Language Movement

Language Movement began in 1948 and reached its climax in the killing of 21 February 1952, and
ended in the adoption of Bangla as one of the state languages of Pakistan. The question as to what
would be the state language of Pakistan was raised immediately after its creation. The central
leaders and the Urdu-speaking intellectuals of Pakistan declared that URDU would be the state
language of Pakistan, just as Hindi was the state language of India. The students and intellectuals of
East Pakistan, however, demanded that Bangla be made one of the state languages. After a lot of
controversy over the language issue, the final demand from East Pakistan was that Bangla must be
the official language and the medium of instruction in East Pakistan and for the central government it
would be one of the state languages along with Urdu. The first movement on this issue was
mobilised by Tamaddun Majlish headed by Professor Abul Kashem. Gradually many other non-
communal and progressive organisations joined the movement, which finally turned into a mass
movement.

Meanwhile, serious preparation was being taken in various forums of the central government of
Pakistan under the initiative of Fazlur Rahman, the central education minister, to make Urdu the only
state language of Pakistan. On receipt of this information, East Pakistani students became agitated
and held a meeting on the Dhaka University campus on 6 December 1947, demanding that Bangla
be made one of the state languages of Pakistan. The meeting was followed by student processions
and more agitation. The first Rastrabhasa Sangram Parishad (Language Action Committee) was
formed towards the end of December with Professor Nurul Huq Bhuiyan of Tamaddun Majlish as the
convener.

Student meeting at Amtala in Dhaka University (1952)

The Constituent Assembly of Pakistan was in session at Karachi-then the capital of Pakistan-from 23
February 1948. It was proposed that the members would have to speak either in Urdu or in English
at the Assembly. DHIRENDRANATH DATTA, a member from the East Pakistan Congress Party, moved
an amendment motion to include Bangla as one of the languages of the Constituent Assembly. He
noted that out of the 6 crore 90 lakh population of Pakistan, 4 crore 40 lakh were from East Pakistan
with Bangla as their mother tongue. The central leaders, including LIAQUAT ALI KHAN, prime minister
of Pakistan, and KHWAJA NAZIMUDDIN, chief minister of East Bengal, opposed the motion. On
receiving the news that the motion had been rejected, students, intellectuals and politicians of East
Pakistan became agitated. Newspapers such as the Azad also criticised of the politicians who had
rejected the motion.

A new committee to fight for Bangla as the state language was formed with Shamsul Huq as
convener. On 11 March 1948 a general strike was observed in the towns of East Pakistan in protest
against the omission of Bangla from the languages of the Constituent Assembly, the absence of
Bangla letters in Pakistani coins and stamps, and the use of only Urdu in recruitment tests for the
navy. The movement also reiterated the earlier demand that Bangla be declared one of the state
languages of Pakistan and the official language of East Pakistan. Amidst processions, picketing and
slogans, leaders such as Shawkat Ali, Kazi Golam Mahboob, Shamsul Huq, Oli Ahad, SHEIKH
MUJIBUR RAHMAN, Abdul Wahed and others were arrested. Student leaders, including Abdul Matin
and aBDUL MALEK UKIL, also took part in the procession and picketing.

A meeting was held on the Dhaka University premises. Mohammad Toaha was severely injured
while trying to snatch away a rifle from a policeman and had to be admitted to hospital. Strikes were
observed from 12 March to 15 March.

Under such circumstances the government had to give in. Khwaja Nazimuddin signed an agreement
with the student leaders. However, although he agreed to a few terms and conditions, he did not
comply with their demand that Bangla be made a state language. MUHAMMED ALI JINNAH, the
governor general of Pakistan, came to visit East Pakistan on 19 March. He addressed two meetings
in Dhaka, in both of which he ignored the popular demand for Bangla. He reiterated that Urdu would
be the only state language of Pakistan. This declaration was instantly protested with the Language
Movement spreading throughout East Pakistan. The Dhaka University Language Action Committee
was formed on 11 March 1950 with Abdul Matin as its convener.

