History of Korea V1 - Hulbert

/'
THE
History of Korea
HOMER B. HULBERT, A. M., P. R. O. S.
Editor of The Kokea Review
TWO VOLUMES
lEEUSTRATED
Skout^, loos
The Methodist Pubt-isuing Hot:aE.

CONTENTS.
Pkp:face I
Introductory xote V
Ancient Korea 2257 B. C.-S90 A. D. Vol. I 1
Medieval Korea 890-1392 Vol. I 127

Modern Korea 1392-1904- Vol. I 295
Digitized by tine Internet Arciiive
in 2008 witii funding from
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Preface.
The sources from which the following History of Korea
isdrawn are almost pureh' Korean. For ancient and
medieval history the Tong-sa Kang-yo has been mainU'
followed. This is an abstract in nine volumes of the four
great ancient histories of the countr3^ The facts here
found were verified by reference to the Tong-guk Tong-
gam, the most complete of all existing ancient histories
of the country. Manj^ other works on history, geog-
raph^' and biography have been consulted, but in the
main the narrative in the wôrks mentioned above has
been followed.
A number of Chinese works have been consulted,
Mun-hon Tong-go wherein we find the best
especialh^ the
description of the wild tribes that occupied the peninsula
about the time of Christ.
It has been far more difficult to obtain material for
compiling the history of the past five centuries. B3' un-
written law the history of no dj^nasty in Korea has ever
been published until after its fall. Official records are
carefully kept in the government archives and when the
dj-nasty closes these are published b3" the new d\masty.
There is an official record which is published under the
name of the Kuk-cho Po-gam but it can in no sense be
called a history, for it can contain nothing that is not
complimentary to the ruling house and, moreover, it has
not been brought down even to the opening of the 19th
centurv. It has besn necessary therefore to find private
II
manuscript liistories of the dynasty and hy imitin;^^ and

c()mparin*2: them secure as accurate a delineation as pos-
sil)le of the salient features of modern Korean histon'.
In this I have enjoyed the services of a Korean scholar

who has made the history of this dynast3^ a special stud^'-
tor the past twenty-five 3'ears and who
has had access
to a large number of j)rivate manuscripts. I withhold
his name Ijy special request. By special courtesy I have
also been <j^ranted access to one of the largest and most
complete private libraries in the capital. Japanese re-
cords have also been consulted in regard to special points
bearing on the relations between Korea and Japan.
A word must be said in regard to the authenticity'
and credibility of native Korean historical sources. The
Chinese written character wâs introduced into Korea as
a pernicinent factor about the time of Christ, and with it
came the possibility of permanent historical records.
That such records were kept is quite apparent from the
fact that the dates of all solar eclipses have been carefully
preserved from the year 57 B. C. In the next place it is
worth noticing that the history of Korea is particularly
free from those great catacl^'sms such as result so often
in the destruction of libraries and records. Since the
whole peninsula was consolidated under one flag in the
days of ancient Sil-la no dynastic change has been effected
by force. We have no mention of any catastrophe to the
Sil-la records and Sil-la inerged into Koryu and Koryu
:
into Cho-sun without the show of arms, and in each

case the historical records wêre kept intact. To he sure,
there have been three great invasions of Korea, by the
Mongols, Manchus and Japanese respectively, but though
much vandalism was committed by each of these, we
have reason to believe that the records were not tamjjer-
ed with. The argument is three-fold. In the first place
histories formed the great bulk of the literature in vogue
among the people and it was so widely disseminated that
it could not have been seriouslv injured without an-
nihilating the entire population.

In the second place these invasions were made by
peoples who, though not literary themselves, had a some-
Ill
Avhat high reg'ard for literature, and there eould have

been no such reason for destroying histories as might
exist where one d^vnast}' was forcibly ejected bj' another
hostile one. '
In the third place the monasteries were the
great literary centers during the centuries preceding the
rise of the present dynast^-, and we may well believe that
the Mongols would not serioush- molest these sacred re-
positories. On the whole then we ma3' conclude that
from the 3'ear 57 B. C. Korean histories are fairh^ accur-
ate. Whatever comes before that is largely traditional
and therefore more or less apocryphal.
One of the greatest difficulties encountered is the selec-
tion of a sj'stem of romanisation which shall steer a mid-
dle course between the Scilla of extreme accuracy and the
Charvbdis of extreme simplicity-. I have adopted the rule
of spelling all proper names in a purely phonetic wa3'
without reference to the vây the3" are spelled in native
Korean. In this way alone can the reader arrive at any-
thing like the actual pronunciation as found in Korea.
The simple vowels have their continental sounds a as in
:
"father," / as in "ravine," £> as in "rope" and u as in

"rule." The vowel e is used onh^ with the grave accent
and is pronounced as in the French ''recite When a
A'owel has the short mark over it, it is to Idc given the flat
sound: d as in "fat," as in "hot." « as in "nut." The
umlaut is used but it has a slightly more ojien sound
thang in German. It is the "unrounded o" where the
vowel is pronounced without protruding the lips. The
pure Korean sound represented by o'e is a pure diphthong
and is pronounced by letting the lips assume the position
of pronouncing while the tongue is thrown forward as
if to pronounce the short ^ in "met." Eu is nearh' the
French eu but with a slightlj' more open sound. As for
consonants they have their usual sounds, but when the
surds k, p or t in the body of a word are immediately pre-
ceded b3^ an open s^dlable or a s^dlable ending with a
sonant, the\' change to their corresponding sonants k :
to g, p to b and / to d. For instance, in the word Pak-tu,

the t of the tii would be d if the first syllable were open.
No wôrd begins with the sonants g^ b or d.
IV
hi Korcmi \vc have the long and short quantity in

vowels, //an may be pronoiineed either simply /nrj/ or
longer /laafi, but the distinction is not of enough import-
ance to compensate for encumbering the s\'stem with
adtlitional diacritical marks.
In writing propernames I have adopted the jilan
most in use by sinologues. The patron3'mie stands alone
and is followed In- the two given names wnth a hyphen
between them. All geographical names have h3q3hcns
between the syllables. To run the name all together
would often lead to serious difficulty, for who would
know, for instance, whether Sauiâ/c were pronounced 5c;/-
£ci/c or So7ig-ak ?
In the spelling of some of the njimes of places there
Avill be found to be a slight inconsistency because part of
the work was printed before the Korea Branch of the

Royal Asiatic Societ^^ had determined upon a sj^stem of
romanization, but in the main the s^^stem here used cor-
responds to that of the Societ3\
This is the first attempt, so far as I am awâre, to
give to the English reading public a history of Korea
based on native records, and I trust that in spite of all
errors and infelicities it may add something to the gen-
eral fund of information about the people of Korea.
H. B. H.
Seoul, Korea, 1905.
Introductory Note.
Geographj' is the canvas on which history is painted.
Topography means as much to the historian as to the
general. A word, therefore, about th^ position of Korea
will not be out of place. -
The peninsula of Korea, containing approximated

80,000 square miles, lies between 33° and 43° north
latitude, and between 124° 30' and 130° 30' east long-
itude. It is about nine hundred miles long from north to
south and has an average width from east to west of
about 240 miles. It is separated from Manchuria on the
northwest b3' the Yalu or Am-nok River, and from As-
iatic Russia on the northeast bj^ the Tu-man River, be-
tween the sources of these streams rise the lofty peaks of
White Head Mountain, called b}' the Chinese Ever-white
or Long-white Mountain. From this mountain whorl
emanates a range which passes irregularh' southward
through the peninsula until it loses itself in the waters of
the Yellow Sea, thus giving birth to the almost countless
islands of the Korean archipelago. The main watershed
of the country^ is near the eastern coast and consequenth^
the streams that flow into the Japan Sea are neither
long nor navigable, while on the western side and in the
extreme south we find considerable streams that are
navigable for small craft a hundred miles ormore. While
the eastern coast is almost entirely lacking in good har-
bors the western coast is one labj^rinth of estuaries, baj'S
and gulfs which furnish innumerable harbors. It is on
the western watershed of the country that we will find
VI
most of the arable land and by far the i^reater portion of

the population.
We see then that, ^geographically, Korea's face is to-
ward China and her back toward Japan. It mny be that
this in part has moulded her history. During all the
centuries her face has been politically, socially and re-
ligiously toward China rather than toward Japan.
The climate of Korea is the same as that of eastern
North America between the same latitudes, the only dif-
ference being that in Korea the month of July brings the
"rainy season" which renders nearly all roads in the in-
terior impassable. This rainy season, by cutting in two
the warmer portion of the 3'ear, has had a powerful in-
fluence on the history of the country; for military opera-
tions were necessarily suspended during this period and
combatants usually withdrew to their own respective
territories upon its approach.
The interior of Korea is fairh- well wooded, although
there are no very extensive tracts of timber land. A spec-
ies of pine largely predominates but there is also a large
variety' of other trees both deciduous and evergreen.
Rice is the staple article of food throughout most of
the country. Among the mountain districts in the north
where rice cannot be grown potatoes and millet are
largely used. An enormous amount of pulse is raised, al-
most and other grains are also grown.
solely for fodder,
The bamboo grows sparseh- and only in the south. Gin-
seng is an important product of the countr3^
The fauna of Korea includes several species of deer,
the tiger, leopard, wild pig, bear, wolf, fox and a large
number of fur bearing animals among which the sable
and sea-otter are the most valuable. The entire pen-
insulais thoroughl}^ stocked with cattle, horses, swine
and donkeys, but sheep are practically unknown. The

fisheries off thecoast of Korea are especially valuable
and thousands of the people earn a livelihood on the
banks. Pearls of good quality are found. Game birds
of almost infinite variety exist and all the commoner
domestic birds abound.
As to the geology of the country we find that there is
VII
a back bone of granite formation with frequent outcrop-

pings of various other forms of mineral life. Gold is ex-
tremely abundant and there are few prefectures in the
country where traces of it are not found. Silver is also
common. Large deposits of coal both anthracite and
bituminous have been discovered, but until recentl3^
little has been done to open up the minerals of the coun-
try in a scientific manner.
Hthnologically we may say that the people are of a
mixed Mongolian and Malay origin, although this ques
tion has as yet hardly been touched upon. The language of
Korea is plainly agglutinative and ma^^ without hesita 1
tion, be placed in the great Turanian or Scythian group
The population of Korea is variously estimated from
ten to twent3^ millions. We shall not be far from the
truth if we take a middle course and call the population
thirteen millions. Somewhat more than half of the people
live south of a line drawn east and west through the
capital of the countr3\
.
I^^VRT I
ANCIENT KOREA
Chapter I.
Tan-gun .his antecedents.

. . . .his origin
. . . . . .he becomes king. . .
he teaches the people. .his capital

. . .he
. . retire.-. . . .extent of his
kingdom. .traditions.
. . .monuments.
. .
In the primeval ages, so the story runs, there was a di-

vine being named Whan-in, or Che-v o :, "Creator." His
son, Whan-ung, being affected by celestial cuuui, obtained
permission to descend to earth and found a mundane kingdom.
Armed with this warrant, Whan-ung with thr ê thousand spirit
companions descended upon Ta-bak Mountain, now known
as Mj'o-hyang San, in the province of P'yu ig-an, Korea. It
was in the twenty-fifth 3'ear of the Emperor Yao of China,
which corresponds to 2332 B. C.
He gathered his spirit friends beneath the shade cf an
ancient pak-tal tree and there proclaimed himself King of the
Universe. He governed through his three vice-gerents, the
"Wind General," the "Rain Governor," and the "Cloud
Teacher," but as he had not yet taken hmnan shape, he
found it difficult to assume control of a purely human king-
dom. Searching for means of incarnation he found it in the
following manner
At early dawn, a tiger and a bear
met upon a mountain
side and held a colloquy.
"Would that we might become men" they said. Wlian-
ung- overheard them tind a voice came fi-t;m ov.t tlie void say-
ing, "Here are twenty garlics and apiece of arteiuisia for
2 Tirrj Kor^rA Rnvirw.
each of yon. Jlat them and retire from the lit^ht of tlic sun
for thrice seven dnys and you will become men."
They ate aaid retirctl into the recesses of a cave, but the
ti!;er. by reason of the fierceness of his nature, could not en-
dure the restraint and came forth before the allotted time;
but tl:e bear, with gTeater faith and patience, waited the thrice
seven days and then stepped forth, a perfect woman.
The first wish of her heart was maternity, and she cried,
"Give me a son." Whan-ung, the vSjirit King, passing on
the wind, beheld her sitting there beside the stream. He cir-
cled round her, breathed upon her, and her cry was answered.
vSlie cradled her babe in moss beneath that same pak-iai tree
and it was there that in after 5'ears the wild people of the
coiwitry found him sitting and made him their king.

This was the Tan-gun, "The Lord of the Pak-tal Tree."
He is also, but less widely, known as Wang-gum. At that
time Korea and the territory immediately north was peopled
bv the "nine wild tribes" commonly called the Kii-i. Tradi-
tion names them respectively the Kyiin, Pang, Whang, lak,
Chiik, Hyiin, P'ung, Yang and U. These, we are toid, v/ere
the aborigines, and were fond of drinking, dancing and sing-
ing. They dressed in a fabric of woven grass and their food
was the natural fruits of the earth, such as nuts, roots, fruits
and berries. In summer they lived beneath the trees and in

winter they lived in a rudely covered hole in the ground.
When the Tan-gun became their king he taught them the re-
king and subject, the rite of marriage, the art of cook-
lation of
ing and the science of house building. He taught them to
bind up the hair by tying a cloth about the head. He taught
them to cut down trees and till fields.
The Tan-gun made P'yimg-yang the capital of his king-
dom and he reigned until the coming of
there, tradition says,
Ki-ja, 1 122 B. C. If any credence can be.giv--n this tradition
it wiU b; by supposing that the word Tan-gun refers to a
line of native chieftains w^ho may have antedated the coming

of Ki-ja.
It IS said that, upon the arrival of Ki-ja, the Tan-gun
retired Ku-wnl .'-'an (in pure Korean
to in the
A-sa-dul)
present town of Mun-wha, Whang-hfi Province, where he re-
sumed his spirit form and disappeared forever from the earth.
ANCIENT KOREA. 3
His wife was a woman of Pi-ro-ap, whose location is unknown.

As to the size of the Tan-gun's kingdom, it is generally
believed that it extended from the vicinity c f the present town
of Muu-gyung on the south to the Heuk-yong River on the
north, and from the Japan Sea on the east to Yo-ha (now
Sung-gyiing) on the west.
As to the events of the Tan-gun's reign even tradition
tells us very little. We learn
that in 2265 B. C. the Tan-gun
Hyiil-gu on the island of Kang-wha.
first offered sacrifice at
For this purpose he built an altar on Mari San which remains

to this day. We read that when the great Ha-u-si (The
Great Yii) , who the waters which covered the
drained off
interior of China, called to his court at To-san all the vassal

kings, the Tan-gun sent his son, Pu-ru, as an envoy. This
was supposed to be in 21 87 B. C. Another work affirms that
when Ki-ja came to Korea Pu-ru fled northward and founded
the kingdom of North Pu-yu, which at a later date moved
to Ka-yiip-wun, and became Eastern Pu-yu. These stories
show such enormous discrepancies in dates that they are
alike incredible, and yet it may be that the latter story has
some basis' in fact, at any rate it gives us our only clue to the
founding of the Kingdom of Pu-yu.
L,ate in the Tan-gun dynasty there was a minister named
P'ang-o who is said to have had as his special charge the mak-
ing of roads and the care of drainage. One authority says that
the Emperor of China ordered P'ang-o to cut a road between
Ye-niak, an eastern tribe, and Cho-siin. From this we see
that the word Cho-sun, according, to some authorities, ante-
dates the coming of Ki-ja.
The remains of the Tan-gun dynasty, while not numer-
ous, are interesting. On
the island of Kang-wha, on the top
of Mari San, is a stone platform or altar known as the "Tan-
gun's Altar," and, as before said, it is popularly believed to
have been used by the Tan -gun four thousand years ago. Tt
is called also the Ch'am-sdng Altar. On Chun-dung San is a
fortress called Sam-nang which is believed to have been built bv
the Tan-gun's three sons. The town of Ch'un-ch'un, fifty
miles east of Seoul, seems to have been an important place
during this period. It was known as U-su-ju, or "Ox-hair
Town," and there is a curious confirmation of this tradition
in tl-.c fret ll;at in the \"icinity thcrj is today a plot iT g-rotmd
call';G the U-du-hol, or "Ox-licad, Plain." A stone tablet to^
P'ang-o-is erected there. At Mnn-'.vha ther^ is a shrine to

the Korean trinit}',. Whan-ir, Whan-ung and Tan-gun.
Tliough tlie Tan-gun resumed the spirit form, his grave is
shown in Kang-dong and is 410 feet in citrcumference.
Chapter [L
Ki-ja. . . .ffrikirg' character. . . .cn\Lnn. . . .corrupt Chu. . . .story of Tal-

t.'eni. . . .i-'hrng dynat^ty falls. . . .Ki-;a departs. . . .route. . . .destina-
tion. . . .allegieiice to Chira. com-
, . .condition of Korea. . . .Ki-ja's
panions. .. .reforms. .. .arguments againit
.evidences of genius. ..
Korean theor)-. .details of history meager.

. . .Cho-sun sides againit . ,
China .. .delinrltation of Chc-sun. .. .peace with Tsin dynasty....

