115,118 3 153
8.35 233 9.36 115,118 8.5 260
9-10 36 10 36, 232 13.21-22 16
9 60 10.1 40,211, 15.1-5 289
9.1 262 235 16.5-6 50
9.2 261 10.30 236 16.8 288
9.5 124, 125 10.31 232 18 81
9.9 235 10.32 232 18.12-14 270
9.12 262 10.33 40, 232 19.15 179
10.3 233 10.35 233 20.8 177
10.7 233 10.37 232 22 76, 298
10.8 234, 235 12.24 46 22.23-32 256
10.9 233 13.1-3 36, 262 22.24 257
10.16 233 13.5-9 122 22.25 257
10.44 215 22.27-28 76, 298
13.9 36 Esther 22.28-29 Heb. 76
1.19 42 22.28 257
Nehemiah 2.7 239 22.30 257
1.1 242 2.21-23 13 24.4-5 243
1.5 139, 141 6.1 13 29 83, 259
7.5 36 7.3 189,241 29.2 142
7.61 36, 236 8.5 189,241 31.2 206
7.63-64 264 8.15 195 31.20 115
7.66 46 9.23 170 33.16 177
8-9 140, 149 9.27 40, 42, 33.17 177
8 140 170, 233, 36.11 204
8.3 105 256, 258 37.32-33 180, 184
8.4-5 140 9.29 39 37.35 69
8.4 183 9.31 40 40.6 109
8.6 140 40.18 133
8.8 140 Job 41.2 239
8.18 140 4.18 106 44.3 115
9 60, 140, 9.2 260 44.15 115
141, 143, 9.24 197 45.7 116
145, 149, 15.8 107 47 80
150 15.14 260 47.5 80
9.2 36, 60, 262 15.15 106 50 270,271
50.2 69, 269 96.11-12 259 119.63 203

50.5 29 96.13 259 132 208
50.18-19 269 96.15 142 132.1 207
51.3 228 97.1 259 132.12 213
51.11 228 97.5 259 135.19-20 256
51.17 142 97.7 142, 259 135.21 155
68 81 98.1 259 136.7 99
68.12 274 98.2 206, 259 141.2 122, 124
68.18 51,90,94 98.3 259 142.6 50
69.14 124 98.7-8 259 143.11 206
70.60 133 98.8 46 144.3 260
71.2 206 98.9 259 145.7 115
72.5 244 99 93 146.10 73
72.19 155 99.3 93 148 105, 141
73.26 50 99.5 93 148.1 141
74.16 103 99.7 270 148.3 105
75.3 70 99.9 93 148.6 141
75.4 70 101 170 148.9-10 109
80.18 211 101.2 205 149.7 115
81 269-71 101.6 264 150 55,56
81.8 270 103.4 133 151 109
84.12 243, 247 103.6 133 155 134
84.19-20 220 103.17-18 203
86.1 133 103.19-21 47 Proverbs
89 211 103.20 49 1-9 249
89.6 247 104.2-3 106 1.3 243
89.7-8 259 105.6 202 1.8-9 240
89.7 49, 259 105.42 202 1.9 243
89.8 96 105.44 120 3.1-4 240,241
89.9 96 106.1-2 109 3.1 239
89.15 96 106.28 36 3.2 239
89.20 203 106.46 242 3.3-4 248
89.22-26 212 107 54 3.3 240
89.27 212 107.35 24 3.4 240,241,
89.28 215 109.12 204 244, 249
89.34 203 109.22 133 3.6 289
89.35 213 113-118 256 3.22 241
89.38 22,41 113.2 256 3.34 243
89.53 155 113.3 256 4.7 240
93.1 259 113.4-9 256 4.9 243
93.2 116 114 256 7.19-20 194
93.3-4 259 114.8 24, 256 9.10 107
96-98 259 115 256 10.9 205
96 259 115.9-11 256 11.4 85
96.1-2 259 115.10 179 13.15 239, 243
96.1 259 117 256 13.24 213
96.3 259 118.1-4 256 16.14 197
96.5 259 118.2-4 256 23.14 213
96.6 93 119.113 135 29.12 264
96.7-9 259 119.12 127 29.14 116
96.10 259 119.29 134 30.3 107
Proverbs (cont.) 11.6 46 42.12 252, 259

31 175 11.122 147 42.21 95
31.3 175 12.66 92 43.4 244
31.4-5 177 13 70 43.9 115
31.4 175 13.33 79 43.10 252
31.9 175 13.4-6 71 43.15-20 256
13.44 78 43.23 122
Ecclesiastes 13.9-10 71 43.25 228
4.1 284 13.11 73 44.5 253
5.5 14.1 258 44.8 252
11.22 183 15.5 220 44.9-20 256, 259
11.6 46 17.12-13 94 44.22 228
36 69 19.24-25 265 44.23 259
45.11 247 22.55 78 44.24 252
23.188 283 44.26 235
Song of Songs (Cant.) 26.21 69 44.28 235
4.11-16 124 27.133 147 45.1 252
8.10 245 29.133 288 45.5-7 252
30.8 209 45.6 252
Isaiah 30.188 88, 295 45.7 139,252
1.13 122 33.155 290 45.13 235
1.266 147 34.4 115 45.14 252
2 75, 79, 83- 34.5-6 78 45.18-19 252
85 34.6 79 45.18 252
2.5 253 35.22 72 45.22-23 251
2.6 85 38.144 179 45.22 252, 257
2.9 70, 300 38.18-19 153 45.23 253, 257
2.11 72, 300 40-66 258 48.20 256
2.12-21 84 40-55 254, 258 48.21 256
2.12-17 80 40-48 252 49-55 254
2.177 70, 80, 300 40.5 72, 259, 49.1 252, 259
2.188 75,82 297 49.5 244
2.199 72, 74, 83 40.5 LXX 297 49.6 254
2.20-21 72 40.14 252 49.13 259
2.211 72 40.18 252 49.19-21 116
3.188 243 40.23 253 49.22 257
5.15-16 85, 300 40.25-26 106 51.4-5 87, 258,
5.16-17 85 40.25 252 302
5.166 86, 300 40.26 252 51.55 297
6 124 40.28 252 51.122 259
6.3 45-47,51, 41.1 252 52.7 229
149, 155, 41.4 252 52.8 46
247, 297 41.55 252 52.100 297
6.4 47, 95, 247 41.8 203,212 53.11 297
6.6 124 41.99 212 53.33 257
8.122 68 41.100 211 54.11 115
8.177 295 41.211 252 54.122 105
8.211 31 42.4 252 56-66 254
9 33 42.5 254 56 262, 263
9.6 33 42.6 253 56.1-8 254, 258
11.1 69 42.10 252, 259 56.11 87, 206,
258, 290, 18.200 205 7.19 85