By the beginning of 1952, the Language Movement took a serious turn. Both Jinnah and Liaquat Ali
Khan were dead-Jinnah on 11 September 1948 and Liaquat Ali Khan on 16 October 1951. Khwaja
Nazimuddin had succeeded Liaquat Ali Khan as prime minister of Pakistan. With the political crisis,
the economic condition in East Pakistan also deteriorated. The people of East Pakistan started
losing faith in the Muslim League. A new party, the Awami Muslim League-which would later become
the AWAMI LEAGUE-was formed under the leadership of MAULANA ABDUL HAMID KHAN BHASANI in 1949.
There was a growing sense of deprivation and exploitation in East Pakistan and a realisation that a
new form of colonialism had replaced British imperialism. Under these circumstances, the Language
Movement got a new momentum in 1952.

On 27 January 1952, Khwaja Nazimuddin came to Dhaka from Karachi. Addressing a meeting at
Paltan Maidan, he said that the people of the province could decide what would be the provincial
language, but only Urdu would be the state language of Pakistan. There was an instantaneous,
negative reaction to this speech among the students who responded with the slogan,
'Rashtrabhasha Bangla Chai' (We want Bangla as the state language).

A strike was observed at Dhaka University on 30 January. The representatives of various political
and cultural organisations held a meeting on 31 January chaired by Moulana Bhasani. An All-Party
Central Language Action Committee was formed with Kazi Golam Mahboob as its convener. At this
time the government also proposed that Bangla be written in Arabic script. This proposal was also
vehemently opposed. The Language Action Committee decided to call a hartal and organise
demonstrations and processions on February 21 throughout East Pakistan.

As preparations for demonstrations were underway, the government imposed Section 144 in the city
of Dhaka, banning all assemblies and demonstrations. A meeting of the Central Language Action
Committee was held on 20 February under the chairmanship of ABUL HASHIM. Opinion was divided as
to whether or not to violate Section 144.

Students gathering on a road in Dhaka University on 22 February 1952

The students were determined to violate Section144 and held a student meeting at 11.00 am on 21
February on the Dhaka University campus, then located close to the Medical College Hospital. When
the meeting started, the Vice-Chancellor, along with a few university teachers, came to the spot and
requested the students not to violate the ban on assembly. However, the students, under their
leaders - Abdul Matin and GAZIUL HAQUE - were adamant. Thousands of students from different
schools and colleges of Dhaka assembled on the university campus while armed police waited
outside the gate. When the students emerged in groups, shouting slogans, the police resorted to
baton charge; even the female students were not spared.

The students then started throwing brickbats at the police, who retaliated with tear gas. Unable to
control the agitated students, the police fired upon the crowd of students, who were proceeding
towards the Assembly Hall (at present, part of Jagannath Hall, University of Dhaka). Three young
men, RAFIQ UDDIN AHMED, ABDUL JABBAR and ABUL BARKAT (an MA student of Political Science) were
fatally wounded. Many injured persons were admitted to the hospital. Among them ABDUS SALAM, a
peon at the Secretariat, subsequently succumbed to his wounds. A nine-year-old boy named
Ohiullah was also killed.

At the Legislative Assembly building, the session was about to begin. Hearing the news of the
shooting, some members of the Assembly, including MAULANA ABDUR RASHID TARKABAGISH and some
opposition members, went out and joined the students. In the Assembly, NURUL AMIN, chief minister
of East Pakistan, continued to oppose the demand for Bangla.

The next day, 22 February, was also a day of public demonstrations and police reprisals. The public
performed a janaza (prayer service for the dead) and brought out a mourning procession, which was
attacked by the police and the army resulting in several deaths, including that of a young man
named Shafiur Rahman. Many were injured and arrested. On 23 February, at the spot where
students had been killed, a memorial was erected. In 1963, the temporary structure was replaced by
a concrete memorial, the SHAHEED MINAR (martyrs' memorial).

The East Bengal Legislative Assembly adopted a resolution recommending the recognition of
Bangla as one of the state languages of Pakistan. The language movement continued until 1956.
The movement achieved its goal by forcing the Pakistan Constituent Assembly in adopting both
Bangla and Urdu as the state languages of Pakistan. While the Assembly was debating on the
language issue, Member Adel Uddin Ahmed (1913-1981; Faridpur) made an important amendment
proposal, which was adopted unanimously by the Assembly (16 February 1956). Both Bangla and
Urdu were thus enacted to be the state languages of Pakistan.