Wi-man finds as-vlum. .betrays Cho-sun. .Ki-jun's flight.
. . . .
Without doubt the most striking character in Korean his-

tory is the .sage Ki-ja, not only because of his connection with
its early history but because of the striking contrast between
him and whole evironment. The singular wisdom which
his
he displayed is vouched for not in the euphemistic language
of a prejudiced historian but by what we can read between the

lines, of which the hi.storian was unconscious.
The Shang, or Yin, dynastj' of China began 1766 B. C.
Its twenty-fifth representative was the Emperor Wu-yi whose
second son, L,i, was the father of Ki-ja, His famil}' name
was Cha and his surname Su-3'U, but he is also known by the
name So-yu. The word Ki-ja is a title meaning "L,ord of
Ki," which we ma}^ imagine to be the feudal domain of the
family. The Emperor Chu, the "Nero of China" and the
last of the dynasty, was the grandson of Emperor T'-'i-jun;;
and a second cousin of Ki-ja, but the latter is usually spoken
of as his uncle. Pi-gan, Mi-ja and Ki-ja formed the advisor/
board to this corrupt emperor.
All that Chinese histories have to say by way of censure
against the hideous debaucheries of this emperor repeated is
in the Korean with the bccutilul

histories; his infatuation
concubine, Tal-geui; his compliance with her ev^ry v/him his ;
ANCIENT KOREA. c
making a pond of wine in which he placed an island of meat

and compelled nude men and women to walk about it, his tor-
ture of innocent men at her request by tying them to heated
brazen pillars. All this is told in the Korean annals, but
they go still deeper into the dark problem of Tal-geui's char-
acter and profess to solve it. The legend, as given by Korean
traditon, is as follows.
The concubine Tal-geui was wonderfully beautiful, but
surpassingly so when she smiled. At such times the person
upon whom she smiled was fascinated as by a serpent and was
forced tocomply with whatever request she mads. Ponder-
ing upon this, Pi-gan decided that she must be a fox in human
shape, for it is well known that if an animal tastes of water
that has lain for twenty j-ears in a human skull it will acquire
the power to assume the human shape at will. He set in-
quiries on foot and soon discovered that she made a monthly
visit to a certain mountain which she alwa5-s ascended alane
leaving her train of attendants at the foot. Armed detectives
were put on her track and, following her unperceived, the}- saw
her enter a cave near the summit of the mountain. She pre-
sently emergexl, accompanied b}^ a pac-k of foxes who leaped
about her and fawned upon her in evident delight. When
she left, the spies entered and put the foxes to the sword,
cutting from each dead bod}' the piece of white fur which is
always found on the breast of the fox. When Tal-geui m;t
the emperor some days later and saw him dressed in a sum;:-
tuous white fur robe she shuddered but did not as yet guess
the truth. A month later, however, it became plain to her
when she entered the mountain cave and beheld the festering
remains of her kindred.
On her way home she planned her revenge. Adorning
herself in all her finery, she entered the imperial presence and
exerted her power of fascination to the utmost. When the
net had been well woven about the royal dupe, she said.
"I hear that there are seven orifices in the heart of every
good man. I fain would put it to the test."
"But how can it be done?"
"I would that I might see the heart of Pi-gan ;" and as
she said it she smiled upon her lord. His soul revolted from
the act and yet he had no pow^r to refuse. Pi-gan was sum-
', THE KORKA RlCAIlvW .
luoned and the exectitioner sttxid ready wrth the knife, but
at themoment when it was plunged into the victim's breast
he cried,
"You are no woman; you area fox in disguise, and I
charge you to resume your natural shape."

Instantly her face began to change hair sprang forth ;
upon her nails grew long, and, bftrsting fprtb f rom hfej-
it, ;
garments., she stood revealed in her tri:e clmracter- a white —

fox with nine tails. With one;parting snarl at the assembled
court, she leaped from the wiii'dd\y and-^nade good her escape.
^
But it was £00 late to save the dynasty^ Pal, the son of
Mun-wang, a feudal barou, at the head of an.;army,;\vasalre^dy
thundering at the gates, âud; in a.f^w.days, a nervv^j&ynasty- asr
sumed the yellow and Eal^ ^njier the title Mu-wang, became
ts first emperor. ._- . , - r
Pi-gan and Mi-ja had both perished and Ki-ja, the sole
survivor of the great trio of statesmen, had saved his life only
by feigning madness. He was now in prison, but Mu-wang
came to his door and besought him to assume the _oflBce of
Prime Minister. Loyalty to the fallen d3'nasty compelled him
to refuse. He secured the Emperor's consent to his plan of
emigrating to. Cho-sun. or- '.'Morning Freshness," but before
setting out he pr?seii"ted tlje*- Emperor with that great work,
the tlong-bura; or "Great Law," which had been found in-
scribed upon the back o-f-tlie: fabled tortoise which came up
out of the waters of the ,"Nak' River in. the days of Hg-Ursi;
over a thousand years before, but-wh-ch no one had been able
to decipher till Ki-ia took it -in iiand. Then- with his five
thousand foilowers he, passed eastward into the peninsula of
Korea.
WTiether he c.athe-.to-;K-orea.by bpat or by. laitd. cannot.be
certainly determined. It is improbable that he brought^ such
a large company bj/ water and yet one tradition says that he
came first to Su-wûn^ w;hich is somewhat south of Chemulpo.^
This Would argue an approach by sea. The theory which has .
been broached that the Shantung promontory- at one time

joined the projection of Whang-ha Province on the Korean
coast cannot be true, for the formation of the Yellov,' Sea must
have been too far back in the past to help us to solve this
question. It is said that from Su-wun he went northv.-ard to
AXCIENT KOREA. /
tl-.e is!:iii"d Cli'ul-do, off Whang-ha Province, where today tliey

poinV. out a "Ki-ja Well." From there he went to P'yung
yang. His going to an island off Whang-ha Province argues
against the theory of the connection betv.-een Korea and the
Shantung promontory.
In whatever way he came, he finally settled at tlie tovvr.
of P'vung-yang which had already been the capital of the Tan-
gun dynasty. Seven cities claimed the honor of being Homer's
birth place and about as many claim to be the burial spot of
Ki-ja. Tke various authorities differ so widely as to the
boundaries of his kingdom, the site of his capital and the place
of his interment that some doubt is cast even upon the ex-
istence of this remarkable man but the consensus of opinion
;
points cl'-arly to P'yung-jâng as being the scene of his labors.

It should be noticed that from the very first Korea was an
independent kingdom. It was certainly so in the days of the

Tan-gun and it remained so when Ki-ja came, for it is distinct-
ly stated that though the Emperor Mu-wang made him King
o-f Cho-sun he neither demanded nor received his allegience as
vassal at that time. He even allowed Ki-ja to setid envoys to

worship at the tombs of the fallen dynasty. It is said that Ki-ja
himself visited the site of the ancient Shang capital, but when,
he found it sôwn with barley he wept and composed an elegy
on the occasion, after which he went and swore allegience to
the new Emperor. The work entitled Cho-so says that when
Ki-ja saw the site of the former capital sown with barley he
mounted a white cart drawn by a white horse and went to the
new capital and swore allegience to the Emperor and it adds ;
that in this he showed his weakness for he had sworn never

to do so.
Ki-ja, we ma^- believe, found Korea in a semi -barbarous
condition. To this the reforms which he instituted give
abundant evidence. He found at least a kingdom possessed
of some degree of homogeneity, probably a uniform language
av.d certainly ready connuunication bevveen its parts. Ix is
difficult to believe that the Tan-gun's influence reached far

beyond trie Amnok River, wherever the nominal boundaries
of his kingdom were. We are inclined to limit his actital power
to the ter- jtory now included iu the two provinces of P'yting-
an ;ind Whaiig-ha.
_ THE kori:a ki;vii:\v.
We must now iiKjuire of what inateriil v.as Ki-ji's cor.i-

pany of five thousand men made up. We are loUl that lie
brought from China the two great works eallcd the Si-Jmi and
the So-Ji(?i, which by liberal interpretation mean the books 0:1
history and poetry. The books which bear these names were
not written until centuries after Ki-ja's time, but the Koreans
mean by them the list of aphorisms or principles which later
made up these books. It is probable, therefore, that this
company included men who were able to teach and expound
. the principles thus introduced, t Ki-ja also bro tight the sciences
ofmanners (well named a science), music, medicine, sorcery
and incantation. He brought also men capable of teaching one
hundred of the useful trades, amongst which silk "ulture and
weaving are the only two specificalU' named. When, there-
fore, we make allowance for a small military escort we find
that five thousand men were few enough to undertake the
carrying out of the greatest individual plan for colonization
which historj' has ever seen brought to a successful issue.
These careful preparations on the part of the self-exiled
Ki-ja admit of but one conclusion. They were made with
direct reference to the people among whom he had elected to
cast his lot. He was a genuine civilizer. His genius was of
the highest order in that, in an age when the sword was the
onl}- arbiter, he hammered his into a pruning-hook and carved
out with it a kingdom which stood almost a thousand jears.
He was the ideal colonizer, for he carried with him all the ele-
ments of successful colonization which, while sufficing for the
reclamation of the semi-barbarous tribes of the peninsula, would
still have left him self-sufficient in the event of their con-
tumacy. His method was brilliant when compared with even

the best attempts of modern times.
His penal code was short, and clearly indicated the fail-
ings of the people among whom he had cast his lot. Murder
was to be punished with death inflicted in the same manner in
which the crime had been committed. Brawling was punished
by a fine to be paid in grain. t Theft was punished by enslav-
ing the offender, but he could regain his freedom by the pay-
ment of a heavy fine. There were five other laws which are
not mentioned specifically. Many have surpiised, and per-
hai:s rightly, that they were of the nature of the o-Jiang or
AKCrexX S.OREA. Q
"five ptîCepts" Wiilch inculcate right between king

relations
and subject, parent and child, husband and andwife, friend
friend, old and young. It is stated, apocryphally however,
that to prevent quarreling Ki-ja compelled all males to wear
a broad-brinmied hat made of clay pasted on a framework. If
this hat was either doffed or broken the offender was severely
punished. This is said to have effectually kept them at arms
length.
Another evidence of Ki-ja's genius is his 'mmediate recog-
nition of the fact that he must govern the I orean people by
means of men selected from their own number. For this pur-
pose he picked out a large number of men from the various
districts and gave them special training in the duties of go-
vernment and he soon had a working corps of officials and
prefects without resorting to the dangerous expedient of filling
all these positions from the company that came with him. He
recognised that in order to gain any lasting influence with the
people of Korea he and his followers must adapt themselves
to the language of their adopted country rather than make
the Koreans conform to their form of speech. We are told that
he reduced the language of the people to writing and through
this medium taught the people the arts and sciences which he
had brought. If this is true, the method by which the writing
was done and the style of the characters have entirely disap-
peared. Nothing remains to give evidence of such a written
language. We are told that it took three years to teach it to
the people.
The important matter of revenue received early attention.
A rovcl method was adopted. All arable land was divided into
squares and each square was subdivided into nine equal parts;
eight squares about a central one. Whoever cultivated the
eight surrounding squares must also cultivate the central one
for the benefit of the government. The latter therefore re-
ceived a ninth part of the produce of the land. Prosperity was
s.-^ên on every side and the people called the Ta-dong River
t:ij Yellow River of Korea.
/s a sign that his kingdom was founded in peace and as

a constant reminder to his people he planted a long line of
willows along the bank of the river opposite the cit}', so
P'yung-yang is sometimes called The Willow Capital.
jQ TTTK KOKKA RICVTKV.'.
contended b}^ not a few that Ki-ja never cnnie to

It is
Korea and they base their belief npon the following

at all
facts. When the Han Knipcror I\Iu-je overcame nortlieru
Korea and divided it into four parts he called the people savages,
which could not be if Ki-ja civilized them. The Chinese his-
tories of the Tang dynasty affirm that Ki-ja's kingdom was m
Liao-tung. The histories of the Kin dynasty and the Yuan
or Mongol dynasty say thot Ki-ja had his capital at Kwang-
nyiing in Liao-tung, and there is a Ki-ja well there today and
a shrine to him. There was a picture of him there but it was

burned in the daj-s of Emperor Se-jong of the Ming dynasty,
A Korean work entitled Sok-mun Heun-t'ong-go says that
Ki-ja's capital was at Ham-pyiing-no in Liao-tung. The
Chinese work Il-t'ong-ji of the time of the Ming dynasty says
that the scholars of Liao-tung compiled a work called vSong-
gyang-ji which, treated of this question. That book said that
Cho-sun included Sim-yang (Muk-den), Pong-ch'ii.n-bu, Eui-
ju and Kwang-nyiing so that half of Liao-tung belonged to
;
Cho-sun. The work entitled Kang-mok.says that his capital

was at P'yung-yang and that the kingdom gradually broaden-
ed until the scholar O Si-un said of it that it stretched from
the Liao River to the Han. This last is the commonly ac-
cepted theory and so far as Koreaii evidence goes tiiere seems
to be little room for doubt.
Ki-ja was fift3'-three 5"ears old when he came to Korea

and he reigned here forty years. His grave may be seen to-
da}' at To-san near the city which was the scene of his labors.
Some other places that claim the honor of containing Ki-ja's
tomb are Môug-hyun, Pak-sung and Sang-gu-hyun in nort]).-
ern China.
It was not till thirty-six generations later that Ki-ja re-
ceived the posthumous title of T'a-jo Mun-sung Ta-wang.
The dynasty are very mea-
details of the history of K-ja's
ger and can be given here only in the most condensed form. *
*The following Ki-ja dynasty are taken from a wcrk

details of the
recently' compiled r'yung-yang and claiming to be based on private
in
family records of ibe dtscendanty of Ki-ja. It is difficult to say whether
any reli.nice can be pl;iced upon it but as it is the only source of informa-
tior. obuinuble il secnis, best to give it. The dates are of course all
B. C.
ANCTHNT KOTJItA, II
In 10S3 Ki-ja died and was succeeded by 1 is son Song.

Of his reign of twenty-five 3-ears we know little beyond the
fact that he built an Ancestral Temple.
His successor, Sun,
Avas a man of such filial when
his father died he
piety that
went mad. The next king, lak, adopted for his officials the
court garments df the Sang Kingdom in China. His son,
Ch'un, who ascended the throne in 997 raised fifty-nine
regiments of soldiers containing in all 7300 men. The flag of
the army was blue. In 943 the reigning king, Cho, feeling
the need of cavalry, appointed a special commission to attend
to the breeding of horses, and with such success that in a few
years horses were abundant. In 850 King Silk hung a drum
in the palace gate and ordained that anyone having a grievance
might strike the drum and obtain an audience. In 843 a law was
promulgated b}- which the government undertook to support
the hopelessly destitute. In 773 King W ili forbade the prac-
tice of sorcery and incantation. In 74S naval matters received
•
attention and a number of war vessels were launched. The

first day of the fifth moon of 722 is memorable as marking the
first solar eclipse that is recorded in Korean history. A great

famine occurred in 710. King Kwul selected a number of
men who could speak Chinese and who knew Chinese customs.
These he dressed in Chinese clothes which were white and
sent them across the Yellow Sea with a large fleet of boats
loaded with fish, salt and copper. With these they pur-
chased rice for the starving Koreans. At this time all official
salaries were reduced one half. In 702 King Whe ordered
the making of fifteen kinds of musical instruments. He also
executed a sorceress of An-ju who claimed to be the daughter
of the Sea King and deceived many of the people. In 670
King Cho sent an envoy and made friends with the King of
Che in China. He also revised the penal code and made the
hundred million cash from the government or of a
theft of a
hundred and fifty millions from the people a capital crime.
He ordered the construction of a building of 500 kayi for an
asylum for widows, orphans and aged people who were child-
less, In 604 one of the wild tribes of the north sent their
•chief, Kil-i-do-du, to swear allegiance to Cho-siiii. In 659
there came to Korea from the Chu Kingdom in China a man
b^- the name of Pak Il-jung, wUo brought with him a medi-
J
,
TITK KORKA REVTKV/,
cine called viyjt}j-dan-bang which he claimed was the elixir of

youth. By his arts he succeeded in gaining the ear of the
king and for many years was virtually ruler of the countr\'.
At last a king came to the throne who had the wisdom ar.A
nerve to order his execution At this the whole land rejoiced.
Banished men were recalled and prisoners were liberated. In
593 King Ch'am came to the throne at the age of five. His
uncle acted as regent. But a powerful courtier Kong Son-
gang secured the regent's assassination and himself became
virtual ruler. He imprisoned the king in a small pavilion and
tried to make him abdicate, but in this was unsuccessful and
himself met the assassin's steel. In 560 the Ha tribe, in-
habiting the northern Japanese island of I-so, sent their chief,
\\lia-ma-g\-un-hu-ri, to swear allegiance to Cho-siin. In 50^
the wild tribes to the north became restive and King \ a
gathered 3000 troops and invaded their territory, taking 1000
heads and adding a wide strip of country to his realm. He
put teachers in each of the magistracies to teach the people
agriculture and sericulture. In 426, during the reign of King
Cheung, occurred a formidable rebellion. U Yi-ch'ung of
T'a-an (now Cha-san) arose and said "I am the Heaven
vShaker." With a powêrful force he approached the capital
and besieged it. The king was forced to flee by boat and take
refuge at Hj-ul-gu (probably an island). But not long after
this the loyal troops rallied, about the king and the rebel wcs
chased across the northern border. In 403 the king of Yun
sent an envo}^ to Korea with greetings. This Yiin kingd ni
had its capital at Chik-ye-sung where Peking now stands, and
its territory" was contiguous to Cho-îin on the wêst. But in
spite of these friendly greetings the king ofY un sent an aimy
in 380 and seized a district in western Cho-su 1. They were
soon driven back. Fifteen years later a Y un general, Chin-ga.
came wîth 20,000 troops and delimited thewêstern border of
Cho-siin but the Cho-siin general Wi Mun-un gathered 30,000
men and lying in ambush among the reeds beside the O-do River
surprised the enemy and put them to flight. In 346 a wild chief-
tain of the north came and asked aid against Yun. It was
granted to the extent of 10,000 troops. These with 1000 cavalry
of the wild tribe attacked and took the border fortress of Bang-
kok. Soon a.ter, Yun sucd lur peace and it was granted.
,
AT,'CIENT KOREA. j
Tiiis ends the apocryphal account of the Ki-ja d\-nasty.