302 22.55 197 7.24 73
56.22 260 22.133 207 10 94
56.3 257 23.55 147 10.5 94
56.5 256, 263 23.166 193 10.19 46
56.6 263 23.29 274 11.16 233
56.7 260, 262 24.55 233 11.22 46
57.15 256 25.155 70 13.4 78
58 260 29.177 233 13.5 78
58.8 297 31.1 203 13.6 40
58.13 194 31.3 204 20.1 144
59.11 179 31.5 88 20.12 144
60 99 31.8 57,215 20.34 147
60.1 95 32.7-8 168 20.41 147
60.10 262 32.17-18 138 21.30 70
60.21 50 33.10-11 62 21.31 70
61.1-3 229 33.16 147 22.26 103
61.1 229 33.17 225 24.26-27 257
61.2-3 116 33.21-22 263 28.12 107
61.2 229 34 27, 222 28.13 239
61.5-6 264 34.8-22 221 30.3 87, 302
61.66 217 34.9 160 33.21-22 257
61.88 147 34.18 27,221 33.23 233
61.10 116 38.8 LXX 57 38-39 257
62.2 297 41.5 122, 123 38.18-23 69, 85, 300
62.4-5 116 42.12 242 38.23 82
62.5 116 46.3-10 78 40-48 181
62.10-11 257 46.10 78 40.1^13.12 181
63.7-64.11 60 48.10 284 40.46 263
63.7 115 48.34 220 43.2 93,95
65.17-18 115,117 51.13 94 43.2 LXX 94
65.188 117 51.14 31 43.7-19 182
65.19-20 117 51.16 94 43.9 116
65.26 46 51.63 8 43.11 182
66.33 122 43.13-27 181
66.10-11 116 Lamentations 44.1-13 182
66.133 116, 120 1.12 78 44.6-31 264
66.18-19 257 2.22 78 45.8-12 182
66.211 263 3.23 97 45.13-16 182
66.22 117 5.19 116 45.16-19 182
45.16-17 234
Jeremiah Ezekiel 45.17 232
2.2 203 1 94 45.18-25 182
2.7 115,203 1.4-55 47, 247 45.24 123
3.4 211,212 1.20 46 46.1-3 182
3.19 211,212, 1.24 93,94 46.4 123
215 3.12 51,247 46.16-17 182
8.8 165,280 3.13 45^7 46.18 182
10.1-16 75 7.6 70 46.19-24 182
10.13 94 7.7 87, 302,
17.266 122 304
Daniel Obadiah 3.7 50

1.4 255 15 69, 87, 4.7 210
1.9 242 302, 304 5.4 24
2.45 89 6.9-16 237
6.9 42, 195 Micah 6.10-14 237
6.13 39,42 1.3 69,81 6.10 238
6.16 195 4.5 253 6.12 147
7.10 51,90,105 5.8 147 8.2 77, 302
7.18 50 5.11-12 72 8.4-5 62
8.13 48 6.1-2 22 8.11 235
8.25 89 6.8 290 8.12 235
9 60 7.4 68, 295 8.23 257
9.4 139, 141 7.7 68, 295 9.11 29
9.7 60,61 7.15 69 13.2 134
9.15-19 60 14.3-9 85
9.16 60 Nahum 14.9 37, 74, 82,
9.18-19 131 1.3-5 81 300
9.18 60, 130 1.5-6 81
9.19 60,131 1.12 207 Malachi
9.21 124 1.11 122, 255
9.24 229 Habakkuk 1.14 256
9.25 229 2.3 70, 87, 2.4 225
10.20 47 295, 302, 2.6 205, 225
12.12 88, 295 304 2.7 50, 107
2.4 290 2.10-16 263
Hosea 3 81,295 3.12 193
2.20 163 3.3 69, 295, 3.20 100
3.2 123 297 3.22-24 278
5.8 180 3.22 190
11.4 214 Zephaniah
13.4 11 1.7 79 Apocrypha
1.14-16 71 Tobit
Joel 1.14 69, 87, 1.13 239, 247
2.1 72,87 302, 304 3.4 227
2.17 60 1.16 78
4.14 69, 87, 1.17-18 85 Judith
302, 304 3.8 68, 70, 295 9.1 124
3.9 72
Amos 3.20 132 Wisdom of Solomon
5 79 4.1 248
5.4 290 Haggai 5.5 49
5.18-20 73, 77, 299 1.12 235
5.18 68, 69, 77, 2.10-14 258 Ecclesiasticus (Sirach)
295 2.21 235 6.30 35
5.20 69 10 177
5.21-25 73 Zechariah 10.10 178
5.21-24 80 1.9 47, 247 15.1 291
5.21 122 1.14 247 18.4-5 109
6.6 207 1.16 147 21.20 178
6.8 31,80 2.14 77, 147, 21.22-23 178
8.5 260 258, 299 22.27 129
23.2 227 New Testament 12.39 284