Since 1952, 21 February has been observed every year to commemorate the martyrs of the
Language Movement. With UNESCO adopting a resolution on 17 November 1999 proclaiming 21
February as INTERNATIONAL MOTHER LANGUAGE DAY. It is an honour bestowed by the international
community on the Language Movement of Bangladesh. [Bashir Al Helal]
 Mujibnagar Government
Mujibnagar Government the government constituted at Mujibnagar to conduct the Bangladesh WAR
OF LIBERATION, formed on 10 April 1971 after the DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE on 26 March 1971.
The Mujibnagar government headed by TAJUDDIN AHMAD took oath on 17 April 1971 at Mujibnagar.
This government had also been known as Mujibnagar Government in-exile, as the activities of the
government had been conducted from outside of the territory of Bangladesh.

Formation of the government On 10 April a government was formed consisting of the top ranking
leaders of awami league. The oath taking ceremony of the government took place on 17 April at
Baidyanathtala, in the district of Meherpur. The oath taking ceremony was conducted by Abdul
Mannan MNA and the PROCLAMATION OF INDEPENDENCE was read out by Professor MOHAMMAD YUSUF
ALI. In this place a guard of honour was given to SYED NAZRUL ISLAM, the Acting President of the
newly formed government.

Assignment of portfolios Although the government was formed on 10 April and its oath was taken
on 17 April 1971, the portfolios were assigned among the ministers on 18 April. The incumbents of
the government were:

Bangabandhu Sheikh President

Mujibur Rahman

Syed Nazrul Islam Vice President, (Entrusted with the powers, functions and responsibilities of the President since the President
himself was then detained in Pakistan).

Tajuddin Ahmad Prime Minister, In charge of Defence, Information, Broadcasting and Communications, Economic Affairs,
Planning Division, Education, Local Government, Health, Labour, Social Welfare, Establishment as well as
other affairs the responsibility of which was not yet entrusted to any one.

Khondakar Mostaq Minister, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Law and Parliamentary Affairs.
Ahmad

M Mansur Ali Minister, Ministry of Finance, Industry and Commerce.

AHM Qamaruzzaman Minister, Ministry of Home, Civil Supplies, Relief and Rehabilitation, Agriculture.

Mujibnagar government was divided into fifteen ministries and divisions. Besides, some divisions
were placed under the Cabinet. The functions of the ministries and divisions were:
 Vice President, Prime Minister, Ministers and Commander-in-Chief Incharge of Mujibnagar Government

Ministry of Defence Staff MAG Osmany, Commander-in-Chief; SA Samad, Defence Secretary;

Colonel Abdur Rab, Chief of Staff. The Ministry of Defence divided the war zone into eleven sectors
and appointed a sector commander for each of the sectors. But there was no sector commander for
sector No 10 or naval sector. Commandos used to fight under the command of the concerned sector
commander whenever and wherever they carried out the operation in a particular sector. Besides,
there were three brigades called Z force, K force and S force. Major Ziaur Rahman, Major Khaled
Mosharraf and Major Km Shafiullah were the commanders of the brigades respectively.

Ministry of Foreign Affairs sought to obtain support of the foreign governments and people at large
for the cause of liberation of Bangladesh by establishing Bangladesh mission abroad and by sending
diplomatic emissaries to various countries. With this end in view diplomatic missions were
established in Kolkata, Delhi, London, Washington, New York, and Stockholm. Diplomatic
delegations were sent to the UNO, Afghanistan, Syria, Lebanon, Nepal, Srilanka, Burma, Thailand
and Japan for gaining their support to the liberation war.

Ministry of Finance, Industry and Commerce was headed by M Mansur Ali and Khondaker
Asaduzzaman was its secretary.

Cabinet Secretariat placed various proposals about the operation of the liberation war to the cabinet
meeting, implementation of' the decisions of the meeting, and monitoring and recording these
decisions. HT Imam was the secretary of the ministry.