Its contents are circumstantial enough to seem plausible yet
we cannot but doubt the authenticity of any records which
pretend to go back to such a remote period.
The Cliou dynasty in China had long been on the decline
and now, in 305 B. C. had reached a point of extreme weak-
ness. In view of this the governor of the tributary state of
Liao-tung who had alwa^-s passed under the title of Hu or
"Marquis" dared toassume the title Wang or "King" and so
power
to defy the of China. Cho-sun threw herself into the
balance in favor of her great patron and hastened to attack
Liao-tung in the rear. But before this course had become in-
evitable a warning voice was raised and one of the councillors,
Ye, who was gifted with more knowledge of the signs of the
times than his fellows pointed out the inevitable overthrow of
the Chou dynasty, and he advised that Cho-san make her
peace with the new "King" of the Yon kingdom of L,iao-tung,
rather than brave his anger by siding against him. The ad-
vice was followed and Cho-siin threw off the light reins of al-
legiance to China and ranged herself alongside the new king-
dom. This we learn from the annals of the Wei dynasty of
China. But apparently Cho-sun, stretching as it did to and
beyond the Liao Riv^r, was too tempting a morsel for the
ambitious king of Yun to leave untasted. So he picked a
quarrel with the king of Cho-sun and delimited his territory
as far as the Yalu River, a stretch of 2,000 //, even to the
town of Pan-han whose identity is now lost. He followed up
this success by overcoming the wild tribes to the north and
added 1,000 li more to his domains, securing it from attack,
as he supposed, by building a wall from Cho-yang to Yang-
p'yung.
When Emperor Shih of the Tsin dynasty ascended the
throne of China in 221 B. C. and soon after began that tre-
mendous work the Great Wall of China, the fortieth descend-
ant of Ki-ja was swaying the scepter of Cho-sun under the
name posthumous title Chong-t'ong Wang. As soon
Ki-bi,
as the news of this great undertaking reached the ears of this
monarch he hauled down his colors and surrendered at discre-
tion, sending an envoy to do obeisance for him.
King Ki-bi died and his son Ki-jun, the last of the dy-
M TIIK KORKA RKVIKW.
For some 3'ears all was quiet, bul

r.asty re'g-iicd in his stead.
at last the scepterwas wrested from the hands of the short-
lived Tsin dynasty by the founder of the illustrious Han, and
across the border from Cho-sun all was turmoil and confusion.
Fugitives from Lhe three states of Yun, Che and Cho were
seeking asylum anywhere, and thousands were hurrying across
the Y;ilu and craving the protection of Ki-jun. The only pro-
tection he could give them from the victorious Han was re-
moteness from tlie latter's base of operations ; so he allowed
them to settle aông the valley of the Yalu and
its southern
tributaries. Thib was in the t^^£nLieth year of his reign, 200

B. C.
Unfortunatel}- for CL'0-s.iin, the Han emperor made No-
gwan, one of his generals, governor of Yiin. This gentleman
had ideas of his own, and finding such good material for an
army among the half-wild people of his province he decided to
go on an empire hunt on his own account.
The story of his desperate fight and final defeat at llie
hands of the Han forces, of his flight northward to the wild
tribe of Hyung-no, is interesting but we must turn from it
;
to follow the fortunes of one of his lieutenants, a native of

the Yun, named Wi-man. Retreating eastward alone and in
disguise, according to some writers, or according to others
with an escort of 1,000 men, he eluded his pursuers and at
last crossed the PTi-su (the Yalu of today) and was received
with open arms by his own kin who had already settled there.
In the days of the Han dynasty the word P'a-su meant the
Yalu River, but in the days of the Tang dynasty it meant the
Ta-dong. Hence much confusion has arisen.
Wi-raan threw himself upon the protection of Ki-jun who,
little kncw-ing the nature of the man he was harboring, good-
naturedly consented and accompanied his welcome with the

substantial gift of a hundred li square of land in the north.
Wi-man, on his part, engaged to act as border guard and give
timely warning of the approach of an enemy. He was already
on good terms with the people of the Chin-biin tribe, and now
he began to cultivate their friendship more assiduously than
ever. In a short time he found himself at the head of a con-
siderable following composed partly of Yi-in refugees and part-
ly ol Chiu-bun ao.'. tuiuicrs.
.
ANCIENT KOREA. 15
Being thus prepared and weighing all the chances, hs

concluded to stake his whole fortune on a single throw. Send-
ing a swift messenger to the court of Ki-jun at P'yung-3âng,
he informed that peace loving monarch that an innumerable
army was advancing from China in four divisions and would
soon be at the doors of Cho-sun, and that he, Wi-man, must
hasten to the capital with all his force to act as body-guard of
the King. The ruse was successful and before Ki-jun and
his court had awakened to the situation Wi-man was on them.
An attempt was made to stop his advance when quite too late,
but it held the traitor in check long enough for Ki-jun and
his immediate court to load their treasure on boats and as ;
the triumphal army of Wi-man entered the gates of P'yiing-

yang the last representative of the dynasty of Ki-ja slipped
quietly down the river, seeking for himself a more congenial
home in the south.This occurred, so far as we can judge
from conflicting documents, in the year 193 B. C.
This was an event of utmost importance in the history of
the peninsula. It opened up to the world the southern por-
tion of Korea, where there were stored up forces that were
destined to dominate the whole peninsula and impress upon it
a distinctive stamp. But before following Ki-jun southward
we must turn back and watch the outcome of Wi-man 's
treachery.
Chapter III.
Wi-niau . .establishes his kiiifigotti.

. . .extent. .power soon waned.
. . . . . .
ambitious de.sitjns. .China aroused.

. . .invasion of Korea. .U-gu. . . .
tries to make peace. .siege of P'yung-yang

. . .it falls. .the laud . . . .
redislribuled. . . .the four provinces. . . .the two provinces.
Having secured possession of Ki-jiin's kingdom, Wi-man

set towork to establish himself firmly on the throne. He had
had some experience in dealing with the v.ild tribes and now
he exerted himself to the utmost in the tasic of securing the
allegiance of as many of them as possibhj. He was literally
suneunded by them, and thit. policy 01 frieiidiiness was an
l6 TlIK IIORKA P.KVIRW.
abro!nte necessity. He sncceecicd so wt:ll that ere long lie

had won over almost all the adjacent tribes whose chieftains
frequented his court and were there treated with such liber-
ality thatmore than once the}'' found themselves accompany-
ing embassies to the court of China,
It is said that when his kingdom was at its height it e?:-
tended far into Liao-tung over all nortl.e n and eastern Korea
and even across the Yellow Sea where it included Ch'ung-ju,
China. Its southern boundary was the Han River.
So long as Wi-man lived he held the kingdom together

with a strong hand, for he was possessed of that peculiar kind
of power which enabled him to retain the respect and esteem
oi the surrounding tribes. He knew Avhen to check them
and when to loosen the reins. But he did not bequeath this
power to his descendants. His grandson, U-gii, inherited all
his ambition without an}'- of his tact. He did net realise that
it was the strong hand and quick wit of his grandfather that
had held the kingdom together and he soon began to plan a

still further independence from China. He collected about
him all the refugees and all the malcontents, most of wliom
had much to gain and little to lose in any event. He then
cut off all friendly intercourse with the Han court and also
prevented the surrounding tribes from sending their little
embassies across the border. The Emperor could not brook
this insult, and sent an envoy, Siip-ha, to expostulate wi'.h
the headstrong U-gii but as the latter would not listen, the
;
envoy went back across the Yalu and tried what he could do
by sending one of the older chiefs to ask what the king meant
by his conduct. U-gu was still stubborn and when the chief
returned to Sup-ha empty-handed he was put to death. Snp-
ha paid the penalty for this rash act, for not many days after
he had been installed governor of Liao-tung the tribe he had
injured fell upon him and killed him.
This was not done at the instigation of U-gii, but unfor-

tunatelyit was all one to tlie Emperor. It was the "Eastern
Barbarians" who, all alike, merited punishment. It was in
107 B. C. that the imperial edict went forth commanding all

Chinese refugees in Korea to return at once, as U-gu was to
be put dov\n by the stern hand of war.
7
ANCIENT KOREA. 1
r
In the autumn of that year the two generals, Yang-bok
and Sun-ch'i, invaded Korea at the head of a strong force ;
but U-gu was ready for them and in the first engagement scat-
tered the invading army, the remnants of which took refiige
among the mountains. It vras ten days before they rallied
enough to make even a good retreat. U-gu was frightened b^'-
his own good luck for he knevv- that this would still further
anger the Emperor so when au envoy came from China the
;
king humbled himself, confessed his sins and sent his son to
China as hostage together with a gift of 5,000 horses. Ten
thousand troops accompanied him. As these troops were
armed, the Chinese envoy feared there might be trouble after
the Yalu had been crossed. He therefore asked the Prince to
have them disarmed. The latter thought he detected treach-
ery and so fled at night and die .jt stop until he reached
his father's palace in P'yung-yang. The envoy paid for this
piece oi gaucherie with his head.
Meanwhile Generals Yang-bok and Sun-ch'i had been
scouring L,iao-tung and had collected a l::rger army than be-
fore. With this they crossed the Ya-lu and marched on
P'yiing-yang. They met with no had
resistance, .for U-gii
collected all hoping perhaps that the
his forces at the capital,
severity of the weather would tire out any force that might be
sent against him. The siege continued two months during
which time the two generals quarreled incessantly. When
the Emperor sent Gen. Kong Son-su to see what was the
matter. Gen. Sun-ch'i accused his colleague of treason and
had him sent back to Chinft, where he lost his head. The
siege, continued by Gen. vSun-ch'i, dragged on till the fol-
lowing summer and it would have continued longer had not a
traitor within the town assassinated the king and fled to the"
Chinese camp. Still the people refused to make terms until
another trcito: opened the gates to the enemy. Gen. Sun-
ch'i's first act was to compel Prince Caang, the heir apparent,
to do obeisance. But the people h; d their revenge upon the
traitor who opened the gate for they fell upon him and tore
him to pieces before he could make good his escape to the
Chinese camp.
Such was the miserable end of Wi-man's treachery. He
had cheated Ki-jun out of his kingdom which had lasted al-
iS KOREAN HISTORY.
most a thousand years, while tl:e one founded !:>>- him -'If last-
ed only eighty-eight. It fell in the thirty-fourth year ol the
Han I'hnpcror Wu-ti, in the year io6 B. C.
I'pon the downfall of Wi -man's kingdom, the country
was divided by the Chin:;se into four provinces called respect-
ively Nang-uang, Im-dun, Hyun-do and Chin-bun. The first
of these, Nang-nang, is supposed to have covered that portion
of Korea now included in the three provinces of P'yung-an,
Whang-ha and Kyiing-geui. Im-dun, so far as we ca,n learn,
was located about as the present province of Kang-wan, but it
may have exceeded these limits. Hyun-do was about coterm-
inous with the present province cf Ham-gyiing in the north-
east. Chin-bun lay beyond the Yalu River but its limits can
hardly be guessed at. It may have stretched to the Liao
River or beyond. It is exceedingly doubtful whether the
conquerors themselves had any definite idea of the shape or
extent of these four provinces. Twenty-five years later, in
the year of Emperor Chao-ti Si B. C. a change in ad-
fifth
ministration was made. Chin-biin and Hyun-do were united

toform a new province called P'yung-ju, while Im-dun and
Nang-nang were thrown together to form Tong-bu. In this
form the country remained until the founding of Ko-gu-ryii in
the twelfth year of Emperor Yuan-ti, 36 B. C.
It is here a fitting place to pause and ask what was the
nature of these wild tribes that hung upon the flanks of civ-
ilization and, like the North American Indians, were friendly
one day and on the war-path the next. Very little can be
gleaned from purely Korean sources, but a Chinese work
entitled the Mun-hon T'ong-go deals vs'ith them in some detail,
and while there is much that is quite fantastic and absurd the
main points tally so well Vv'ith the little that Korean records
say, that in their essential features they are probably as near-
ly correct as anything we are likely to find in regard to these
aborigines (shall we say) of north-eastern Asia.
Chapter IV.
The wild tribes. .. .the "Nine Tribes" apocryphal. .. .Ye-mak. .. .posi-

tiou. . . -histery. . . .Ye and Mak perhaps two.
.cust'-'iiis. . . .Ok-ju . .
.
.
ANCI.VN'T KC'RK\. IQ
position . . .historj'. . . .customs. . . .Nortl.'. Ok-jo. . . .Eiiiii-uu. . .
t)c>:ition. . . .custo . . . .the v.esterii tribes. . . .the ?.I;il-g;ii group. . .
Dosition. . . .criritoms. . . .other biider tribes.
As we have already seen, tradition gives us nine original

wiLl trib-rs in the north navjied respectively the Kyan,. Pang,
Whang, Fiik, Chii;< H3Un, P'nng, Yang, and U. These
we are told occupied the peninsula in the very earlie.st times.
3"t little credence can be placed in this enumeration, for
when it comes to Vae narration of events wc find that these
tribes are largely ignored and numerous other names are intro-
diiced. The tradition that they lived in Yang-gok, "The
is
Place of the F.isi-g Sun." In the days of Emperor T'ai-

k'B.n of the Hsia dynasty, 218S B. C. the wild tribes of the
cast revolted. In the days of Emperor Wu-wang, 11 22 B. C.
it is said that representatives from several of the wild tribes
came to China bringing rude musical instruments and per-
forming their queer dances. The Whe-i was another of the
tribes, for we are told that the brothers of Emperor Wu-wang
fled thither but were pursued and killed. Another tribe, the
So-i, proclaimed their independence of China but v\ere utterly
destroyed b\' this same monarch.
It is probable that all these tribes occupied the territory
north of the Yalu River and the Ever- white ^Mountains. Cer-
tain it is that these names never occur in the pages of Korean
history proper. Doubtless th^re was more or less intermix-
ture and more than posîbls that their blood runs in the
it is
veins of Koreans today, but of this we cannot be certain.

We must call attention to one more purely Chinese notice
of earl}- Korea because it contains perhaps the earliest men-
tion of the word Cho-si1n. It is said that in Cho-siin three
rivers, the Chiln-su, Yul-su, and San-su, unite to form the

Yiil-su, which flows bj' (or through) Nang-nang. This cor-
responds somewhat with the description of the Yalu River.
We now come to the wild tribes actually resident in the
peninsula and whose existence can hardly be questioned, what-
ever may be said about the details here given.
Wê begin with the tribe called Ye-mak, about which
there are full notices both in Chinese and Korean records.
The Chinese accounts deal with it as a single tribe but the
Korean accounts, which are more exact, tell us that Ye and
20 KOREAN HISTORY.
Milk were hvo separate "kingdoirs." In nil probabilit}' they

wer^ of the same stock but separate in go\-nunent.
Ye-guk {iî/Zc meaninp; kingdom) is called by some Ye-wi-
guk. It is also know as Ch'nl, It v/as situated directly north
of the kingdom which was practically the present
of Sil-la,
province of Kyung-sang, so its boundary must have been ths
same as that of the present Kang-wvin Province. On the north
was Ok-ju, on the east the Great Sea, and on the west Nang-
nang. We may saj- then that Ye-guk comprised the greater
portion of what is now Kang-wun Province. To this day the
ruins of its capital may hz seeti to the east of the town of
Kang-neung. In the palmy days o^ Ye-guk its capital was
called Tong-i and later, when overcome by Sil-la, a ro3âl ser.l
was unearthed there and Ha-waiig the king of Sil-la adopted
it as his royal seal. After this town was incorporated into
Sil-la it was known as M\-ting-ju.
In the days of the Emperor Mu-je, 140 B. C, the king of
Ye-guk was Nam-n3-u. He revoked from \Vi-man's rule and,
taking a great number of his people, estimated, fantastically
of course, at 380,000, removed to Liao-tur.g, where the Em-
peror gave him a site for a settlement at Chang-ha-gun. Some
accounts say that this colony lasted three years. Others
say that after two yearsit revolted and was destroyed by the
Emperor, There are indications that the remnant joined the

kingdom of Pu-yii in the north-east for, according to one
writer, the seal of Pu-yu contained the words "Seal of the
King of Ye" and it was reported that the aged men of Pu-yii
used to say that in the days of the Han dynasty they were
fugitives. There was also in Pu-yVi a fortress called the "Ye
Fortress." From this some argue that Nam-nyu was not a
man of the east but of the north. Indeed it is difficult to see
how he could have taken so many people so far especially
across an enemy's country.
When the Chinese took the whole northern part of Ko-
rea, the Ye eountr}' was incorporated into the province of Ir.i-
dun and in the time of the Emperor Kwang-mu the governor
of the province resided at Kang-neung. The Emperor re-
ceived an annual tribute of grass-cloth, fruit and horses.

The people of Ye-guk were simple and credulous, and not
naturally inclined to warlike pursuits. They were modest
;
ANCIENT KOREA. 21
and unassuming, nor were tliey fond of jewels or finery.