23.6 135 Matthew 15.43 88
33.15 280 3.2 87, 302
35.15 291 5.17-20 293 Luke
36 76, 86, 5.43 16 1.9 124
298, 301 6.4-13 73 2.14 155
36.1-11 76, 298, 6.9-13 74, 150, 2.25 296, 303
303 153,303 2.38 296, 303
36.1 129 6.9-10 86 2.52 240, 244
36.3 298 6.9 301,303 4.16-19 229
36.5 299 6.13 153 10.9 87, 302
36.13-15 77, 299 8.11 88 10.11 87, 302,
36.15 88 11.25 36 304
36.199 297 17.1 278 10.25-28 292
36.20-21 135 19.28 276 10.25 291
39.31 99 22.35 291 10.27 291
40.1 35 22.36-39 291 11.2-4 74, 150,
42.16-20 108, 109, 23 279, 293 154
111 23.1-12 279,281 11.2 86,301,
42.166 46 23.2^ 279 303
42.177 109 23.2-3 279 11.42 280
43.11 41,53 23.5-7 279, 282, 11.43 280, 282
50.2 105 283 11.44 280
50.8 105 23.5 284 11.45 291
51 146 23.6-7 281 11.46 280
51.17 35 23.6 284 11.47 280, 285
51.23 35 23.8-12 279 11.52 280,281
23.13-30 279 13.29-30 88
Baruch 23.13 280,281 14.15 88
1.14 144 23.14 281 16.17 293
29.4 88 23.16-22 24 16.29-31 65
23.23 285 19.11 87, 298,
1 Maccabees 23.31-39 279 302, 303
14 184 25.31-39 290 20.36 49
14.25 169 26.29 88 20.46-47 281,282
14.26 169 27.6 197 20.46 282-84
14.28 235 28 292 21.31 87, 302,
14.29^0 169 304
14.41-47 170 Mark 22.18 88
14.41 169 1.14-15 229 22.29 276
14.42 181 1.15 87, 302 23.50 296, 303
14.43 181 3.20-23 134 23.51 88
14.46 169 3.25 135 24.27 65
14.47 169 3.30 135 24.44 64
14.49 170 9.2 278
15.2 169 12.28-33 292 John
12.30 291 7.17-18 193
2 Maccabees 12.35 291 12.499 193
1.3-5 35 12.38-40 281,282 14.10 193
6.18 280, 291 12.38 282, 283
11.19 8
Acts 20.32 49 5.8 35

1.155 276 24.14 65 6.6-7 35
2 274, 275, 6.11-13 35
277 Romans
2.1-13 269 8.18 298, 303 Colossians
2.1 273 1.122 49
2.3 274, 275 1 Corinthians
2.4 276 11.44 40 Hebrews
2.7 275 12.10 276 22.28-29 298
2.9 273 12.288 276 29.10 298
3.1 125 14 276 68 298
10.2 256 14.15 277 68.8-9 294
10.3 125 16.211 88 68.16-18 294
10.22 256 68.17 295
10.30 125 2 Corinthians 72.19 297, 298
10.44-45 276 5.177 117 98.1-3 297
12.16 256
13.16 260 Galatians Revelation
16.14 256 3.11-12 290 4.6 94
18.2 256 4.8 94
20.16 273 Ephesians 21 209
20.18 49 1.11 49 21.1 117
20.26 49 1.18 35 22.20 88
OTHER ANCIENT REFERENCES
Pseudepigrapha 2 Baruch (Syriac Apoc.) 279 177

1 Enoch 48.9 107 280-281 177
2.1-3 99 283 173, 177
18.13 106 3 Maccabees 291-292 177
21.3 106 7.11 8
39.4 49 Jubilees
41.7 106 4 Maccabees 1.26 183
45.4 49,117 3.12 187 1.27 49
47.2 47 5.4 280, 291 1.29 100,117
58 100 2.2-3 110,111
58.4 100 Apocalypse of Abraham 2.31-32 56, 144
61.10-11 47 9-15 218 6.3 272
72.1 49 6.17 272
91.16 49, 100, Epistle ofAristeas 6.21 271
116 176 178 14.9 218
189 177 14.19 272
2 Enoch (Slavonic) 190 177 14.20 272
6.4 98 191 177 15.1 272
193-196 177 31.14 105
3 Enoch 209 177 32.10 183
7.1 48 245 177 44.4 272
18.6 48 263 177
27.2 48 264 177 Life of Adam & Eve
35.1 48 270 177 29 124
42.2 48
Ps. Philo 11.6-7 49 2.3 35

Biblical Antiquities 11.11 48,49 2.15 16
23.6-7 218 11.12 50 2.19-20 64
11.13-14 50, 142 2.19 20
Psalms of Solomon 11.13 48, 108 2.22 48
18.10-12 107 11.25-26 49 2.26-3.2 19
12.5-7 106 3.2 291
Testament ofLevi 12.29-30 108 3.15-19 102
3.5 124 13.1-2 104 3.15-16 116
4.2-3 105 13.1 104 3.15 98
13.11-12 117 4.2 35
Qumran 13.12 49 4.6 36
CD (Damascus Covenant) 14.8-22 103 5.8-10 236
6.17-18 103 14.8 103 5.8 19,55
9.1 292 14.13-14 103 5.23 236
12.19-20 103 14.24 103 5.24 19
12.10 292 14.25 103 6.3-4 67
13.2-7 63,64 17.23 134 6.4-6 67
13.2 67 18.23 49, 105 6.4-5 64
13.11-12 236 18.27 49 6.23 236
13.11 291 18.29 100 8.15-16 67
14.3-6 236 8.19 236
15.5-9 236 1QM (War Scroll) 8.22-23 234
2.3 48 9.4 115
1QH 2.13 115 9.7 64
1.1--4 108 4.11 35 9.18 37
1.3-14 98 4.27 37 10.1-8 66
1.6-7 49 5.11 37 10.1-4 98
1.11 102 5.25 37 10.2-3 106
1.14 116 7.6 49 10.9-14 102
1.18-19 102 7.27 36 10.9 277
1.20 116 8.3 48 10.10 34,65
1.21 102, 104 8.17 48 10.11-12 97
2.6 49 10.15-16 102 10.14 63,67
2.9 49 12.1-2 106 10.16 141
2.12 129 12.4 49 11.4 37
2.31-34 283 13.5 35 11.7-8 128
3.2 48 16.4 48 11.7 49
3.3-5 127 17.8 97, 100 11.8 141
3.16 129 17.11 48 11.12 134
3.19 50, 133 11.15-16 128
3.20-23 108 IQS (Manual of Discipline) 11.19 37
3.20 49 1.1-5 180
3.22 49 1.2-3 67 lQSa
4.6 100 1.4 16 2.17-22 67
5.3 49 1.5 180 2.17-21 67
6.13-14 49 .7-8 180 2.22 63
6.13 105 .9 102
7.11 48 .10-11 16 IQSfb))
10.4 49 .12 291 4.22-28 105
11.3 127 .16 272 4.22-23 107
lQS(b) (cont.) 4Q503 22.13-14 135