General Administration Division was formed under the Ministry of Establishment to deal with
appointment, transfer, promotion and framing of service rules. Nurul Qader was the secretary of the
Establishment Division.
Zonal Administrative Council was formed under General Administration Division. Nine administrative
zones with a chairman for each were' formed to look after administration of lubrication war activities.
Each zone had a headquarters, and a chairman.

Ministry of Health and Welfare worked under a Director General. Later the position of the Director
General was elevated to the status of a secretary. The functions of the health department was
divided into two sectors: a) to impart medical treatment to the freedom fighters under the army ie
under the Ministry of Defence and b) to render medical treatment to such civilians or persons who
did not participate in the liberation war directly with arms.

Ministry of Information and Broadcasting played important role to build up public opinion in favour of
the liberation war. This ministry used to perform its functions through four divisions: a) Radio
(SWADHIN BANGLA BETAR KENDRA), b) Films, c) Publications, d) Fine arts and design.

Ministry of Home was responsible for maintaining law and order in the liberated areas. This ministry
selected the uniform, badge and monogram of the Bangladesh police force. Abdul Khaleque was
made the first IG of the police and was later appointed as home secretary.

Relief and Rehabilitation Division was created under the supervision of the Ministry of Home and
Ministry of' Relief with a view to rehabilitate the refugees taking shelter in India.

Parliamentary Affairs Division worked under the ministries of Foreign Affairs and Law and
Parliamentary Affairs. The main task of this division was to solve various problems of the members
of Provincial and National Assembly and to engage them in various activities.

Agriculture Division worked for finding ways and means for taking measures to overcome food crisis
by increasing food production in the post-war Bangladesh, introducing scientific cultivation and
providing loans to farmers under easy terms in view of the wartime losses. [Mohammad
Faiquzzaman]

Bibliography HH Rahman, Bangladesher Swadhinata Juddha: Dalilpatra, Dhaka, 1982; ht Imam,

Bangladesh Sarkar 1971, 2004; Nurul Kader, Ekattor Amar, 1999; Shamsul Huda Chowdhury,
Muktijuddhe Mujibnagar, 1985; BB Biswas, Ekattore Mujibnagar, 2000; Mohammad Faiquzzaman,
Mujibnagar Sarkar o Bangladesher Muktijuddha, Dhaka, 2008.
 Genocide, 1971
Genocide, 1971 mass killing of the people in East Pakistan by the then Pakistan occupation army
and their collaborators during the WAR OF LIBERATION in 1971. No definite survey has yet been made
to ascertain the exact number of people killed by the Pakistan army. Immediately after the War of
Liberation, it was estimated to be as high as three million. The genocide committed by the Pakistan
army is one of the worst holocausts in world history.

The indefinite postponement of the scheduled session of the National Assembly (due to be held on 3
March 1971 at Dhaka) and the failure of the military government of General Yahya Khan to transfer
power to the elected representatives led to widespread public resentment in East Pakistan. Protest
demonstrations were held in Dhaka, Chittagong and other cities. The army resorted to open fire on
demonstrating crowds in different cities and towns.

Victims of genocide, Rayer Bazar [Courtesy: Amanul Huq]

At the instance of the Awami League chief Bangabandhu SHEIKH MUJIBUR RAHMAN, civil disobedience
movement was organised all over the country. The government lost grip on the administration.
Genocide started with the army crackdown in Dhaka at midnight of 25 March 1971. The army
cordoned Peelkhana, the headquarters of the EAST PAKISTAN RIFLES (EPR), Rajarbagh police
barracks, and the Ansar headquarters at Khilgaon. More than 800 EPR men were first disarmed and
arrested, and many of them were brutally killed. A few hundred of them, however, managed to
escape and later joined the liberation forces.

Pakistani forces surrounded Dhaka city with tanks and other military vehicles. Truck loads of army
men spread out through the city streets for stamping out all civil resistance.
At midnight, the Dhaka University halls of residence and the staff quarters were attacked with tanks
and armoured vehicles. A number of teachers, students and officials of the University were killed. A
number of buildings including some newspaper offices in Dhaka were battered with mortar shells.
Many people were burnt alive in the houses set on fire. Various parts of old Dhaka, including Hindu
majority Mahallas such as Shankhari Patti and Tantibazar came under mortar shells.