Their peaceful disposition made tliem an easy prcj- to their
neighbors wlio frequently harassed them. In later times bo>.h
Ko-gu-ryii and Sil-la used Ye-guk soldiers in part in effecting
their conquests. People of the same familj^ name did not in-
termarry. If a person died of disease his house wis des::rted
and the family found a new place of abode. We infer from this
that their houses were of a very poor quality and easily built
probably little more than a rude thatch covering a slight ex-
cavation in a hill-side. The use of hemp was known as was
also that of silk, though this was probably at a much later
date. Cotton was also grown and woven. By observing th:^
stars they believed they could foretell a famine from v^-hich
;
we infer that they were mainly an agricultural people. In

the' tenth moon they worshipped the heavens, during vrhich
ceremony thej^ drank, sang and danced. They also worship-
ped the "Tiger Spirit." Robbery was punished by fining :]ie
offender a horse or a cow. In fighting they used spears as
long as three men and not infrequently several men wielded
the same spear together. They fought entirel_v The
on foot.
celebrated Nang-nang bows were Ye-guk make

in reality of
and were cut out of pak-tal wood. The countrj' was infested
with leopards. The horses were so small that mounted men
could ride under the. branches of the fruit trees without dif-
ficulty. They sold colored fish skins to the Chinese, the fish
being taken from the eastern sea.
We are confronted by the singular statement that at tlie
—
time of the Wei dynasty in China, 220 294 A. D. Ye-guk
swore allegiance to China and despatched an envoy four times
a year. There was no Ye-mak in Korea at that time and thir
must some other Ye tribe in the north.
refer to It is said
thej' purchased exemption from military duty by paying a sti^ -
ulated annual sum. This is manifestly said of some tribe
more contiguous to China than the one we are here discussing.
Mt1>k-guk, the other half of Ye-mak, had its seat of gov-
ernment near the site of the present town of Ch'un-ch'un.
Iâter, in the time of the £il-la supremacy, it was known as
U-su-ju. It was called Ch'un-ju in the time of the Ko-ryu
rule.
The ancient Chinese work, Su-jtin, says that in tiie days
22 KOEKAN ntSTORr.
of Emperor ^.Tu-joiig (antedating; Ki-ja) tire people of Waa-

ha M.m-niak came and did obeisance, to China. This may
have been the Korean Mil'c. Menciiis also makes mention of
a greater Muk and a lesser Mak. In the time of the Han
dynast)^ they spoke of Cho-siin, Chin-bnn and Ye-mak. IV'cn-
cins' notice of a greater and lesser Mak is looked upon Ly
some as an insult to the memory of Ki-ja, as if he had call d
Ki-ja's kingdom a wild country but the above mention of the
;
three separately is cjUoLed to show that Mencius had no such

thought.
The anrals
of En^peror T.Iu-je state, in a commcnear}'-,
that Mak was
north of Chin-han and south of Ko-gu-ryu and
Ok-ju and had the sea to the east, a description which exactly
we know it.
suits Ye-mtik as
The wild tribe called Ok-ja occupied the territory east of
Ka-ma San and lay along the eastern sea-coast. It was nar-
row and long, stretching a thousand // along the coast in the
form of a hook. This well describes the contour of the coast

from a point somewhat south of the present Wiin-san north-
ward along the shore of Ham-gyung Province. On its south
was Yê-mak and on its north were the wild Eum-nu and Pu-
yu tribes. It consisted of five thousand houses grouped in sep-
arate communities that were quite distinct from each other
politicalh', and a sort of patriarchal government prevailed.
The language was much like that of the people of Ko-gu-ryu.
When Wi-man took Ki-jun's kingdom, the Ok-jii people
became subject to him, but later, when the Chinese made the
jour provinces, Ok-jii was incorporated into Hyiin-do. As
Ok-jil was the most remote from the
of all the wild tribes
Chinese capital, a special governor was appointed over her,
called a Tong-bu To-wi, and his seat of government was at
Pul-la fortress. The district was divided into seven parts, all
of which were east of Tan-dan Pass, perhaps the Ta-gwul
Pass of to-day. In the sixth year of the Emperor Kwang-
niu, 31 A. D., it is said that the governorship was discontinu-
ed and native magnates were put at the head of affairs in eacli
of the seven districts under the title Hu or Marquis. Three
of the seven districts were Wha-ye, Ok-jil and Pul-la. It is
said that the people of Ye-guk were called in to bnild the gov-
ernment houses in these seven centers.
ANCIENT KOREA, 23
Wlieii Ko-gu-r} u took over all northern Korea, she placed

a single governor over all this territory with the title Ta-in.
Tribute was rendered in the form of grass-cloth, fish, salt and
other sea products. Handsome women were also requisition-
ed. The land was fertile. It had a range of mountains at its
back and the sea in front. Cereals grew abundantly. The

people are described as being very vindictive. Spears were
the weapons mostly used in fighting. Horses and cattle were
scarce. The was the same as that of Ko-gu-ryii.
style of dress
When was taken to the
a girl reached the age of ten she
home of her future husband and brought up there. Having
attained a marriageable age she returned home and her fiance
then obtained her by paying the stipulated price.
Dead bodies were buried in a shallow grave and when
only the bones remained they wêre exhumed and thrust into
a huge hollowed tree trunk which formed the family 'vault." *
Many generations were thus buried in a single tree trunk.

The opening was at the end of the trunk. A wooden image
of the dead was carved and set beside this coffin and with it a
bowl of grain.
The northern part of Ok-ju was called Puk Ok-ju or
*'North Ok-ju." The customs of these people were the same
as those of the south except for some differences caused by
the proximity of the Eum-nu tribe to the north, who were the
Apaches of Korea. Every year these fierce people made a
descent upon the villages of the peaceful Ok-jii, sweeping
everything before them. So regular were these incursions
that the Ok-ju people used to migrate to the mountains every
summer, where they lived in caves as best they could, return-
ing to their homes in the late autumn. The cold of winter held
their enemies in check.
We are envoy once penetrated these
told that a Chinese
remote regions. He
asked 'Are there any people living be-
'
yond this sea?" (meaning the Japan Sea.) They replied

"Sometimes when we go out to fifh and a tempest strikes us
we are driven ten days toward the east until we reach islands
where men live whose language is strange and whose custom
it is each summer to drown a young girl in the sea. Another
said"Once some clothe.s floated here which were like ours
except that the sleeves were as long as the height of a man."
24 KORR.VN HISTORY,
Another said "A man with

boat once drifted here containino^ a
a double face, one above the other. We could not
understand
his speech and as he refused to eat he soon expired."
The tribe of Ok-ju was finally absorbed in Ho-gu-ryu in
the fourth 3-ear of Kin<^ T'a-jo Wang.
The Eum-nu Korea proper but as ita
tribe did not belong to
territory was adjacent to Korea a w ord may not be out of place.
It was originally called Suk-sin. It was north of Ok-ju and
stretched from the Tu-man river away north to the vicinity

of the Amur. Its most famous mountain was Pul-ham San,
It is said to have been a thousand // to the north-east of Pu-
j-u. The country was mountainous and there were no cart

roads. The various cereals were grown, as Avell as hemp.
Th-j native account of the people of Eum-nu is quite droU
and can hardly be accepted as credible. It tells us that the
people lived in the trees in summer and in holes in the ground
in winter. The higher a man's rank the deeper he was al-
lowed to dig. The deepest holes were "nine rafters deep."
Pigs were much in evidence. The flesh was eaten and the
skins were worn. In winter the people smeared themselves
an inch thick with grease. In summer they wore onlv a
breach-cloth. They were extremeh^ filthy. In the center of
each of these winter excavations was a common cesspool about
which everything else was clustered. The extraordinary
statement is made that these people picked up pieces of meat
with their toes and ate them. They sat on frozen meat to
thaw it out. There was no king, but a sort of hereditary-
chieftainship prevailed. If a man desired to marry he placed
a feather in the hair of the damsel of his choice and if she ac-
cepted him she simply followed him home. Women did not
marry twice, but before marriage the extreme of latitude was
allowed. Young men were more respected than old men.
They buried their dead, placing a number of slaughtered pigs
beside the dead that he might have something to eat in the
land bejônd the grave. The people wêre fierce and cruel,
and even though a parent died they did not weep. Death was
the penalty for small as well as great offences. They had no
form of writing and treaties were made only by word of mouth.
In the days of Emperor Yiian-ti of the Eastern Tsin dynasty,
an envoy from this tribe was seen in the Capital of China.
ANCIENT KOKKA. 25
Wehave describra the tribes of eastern Korea. A word

now about the western part of the peninsula. All that por-
tion of Korea h'ing between the Han and Yalu rivers con-
Eiituted what was known as Nang-nang and included the pre-
ent provinces of P'yung-an and Whang-ha together v\-ith a
.'
portion of Kyung-geui. It was originally the name of a single

tribe whose position will probably never be exactly known ;
but it was of such importance that vrhen China divided north-

ern Korea into four provinces she gave this name of Xang-
nang to all that portion lying, as we have said, between the
Kan and the Yalu. The only accounts of these people are
given under the head of the Kingdom of Ko-gu-ryu which we
shall consider later. But between Nang-nang and the ex-
treme eastern tribes of Ok-ju there was a large tract of coun-
try including the eastern part of the present province of
P5-'ung-an and the western part of Ham-gyung. This was
called Hyun-do, and the Chinese gave this name to the whole
north-eastern part of Korea. No separate accounts of Hyun-
do seem to be now available.
Before passing to the account of the founding of the three
great kingdoms of Sil-la, Fak-je and Ko-gu-ryu, we must give
a passing glance at one or two .of the great border tribes of the
north-west. They were not Koreans but exercised such in-
fluence upon the life of Korea that they deserve passing notice.
In that vast tract of territorj^ now known as Manchuria
there existed, at the time of Christ, a group of wild tribes
known under the common name Mal-gal. The group was com-
posed of seven separate tribes, named respectively Songmal, —
Pak-tol, An-gu-gol, Pul-lal, Ho-sil, Heuk-su (known also as the
Mul-giland the Pak-san. Between these tribes there was pro-
bably some strong affinity, although this is argued only from
the generic name INIal-gal which was usually appended to their
separate names, and the fact that Mal-gal is commonly spoken
of as one. The location of this group of tribes is determined
by the statement (i) that it was north of Ko-gu-ryu and (2)

that to the east of it was a tribe anciently called the Suk-sin
(the same as the Eum-nu,) and (3) that it was five thousand //
from Nak-3-ang the capital of China. We are also told that iu
it was the great river Sog-mal which was three // wide referr-
ing it would se^ni to the Amur River. These tribes, though

26 KOREAN HISTORY
meinbers of one family, were constantly ftgliting each other

and their neighbors and the ancient records say tkat of all the
wild tribes of the east the Mal-gal were the most feared by
their neighbors. But of all the Mal-gal tribes the Heuk-su
were the fiercest and nust warlike. The}^ livêd by hunting
and fishing. The titl:: of their chiefs was Ta-mak-pul-nian-
lol-guk. The people honored their chiefs and stood in great
fear of them. It is said that they would not attend to the
duties of nature on a mountain, considering, it would seem,

that there is something sacred about a mountain. They
lived in excavations in the sides of earth banks, covering them
with a rough thatcli. The entrance was from above. Korses
were used but there were no other domestic animals except
pigs. Their rude carts were pushed by men and their plows
were dragged by the same. They raised a little miibt and
barley, and cultivated nine kinds of vegetables. The water
there, was brackish owing to the presence of a certain kind of
tree the bark of whose roots tinged th^ water like an infusion.
The}' made wine by chewing grain and then allowing it to
ferment. This was very intoxicating. For the marriage cer-
emony the bride wore a hempen and the groom a pig skin
skirt
with a tiger skin over his head. Both bride and groom wash-
ed the face and hands in urine. They were the filthiest of all
the wild tribes. They were expex't archers, their bows being
made of horn, and the arrows were twenty-three inches long.
In summer a poison was prepared in which the arrow heads
were dipped. A wound from one of these was almost instant-
ly fatal. The almost incredible statement is made in the na-
tive accounts that the dead bodies of this people were not in-
terred but were used in baiting traps for wild animals.

Besides the Mal-gal tribes there were two _ others of con-
siderable note, namely the Pal-ha and the Ku-ran of which
special mention is not here necessary, though their names will
appear occasionally in the following pages. They lived some-

where along the northern borders of Korea, within striking
distance. The last border tribe that we shall mention is the
\u-jin whose history is closely interwoven with that of Ko-
gu-ryu. They were the direct descendants, or at least close
relatives, of the Eum-nu people. They were said to have
been the very lowest and weakest of all "the wild tribes, in fact
,
ANCIENT KOREA. 2J
a mongrel tribe, made up of the offscourings of all the others.

They are brieti}- described by the statement that if they took
up a handful of water it instantly turned black. They were
good archers and were skilful at niimicing the deer for the
purpose of decoying it. Thej' ate deer flesh raw. A favorite
form of amusement was to make tame deer intoxicated with
wine and watch their antics. Pigs, cattle and donkeys abound-
ed. They used cattle for burden and the hides served for
covering. The houses v\'ere roofed with bark. Fine horses
were raised by them. It was in this tribe that the great con-
querer of China, A-gol-t'a, arose, who paved the way for the
founding of the great Kin dynasty a thousand years or more
after the be.srinning of our era.
Chapter V.
Southern Korean. . . .Ki-jun's arrival. . . .differences which he found. . .
three groups. . . .Ma-han. . . .position. . . .peculiarities. . . .characteris-

tics. . . .worship
tatooing. .numbers Chin-han . . Chinese
imigration customs .... P3-6n-han position habits the
philological argument. .. .southern origin .... Ki-jun and his des-
cendants.
We must now ask the reader to go with us to the south-

ern portion of the peninsula where we shall find a people dif-
fering in many from the people of the north,
essential respects
and evincing not merely such different but such opposite char-
acteristics from the people of the north that it is difficult to
believe that they are of the same origin.
When King Ki-jun, the last of the Ki-ja dynasty proper
was driven from P'yung-3'ang by the unscrupulous Wi-man,
he embarked, as we have already seen, upon the Ta-dong
River accompanied by a small retinue of officials and servants.
Faring southward along the coast, always within sight of land
and generally between the islands and mainland, he deemed it
safe at last to effect a landing. This he did at a place ancient-
ly known as Keum-ma-gol or "Place of the Golden Horse,"
now It should be noticed that this rendering is simp-
Ik-san.
Chinese characters that were used to represent
h- that of the
the word Keum-ma-gol. In all probability it v.-as a mere
28 KOREAN HISTORY,
ii-ansliteratioi'i of the native name of tiie place by the use of
the Chinese, and tlie rendering here given was originally un-
tlioiight of.
Tliey found the land inhabited, but by a people strange
in almost every particular. The with which ail
explicituess
native accounts describe the people whom Ki-jun
found in the
.south Is in itself a striking argument in favor of the theory that
a different race of people was there encountered. The south-
era part of the peninsula was divided between three giroups of
peoples called respectively Ma-han, Chin-han and Pyon-han.
How these names originated can hardly be learn el at this date,
but would seem that they were native words for the last of
it ;
the P^-on-han, was also called Pyon-iin, a word enter-

thi'ee,
ing into the composition of many of the names of the towns

peopled b}' the Pyon-han tribes. It is necessar}'- for us now^ to
take a brief glance at each of these three grou.>s, for in them

we .shall find the solution of the most interesting and in:por-
ta.nt problem that Korea has to oti'er either to the historian or
ethuologi.st.
The Ma-han
people occupied the south-western part of
the penin.suia. comprising the whole of the present province
of Cli'ung-ch 'uug and the northern part of Chiil-la. It may
have extended northvv'ard nearly to the Han river but of this

we cannot be ssure. On. its north was the tribe of Nang-nang,
on the south was pr-.ibably a part of Pyon-han but one au-
thority says that to the south of Ma-han were the Japanese or
Wa-in. These Jai.ianose are carefully described and much col-
or given to this statement by certain coincidences whicli
is
willbe brought out later. No Korean work mentions these

Japanese and it may l>e that tlie Japanese referred to were
those living on the islands between Korea and Japan. But
vvê can easly imagine the thrifty islanders making settlements
of the southern coast of Korea.

The first striking; peculiarity of the ISfa-han people, and
one that differentiates them from the northern neighbors, was
the fact that they vrere not one tribe but a congeries of small
settlements each entirely independent of the others, each bav-
in'-'- its own chief, its own army,
its own laws. It is said that
they lived either among the mountains or along the coast,

which would ôint co the existence of two races, the one in-
''
jar.d, indigenous, and the other, colonists from son'ê otlier
country. » The Ma-han people were acquainted with agricnl-:

ture, sericulture and the use of flaxand hemp. ^ Their fowls
had tails ninety-five inches long. Here is one of the interest-
ing coincidence^' that uphold the contention that the Japanese
were i'l the peninsula at that time. These peculiar fowls are
now extinct, but, within the memory of people nov/ living,
such were quite common in Japan and preserved speci-
fvjwls
mens ir. the museum at Tokyo show that the above measure-
ments 'irc by no means unusual in that breed of fowl. It
would seem then that Japan procured them from Korea, or
-.Ise the Jopanese colonists introduced them into Korea.
Another point which differentiates the south from the
north was the fact that a walled town was a thing unknown in
the south as the Korean writer puts it "There was no dif-
;
ference between town and country." Their houses were

rough thatched huts sunken a little below the surfac- of the
ground, as is indicated by the statement that the houses ere -.a
entered from the top" These people oi Ma-han were strong

and fierce and were known by the loudness and vehemence of
their speech. This accords well with the further fact that
they were the virtual governors of all south Korea, for it was
Ma-han who furnished rulers for Chin-han. These people
did not kneel nor bow in salutation. There was no difference
in the treatment of people of different ages or sexes. All were
addressed alike.
Another marked difference between these people and those
of the north was that the Ma-han people held neither gold nor
silver in high repute. We ma}^ safely reckon upon the acquis-
itive faculty as being the most keen and pervasive of all the
faculties of eastern as well as western peoples, and that the
north should have been acquainted with the uses and values
of these metals w^hile the south was not, can argue nothing less
than a complete ignorance of each other. The southern peo-
ple loved beads strung about the head and face, a trait that -
naturally points to the south and the tropics. In the summer '
they worshipf -ed spirits, at which time they consumed large

quantities of intoxicaiing beverag^^s while they sang and danc- •
ed, several tens of men" dancing together and keeping time

' '
with theii feet. In the autumn, after the harvest, they-'

JO KjOSEAN HISTORY.
wo/ship<'-.d and feasted aoâiu. In each of the little settle-

ments was a high priest whose business it wa« to worship
thf^re
for the whol2 gommunity. They had a kind of monastic sj-s-
tem, the devotees of which fastened iron drums to high posts
and beat upon them during thtir worship.
Another striking statement is that tatooing was common.
This is another powerful argument in favor of the theory of a
Southern origin, for it is apparent that tatooing is a form of
dress and is most in vogue where the heat renders the use of
clothing uncomfortable. As might be expected, this habit
has died out in Korea, owing without doubt to the compara-
tive severity of the climate ;
but within the memory of living
men has been practiced on a small scale, and today there is
it
one remnant of the custom in the drawing of a red colored

thread under the skin of the wrist in making certain kinds of
of vow or promises.
In the larger towns the ruler was called Sin-ji and in the
smaller ones Eup-ch'a. They had tests of endurance similar
to those used by North American Indians. One of them con-
sisted in drawing a cord through the skin of the back and be-
ing hauled up and down by it without a murmur.
We are told that in Ma-han there were 100,000 houses,
each district containing, from 1,000 to 10,000 houses. This
would give an approximate population of 500,000. The names
of the fifty -foui districts or kingdom included in Ma-han are
given in the appendix together with those of Chin-han and
Pyon-han.
We are told that the aged ^nen of Chin-han held the tradi-
tion that thousands of Chinese fled to Korea in the days of the
Tsin dynasty, 255-209 B. C, and that the people of Ma-han
gave them land in the east and enclosed them in a palisade,
and furnished them with a governor who transmitted the of-
fice to his son. This could refer however only to a small por-
tion of Chin-han. There was a large and widely scattered
native population occupying approximaely the territory cover-
ed by the present Kyung-sang P.t-ovince. It is probable that
these Chinese refugees exercised a great influence over them
and taught them many things ' It is not improbable that it
was ovviug to this civilizing agencv that Sil-la eventually be-
came master of the pei;nisu''a. But it should be carefully
ANCIENT KOkEA. •
yi
noted that this Chin-1-an did not derive its name, from the
Chin (Tsin) dynastv ofChina through these Chinese refugees.