4.25 49 1.24-25 144 24 129
5.23 48 24-25 56 24.3-17 129
37-38 56 24.8 134
1Q27 40-41 56 26.4-5 110
5-6 57 26.9-15 90,111
4Q504 26.9-12 55,65
1Q34 1-2 60,61 26.12 90
11.6 64 3.1-2 67 29 129, 132
29.1^ 133
1Q34 (bis) 4Q508 29.7-8 130, 133
1.6 58 2.4 58 29.8-13 133
2 58 3.1 58 29.13-14 134
3ii4-6 58,66 29.14-15 134
4Q509 29.15-16 134
4Q158 3 57 29.17-18 135
1-2 61 29.17 130
4QDeut.
4Q400 8.8-9 114 11QT (Temple Scroll)
2 104 1-29 185
4QPs 1.9 173
4Q403 89 203 2.11 164
24.9 47 11.5-6 173
4 QpNah 3-4 11.9-11 186
4Q405 1.6-7 283 12.15-16 181
20 108 1.7 283 17-30 182
2.8-9 283 18-22 183
4Q417 3.6-7 283 23-24 234
1.5-6 73 29.8-10 117
4QS 29.9 49
4Q434 24.9 48 30-43 183, 185
2 112,114, 40 48 37 182
121 43 168
2.1-12 115 6Q18 43^4 166
2.1^1 114 5 108 43.4 183
2.2-3 116 43.15-16 159
2.2 116 HQBer 44 183
2.3^ 117 1-2 116 48.11-14 159
2.3 116 52.4-7 160
2.4-5 117 HQMelch 52.5 159
2.4 117 9 229 52.12 160
2.5-13 115 18 229 53.5-6 160
2.7 118 53.9-54.5 160
2.8 118 HQPs* 53.11 189
2.9 119 19 66, 136 54.12 189
2.10 119 22 132, 135 56.4-5 159
2.11 119 22.2-11 296, 303 57-59 166
2.12-13 116,118 22.2-3 135 57.1 186
22.4 135 57.2 170
4Q501 22.5-6 135 57.7-11 177
1.2 61 22.8 135 57.9-11 174
57.9 177 Berakhot 183, 184

57.11-15 167 1.1 54 11.13 166
57.14 167 2.2 34,55 14.22 166
57.15-19 167 4.4 150 26.12 166
57.19 167 5.2 103
57.20-21 171 6 53 Tamid
57.20 167 6.1 53 4.3 124
58.11-15 167 6.8 63,114 5.1 37, 38, 42
59.4-5 171 9.5 292
63.13-15 159 Yebamot
64.9 174 Gittin 2.1 163
66.8-11 159 4.2 41 3.6 163
4.3 41
Targums Yoma
Aramaic Hullin 1 145
2 Sam. 23.4 296 10.1 288
Jer. 31.5 296 Zebahim
Kelim 14.4 288
Neofitil 1.9 124
Deut. 16.10 272 Babylonian Talmud
Ma 'aserot B. Bathra
Onqelos 10 125 16a 134
Deut. 6.5 292
Num. 28.26 272 Makkot Berakot
3.15 95 9b 180
Palestinian 16a-17a 154
Deut. 6.5 292 Menahot 16b 129
Lev. 19.18 292 13.11 289 17a 74, 129,
130,305
Pseudo-Jonathan Parah 21a 37
Gen. 16.1 196 1.1 220 28b 135
Deut. 34.6 290 29a 76, 129
Num. 28.26 272 Pesah 29b 61,153
1 125 33a 150
Targ. Ezek. 33b 103, 138
1.24 94 Rosh Hashanah 35a 53
3.12 94 4.5 71, 145 44a 114,117,
43.2 94 118,121
Sanhedrin 46b 114,117,
Targ. Song. 1.6 167 121
4.11 124 2.2 167 48b 118,120
4.16 124 2.4 167, 178 49a 118,120
4.3-* 179 58b 117
Mishnah 10.1 50, 190 60b 59, 126-
Abot 129,248
1.12 293 Sota 63a 289
2.12 289 6.4 166
7.1 276 Gittin
Avoda Zarah 7.2 165 49v 64
1.3 54 7.8 145, 165,
166, 180,
Hagigah 88b 274 Sanhedrin

12a 111 2.7, 20d 178
12b-13a 94 Shebuoth
12b 97 38b 29 Seqal
13b 95 39a 26 5.1, 48d 276
Horayot Sanhedrin Sota

12b 64 11 a 276 5.7, 20c 282
42a 98, 107 7.1,44b 145
Hullin 7.6, 22a 145
84a 160 Sota
92a 248 22b Ta 'anit
40a 146 2.3, 65c 92
Ketubot 41a 168
8ab 114 Yoma
Ta'anit 3.7,40d 227
Mo'edKatan 12b 125 8.9, 45c 131
28b 64
Yoma Tosefta
Makkot 36b 227 Avoda Zarah
5b 88 76b 135 1.4 54
23b-24a 290 87b 130
56 296, 303 Berakot
Jerusalem Talmud 3.6 131
Megillah Berakot 3.7 153, 155
31a 182 1.1, 2c 105 6.5 53
41a 182 1.5,3d 92, 146 7.6 117
1.9,3d 118,120
Mewtf/jo/ 4.2, 7d 59, 127, Hagigah
65a 276 128,131, 2.1 280,281
135,155
Nedarim 4.3, 6a 76 Rosh Hashanah
64 64 4.3, 8a 115 4.2.6 64
4.4, 8b 153
Pesfl/H/w 4.5, 8c 118 Sanhedrin
54b 88 5.1, 8d 129 4.5 181
104a 103, 104 5.2, 9b 103 4.7 178
118a 109 9.7, 14b 283 8.1 276
Rosh Hashanah Megillah Sota

lib 57 3.6, 74b 113 6.1 30
31a 113 7.17 166
Pe'ah 8.7 275
Sabbath 1.1, 15d 292
lOa 283 Yebamot
110 62 Qidduhin 8.7 280
115b 119 4.5, 66a 174, 186
31a 292 Kippurim
31b 281 Rosh Hashanah 2.1 227
74b 123 4.659c 119 4.14 125
88a 233
Midrashim Sipre 14.337 273