Mass grave of genocide victims at Shiyalbari [Courtesy: Amanul Huq]

Hundreds of inmates were gunned down. It was estimated that more than 50,000 men, women and
children were killed in Dhaka, Chittagong, Jessore, Mymensingh, Kushtia and other cities within the
first three days of the genocide beginning from 25 March 1971. This was termed as Operation
Searchlight.

Soon the Pakistan army spread out into the remotest parts of the country. In retaliation the Bangali
nationalists began to organise resistance with effect from 26 March following the declaration of
independence of Bangladesh. This further intensified the military action of Pakistan government. The
Pakistan army started an undeclared war against the unarmed civilians of Bangladesh. They used
warplanes and gunships to contain the nationalist forces. Men, women and children of hundreds of
villages, cities, and towns were killed and maimed indiscriminately. Arsoning, raping and looting
knew no limit. Out of fear and intimidation, millions of Bangalis left their home and took shelter in
various refugee camps set up by the Government of India along the border areas.

Initially, the world could hardly know the extent of genocide due to very strong press censorship.
However, from July 1971 foreign electronic and print media started reporting various aspects and
ramifications of the genocide. The United Nations also expressed their deep concern about the
holocaust.
In containing the freedom fighters the Pakistan government had raised paramilitary forces with the
designations of RAZAKAR, AL-BADR and AL-SHAMS. These armed forces joined the army in killing and
terrorising the people. Many people, including intellectuals of the country were lifted by them from
their residence for interrogation and only a few of them returned home. They were tortured and
brutally killed mostly by bayonet charges and gun-shots at the genocide camps. All these savageries
were resorted to for exterminating the Mukti Bahini and their supporters. No international action was
taken against the perpetrators of this most barbarous genocide according to UNO convention on
genocide and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. The genocide continued till the surrender
of the Pakistan army on 16 December 1971. [Fazlul Quader Quaderi]

See also KILLING OF INTELLECTUALS; WAR OF LIBERATION.

Bibliography Ershad Ferdousi, The Year that Was, Dhaka, 1997; HH Rahman (ed), The History of
Liberation Struggle of Bangladesh, Ministry of Information, Government of the People's Republic of
Bangladesh, Dhaka, 1980; Anthony Mascarhenes, The Rape of Bangladesh, London, 1974; Abul
Hasanat, The Ugliest Genocide in History, Dhaka, 1973; FQ Quaderi, Bangladesh Genocide and
World Press, Dhaka, 1972.
 Agartala Conspiracy Case
Agartala Conspiracy Case a case framed by the Pakistan Government in 1968 during the Ayub
regime against Awami League chief SHEIKH MUJIBUR RAHMAN, some in-service and ex-service army
personnel and high government officials. They were accused of involvement in a conspiracy to
secede the East wing from Pakistan with the help of the government of India. The petitis principii in
the petition was that the conspiracy was concocted between the Indian party and the accused
persons at Agartala city of Tripura in India. The case was thus called Agartala Conspiracy Case.
However, the Pakistan government was compelled to withdraw the case in the face of a mass
movement in East Pakistan.

Since the inception of Pakistan, the people of East Pakistan were deprived of their legitimate rights
in all spheres. Consequently, a general resentment against the Pakistani rulers brewed among the
people of East Pakistan. The demand for autonomy as placed through the SIX-POINT PROGRAMME of
the Awami League chief Sheikh Mujibur Rahman thus received the spontaneous support of the
people of East Pakistan.

The acute disparity in the armed forces led some Bangali army officers and soldiers to be united
secretly. Knowing full well that the interest of the Bangalis could never be served under the rulers of
West Pakistan, they decided to make East Pakistan independent through an armed revolt. With this
end in view, they began to mobilise army personnel secretly. The conspiracy was, however,
detected by the intelligence department of the government. Nearly one thousand five hundred
Bangalis throughout Pakistan were arrested by the intelligence force.