The character used in designating Chin-han is not the same
as that used for the Chin dynasty.
The land was fertile. The mulberry flourished and silk
culture was a cojumon employment. Horses and cattle Vvere
used both under the saddle and as beasts of burden. Marriage
rites were scrupulously observed and the distinction between
the sexes was carefully preserved. When a body was interred
men followed the bier waving feathers in the air to help waft
the soul of the departed en its flight to heaven. The country
contained much mineral wealth. Ye-mak, Ma-han and the
Japanese all obtained metal from Chin-han. Iron was the
medium of exoiiange. They were fond of music and the dance.
Their music was made by means of a rude harp and an instru-
ment made by stretching wire back and forth inside a metal
cylinder which, when struck, caused the strings to vibrate.
When a child was born a stone was placed against its head to
flatten it. Tattooing was common in those parts contiguous to
the Japanese, which would imply that the custom was a borrow-
ed one. When two men met on the road it was considered good
form for each to stop and insist upon the others passing first.
It is hardly necessary to dwell upon the characteristics of
the Pyon-han people, for they were nearly the same as those
of the people of Chin-han. Some say they were within the
territory of Chin-han, others that they were south both of
Ma-han and Chin-han, and nearest to the Japanese. They
tatooed a great deal. Beyond this fact little is known of them
excepting that their punishments were very severe, many of-
fences being punished with death.
It is difficult to say what was the nature of the bond be-
tween the dift'erent districts which made up the whole body of

either Ma-han, Chin-han or Py6n-han. On the one hand we
'.fre told that the districts were entirely separate and yet we
find Ma-han. as a whole, performing acts that imply some sort

of federation at least if not a fixed central government. In fact
one Chinese v.-ork states tliat a twvn named Cha-ji was the
capital of all three of the Hans. We must conclude therefore
from those and subsequent statements that some sort of cen-
tral government prevailed, at least in Ma-kau.
•52 •.UREAX IIW'roRV.
The name= of the several kingdoms which compoi-e the 1
three Hans are preserved to us, mutilated, in all probability,

by reason of Chinese trai si teration, but still useful from a
philological and ethnological standpoint If the reader will
glance but casually at the list of these separate districts as
given in the appendix, he will see that there was good cause
for the division into three Hans, We will point out only the
most striking peculiarities here, as this belongs rather to the
domain of philology than to that of history. In Ma-han we
fiaid seven of the names ending ro. We find two or three ox
the same in Pyon-han but none in Chin-han. In Ma-han we
find fourteen names ending in ri but none in either of the
others. In Pyon-han we find ten names beginning with Pyon-
jin which is wholly unknown to the other two. In this we
also find three with the unique suffix mi-dong. In Chin-han
wc find nine ending in ka7i and five in kayc, which are found
ill neither of the others. It is hardly necessary to say that
these cannot be mere coincidences. In each group we find at
hast one considerable set of endings entirely lacking in the
others. As our own ending to7i, ville. burgh, Chester and coin
have an original significance, so these ending ro, ft, mi-dofig,
kan and ka-ya have a meaning which should supply us with
important clues to the origin of the people of southern Korea.
The marked polysyllabism of these names makes it im-
possible to imagine a Chinese origin for them. It is seldom
that a Manchu or Mongol name of a place exceeds two syll^

ables. On the other hand wê find in Japan and Polynesia "
common use of polys>'llabic geographical names. A thorough
discussion of the subject here W'Ould be out of place, but thit*
much must be said, that several of these endings, as ro, pin

and kan, find their almost exact counterpart in the Dravidian
languages of southern India, where they mean village, setUt^
meut and kingdom.
l^be argumen"- in favor of the southern origin of the pec*-,
pie of the three Haas
is a cumulative one. The main point
and vocabulary of the language, the nonint.
are; the structure
course with the people of northern Korea, the custom of ta
tooing, the diminutive size of the horses found nowhere eLs^
except in the Mala}' peninsula, the tradition of the southern
origin of the people of the island of Qnelpart, the j^h} siologic-
...
MODERN KOREA. 33
al similarity between the people, especially the females, of

Quelpart and Formosa, the seafaring propensities of thepeople
of the three Hans, their ignorance of the value of gold and sil-
ver, the continuous line of islands stretching along the whole
coast of China together with the powerful ocean current which
sweeps northward along the Asiatic coast, the tradition of the
Telugu origin of the ancient sultans of Anam and the love of
bead ornaments.
Such was the status of southern Korea when Ki-jun arrived
at Keum-ma-gol. By what means he obtained control of the
government is not related but the fact remains that he did so and
founded a new kingdom which was destined to survive nearly
two centuries. Ki-jun died the same year. No details are
<iven of the events that transpired during the next hundred
years or more exce{)ting that one Chinese work states that dur-
ing the reign of Emperor Wu-ti 140-88 B.C. frequent envoys
went from Ma-han to the Chinese court. We are also told that
off the coist of Ma-hau among the islands lived a tribe called the
Chu-ho, a people of smaller stature than the people of Ma-han,

and speaking a different language. They cut the hair and wore
skins for clothing but clothed only the upper part of the body.
They came frequently to Ma-han to barter cattle and pigs.
Ki-jun's seventh descendant was Hun, with the title of
Wun-wang. His reign began in 57 B. C during the reign of
the Han Enperor Hsuan-ti and in the second year the great
kingdom of Sil-la was founded in Chin-han. In his twenty-
second year the great northern kingdom of Ko-gur-yu was
founded, 35 B. C. and nineteen years later the kingdom of
,
Ma-han fell before the forces of Pak-je.
Chapter VI.
The foundiug of Sil li, Ko-gur—yu. aud Pak-je. . . Sil-la . . .legend. . . .
growth. . . .Tsushima a vassal. . . .credibility of accounts .Japan- . .
ese relations . Ko-gur-yu.

. .early viciss.tudes. . . . . . .four Pu-yus. . .
legend. . . founds Ko-yur yu

.location of Pu-yu. . . .Chu mong
growth and extent. .products. .customs. religious rites.
. . . . . . . .
oflBcial grades .punishments. .growth eastward.

.
. Pak-je. . . . . . . .
relations between Sil-la and Pak-je. .tradition of founding of Pak- . .
je . . .opposition of wide tribes . . .the capital moved . . .siiuationof

the peninsula at the time of Christ.
34 KOREAN HISTORY.
In the year 57 B. C the chiefs of the six great Chiii-han

states, Yriii-jun-yang-san, Tol-sau-go-ho, Ciia-sa-jin-ji, Mu-
san-da-su, Keiim sau-ga-ri and Myung-whal-san-go-ya held a
great council at Yuu-chun-yang and agreed to merge their
separate fiefs kingdou.
into a rhey named the capital of the
new kingdom from which the present word Seoul
Su-ya-bill,
is probably derived, and it was situated wheie Kyong-ju now
stands in Kyiing-sang Province, At first the name applied

both to the capital and to the kingdom.
They placed upon the throne a boy of thirteen years,
named Hyuk-ku-se, with the royal title Ku-su-gan. It is said
name was Pak, but this was probably an after-
that his family
thought derived from a Chinese source. At any rate he is
generally known as Pak Hyuk-ku-se. The story of his advent

is typically Korean. A co^npauy of revellers beheld upon a
mountain side a ball of light on which a horse was seated.
They approached it and as they did so the horse rose straight
in air and disappeared, leaving a great, luminous egg. This
soon opened of itself and disclosed a handsome boy. This
wonder was accompanied by vivid light and the noise of
thunder. Not long after this another wonder was seen. Be-
side the Yun-yiing Spring a hen raised her wing and from her
side came forth a female child with a mouth like a bird's bill,
but when they washed her in the spring the bill fell off and
left her like other children, tor this reason the well was
named the Pal-ch'un which refers to the falling of the bill.
Another tradition says that she was formed from the rib of a
dragon which inhabited the spring. In the fifth year of his
reign the youthful king espoused this girl and they typify to
all Koreans the perfect marriage.
As this kingdom included only six of the Chin-han states,

it would be diflficult to give its exact boundaries. From the
very first it began to absorb the surrounding states, until at
last it was bounded on the east and south by the sea alone,
while it extended north to the vicinity of the Han River and
westward to the borders of Na-han, or to Chi-ri San. It took
her over fourhuudredyears to complete these conquests, many
of which were bloodless while others were effected at the point
of the sword. It was not until the twenty-second generati u
that the name Sil-la was adopted as the ijame of this kingdom.
MODFRM KOREA. 35
It is important to notice that the island of Tsushima,

whether actually conquered by Sil-H or not, became a depen-
dency of that Kingdom and on account of the sterility of the
soilthe people of that island were annually aided by the gov-
ernment. It was not until the year 500 A. D. or thereabouts
that the Japanese took charge of the island and placed their
magistrate there. From that time on, the island was not a
dependency of any Korean state but the relations between
them were very intimate, and there was a constant inter-
change of goods, in a half commercial and half political man-
ner. There is nothing to show that the daimyos of Tsushima
ever had any control over any portion of the adjacent coast of
Korea.
It gives one a strong sense of the trustworthiness of the
Korean records of these early days to note with what care the
date of every eclipse was recorded. At the beginning of each
reign the list of the dates of solar eclipses is given. For in-
stance, in the reign of Hyuk-ku-sethey occurred, so therecords
say, in the fourth, twenty-fourth, thirtieth, thirty-second,
forty-third, forty-fifth, fifty-sixth and fifty-ninth years of his
reign. According to the Gregorian calendar this would mean
the years 53, 31, 27, 25, 14, 12 B. C. and 2. A. D. If these annals
were later productions, intended to deceive posterity, they
would scarcely contain lists of solar eclipses. The marvelous
or incredible stories given in these records are given only as
such and often the reader is warned not to put faith in them.
The year 48 B. C. gives us the first defiuite statement of
a historical fact regarding Japanese relations with Korea. In
that year the Japanese 'Urates stopped their incursions into
Korea for the time being. From this it would seem that even
at that early date the Japanese had become the vikings of the
East and were carrying fir^ and sword wherever there was
enough water to float their boats. It would also indicate thae
the extreme south of Korea was not settled by Japanese, for
it was here that the Japanese incursions took place.
In 37 B. C. the power of the little kingdon of Sil-la began
to be felt in surrounding districts and the towns of Pyon-han
joined her standards. It was probably a bloodless conquest,
the people of Pyon-han coming voluntarily into Sil-la. In 37

B. C. the capital of Sil-la, which had received the secondary
36 KOREA.N HISTORY.
name Keura-siing:, was surrounded by a wall thirty-five //,

twelve miles, long. The city was 5.075 paces long and 3,018
paces wide. The progress made by Sil-la and the evident ten-
dency toward centralisation of all power in a monarchy
aroused the suspicion of the king of Ma-han who, we must re-
member, had considered Chiu-han as in some sense a vassal of
Ma-han. For this reason the king of Sil-la, in 19 B. C, sent
an envoy to the court of Ma-han with rich presents in order
to allay the fears of that monarch. The constant and heavy
influx into Sil-la of the fugitive Chinese element also disturb-
ed the mind of that same king, for he foresaw that if this went
unchecked might mean the supremacy of Sil-la instead of
it
that of Ma-han. This envoy from Sil-la was Ho-gong, said to

have been a native <î Japan. He found the king of Ma-han
in an unenviable frame of mind and it required all his tact to
pacify him, and even then he succeeded so ill that had not the
Ma-han officials interfered the king would have had his life.
The following year the kin^: of Ma-han died and a Sil-la em-
bassy went to attend the obsequies. They were anxious to
find opportunity to seize the helm of state in Ma-han and
bring her into the port of Sil-la, but -his they were strictly
forbidden to do by their royal master who generously forebore
to take revenge for the insult of the preceding year.
As this was the year, 37 B. C, weich marks the found-
ing of the powerful kingdom of Ko-gur-yu, we must turn our
eyes northward and examine that important event.
As the founder of Ko-gur-yu originated in the kingdom
of Puyu, it necessary for us to examine baiefly the
will be
position and status of that tribe, whose name stands prom-
inently forth Korean history and tradition. There were
in
four Pu-yus in North Pu-yu, East Pu-yil, Chul-bun Pu-
all ;
yu and South Pu-yu. We have already, under th^ head of

the Tan-gun, seen that tradition gives to Pu-ru his son, the
honor of having having been the founder of North Pu-yu, or
Puk Pu-yu as it is commonly called. This is quite apocryphal
but gives us at least a precarious starting point. This Puk
Pu-yii is said by some to have been far to the north in the
vicinity of the Amur River or on one of its tributaries, a belief
which is sustained to a certain extent by some inferences to
be deduced from the following legend.
AXCIKXT KOREA. 37
It must have been about fifty years before the beginning
of our era that King Hfi-bvi-ru sat upon the throne of North
Pu-yti. His great sorrow was that Providence had not given
liini a son. Riding one day in the forest he reached the bank
of a swift rushing stream and there dismounting he besought
the Great Spirit to grant him a son. Turning to remount he
found the horse standing with bowed head before a great
boulder while tears were rolling down its face. He turned
the boulder over and found beneath it a child of the color of gold
but with a form resembling a toad. Thus was his prayer an-
swered He took the curious child home and gave it the name
Keum-wa or "Golden Toad." Soon after this the kingdom
removed to PZast Pu-yu, or Tong Pu-yii, somewhere near the
"White Head Mountain." known as Pak-tu vSan.
Arriving at the age of manhood. Keum-wa looked about
for a wife. As he was walking along the shore of U-bal-su
(whether river or sea we do not know) he found a maiden cry-
ing. Her name was Yu-wha. "Willow Catkin." To his in-
quiries she replied that she was daughter of the Sea King.
Ha-b^k. but that she had been driven from home because she
had been enticed away and ravished by a spirit called Ha-mo-
su. Keum-wa took her home as his wife but shut her in a
room to which the sun-light had access only by a single minute
aperture. Marvelous to relate a ra}' of light entered and fol-
lowed her to whatever part of the room she went. By it she
conceived and in due time gave birth to an ^.gg, as large as
five "measures." Keum-wa in anger threw it to the pigs and
dogs but they would not touch it. Cattle and horses breathed
upon it to give it warmth. A stork from heaven settled down
upon it and warmed it beneath her feathers. Keum-wa re-
lented and allowed Yu-wha to bring it to the palace, where
she wrapped it in silk and cotton. At last it burst and dis-
closed a fine boy. This precocious }outh at seven years of
age was so expert with the bow that he won the name of Chu-
mong, "Skillful Archer." He was not a favorite with the
people and they tried to compass his death but the king pro-
tected him and made him keeper of the royal stables. Like
Jacob of Holy Writ he brought his wits to bear upon the
situation. B}- fattening the poorer horses and making the
sood ones lean he succeeded in reserving: for his own use the
,
'^S K()Ki:.\.N niSToRV,
fleetest steeds. Thus in the hunt he always led the rout and
seeured the lion's share of the game. For this his seven
brothers hated him and determined upon his death. By night
his mother sought his bed-side and whisjiered the word of
warning. Chu-mong arose and with three trusty councillors.
O-i, ^hl-ri and Hyup-pu, fled southward until he found his
path blocked by the luim-ho River, There was neither boat,

bridge nor ford. vStriking the surface of the water with his
bow he called upon the spirit of the river to aid him, for be-
hind him the plain smoked with the pursuing hoof-beats of his
brothers' horses. Instantly there came up from the depths of
the river a shoal of fish and tortoises who lay their backs to-
gether and thus bridged the stream.
Fantastic as this story seems, it may have an important
l)earing upon the question of the location of Pu-yii.Can we
not see in this great shoal of fish a reference to the salmon
which, at certain seasons, run up the Amur and its tributaries
in such numbers that the water is literally crowded with
them ? If there is any weight to this argument th- kingdon)
of Pu-yu, from which Chu-mong came, must ha\'e been, as

some believe, along the Sungari or some other tributary of the
Amur.
Leaving his brothers baffled on the northern bank, Chu-
mong fared .southward he reached Mo-tun-gok by the Po-
till
sul River where he met three men, Cha-sa, clothed in grass

cloth, Mu-gol in priestly garb and Muk-hu, in seaweed. They
joined his retinue and proceeded with him to Chiil-bon, the
present town of Song-ch'iin, where he founded a kingdom.
He gave it the name of Ko-gu-ryu, from Ko, his family name<
and Kii-ryu, a mountain in his native Pu-yii, Some say the
Ko is from the Chinese Kao, "high," referring to his origin.
This kingdom is also known by the name Chul-bon Pu-yii
It is said that Pu-ryu River flowed by the ca}-)ital. These
events occurred, if at all, in the year 37 B, C, This was all
Chinese land, for \i was a part of the great province of Tong-

bu which had been erected by the Emperor So-je (Chao-ti) in
Si B. C. Only one authorit}- mentions Chu-mong's relations
with Tong-bu. This saj-s that when he erected his capital
at Chiil-bon he seized Tong-bu. China had probably held
these provinces witli a very light hand and the founding of a.
AxciKXT kok?:a. 39
vigorous native monarchy would be likely to attract the semi-