ARN 160 167, 178 14.45 173, 186
A25 283 306 99 15.368 8, 19
A37 282 343 86, 93, 300 17.254 273
B26 292 17.42 8
B30 289 Philo 18.124 8
B45 282 Abr. 3.252 272
39 280 98 196 4.223 167
8.184 173
Eccl R Cong. 8.185 186
1.9 283, 284 89 227 9.143 175
107-108 227 9.153 169
GenR.
3.4.6 280 Decal Against Apion
6 172 46 274 2.39 260
16.1 196
21.5 107 Opif. Mund. The Jewish War
63.10 285 24.73 107 2.43 273
65.21 95 1.253 273
78.1 97 Plant. 2.128 95,99
3.12 107 2.131 64
Lev. R. 2.139 16
3.2 256 Quod. Det. Pot. Ins. 2.8.5 113
3.3 131 63 227 6.299 277
7.2 77
Somn. Classical and Early
Midr. Pss. 1.135 107 Christian Literature
18.44 283 Aeschylus
92.3 275 Spec. Leg. (Laws) Seven against Thebes
1.183 273 42-48 29
Midr. Teh. 2.1.5 24
92.3 274 2.176 273 Aischines
4.162 167 2.115 15,29
PesK 4.163 167 3.109 29
1.7 279 4.165-166 167 3.111 26
4.165 177
Pes. R. 4.169 167 Andocides
22.5 284 4.170 167 On the Mysteries
96 14
PRE Virt. 97 32
26.19 196 33.178 36
31 93 Apostolic Constitutions
Josephus VII.35 48
Sifraa Antiquities of the Jews VII. 35.3 94
17.6 288 1.161-165 196 VIII. 12.27 51
1.183-185 218 VIII.12.27 90,94
Sifere 10.63 28
Deut. 1.6 192 12.89 178 Apuleius
Deut. 13.7 292 13.282 124 Metamorphoses
Deut. 33.2 275 13.398 282 XI.l 37
13.404-406 282 XI. 14 35
Metamorphoses (cont.) Theogonia 15.25 169, 173,

XL 15 35 9 47, 247 187
XI.21 37 11.10 247
XI.23 37 39 48 Pliny
XI.25 37,110 Ad Trajan
XI.30 35 Homer 10.96 113
Iliad 10.96.7 38
Aristotle 1.603-4 247
Athenian Politeia 2.484 247 Suetonius
3.3 28 2.485-494 110 Divus Julius Caesar
2.594 47 2.84 33
Ethica Nichomachea 3.103-7 219
IX. 1-6 237 3.268 219 Divus Augustus
8.442-443 82 17.2 19
Politica Odyssey
III. 14.7 181 4.746 29 Gaius Caligula
10.381 29 15.3 10
Cicero
(Epistula adAtticum) Ignatius Tacitus
XIII.28 176 Ephesians Annales
4.1 51 1.8 20
Clement of Alexandria Histories
Stromateis Livy V.I 3 277
VII.12 51 111.28 34
VII.40.1 52 IX.6 34 Thucydides
5.12.47 40
Clement of Rome Maimonides 5.18.8 29
1 Clement Guide for the Perplexed 5.18.9 20
34.7 51 22.5 107 5.18.10 30
5.23.5 30
Didache Plato
10 117,118 Laws Virgil
10.6 88 753d 28, 220 Aeneid
Politicus VI.625-627 110
Dio Cassius 290d 188
59.9.2 10 Xenophon
Plutarch Anabasis
Diodorus Siculus Apophthegmata 2.2.9 29
1.70 172, 177, 198 176
187 Respublica
Eumenes Lacedaemoniorum
Herodotus 12 16 15.7 169
1.74 29
3.8 29 Sulla Memorabilia
3.71 12 10.6 8 4.4.16 18
6.86 25
Polybius Papyri
Hesiod 3.61 19 Elephantine Papyri (AP)
Opera et Dies 7.9 24 30.21 122
11.283-285 26 7.9.7 10 30.25 122
7.9.8 9 31.21 122
32.9 122 4.45 134 Tractate Sefer Torah

33.10 122 10.6 104 1.7 178
11.14 104
Papyrus Lille 13.8 106 Tractate Soferim
29.1-38 232 13.10 103 2.1.7 178
14.1 75,86
Other Ancient Texts Middle Assyrian Laws 18.11 80
Hodayot (MAL) 19.5 75
3.22-23 104 1.22 194 19.10 98
4.3-20 134 14 196 13.6 127
INDEX OF AUTHORS
Abel, P.M. 170 B6hlig,A. 37

Abramson, S. 37, 42, 129, 135 Boismard, M.E. 193
Albeck,C. 117 Borger,R. 18,23,41,202,221,244
Albeck,H. 269 Bousset,W. 51,90,287,288,293
Allegro, J.M. 61 Bouyer, L. 96
Alon,G. 88,113,118,145 Brettler, M.Z. 222
Alp, S. 4, 5, 7, 9, 14, 22 Brin, G. 65
Alt, A. 212 Brown, R.E. 193
Alt,K. 247 Buchler,A. 91,117
Altmann,A. 92 Burkert,W. 219
Amelineau, E. 68,299 Burrows, M. 210
Amir,Y. 287 Burton, A. 173,187
Asaf,S. 51,90,93,127,131
Assaf,S. 152 Caquot,A. 229,230
Avigad,N. 194,195 Cardascia, G. 194
Avishur,Y. 92,239,241,242 Cary,E. 219
Cassin,E. 210,213
Ba'ar,Y. 148 Cassuto,U. 194-97
Baer, S. 130 Cemival, F. de 232
Baer,Y. 60,228 Cerny,J. 241
Baillet,M. 56,57,62,151 Charles, R.H. 49,271,272
Baltzer,K. 200 Childs,B.S. 208
Bar-Ilan,M 62,92,151,253 Clay,A.T. 228
Barr,J. 239 Clements, R.E. 200,225
Bauer, Th. 40 Coats, G.W. 132
Baumgarten, J.M. 62,105 Conzelman, H. 277
Beare, 276, 277 Cooper, J.S. 215,220
Begg,C.T. 218,220 Couroyer,B. 240,241,249,270
Ben Barak, Z. 168 Cowley, A.E. 209, 223, 246
Ben David, A. 291 Cross, P.M. 79,109,255,259
Ben-Dov,M. 230 Cumont,F. 30,33,35
Bengtson,H. 9,11,12,39 Cunchillos, J.L. 229
Bentzen, A. 255
Berliner, A. 97,249 Dahood,M. 105,243
Bickerman, E. 9, 10, 24, 28, 29, 41, 148, 220 Dalman, G. 153
Biggs, R.D. 148 Darlow,T.H. 287
Blank, S.M. 253 Davies,W.D. 101
Blenkinsopp, J. 287 DelOlmo,G. 230
Boer, P.A.H. de 208 Delatte,L. 176,181
Delcor,M. 268,272 Garland, D.E. 279