The Home Department of Pakistan declared through a press-note issued on 6 January 1968 that the
government had detected in December 1967 a conspiracy detrimental to the national interest of
Pakistan. The press-note disclosed the news of the arrest of 8 persons including 2 CSP officers and
alleged that the persons seized were involved in attempting to separate East Pakistan through
armed revolt. Through a separate declaration issued on 18 January 1968 the Home Department
implicated Sheikh Mujibur Rahman in the conspiracy. He was then detained in jail along with many
others since 9 May 1966. They were released, only to be arrested again under martial law
regulations and were taken to Dhaka Cantonment under military custody.

Initially the government decided to court martial the accused, but subsequently in the interest of the
proper holding of the general elections of 1970 the government resolved to frame charge only
against 35 concerned political personalities and high government officials under civil law. The
persons included in the charge-sheet were Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, Commander Moazzem
Hossain, Steward Mujibur Rahman, former LS Sultanuddin Ahmad, LSCDI Nur Mohammad, Ahmed
Fazlur Rahman CSP, Flight Sergeant Mahfiz Ullah, Corporal Abdus Samad, former Havildar Dalil
Uddin, Ruhul Quddus CSP, Flight Sergeant Md. Fazlul Haq, Bibhuti Bhushan Chowdhury alias
Manik Chowdhury, Bidhan Krishna Sen, Subedar Abdur Razzaque, former clerk Mujibur Rahman,
former Flight Sergeant Md. Abdur Razzaque, Sergeant Zahurul Haq, AB Khurshid, Khan
Mohammad Shamsur Rahman CSP, AKM Shamsul Haque, Havildar Azizul Haq, Mahfuzul Bari,
Sergeant Shamsul Haq, Shamsul Alam, Captain Md. Abdul Motaleb, Captain A Shawkat Ali Mian,
Captain Khondkar Nazmul Huda, Captain M Nuruzzaman, Sergeant Abdul Jalil, Mahbub Uddin
Chowdhury, Lt. M Rahman, former Subedar Tajul Islam, Ali Reza, Captain Khurshid Uddin Ahmed,
and Lt. Abdur Rauf.

A special tribunal was formed after an amendment was made in the penal code to that end for the
disposal of the case. The hearing of the case started on 19 June 1968 under Sections 121-A and
131. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was enrolled as accused No.1. The case was entitled 'State vs Sheikh
Mujibur Rahman and others'. The tribunal started proceedings of the case in a highly protected
chamber inside Dhaka Cantonment. A charge-sheet consisting of 100 paragraphs against the 35
accused was placed before the tribunal. There were 227 witnesses including 11 approvers.
However, 4 approvers were declared hostile by the government.

Thomas William, a British lawyer and a member of the British Parliament, filed a writ petition in
Dhaka High Court on behalf of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman challenging the legality of the formation of
the tribunal. He was assisted in conducting legal proceedings in the special tribunal by Abdus Salam
Khan, Ataur Rahman Khan, and others. The government lawyers leading the case were the former
foreign minister Manzur Quader and Advocate General TH Khan. Justice SA Rahman, the Chairman
of the three-member tribunal, was a non-Bangali. The other members MR Khan and Maksumul
Hakim were Bangalis. The government was bent on identifying Sheikh Mujibur Rahman as a
seperatist and an Indian agent thereby arousing public support against him. But the approvers on
the witness-box declared that the government had compelled them by threat and persecution to
submit false evidence in its favour. Thus the governmental machination against the accused got
exposed. By this time the Sarbadaliya Chhatra Sangram Parishad supported by MAULANA ABDUL
HAMID KHAN BHASANI organised mass movement against the conspiracy of the government and
demanded immediate withdrawal of the case and release of all prisoners including Sheikh Mujibur
Rahman.