Ijarbarous people of northern Korea. Besides, the young Ko-
g'U-r}^! did not seize the whole territory at once but gradually
absorbed it. It is not unlikeh' that China looked with com-
placency upon a native ruler who, while recognising her suzer-
ainty, could at the same time hold in check the fierce denizens
of the peninsula.
We are told that the soil of Ko-gu-ryu was fertile and that
the cereals grew abundantly. The land was famous for its
fine horses and its red jade, its blue squirrel skins and its
pearls. Chu-mong inclosed his capital in a heavy stockade

and built store-housesand a prison. At its best the country-
stretched a thousand beyond the Yalu River and southward
//
to the banks of the Han. It comprised the Nang-nang tribe
from which Emperor Mu-je named the whole north-western

portion of Korea when he divided northern Korea into four
provinces. On the east wa^ Ok-ju and on its north was Pu-
yu. It contained two races of people, one living among the
mountains and the ether in the plains. It is said the}' had a
five-fold origin. There were the So-ro-bu, Chul-lo-bu, vSun-no-
bu. Kwan-no-bu and Kye-ro-bu. The kings at first came from
the So-ro-bu line but afterwards from the Kye-ro-bu. This
probable refers to certain family clans or parties which existed
at the time of Chu-mong' s arrival and which were not discon-
tinued. Chu-mong is said to have married the daughter of
the king of Chul-bon and so he came into the control of affairs
in a peaceful way and the institutions of society were not part-
icularly disturbed.
Agriculture was not extensively followed. In the matter
of food theywere very frugal. Their manners and customs
were somewhat like those of Pu-yii but were not derived from
that kingdom. Though licentious they were fond of clean
clothes. At night both sexes gathered in a single apartment
and immorality abounded. Adultery, however, if discovered,

was severely punished. In bowing it was customary for these
people to throw out one leg behind. While travelling, men
more often ran than walked. The worship of spirits was un-
iversal. In the autumn there was a great religiotis festival.
In the eastern part of the peninsula there was a famous cave
called vSu-sin where a great religious gathering occurred each
40 K(»r)':an history.
aulunui. Their rcli<;ious rites included singintj: and drink-

inj;-. At the same time captives were set free. They wor-
shipped likewise on the eve of battle, slauohterin,*;- a bullock
and examining the body for omens.
Swords, arrows and spears were their common weapons. A
widow usually became the wife of her dead husband's brother.
When a great man died it was connnon to bury one or more
men alive with his body. The statement that sometimes as
many as a hundred were killed is probably an exaggeration.
These characteristics were those of the Nang-nang people as
well as of the rest of Ko-gu-ryu. The highest official grades
were called Sang-ga-dii, No-p'a, >'o-ju-da. Some say their
official grades were called by the names of animals, as the
'
"horse grade' the 'dog grade' the 'cow grade.

"
'
'
'
There wêre
'
special court garments of silk embroidered with gold and sil-

ver. The court hat was something like the present kwan or
skull-cap. There were few prisoners. If a man committed a
crime he was summarily tried and executed, and his wife and
children became slaves. Thieves restored twelve-fold. Mar-
riage always took place at the bride's house. The dead were
wrapped in silks and interred, and commonly the entire for-
tune of the deceased was exhaused in the funeral ceremony.
The bodies of criminals were left unburied. The people were
fierce and violent and thieving was common. They rapidly
corrtipted the simpler and cleaner people of the Ye-mak and
Ok-ju tribes.
No sooner had Chu-mong become firmly established in his
new capital than he began to extend the limits of his king-
dom. In 35 B. C. he began a series of conquests which re-
sulted in the establishment of a kingdom destined to defy the
power China for three quarters of a millennium. His first
of
operations were against the wild people to the east of him.
The first year he took Pu-ryu on the Ya-lu, then in 29 B. C.
he tock Hang-in, a district near the present Myo-hyang San.
In 27 B. C. he took Ok-jii, thus extending his kingdom to the
shore of eastern Korea. In 23 B. C. he learned that his mother
had died in far off Pu-yu and he sent an embassy thither to do
honor to her.
The year 18 B. C. beheld the founding of the third of the
great kingdoms which held the triple sceptre of Korea, and
1
ANCIPTNT KOREA. 4
we must therefor-e turn southward and examine the events

which led up to the founding of the kingdom of Pak-je.
When Chu-mong fled southward from Pu-yii he left be-
hind him a wife and son. The latter was named Yu-ri.
Tradition says that one day while playing with pebbles in the
street he accidentally broke a woman's water jar. In anger
she exclaimed "You The boy
are a child without a father.'"
went sadly home and aked mother if it was true. She an-
his
swered yes, in order to see what the boy would do. He went
out and found a knife and was on the point of plunging it into
his body when she threw herself upon him saying "Your
father is living and is a great king in the south. Before he
left he hid a token under a tree, which you are to find and take
to him." The boy searched every where but could not find
the tree. At last, wearied out, he sat down behind the house
in despair, when suddenly he heard a sound as of picking, and
noticing that it came from one of the posts of the house he
said "This is the tree and I .'hall now find the token." Dig-
ging beneath the post he unearthed the broken blade of a
sword. With this he started sotith and when he reached his
father's palace he showed the token. His father produced the
other half of the broken blade and as the two matched he re-
ceived the boy and proclaimed him heir to the throne.
But he had two other sons b\' a wife whom he had taken,
more recently. They were Pi-ryu and On-jo. WMien Yu-ri
appeared on the scene these two brothers, knowing how pro-
verbially unsafe the head of a king's relative is, feared for their
lives and .so fled southward. Ascending vSam-gak vSan, the
mountain immediately behind the present vSeoul, they survey-
ed the country soutliward. Pi-ryu the elder chose the country
to the westward along the sea. On-jo chose to go directly
south. vSo they separated, Pi-ryu going to Mi-ch'u-hol, now
In-ch'un near Chemulpo, where he made a settlement. On-jo
struck southward into what isnow Ch'ung-ch'ung Province
and settled at a place called Eui-rye-siing. now the district of
Chik-san. There he was given a generous tract of land by
the king of Ma-han and he forthwith set up a little kingdom
:
which he named South Pu-yn. The origin of the name Pak-

je is not definitely known. vSome say it was because a hun-
dred men constituted the whole of On-jo's party. Others say
42 ICOKlvW IIIS'roKN'.
ilint it was at first called v'îp-je and then changed to Pak-jc

when their numbers were swelled by the and
arrival of Pi-r\ u
'lis partw The latter had found the land sterile and the
oliniate unhealthy at Mi-eh'u-hol and so was constrained to
join his bn)ther again. On the other hand we find the name
Pak-je in the list of orig'inal districts of Ma-lian and it is pro-
bable that this new kingdom sjirang- up in the district called
Pak-je and this name became so connected with it that it has
came down in history as Pak-je. while in truth it was not call-
ed so by its own people. It the same way Cho sun is known
today by the medieval name Korea. Not long" after Pi-ryu

rejoined his brother he died of chagrin at his own failure.
It must not be imagined that these three kingdoms of vSil-
la. Ko-gu-ryu and Pak-je, which represented so strongh' the

centripetal idea in government, were alloweil to proceed without
vigorous protests from the less civilized tribes about thenu
The Mal-gal tribes in the north, the Suk-sin and North Ok-ju
tribe in the north-east and Ye-mak in the east made fierce at-
tacks upon them as opportunity presented. The Mal-gal
tribes in particular seem to have penetrated southward even
to the borders of Pak-je, probably after skirting the eastern
borders of Ko-gti-ryu. Nominally Ko-gu-ryii held sway even
to the Japan Sea but practically the wild tribes roamed as yet
at will all through the eastern part of the peninsula. In the
eighth year of On-jo's reign, lo B. C, the Mal-gal forces be-
sieged his capital and it was
most desperate fight
onl}^ after a
that they were driven back. On-jo found it necessary' to
V)uild the fortresses of Ma-su-sung and Ch'il-chung-sung to
guard against such inroads. At the same time the Siin-bi were
threatening Ko-gu-ryu on the north, but Gen. Pu Bun-no
lured them into an ambush and routed them completely. The
king rewarded him wdth land, horses and thirty pounds of
gold, but the last he refused.
The next year the wild men pulled down the fortresses
lately erected by King On-jo and the latter decided that he
must find a better site for his capital. vSo he moved it to the
present site of Nam-han, about twenty miles from the present
Seoul. At the same time he sent and informed the king of
Ma-han that he had found it necessary to move. The follow-
ina: vear he enclosed the town in a wall and set to work teach-
ANCIENT KOREA. 4-
lug agriculture to the people throughout the valley of the Haii

River which flowed near by.
In the year which saw the birth of Christ the situation of
affairs in Korea was as follows. In the north, Ko-gu-ryii, n
vigorous, warlike kingdom, was making herself thoroughl\
feared by her neighbors ; in the central wêstern portion was
the little kingdom of Pak-je, as yet without any claims to in-
dependence but waiting patiently for the power of Ma-han so
to decline as to make it possible to play the serpent in the
bosom as W'i-man had done to Ki-ja"s kingdom. In the south
was Sil-la, known as a peaceful power, not needing the sword
because her rule was so mild and just that people from far and
near flocked to her borders and craved to become her citizens.
It is one of the compensations of history that Sil-la, the least
martial of them all, in an age when force seemed the only
arbiter, should ha\-e finally overcome them all and imposed
upon them her laws and her language.
Chapter VH.
Change of Ko-gu-ryu capital. . . .Sil-la raided . . .Legend of vûk-ta'l-h;!
. . . .fall .beginning of Chinese enmity against Ko-gn-
of Ma-hatJ . . .
ryu....the three kingdoms differentiated .... King Yu-ri degraded

. . . .extension of Ko-gu ryii . . .Japanese corsairs. . . remnant
of Ma-
haii revolts. . . .fall of Pu-3-n. . . .origin of in-guJU. . Ko-gn-
. .siege of
ryu capital raised. .Sil-la's peaceful . . polic}-. . . patronymics. .of- . .
ficial grades. .unoccupied territory.

. . . . .kingdom of Ka-rak. .. .le-
gends. . . .position. . . dependencies.
We read that in 2 A. D. the king of Ko-gu-ryii was about

to sacrifice a pig to his gods, when the pig escaped and taking
to its heelswas chased hy the courtier Siil-chi into the district
of Kung-na. He caught the animal near Wi-na Cliff, north
of the Ch'o-san of today. When he returned he described the
place to the king as being rotigh and consequently suitable for
the site of a capital. Deer, fish and turtles also abounded.
He gave such a glowang account. that the king was fain to
move his capital to that place, where it remained for two hun-
red and six years.
In 4 A. D. Hyuk-ku-se, the wise king of Sil-la died and
se\xn days later his queen followed him. It is .said that they
44 koki:ax history,
were so completely one llial neither could live without th--
other. Xani-lifv his son. with the title of Ch'a-ch'a-unj^, reij^n-

ed in liis stead. A remnant of the Nano-nang tribe, hear-
ino- of the death of King Hyiik-ku-se, thought it a fitting time
to make a raid into Sil-la territory, but they were beaten back.
Nam-ha built a shrine to
In the third yrar of his reign,
his father and then put the management of the government
into the hands of a man named Suk-t'al-l;a who had become
his son-in-law. This man is one of the noted men of Sil-la
and his origin and rise are among the cherished traditions of
the people.
Somewhere in north-eastern Japan there was a kingdom
known as Ta-p'a-ra and there a woman, pregnant for seven
years, brought forth an egg. The neighbors thought it a bad
omen and were minded to destroy it but the mother, aware of
their intentions, wrapped the egg in silk and cotton and plac-
ing it in a strong chest committed it to the waters of the Jap-
an Sea. In time it drifted to A-jin Harbor on the coast of
Sil-la where an old fisherwoman drew^ it ashore and found up-
on opening it that it contained a beautiful child. vShe adopted
him and reared him in her humble home. It was noticed that
wherever the child went the magpies followed him in flocks,
so they gave him the name of Silk, the fir.st part of the Chin-
ese word for magpie. The second part of his name was T'al,
"to put off" referring to his having broken forth from the egg,
and the final syllable of his name was Ha meaning "to open"
for the fishwife opened the chest. This boy developed into a
giant both physically and mentally. His foster-mother saw in
him the making of a great man, and so gave him what educa-
tional advantages she could afford. When he had exhausted
these she sent him to enter the service of the great statesman
Pyo-gong the same that had acted as envoy to Pak-je. Pyo-
gong recognised his merit and introduced him at court where
his rise was so rapid that ere long he married the king's
daughter and became vicegerent of the realm, the king resign-
ing into his hands the greater part of the business of state.
The Axar 9 A. D. beheld the fall of the kingdom of Ma-
han. We remember that Ki-jun became king of Ma-han in
193 B. C. He died the same year and was succeeded by hi^
son Ki-t'ak with the title Kang-wang, who ruled four years.
ANCIENT KOREA. 73
As this was without result, she ssut and asked openly that
the Wei Emperor S2nd at army and chastis'S Ko-gu-ryu. The
Emperor replied that until Ko-gu-ryu committed some overt
^ct of more hostile import than the mere cementing of peaceful
alliances no notice could be talcen of her. In other words
the Wei power refused to be the aggressor, much to Pfik-je's
•chargin. The Wei Emperor sent this answer by wa 3^ of Ko-
.gu-ryu and the king of that country was ordered to grant the
messenger a safe conduct through_his territory. But Ko-gu-
ryu, as though bent on self-destruction, refused to let him pass,
<and 50 the great northern kingdom approached one step nearer
the precipice which was to prove her destruction. Upon
*
learning the news of this affront the Emperor was highly in-
censed and tried to send the messenger by waj' of a southern
port but stress of weather rendered this impossible and Pak-
;
je, receiving no answer to her missive, took offense and would

have nothing more to do with China, for a time. By the
time she had recovered her temper, Ko-gu-ryu had in some
way patclied up her difficulty with the Wei court and so
scored a point against Pak-je. And for a time she was on
friendly terms with both the Wei aud Sung dynasties.
At this point Ko-gu-ryii decided upon a bold attempt to
.swallow Pak-je bodih'. Itwas to be done partly by strategem
and partly by force, A monk of Ko-gu-ryu named To-rim, a
fellow of excellent craft, arrived at the Pak-je capital as if
^seeking rûge. The king received him with open arms and,
finding him an excellent chess player, made him his trusty
councilor. This monk king that the palaces, walls,
told the
tombs and public buildings ought to be thoroughh- repaired,
and so induced him to drain the public treasur3- in this work,
and also in bringing a huge monolith from Uk-n3-i to the
capital. This done the monk fled back to Ko-gu-ryil and
announced that the treasur_v of Pak-je was empty and it was
a good time to attack her. A large army was put in the field,
g-uided by one Kal-lu, a Piik-je fugitive from justice. Almost
before Pak-je was aware, her capital was surrounded. She
had applied to Sil-la for help, but too late. First the suburbs
were laid in ashes, and then access being gained, the palace
was fired. The king fled with ten attendants out the west
,gate, but KlT-1u the renegade followed and overtook hhn.
. . '
74 i-:ori;an iiistorv.
The king- upon his knees but Kul-hi spit

begged for ir.ercy
bound him and sent him to the fortress of
thrice in his face,
A-han where he was killed. Then the Ko-gu-ryu army went
back north carrying with them 8,000 captives, men and
women
Meanwhile Prince Mun-ju had ol)tained help from Sil-la
and with 10,000 troops was hastening homewârds. He found
the city in ashes, his father dead, the people mourning their
lost, who had been dragged away captive. He promptly
assumed control moved the capital southward to of affairs,
I'ng-jin the Kong-ju, took all the Pak-je people present
away from Han-3-ang (Seoul) and moved them back across
the Han River and abandoned all the territor}' beyond that
natural barrier to Ko-gu-ryii to whom it had originally be-
longed. The following year he tried to send a message to the
Sung Emperor by way of Ko-gu-ryu but the messenger was
intercepted and the message stopped.
Chapter X.
Uuelpart. . . .origiu of T'ani-na. .new alliances. .advances in vSil-la

. . . .
. . . .but not in PSk-je nor Ko-gu-ryu. .temporary peace .... Budd- . .
hism in Sil-la. .. .remnants of barbarism. .. .influence of Chinese

literature. .important reforms. .Ko-gu-rû's foreign relations.
. . . . . . .
conquest of Dagelet Island. .posthumous titles. .colors in official . . . .
grades. .Wei displeased. . .the "miracle" of Yi Cha-don

. .end of . . . . .
Ka-rak. .Sil-la rejects Chinese calendar.

. . .confusion in China. . . . .
Pak-je attempts reform. .history of Sil-la. .two alliances. .Pak-

. , . . . .
je and Ko-gu-rj'ii envoys to China. .advance of Buddhism in Sil-la . .
. .music in Sil-la.
. . .war between Pak-je and Sil-la. . .retrogres-
. . .
sion in Sil-la because of Buddhism. .Ko-gu-ryu and the Sui Emper- . .
or ... the Ondali.