Delitzsch, F. 263 Gaster, Th. 28
Deller,K.H. 31,244,246 Geiger,A. 251
Dessau, H. 10,15,26 Gemser,B. 252
Diakonoff, LM. 172 Gevaryahu, Ch. 255
Dittenberger, W. 5,8,11 Gilat,Y.D. 153
Dix,G. 96 Ginsberg, H.L. 41, 179, 205-207, 212, 297
Dodds,E.R. 31,47,247 Ginsberg, L. 76,127,128,135
Donner,H. 237,240,250 Ginsburg,H. 259
Draffkorn,A. 201,219 Ginzberg,L. 91,100,107
Driver, G.R. 194-96,214,247 Glazov, G. 142
Driver, S.R. 163, 191 Glueck,N. 17,203,216
Duhm,B. 256 Goetze, A. 12, 13, 18, 31, 147, 204-206,
Duncan,!. 113 210,212,219
Goldschmidt, E.D. 74, 92, 117, 129, 131
Ebeling, E. 22, 40, 83, 244 Goldstein,!. 134,181
Ehrlich,A. 27,215,243,272 Goodenough, R.E. 176
Eissfeldt,O. 164,192 Gordon, A.L. 126
Elbogen, I. 34, 37, 38, 45, 60, 74, 75, 92, 99, Green,!. 110
100,124, 126,147,268,270 Greenberg,M. 70,144,217
Elliger,K. 255 Greenfield, !.C. 104, 109, 196, 211, 218
Epstein, J.M. 182, 183,300 Greengus, S. 223
Eshel,E. 146 Greenstein, E.L. 207,219
Eshel,H. 146 Grignachi, M. 176
Everson, A.J. 78 Gruenwald,!. 48,51,104
Gruenwald,!. 45
Falk,Z.W. 13 Gulak,A. 39
Falkenstein, A. 212 Gunkel,H. 213,257
Feigin, S. 215 Gtiterbock,H. 201
Fensham, F.C. 200 Gutmann,!. 36
Fiensy, D.A. 149
Finkel,J. 195 Haak,R.D. 230
Fitzmyer, J.A. 3, 12, 17, 59, 153, 154, 194, Haberman, A.M. 38
195,221,246 Hadot,P. 170
Fleischer, E. 45, 56, 68, 92, 95, 99, 143, Haenchen,E. 277
144,150, 182 Haller,M. 254
Flusser, D. 35, 48, 51, 58, 73, 90, 91, 126, Hallo, W.W. 84,250
135, 142, 146, 155, 279, 283, 291, 292 Halperin, D.!. 94
Frankena, R. 31 Haran, M. 161, 162, 182, 252, 254, 256
Frazer, P.M. 173,187 Harrington, D.!. 195
Freedman, D.N. 200,255 Heinemann, I. 253
Freydank, H. 9 Heinemann, !. 45, 75, 90, 128, 153, 167, 297
Friedman, M. 50 Heitmuller, W. 293
Friedrich, J. 3, 9, 12, 20, 23, 201, 209, 214, Helck,W. 43
216,222 Held,M. 207,217,221
Funk,F.X. 48,51 Heltzer, M. 4, 123, 226
Henninger, S. 220
Gadd,C.J. 220,228 Herrmann, P. 8, 10, 11, 17, 19, 20, 31
Galling, K. 261 Higger, M. 98
Highby,L.I. 14 Kraus,F.R. 216,222