At a point when the streets of Dhaka became a hot bed of turmoil, Sergeant Zahurul Haq, 17th
accused in the case, was mercilessly shot to death while in confinement in Dhaka Cantonment. The
news of his death led a furious mob to set fire to the State Guest House as well as other buildings.
S.A Rahman, Chairman of the tribunal, and Manzur Quader, chief lawyer on the government side,
who were then residing in the guest house, evacuated secretly. Some of the files concerning the
case were burnt to ashes. In the face of the mass movement, the Ayub government was ultimately
compelled to withdraw the Agartala Conspiracy Case on 22 February 1969. All the accused,
including Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, were released unconditionally. On the following day (23
February), a grand public reception was accorded to the accused at Paltan Maidan in Dhaka where
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was vested with the appellation of 'Bangabandhu'. [Shahida Begum]
 Six-point Programme
Six-point Programme a charter of demands enunciated by the AWAMI LEAGUE for removing disparity
between the two wings of Pakistan and to put an end to the internal colonial rule of West Pakistan in
East Bengal.

The Indo-Pak War of 1965 ended with the execution of Taskent Treaty. To the old grievances of
economic disparity added the complain of negligence and indifference of central government
towards the defence of East Pakistan. Bangabandhu SHEIKH MUJIBUR RAHMAN was vocal on this
issue.

The leaders of the opposition parties of West Pakistan convened a national convention at Lahore on
6 February 1966 with a view to ascertain the post-Taskent political trend. Bangabandhu reached
Lahore on 4 February along with the top leaders of Awami League, and the day following he placed
the Six-point charter of demand before the subject committee as the demands of the people of East
Pakistan. He created pressure to include his proposal in the agenda of the conference. The subject
committee rejected the proposal of Bangabandhu. On the day following, the newspapers of West
Pakistan published reports on the Six-point Programme, and Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was projected
as a separatist. Consequently Sheikh Mujib abandoned the conference.

1. The Constitution should provide for a Federation of Pakistan in its true sense on the Lahore Resolution, and the parliamentary form of
government with supremacy of a Legislature directly elected on the basis of universal adult franchise.

2. The federal government should deal with only two subjects: Defence and Foreign Affairs, and all other residuary subjects shall be
vested in the federating states.

3. Two separate, but freely convertible currencies for two wings should be introduced; or if this is not feasible, there should be one
currency for the whole country, but effective constitutional provisions should be introduced to stop the flight of capital from East to
West Pakistan. Furthermore, a separate Banking Reserve should be established, and separate fiscal and monetary policy be adopted
for East Pakistan.

4. The power of taxation and revenue collection shall be vested in the federating units and the federal centre will have no such power on
the issue. The federation will be entitled to a share in the state taxes to meet its expenditures.
5. There should be two separate accounts for the foreign exchange earnings of the two wings; the foreign exchange requirements of the
federal government should be met by the two wings equally or in a ratio to be fixed; indigenous products should move free of duty
between the two wings, and the Constitution should empower the units to establish trade links with foreign countries.

6. East Pakistan should have a separate militia or paramilitary force.

The Six-point Programme along with a proposal of movement for the realisation of the demands was
placed before the meeting of the working committee of Awami League on 21 February 1966, and the
proposal was carried out unanimously. A booklet on the Six-point Programme with introduction from
Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and Tajuddin Ahmad was published. Another booklet titled
Amader Banchar Dabi: 6-dafa Karmasuchi (Our demands for existence: 6-points Programme) was
published in the name of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, and was distributed in the council meeting of
Awami League held on 18 March 1966.

Six Points

The opposition leaders of West Pakistan looked at Mujib's Six-point Programme as a device to
disband Pakistan, and hence they rejected his proposal outright. The Ayub government projected
Sheikh Mujib as a separatist and later instituted the AGARTALA CONSPIRACY CASE against him. He was
arrested and put on trial. The case led to widespread agitation in East Pakistan culminating into the
mass uprising of early 1969. Under public pressure, the government was forced to release him
unconditionally on 22 February 1969.

The Awami League sought public mandate in favour of the Six-point Programme in the general
elections of 1970 in which Sheikh Mujib received the absolute mandate from the people of East
Pakistan in favour of his Six-point. But Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto refused to join the session of the National
Assembly scheduled to be held on 3 March 1971 unless a settlement was reached between the two
leaders beforehand. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and his party sat in a protracted dialogue from 15
March 1971. The dialogue failed to produce any positive result. The army crackdown of 25 March
sealed the fate of the Six-point including the fate of Pakistan. [Ashfaq Hossain]