.
Tradition .says that in the dawn of history when the

island of Che-ju (Ouelpart) was covered only with a tangled
forest three sages arose from a crevice in the ground. This
spot is shown day by the people of Che-ju. Theseto this
three men were Ko-uUa, Yang-uUa and Pu-ulla. As they
stood upon the .shore they saw three .stout chests floating
in from the south-east. Drawing them to land and opening
them the three wi.se men discovered that each chest contain-
ANCIENT KOREA. 75
ed a calf, a colt, a dog a pig and a woman, together with

sundr}- seeds, such as beans, wheat, barley, millet and rice.
B3' the three families thus organised the island was populat-
ed. During the early da5-s of Sil-la a certain court astrologer
announced that the "Friend Star" was visible in the south
and that a distinguished visitor would soon arrive. Soon
after this three men came by boat from Quelpart, landing at
the harbor of T'am-jin, now Kang-jin. They came straight
to the court of Sil-la where they were hospitabl}- entertained.
One of the visitors was Ko-hu one was Ko-ch'ung but the
the name of the third is lost. The king called the first Sung-
ju or "Lord of the Star," the second Wang-ja or "King's
Son" and the third To-na or "The One who has Come."
He named their country Tarn from the name of the port
where they landed, an na, which seems to have meant
1
"Kingdom", for we find that the last syllable of Sil-la is this

same /la changed by euphonic laws to la. It is the root of the
present Korean word na-ra or "kingdom." So the kingdom
was called T'am-na. The authorities are at a loss to tell the
date or even the reign during which these events transpired.
In the year 477 the little kingdom of T'am-na sent an envo>-
to the court of Pak-je with gifts. This is the first really
authentic mention of the place. If tradition is of any value
it must be confessed that the story of the peopling of Quelpart
points toward a southern origin.
In 479 the aged king of Ko-gu-ryu, Ko-ryun, now in tht
sixty-eighth year of his reign, sought and obtained recogni-
tion from Emperor Ko-je (Kao-ti) the founder of the Ch'i
djniasty in China. That this occurred in the very first 3'ear
after the founding of that dynasty shows how seduloush"
Ko-gu-ryu was cultivating the good-will of the Chinese.
Pak-je was not far behind, for she swore allegiance to the
same Emperor only twô years later.
During all these years it is to Sil-la that we must look
for an)- signs of internal improvement, any of those innova-
tions w^hich are the mile-stones of progress. We saw above
how she introduced the use of the cart and so raised a great
burden from the shoulders of the people. The wheel is the
great burden bearer of history. And now we find her in-
troducing further reforms. The first was the horse relay
;6 k'o'KivW lnsT<>K^^
system called the ijong-ma. It did not b-;ar so di'r jctly iipou
the canditii>ii of the people but it afforded an opportunity for
the rapid transmission of official and thus in-
information
directly had an important upon the wellfare of the
bcariui^'
masses. In the iiext place, she organised a gêneral market

ahere at stated inter\-als merchints from the vari&us districts
could meet and txchang'e commodities. These are things
that vra look upon as matters of course and we do not realise
their impo-rtance till we imagine ourselves deprived of the com-
forts that spring from the possibility of rapid comnntnication
and exchange of commodities. That Ko-gu-ryu had not
made similar advances in the line of industrial reform is
shown bj- the fact that when the Empsror of the Wei dynasty
sent to grant investiture tj Na-un the twenty-first king of
Ko-gu-ryu in 499 he presented him with suits of clothes,
flags, a crown and a cart. This shows that carts were not as
3-et in common use in Ko-gu-ryu. As for P:1k-je, disaster
^vas following" upon disaster. At one time a thousand people
were swept awaj' in a flood. Then famine carried away three
thousand. A few' years later ten thousand people passed
over into Sil-la to save themselves from starvation.
The sixth century dawned upon a comparatively peaceful
Korea; for the time being the dog's of war were held in leash
and feuds seem to have been laid on the shelf. The three
kingdoms employed their time in different but characteristic
ways. The king of P:1k-je built an enormous pleasure-house
and adorned it with all manner of curious flowers and animals.
To the expostulations of his ministers he turned a deaf ear.
A few years later he was murdered by one of his courtiers.
In truth, peace was nearly as bad for Pak-je as war.
In Sil-la Buddhism had been introduced during the reign
of Nul-ji, 417-458. A monk named Muk Ho-ja had been
well received and was lodged in the palace. But, at the
first, Buddhism did not find congenial soil in vSil-la. Tradi-
which it
tion gives the following account of the first set-back
suffered there. In 502 while the king was idling an hour
away in a favorite summer-house outside the city, a raven
appeared bearing in its beak a letter. It laid the missive at
the king's feet and flew away. The superscription said "If
the king opens and reads this note two people will die ; if he
ANCIE;NT KOREA. 77
does not open it one will die". He determined not to open

it, but one of his attendants said "The one referred to is
Your Majesty and therefore you should open it even though

two lives are sacrificed". He broke the seal and read the
strange words "L,et the king take his trustiest bow, hasten
to the palaceand shoot an arrow through the zither case".
The king obeyed the mandate, hastened back to the palace by
a private gate, entered the queen's apartments unannounced
and shot an arrow through a zither case that stood against the
wall. The arrow pierced the zither case and the High
Priest who was hidden behind it. The latter had taken
advantage of the king's absence to attack his honor. He was
strangled together with the guilty queen.
With all her attempts at progress some evidences of the
grossest barbarity still lingered in Sil-la. It was not, so the
records tell us, until the year 503 that Sil-la discontinued the
horrible custom of burying people alive when a king's body
was interred. had been customary" to bury five boys and
It
five girls alive on such occasions, but in 503 the king publish-
ed a decree forbidding the continuance of the custom. The
very barbarity of the custom renders its abolition the more
striking and places the name of king Chi-jeung, the twenty-
second of his line, among the names of Korea's benefactors.
At the same time the custom of plowing with oxen was intro-
duced, an innovation that had a most far-reaching effect upon
society. It was in the beginning of the sixth century that
vSil-la began to show evidences of the influence of Chinese
literature and thought. In 504 she adopted the Chinese word

Wang as the title of her kings in place of the pure Korean
words I-sa-geum or Ma-rip-kan. She also changed the name
of the kingdom from Kye-rim to Sil-la. We have been speak-
ing of this kingdom under the name Sil-la but as a matter of
fact it was not so designated until the year 504 A. D. Before
that time it had been variously styled Su-ya-bul, Sa-ro, and
Kye-rim. The word Sil-la is said to have been composed of
the Chinese words Sin and ra, which when united become Sil-
la according to Korean laws of euphon3^ It is more than
probable that it was merely an adaptation of Chinese charac-
ters to pure Korean words, for the last SAdlable la or na is the
same as that used in other words, centuries before that time.
7S KOKKAX niSTORV.
in si)Ulherii Korea. .The ua of T'ain-na isthe same character.

To the word Sil-la was added the word Kuk or "kinj^doin"
which put her in line with the other vassals of China. The
Confucian code must have been making headway too, for in
the following year the custom was adopted of assuming a
mourning garb for three years upon the death of a parent.
It was at this time that the influence of China upon Korea
began to bear its legitimate fruit. Chinese religion, literature,

government and art were beginning to mould the thought and
life of the Korean people. Many Chinese words had been in-
troduced into Korea before this time but the use of the Chin-
ese character had not been general.
In the mean time Ko-gu-ryu had been paying attention
not so much to internal reforms as to external alliances.
She sent to the Wei Emperor begging him to remit the
revenue in gold and jade, as they were obtained, the one in
Pu-yii, which she claimed the Mal-gal savages had seized, and
the other in Sup-na which she averred the wicked Piik-je had
felonious!}' taken. But she added "Of course all that Ko-gu-
ryu has is 3'ours". The Emperor good-naturedlj' remitted
the revenue but urged his vassal to continue the good work
of subduing the wild tribes of the peninsula. It is said
that in a single year Ko-gu-ryu sent three separate embas

sies to the Wei court. At the same time she was coquet-
ting, si/d fosa, with the new Liang power which had arisen
in 502. In this Pak-je of course followed suite. We thus
see that the three kingdoms spent their time in different
wa^-s Sil-la in internal improvement, Pak-je in self-gratifica
;
tion and Ko-gu- ryu in strengthening her foreign rela-

tions.
In the 3'ear 512 the kingdom of U-san was added to the
crown of Sil-la. This was the little island of Dagelet, off the
eastern coast of Korea, about opposite the prefecture of
Kang-neung. How
happened to branch out in a policy
Sil-la
of conquest we are not told but having decided to do so she

,
did it very neatly. The expedition wasled b}- Gen. Yi Sa-

bu. He ordered the construction of .several lions with gap-
ing mouths and enormous fangs. Tlie^^ were carved from
wood. He placed one of these in the prow of each of the boats
and when the little flotilla approached the shores of the island
!t^r?''^!^'"?;4*i.
AXCIEXT KOREA. 79
the natives were called upon to lay down their arms and
surrender, or the lious would be set loose among them and
would tear them to pieces. This, it is averred, brought the
trembling islanders to their knees at once and Sil-la won a
bloodless victory. This is among the most cherished tradi-
tions of theKorean people.
With the accession of Wun-jongto the throne of Sil-la
in 514 the Chinese custom of conferring a posthumous title
Upon a deceased king was introduced for the first time into
Korea. Long before this the custom had prevailed in Ko-gu-
ryu of naming a dead king after the place in which he was
buried but to the very last the Ko-gu-ryu kings did not
receive posthumous honorific titles. Piik-je however follow-
ed Sil-la's example ten 3'ears later.
King Pup-heung of Sil-la in 520 reorganised the official
list and indicated the different grades of rank by different
colors. The grades called fa-do, kak-kan and ta-a-son wore

lavendar. Those called a-son and kcnp-son, wore red, and
carried the ivor}' memo tablets that are common toda}'. The
ta-na-)iia and the iia-iiia wore blue. The ta-sa and sun-jo-ji
wore hats of silk, shaped like the broad-brimmed, round
crowned hats of the chair-coolie of the present day. The pa-
jin-son. and the ta-a-son wore red silk hats. Tiie saiig-dang,
chuk-wi and ta-sa wore red hat strings. The kaleidoscopic
colors of a royal Korean procession of today indicate what a
prominent role the love of color plays in the oriental temper-
ament.
The Wei power in China was not pleased with the
friendship that was springing up between Ko-gu-ryu and the
lyiang court. This came to a climax when she stopppd a
Liang envoy who was on his wa}" to Ko-gu-ryu to confer
investiture upon the king. It may be that Ko-gu-ryu realis-
ed that the Wei djniasty was waning to its close and
that it was well to cultivate the good-will of the jôung
.and rising Liang power; but if so the forecast was false
for the Liang power outlived the Wei onh- twenty-four
years.
The \-ear 524 gave Sil-la Buddhism a new lease of life.
Itsmost celebrated representative was a monk nam 2d Muk
Ho-ja who lived about the middle of the fifth centur\-. Com-
8o KORKAX iriSTOKV,
ing'from Ko-gu-rvu he liad sctlk'tl at llic town of Il-suiig-o'un

where a Sil-la citi/eii had made him a cave dwelling-. The
king of Sil-la received a gift of incense from China, bnt did
not know how to use it till this monk Muk Ho-ja showed liim
how. He told the king to burn it and ask anything of the
spirits, and they would grant it. The king's daughter was
very ill at the time and the king burned the incense and ask-
ed that his daughter be healed. The story says that she
immediateh' arose from her bed a well woman. This of
course gave Buddhism a long start. Since that time, as we
have seen. Buddhism had suffered a .severe drawback in the
person of the wicked monk who was discovered in the act of
abusing his sacerdotal function. It had recovered from that
shock however and had agâin assumed large proportions in
the state of Sil-la, The king had come so completely under
the influence of the monks that now in 524 the courtiers
feared that their power would be seriously threatened. They
therefore used ever}' means to induce the king to moderate
his views. The king gave his reluctant assent to the execu-
tion of the high priest, Yi Cha-don. Tradition says that when
he was brought to execution he exclaimed "When you slay
me, my blood will flow not red like blood but white as milk
and then 5-ou will know that Buddhism is true." And so it
proved, for when his head was severed from the trunk his
blood flowed white like milk. None could gainsay this
evidence and from that daj- Buddhism advanced with rapid
steps. The following year the king made a law against the
killing of animals.
The kingdom of Ka-rak had existed side by side with Sil-
laon terms of mutual friendship for four hundred and eighty-
two years, but in 527 her king, Kim Ku-hyung, gave up his
sovereign power and merged his kingdom into that of Sil-la.
He was however retained at the head of the Ka-rak state
under appointment by the king of Sil-la, It does not appear
from the scanty records that this was other than a peaceful
change. Ka-rak had long seen the growing power of Sil-la
and doubtless recognised that more was to be gained by
becoming part of that kingdom than by standing aloof and
running the chance of becoming disputed territory between
the rival powers of the peninsula. She had been founded in
ANCIENT KORKA. 53
operations against Sil-la. She began by seizing the fortress

of Wa-san. She enjoyed possession of it for nine 3-ears bnt in
the end she paid dear, for it was retaken by Sil-la and the
Pak-je garrison was put to the sword. This year also saw a
continuation of Ko-gu-ryu's forward policy and the little set-
tlement of Kal-sa which had been make by Pu-yu fugitives
was absorbed. She followed up by the conquest of Chu-
this
ra farther north. Her military strength seems to have been
on the rapid increase.
In 80 the great Svik-t'al-ha died and was succeeded by the
son of VAng Nam-ha. He must have been of advanced age
and yet not so old as to prevent his becoming the greatest
conqueror that Sil-la ever produced. During the thirty-two
years of his reign he added to the Sil-la crown the districts of
Eum-jip-pul, Ap-to, Pi-ji, Ta-biil, Ch'o-p'al, and Sil-jik.
These together with U-si and Ku-ch"il, which and been added
the year before his accession, formed a considerable increase in
the territory of the kingdom and added not a little to Sil-la "s
reputation as a military power. This king, P'a-sa, was one

ôf those men who seem to take hold of affairs by the right end
and wring success from seeming failure. He was as great an
administrator as he was mild a conqueror. He attended so
carefully to the needs of the people that it is said that during
most of his reign food was so plentiful that the wayfarer need-
ed no money to pay for food or lodgings along the road.
The kingdom of Ka-ya. whose origin we noted in the
previous chapter, now assumed the offensive against Sil-la.
The first intimation we have of this is the fact that Sil-la in
88 built two forts named Ka-so and Ma-du, the first of which
was to guard against the encroachments of Pfik-je and the
second to guard against those of Ka-ya. It was not till three
years later that Ka-ya actually opened hostilities by inaugurat-
ing an expedition against Sil-la. As the event is not disclosed
by the annalists we may conclude that it was unsuccessful.
Ko-gu-ryu now extended the field of her military opera-
tions. She made friends with the people of Ye-mfik, to the
east, and together with them began a series of raids into Chin-
ese territory beyond the northern borders. The sixth king of
Ko-gu-ryu, T'u-jo Wang, had now reached the sixty-ninth
year of his reign so he turned over to his brother, vSu-sung,
54 K(>ki:ax iiisT(irv.
the administration of affairs. This brother was as ambitious

as the king-and continued the leagûe with Ye-mak and the
encroachments upon China. But he was disloyal to his
brother and tried to form a combination against him. In this
he was not successful. The reign of this T'a-jo Wang was
the longest one on record in Korean annals. He held the
scepter ninety-four years, thereby sorely trying the patience
of his heir apparent. That gentleman came to the throne at
the green old age of seventy-six. in the year J47 A. J). He
showed however that his memory had not yet failed him for
one of his first acts was to a arrest and put to death all the
wise men who had chidden him for attempting to unseat his
brother. Ko Pok-changa celebrated scholar of that day was so
overwhelmed in view of this barbarous act that he asked to be
destroyed with the rest of the wise men. a wish that was pro-
bably granted. One day this singular monarch having seen a
white fox cross his path, an evil omen, asked a soothsa^xr
what it might portend. That individual sug-gested that if the
king should reform even the worst of omens would turn out
happily. The soothsayer lost his head as a result of his can-
dor but from that day on, whenever the king wanted to con-
;
sult a soothsayer he found that they were all engaged in im-

portant work at some distant point.
Kingll-seungof vSil-la whose reign began 134 was the first
to pay attention to the building of g3od roids throughout ihe
country. In his fifth year ht built a road from his capital to
Chuk-yun, now Pung-geui, and another one over Kye-ip Pass.
These became very important thoroughfares. We also find that
his successor continued this go >d work bv opening roads thro
to the north of the kingdom. These kings were not many
years behind the Romans in recognising the vast importance
of good roads both for administrative and military purposes.
The relations between Sil-la and Japan are graphically
described in the single statement that when someone circulat-
ed in the capital the rumor that a company of Japanese wers
coming the people fled precipitately from the city until it was
half depopulated. When the mistake was discovered thev
gradually came back.
The interesting legend of Yiing-o and Se-o belongs to the
year 15S. though it scarcely merits the "once upon a time" of
ANCIENT KOREA. 55
a nursery tale. Yuiig-o a poor fisherman lived with his wife

vSe-o beside the waters of the Japan Sea on the eastern shore
of Sil-la. One day as Yiing-o was seated on a great boulder
beside the water, fishing, he feltthe rock tremble and then
rise straight in air. He was carried, to his great consterna-
tion, ea.stward across the stu and depasited in a Japanese vil-
lage. The Japanese folk took him for a god and made him
their king at once. When his wife found that he did not re-
turn from fishing she went in search of him. Ascending the
same rock that had carried him to Japan she experienced the
same novel extradition that had so surprised her spouse. She
found him metamorphosed into a king and was nothing loath
to become queen. But their departure brought disaster to
Sil-la for the sun and moon were darkened and the land was
shrouded in gloom. The sooth-sayers said it was because
someone had gone to Japan. An envoy was sent post haste to
those islands in search of the fugitives, but found to his dis-
may that they had become king and queen of one of the king-
doms there. He told his story and besought them to return,
l)ut they seemed well satisfied with the change. Se-o however
brought out a roll of silk and gave it to the envoy saying that
if the king of Sil-la would spread it out and sacrifice upon it
the light would return. The event proved the truth of her
statement and when the king uttered the words of invocation
the sunlight burst forth again and all was well. It is an in-
teresting but melancholy fact that most of the arguments used