Hinz,W. 216 Kraus,H.-J. 259
Hoffman, D.Z. 272 Kraus,H.I. 256
Hoffiier,H.A. 212,213 Krauss, S. 283
Holm-Nielsen, S. 49,101, 105, 106 Kremer,J. 268,273
Hrozny,F. 31,214 Kuhl,C. 90,211
Huffmon,H.B. 217 Kuhn,H.W. 48-50,101,105
Huffmon,M.P. 23 Kuhn,K.G. 35,105
Hunger, H. 172,179 Kuhne,C. 9
Hurvitz,A. 119,256,265 Kutsch,E. 28,29
Hurwitz,A. 109 Kutscher, E. 46
Kutscher,Y. 265
Imparati,F. 210
Ivri,A.L. 108 Lacheman, E.R. 213
Lake,K. 117
Jacob, B. 214 Lambert, W.G. 34,47, 54, 76,171, 298
Jacobsen,T. 213 Landsberger, B. 40,206
Jacoby,F. 174,188 Laroche,E. 11,23
Japhet, S. 233 LeDeaut,R. 268
Jawitz, Z. 101 Lebrun,R. 147
Jellinek,A. 125 Levi,I. 101
Jeremias,J. 81,83 Lewis, D. 18
Lewy,J. 182
Kadari,M.Z. 40 Liberman, S. 34, 36
Kasher,M. 164 Licht, J. 16,19,49, 98,101, 102,108, 141,
Kaufmann, Y. 145,182, 253,258, 262,263, 142, 263
265, 288 Lichtheim,M. 170,171
Kayatz,C. 249 Lidzbarski, M. 38
Kellermann, D. 124 Lieberman, S. 23, 30, 37,40,42, 53, 55, 95,
Kempinski,A. 206 99, 116, 150, 166-68, 170, 178, 233,
Kestemont, G. 170 253,276,280,281,291
Kimron, E. 49 Liebes,Y. 297
King,L.W. 201,224 Liebeschiitz, H. 288
Kister,M. 99 Liebreich, L.J. 143, 144
Kittel,B.P. 60 Lipinski,E. 203
Klein, C. 290 Liver, J. 224
Klengel,H. 214 Loewenstamm, S.E. 70, 83,211, 216,217,
Klima,J. 206 218,222,259,302
Klostermann, A. 162 Lohfmk,N. 200,218
Knohl,!. 55,293 Lohse,E. 268
Koenen,L. 227 Lorton,D. 43
Kohler,J. 201,205 Luckenbill, D.D. 85
K6hler,L. 252 Luger,Y. 300
Korosec,V. 169,201,209,216 Luzatto, S.D. 45
Kosak, S. 206
Koschaker,P. 31,210 Maier,J. 105
Kraeling, E.G. 39, 203, 206 Malkhi,Y. 150
Kramer, S.N. 30, 34, 93,142 Malul,M. 210
Mann, J. 34, 59, 77, 92, 93, 95, 99, 101-104, Noetscher, F. 205
109,127,129,131,132,135,152,153 Norden, E. 36
Marcus, D. 207,219 Nougayrol, J. 123
Margaliot, M. 75
Margalioth, M. 40, 45, 248, 249 Odeberg, H. 48, 96
Margulies, M. 62 Oettinger,N. 222
Marshall, J.H. 268 Oppenheim, A.L. 4,13, 36
Martin, 276 Orlinsky, H.M. 276
Masson, O. 27,220 Ostwald,M. 14
Mayer, W. 197 Otten,H. 9,11,209,212
Mazar,B. 224,226,264
McCarter,K. 224 Pardee,D. 230
McCarthy, DJ. 200 Parker, S.B. 217
McKane,W. 287 Parpola,S. 221
Meek,S. 195 Paul,S.M. 160,212,213,215,244
Meier, A. 262 Perles,P. 239
Meiggs, R. 18 Peterson, E. 38
Melamed, E.Z. 258 Picard, C. 28
Mendels,D. 177,187 Pinches, T.G. 123
Mendelsohn, I. 215 Ploeg, J. van der 46, 132,133
Mendenhall, G.E. 200 Poebel,A. 38,200
Mettinger, T. 180 Poland, F. 234
Meyer, E. 174,188,258,275 Polotsky, H.J. 31
Meyer, R. 255 Polzin,R. 134
Miles, J.C. 194-96,214 Pool, D. de Sola 73
Milgrom, J. 123 Porten, B. 246
Milik, J.T. 19, 113, 135, 203, 227, 255, 272 Postgate, J.N. 40,201,202,208
Millard,A.R. 34 Potin,J. 268,274,275
Mirsky,A. 144 Preuss,H.O. 69
Mitford,T.B. 11,32 Priest,!. 28
Mitteis, L. 40 Priimm, R. 37
Moore, G.F. 253,287,288 Puech,E. 142
Morag, S. 69
Moran,W.L. 7, 16,211,217 Quell, G. 253
Morgenstern, J. 253
Mowinckel, S. 20, 71, 73, 77-80, 82, 259, Rabinowitz, J.J. 40, 208, 209, 222
261,271,295 Rad, G. von 50, 78-79, 82, 271
Mueller,J. 284 Raubitechek, A.E. 234
Muffs, Y. 203, 205, 208, 210, 223, 226, 271 Rehm,M.D. 226
Munn-Rankin, J. 216 Reiner, E. 2, 9,41, 172,221, 222
Reitzenstein, R. 35-37
Na'aman,N. 230 Richter, G. 176
Naveh,J. 250 Riemschneider, K. 201
Negev,A. 38 Robertson Smith, W. 29
Newsom, C. 56, 63, 95, 104, 108 Rochbeg-Halton, F. 190
Nicoll, W.R. 287 Rofe,A. 107
Nilsson, M.P. 28, 29, 31, 36, 37, 104, 219 R6llig,W. 237,240,250
Nock,A.D. 54 Rosenfeld, B.Z. 290
Rosenthal, E.S. 92 Stegemann, H. 113

Rosenthal,F. 206 Stegemann, M. 63
Rothstein, J.W. 258 Steiner, G. 220
Rott-Gerson, L. 256 Steinmetzer, F.X. 201,223
Rudolph, W. 46, 175, 221, 255 Stengel,?. 27-29,219
Strassmaier, J.N. 220
Safrai, S. 150 Streck,M. 3,18,29,172
Safran,J.D. 219 Strugnell,J. 47,108,115
Sanders, J.A. 87, 90, 91, 94, 109, 152, 229 Sukenik,E.L. 279
Sanders, J.P. 55,59 Syme, R. 19
Sarna,N.M. 211 Szlechter,E. 219
Schafer,P. 92,109
Schalit,A. 186 Ta-Shma,Y. 297,301
Schechter, S. 44, 45, 51, 86, 90, 93, 98, 275 Tadmor,H. 171,228
Scheiber,A. 110 Talmon, S. 34,102, 141, 255, 262, 272
Scholem,G. 48,277 Teixidor, J. 237
Schorr, M. 201,214,216,225 Thompson, R.C. 239
Schottroff, W. 208 Thureau-Dangin, F. 208,214,215,225
Schubart,W. 36 Tigay,J.H. 213,225,284
Schuler, E. von 4, 5, 7-12,14, 17, 18, 23, Tov,E. 57,144,251
209 Tsafrir,Y. 110
Schunk,K.D. 33 Tsevat,M. 21
Schiirer,E. 256,287 Tucker, G.M. 211
Schwahn,W. 32 Tur-Sinai, N.H. 107,132,163,215
Schwann, J. 16
Schwartz, D.R. 279 Uffenheimer, B. 253
Seeligmann, I.L. 21,70,80,265,271 Ulrich,E. 142
Segal, M.Z. 64 Ungnad,A. 201,205
Seidl,E. 31,39 Urbach, E. 34, 75, 113, 235, 275, 289-92
Seux,MJ. 34,215
Shalit,A. 173 Vaux,R.de 82,209
Shinan, A. 196 Vavaignac, E. 214
Siewert,P. 9,24,27 Veijola,T. 270
Simon, U. 159 Vellian,J. 96
Singer, S. 45,46, 68, 90, 228, 296 Vermes,G. 146,256
Skehan, P.W. 93, 94,109,110,142 Von Dijk, JJ.A. 84
Smend,R. 287 Von Premerstein, A. 10,20
Smith, G.A. 290 Vriezen, Th.C. 36
Smith, M. 16,292
Smith, S. 40,219,223,225 Wagner, M. 70
Soden, W. von 34,40,69,201,228,255 Walbank,F.W. 24
Sollberger, E. 123,219 Watanabe,K. 221
Sommer,F. 212 Waterman, L. 4, 12, 32, 243, 244, 246
Speiser,E.A. 210,212-15,264 Weidner, E. 6, 8, 9,13, 20, 21, 24, 27,195,
Sperber,A. 197,271 201,212,221
Sperber, D. 140 Weinfeld, M. 2, 6-8, 11-15,17,18, 22-24,
Stadlhuber, J. 150 26, 28, 32, 34, 36, 38, 40,41,46-48,
Stauffer,E. 276 50, 54-56, 60, 64, 72, 73, 76-79, 81-
Stefanini,R. 8 83,90,93,94,103,113, 118,128,134,
136-38, 141, 142, 146-52, 159, 160, Williamson, H.G.M. 140

163-65, 169, 179, 182, 194, 195,200, Wilson,! 31
202, 205-207, 216, 218, 221, 228, 230, Wiseman, DJ. 2, 41, 201, 202, 210, 212,
232, 234, 235, 245, 247, 248, 258, 217,218,222
260-62,270,271,277,295 Wolff, H.W. 218
Weingreen,J. 159 Wolfson,H. 36,107,167,179
Weinrich,O. 15 Woude, A.S. van der 46,115
Weinstock, S. 31 Wright, D.P. 220
Weisberg, D.B. 13,211
Weiss, M. 69,71,79,82,202 Yadin, Y. 35, 37, 38,46,49, 65, 97, 108,
Wellhausen, J. 286-91 113, 158, 159, 163, 168, 173, 174, 176,
Wente,E.F. 241 178-81, 183, 186, 187,189, 191, 192,
Werblowsky, RJ.Z. 277 194,195,283
Wernberg-Moller, P. 54 Yahalom,J. 56,144
Werner, E. 51,88 Yailenko, V.P. 19
Westermann, C. 218 Yardeni,A. 146
White, S.A. 112 Yaron,R. 40,216,223,253
Widengren, G. 35 Youtie,M.C. 234
Wieder,N. 56,57,92,93,103, 104,140,
143 Zakovitch,Y. 196
Wildberger, H. 243 Zakowitch,Y. 271

Normative and Sectarian Judaism in The Second Temple Period

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

Normative and Sectarian Judaism in The Second Temple Period

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Title

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

Normative and Sectarian Judaism in The Second Temple Period

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

What is the main topic of the document?

What is the main topic of the document?

What information is provided on pages 3 and 4?

What information is provided on pages 3 and 4?

LIBRARY OF SECOND TEMPLE STUDIES

T&T CLARK INTERNATIONAL

Copyright © Moshe Weinfeld, 2005

British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data

Typeset by Sheffield Typesetting, www.sheffieldtypesetting.com

Index of References 305

AASOR Annual of the American Schools of Oriental Research

REJ Revue des etudes juives

3. Cf. M. Streck, Assurbanipal, II, p. 4f.; 18-23.

Against rebellion clause: 'May the gods look on if we rebel or revolt... if we

Only afterward is there an adjuration which makes demands identical to those

10. In Alp's article (n. 8).

2. to uncover any attempt of conspiracy and agitation.

This combination of imposing an obligation on the one hand, and obligating

4. Adjuration of officials by the king (Schuler, LU. MES. SAG).

And in a treaty written in Hittite:

In a loyalty oath of the Hittite army officers:44

In an adjuration of Hittite army officers:47

This clause also appears in the adjuration of Mat'ilu by Ashurnirari V of

42. On this phrase cf. H. Freydank, Mitteilungen derDeutschen Orient-Gesellschaft (= MDOG) 1

C. Guarding the King

51. Lines 28-29.

Carthagines. Admittedly, this expression may be a translation from Semitic, as

D. Loyalty to the King's Progeny and Dynasty

E. Not to Recognize Another King or Lord

63. Amer. Journ. of Philology 73 (1952), p. 9.

F. Not to Hide Rebels or Instigators

We find such a clause in the Paphlagonians' oath of loyalty to Augustus,95

G. Seize Instigators and Punish Them

100. Alp (n. 8), p. 392: 26-27.

H. To Avenge the King

104.Cf. Weinfeld, DOS, pp. 94ff.

I. To be a Friend to Friends and Foe to Foes

oaths to the Roman Emperors117 such as that of the Paphlagonians to Augustus:

J. Validity of Covenant upon Succeeding Generations

Formal Aspects of the Covenant Ceremony

K. The Mass Gathering

123.Weinfeld, DDS, etc. p. 101.

L. Annual Covenant Renewal

M. Recital of the Covenant

138.See my article in FT23 (1973), p. 72.

N. Witnesses to the Covenant

In the treaty between Suppiluliuma and Tete:

In the Sefire treaty:

In Esarhaddon's adjuration of the vassals:

And in the oath of the vassals themselves:

In an oath of the Epheboi of Dreros we read:

The common elements to all of the sources brought above are:

1. The appearance of divine witnesses,l63 the most prominent ones being

O. The Blessing and Curse

In the Aramaic Sefire Treaty:

Similarly, we find in an agreement between two groups of settlers from the

More elaborate are the formulae found in the prologue to Deuteronomy

And in the oath of the Athenians against the Barbarians:

P. Dramatization of the Curses