to show a Korean origin of things Japanese are based upon
evidence nearly if not quite as credible as this story. The
Japanese work entitled the Kojiki bears the same relation to the
carefully detailed history of Sil-la that the Niebelungenlied
l)ears to the works of Tacitus.
Whenthe time came for Su-sang, the sanguinary king of
Ko-gu-ryu to die a young scapegrace by the name of Ch'a-da
came to the throne. His idea of royalty was that it consisted
in one long orgie. He attempted to carry out his ideal but
was cut short within a year by the assassin's knife. His mot-
to, in his own words, was "Who does not wish to enjoy life?'"
l{picureanism may have existed in Korea before but it had

never had so frank a disciple. Pak-ko a relative of the
nuirdered king was called from a mountain fastness whither
56 KuKKAN IIISToKV.
lie luul Wd 'I'Ikv 1i;u1 to ask liiiu lliiv^' limes be-

for safely.
fore tliey could convince liini tliat it was nol a mere decoy.
By the year i6S either Pak-je had j^rcwn so strong or Sil-
la so weak that the former deemed il a fit time lo make a grand
demonstration all along Sil-la's western border. It is said she
carried back a thousand captives to grace her triumph. vSil-la,
though filled willi rag.\ was not in condition to return the

compliment in kind. vSlie however sent an urgent letter point-
ing out the advantages of peace and asking that the captives be
returned. We may imagine how this was received by the proud
army flushed as it must have been by an unwonted victory.
About this time was begun one of the ancient customs of
Korea that has ever since exerted an important influence upon
the life of the people. While hunting the king met a man
weeping bitterly and upon being asked what was the matter
replied that he had not a grain of food to give his parents.
Thereupon the king gave him an order on the government
granary with the understanding that when autvunn came he
should pay it back. Thus originated the 'u'haii-sa)/g' or custom
of making government loans in the spring to be paid back with
interest in the autumn. When this kingdied he was succeeded
by the grandson of old vSuk-t'al-ha. He took in hand the work
of instilling new life into the well-nigh dead bones of Sil-la.
His first action was to establish two military stations at the
capital so that it might not be at the mercy of the first adven-
turer that might pass that way. He also ordered the people to
l)ay less attention to the construction of fine government
buildings and more to agriculture, the back bûe of the state.
Nam-mu the tenth king of Ko-gu-r3n"i died at night and
the queen, desiring to gain an extension of her powder, slipped
out of the palace and hastened to the house of the king's old-
est brother Pal-gi. She stated the case and urged him to has-
ten to the palace and assume the royal prerogative. He refused
to believe that the king was dead and accused her of immodesty.
She then hurried to the house of the younger brother Yiin-u
and repeated the story. The young man accompanied her
and when morning broke it was found that he was established
in the palace and ready to meet all comers. Pal-gi raged
and cursed. He stormed the palace with his retainers, but
being unsucce.'sful, was fain to beat a retreat to Liao-tung.
ANCIENT KOREA, 57
The dawn of the third century saw the three states of

Korea in the same relative position as before, Ko-gu-ryfi
was still the same ambitious militar}- power, Pslk-je was still
her own worst enemy though flaunting for the time being in
the gay colors of a temporary triumph, Sil-la was ploddi ng
along quietly paying more attention tj internal improvements
and so earning the right which she afterward enjoyed of
holding .sway over the whole peninsula. The first twenty-
five years of the centnr}' \îtnes£ed unusual activity- on the
part of the surrounding savages who in view of the constant-
ly- increasing power of the three states beheld their territories
diminishing. The wild people of Kol-p'o, Chil-p'o and Ko-
p'o ravaged the borders of Sil-la but were driven back. On
the south she attacked and burned a settlement of Japanese
corsairs who had apparenth* gained a foothold on the main-
land. Pak-je was aho attacked on the east by the savages
and was obliged to bnild a wall at Sa-do to keep them back.
This period saw over a thousand Chinese refugees cross the
Valu and find asjlum in Ko-gu-ryu. It also saw U-wi-gO,
the fruit of a liaison between the eleventh king of Ko-gu-ryTi
and a farmer girl whom he met while hunting, ascend the
throne of Ko-gu-ryu. It witnessed a remarkable exhibition
of democratic feeling in Sil-la when the people rejected Prince
Sa-ba-ni and in his place set up Ko-i-ru to be king.
The year 240 was an important one in the history of
Ko-gu-ryu. King U-wi-gu was a man of boundless ambition
and his temerity was as great as his ambition. Ko-gu-ryu
had been at peace with China for eight years when, without
warning, this U-wi-gu saw fit to cross the border and invade
the territory of his powerful neighbor. The town of An-
p'yung-hyun in western Liao-tung fell before the unexpected
assault. This unprovoked insult aroused the slumbering
giant of the Middle Kingdom and the hereditary feud that
had existed for many years between Ko-gu-ryu and China
was intensified. At the .same time U-wi-gu turned his eyes
southward and contemplated the subjugation of Sil-la. To
this end he sent an expedition against her in the following
year. It was met on the Sil-la border by a defensive force
under Gen. Suk U-ro who with.stood the invaders bravelv
but was driven back as far as the "Palisades of Ma-du"
58' KORKAN IIlSroKN'.
where he took a firm stand. As he couUl not be dislodjjêd

th.e invadino- army found itself checked. Meanwhile a dark
cloud was ra]-)idl>- overspreading Ko-g'U-ryu's ^vestern hori/on.
The great Chinese general, Mo Gu-geum, with a force of
10,000 men advanced upon the and
Ko-gu-ryu outposts
penetrated the country as far as the present Smig-chTin
where he met the Ko-gu-ryu army under the direct command
of king I'-wi-gu. The result was an overwhelming victory
for Ko-gu-ryu whose soldiers chased the flying columns of the
enemy to Yang-bak-kok wliere dreadful carnage ensued.
"Whom the gods would destroy they first make mad" proved
true in this case. I'-wi-gu was so elated over the victory-
that he declared that a handful of Ko-gu-ryu troops could
chase an army of Chinese. Taking five hundred picked
cavalry he continued the pursuit; but he had boasted too
soon. Gen. Mo Gu-geum's reputation was at stake. Rallying
a handful of his braves the latter turned upon his pursuers
and handled them so severely that they turned and fled.
The Chinese followed up the timely victory and threw them-
selves upon the army of Ko-gu-ryu so fiercely that the tables
were completely turned. It is said that in the engagement
that followed Ko-gu-ryu lost 18,000 men. King U-wi-gu,
seeing that allwas lost, fled back to his capital and awaited
developments. But Gen. Wang-geui, Mo Gu-geum"s asso-
ciate, pursued the king across the Yalu and gave him no rest
until he had fled eastward to the territory of Ok-ju on the
eastern coast. On way thither he crossed Chuk-nyung
his
Pass where all remaining guard forsook him and fled.
his
One of his officials, Mil-u, said "I will go back and hold the
enemy at bay while you make good your escape". So with
three or four j-oldiers he held the narrow pass while the king
found a retreat in a deep valley, where he succeeded in get-
ting together a little band of soldiers. He offered a reward to
anyone who should go and bring ISIil-u safeh- to him. I' Ok-
ku volunteered to go. Finding Mil-u wounded and lying on
the ground he took him in his arms and carried him to the
king. The latter was so delighted to recover his faithful
follower that he nursed him back to life by his own hand. A
few^ da3^s later the pursuit continued and the king was again
hard pressed. A courter, Yu-ryu, offered to go to the enemy's
AX'CIEXT KOREA. 59
'Camp and in some way stop the pursni:. Taking some food
lie went and boldly announced that the king desired to
surrender and had sent this gift ahead to announce his com-
ing. His words were believed and the general received the
gift. But Yu-ryu had concealed a short sAvord beneath the
dishes and when he approached the general he whipped out
the weapon and punged it into the enemy's breast. The
next moment he himself was cut down b}- the attendants..
When the king learned that the pursuers had lost their
general he rallied his little force, threw himself upon thena
and put them to flight. The following year U-wi-gii, re-
cognising that his capital was too near the border, decided to
remove the court to P'yung-yang' which had been the capital
for so many Two 3'ears latter be made a treaty
centuries.
with Sil-la which remained unbroken for a century. H2 had
been cured of some of his over-ambitiousne.ss. Yun-bul was
his successor.
It the third year of King Ch'tim-lw of vSil-la, 249 A.D.,
the firstenvoy ever received from Japan arrived at the shore
of Sil-la. He was met b}- Gen. Siik I'-ro who addressed him
in the following unaccountable manner, "It would be well
if your king and queen should come and be slaves in the
kitchen of the king of Sil-la". Without a word the envoy

turned about and posted back to Japan. An invasion of
Korea was determined upon and soon a powerful force
landed on the coast of that countr\\ Gen. Suk U-ro was
filled with dismay and remorse. He confessed to the king
that he was the cause of this hostile displa}- and begged to be
allowed to go alone and propitiate the advancing enemy. It
was granted and he walked straight into the Japanese camp

and confessed his crime and asked that he alone be punished.
The Japanese took him at his word, burned him alive in their
camp and returned to their own land without striking a blow,
The following year the same envoy cime again and was well
received b}- the king, but the widow of Gen. Suk U-ro desir-
ing :o avenge the blood of her husband, obtained permission
to work in the kitchen of the envoy's place of entertainment.
There she found opportunity to poison his food and thus
accomplish her purpoj-e. This of course put an end to all
hope of ainit\- between the two countries and that event marks
bo K()Ki;.\N HISTOKV.
the beginnitig of the feud which in spite of occasional periods

of apparent friendship, existed between the people of Japan
and Korea until the year iS6S. Hostilities did not however
being at once.
The latter half of the third century beheld few events of
special interest in the peninsula. During this period Prik-je
seems to have made a spasmodic effort at reform, for we read
that she reorganised her official system and set a heavy penalty
for bribery, namely imprisonment for life. She also patched
up a shallow peace with Sil-la. In Ko-gu-ryu a concubine of
King Pong-sang tried to incense him against the queen by
showing him a leathern bag which she claimed the queen had
made to drown her in. The king saw through the trick and
to punish the crafty concubine had her killed in the very way
she had described. A chief of the Sun-bi tribe invaded
Ko-gu-ryii and desecrated the grave of the king's father.
The wild men of Suk-sin atteii?pted to overthrow Sil-la but the
king's brother drove them back and succeeded in attaching
their territory to the crown of Sil-la. It is said that when
Sil-la was hard pressed by a band of savages strange warriors
suddenly appeared and after putting the savages to flight, as
suddenly disappeared. Each of these strange warriors had
ears like the leaves of the bamboo and when it was discovered
next da)- that the ground around the king's father's grave
was covered with bamboo leaves it was believed that he had
come forth from his grave with spirit warriors to aid his son.
With the opening of the fourth century the fifteenth king
of Sil-la, Ki-rim, made an extensive tour of his realm, He
passed northward as far as U-du-ju near the present Ch'un-
ch'iin. He also visited a little independent ''kingdom" called
Pi-ryul, now An-byiin, and made man}' presents, encouraged
agriculture and made himself generall)- agreeable. Not so
with the king of Ko-gu-ryu, He was made of sterner stuff-
He issued a proclamation that every man woman and child
above fifteen years old should lend their aid in building a
palace. Ko-gu-ryu had of late years passed through trou-
blous times and the people were in no mood to undertake
such a work. An influential courtier, Ch'ang Cho-ri, attempt-
ed to dissviade the king but as he was not successful he settled
the question by assassinating the king. Pûl-bul, wlio sue-
AXCIENT KOREA. 61
ceeded him, had a chequered career before coming to the

throne. Being the king's cousin he had to flee for his life.
He firstbecame a common coolie in the house of one Eun-mo
in the town of vSil-la. By day he cut wood on the hill sides
and by night he made tiles or kept the frogs from croaking
while his master slept. Tiring of this he attached himself to
a salt merchant but being wrongfully accused he was dragged
before the magistrate and beaten almost to death. The
official Ch'ang Cho-ri and a few others knew his whereabouts
and, hunting him vtp, they brought him to the "Pul-yu water"
a hundred and ten li from P'j-ung-yang, and hid him in the
house of one O MJik-uam. When all was ripe for the final
move, Ch'ang Cho-ri inaugurated a great hunting party.
Those who were willing to aid in dethroning the king were
to wear a bunch of grass in the hat as a sign. The king was
seized and imprisoned, and there hanged himself. His sons
also killed themselves and Eul-bul was then elevated to the
perilous pinnacle of royalty.
It was about the beginning of this century also that the
Japanese, during one of those spasmodic periods of seeming
friendship asked the king of Sil-la to send a noble maiden of
vSil-la to be their queen. The king complied and sent the
daughter of one of his highest officials, A-son-geup-ri.
Chapter IX.
Rise of Yan. .. China ...siege of Keuk Iôrtress

.rebellion against
raised. . . .Ko-gu-ryfi .surrenders to Yun.
.Ko-gu-ryu disarmed . .
Japanese attack Sil-la. .Pak-Je's victor}- over Ko-gu-ryQ.

. . .moves . .
her capital ac-oss the Han Pak-je people in Sil-la .... Yun is
. . . .
punished. .Buddhism introduced into Ko-gu-rju.

. . .and into Pak- . .
je. .. .amnesty between Ko-gu-ryu and Pak-je. .. .but Ko-gu-ryu

continues the war. .Pak-je in danger. .envoy to Japan
. . .Ch'um- . . . .
nye usurps the throne of Pak-je .. .and is killed. .. .Sil-la princes

re.scued .Ko-gu-r3-u and Pak-je receive investiture from China
. .
. .China's policy
. . .Nul-ji's reign. .Ko-gu-ryii and P.ik-je trans-
. . . .
fer their allegience. .. .Yun extinct. .. .begin uing of triangular war

... .diplomatic relations. .. .Ko-gu-ryu falls from grace .... first war
vessel. . . .diplomatic complications. . . .Pak-je humiliated . . .her cap-
ital moved.
62 KDRKAX nisroRv.
We have now come to the events which marked the rise of

the great Yun power in Liao-tung. They are so intimateh'
connected with the history of Ko-gn-ryu that we must gi\-e
them in detail. I'or many years there had been a Viui tribe
in the north but up to the year 320 it had not come into
prominence. It was a dependency of the Tsin dynasty of
China. Its chiefs were known by the general name Mo Yong.

In 320 IMo Yong-we was the acting chief of the trib?. He
conceived the ambitious design of overcoming China and
founding a new dynasty. The Kmperor inmiediately despatch-
ed an army under Gen. Ch'oe-bi to put down the incipient
rebellion. Ko-gu-ryu and the X^-num and Tan tribes were
called upon to render assistance against the rebels. All com-
plied and soon the recalcitrant chieftain found himself besieg-
ed in Keuk Fortress and was on the point of surrender-
ing at discretion when an event occurred which, fortunately
for him. broke up the combination and raised the siege. It
was customary before surrendering to send a present of food
to the one who receives the overtures of surrender. Mo
Yong-we, in pursuance of this custom, sent out the present,
but for some reason it found its way only into the camp of
the U-mun forces while the others received none. When
this became known the forces of Ko-gu-ryu, believing that
Mo Yong-we had won over the U-mun people to his side,
retired in disgust and the Chinese forces, fearing perhaps a
hostile combination, likewise withdrew. The U-mun chiefs
resented this suspicion of treachery and vowed they would
take Mo Yong-we single-handed. But this they could not do,
for the latter poured out upon them with all his force and
scattered them right and left. From this point dates the
rise of Yun. Gen. Ch'oe-bi fearing the wrath of the Emperor
fled to Ko-gu-ryvt where he found asylum. Here the affair
rested for a time. The kingdom of Yun forebore to attack
Ko-gu-ryu and she in turn was busy strengthening her own
position in view of future contingencies. Ten years passed
during which no events of importance transpired. In 331
Eul-bul the king of Ko-gu-ryii died and his son vSoe began his
reign by adopting an active policy of defense. He heighten-
ed the walls of P'yiing-yang and built a strong fortress in the
north, called Sin-sung. He followed this up by strengthen-
ANCIKNT KOREA. 63
ing his friendly relations with the court of China. The.se

facts did not escape the notice of the rising Yun power. Mo
Yong-whang, who had succeeded Mo \\'ong-we, hurled an
expedition against the new Sin-sung Fortress and wrested it
from Ko-gu-r\-u. The king was compelled, much against his

will, to go to Liao-tung and swear fealtv to the Yiin powder.
Two years latter the capital was moved northward to Wan-do,
in the vicinity of the Eui-ju of today. This was done prob-
abh' at the command of Yun who desired to have the capital of
Ko-gu-ryu within easy reach in case any complications might
arise.
Mo Yong-whang desired to invade China without delay
but one of his relatives, Mo Yong-han, advised him to disarm
Ko-gu-ryu and the U-niun tribe so that no possible enemy
should be left in his rear when he marched into China. It
was decided Ko-gu-ryu from the north and west,

to attack
but the latter route was to be the main one, for Ko-gu-ryu
would be expecting the attack from the north. The strate-
gem worked like a charm. Mo Yong-han and Mo Yong-p'a led
a powerful army by way of the sea road while General Wang-
u led a decoy force by the northern route. The flower of the
Ko-gu-ryiiarmy, 50,000 strong, marched northward under the
king's brother Mu to meet an imaginary foe while the king
with a few undisciplined troops held the other approach. As
may be supposed, the capital fell speedily into the enemy's
hands but the king escaped. The Ko-gu-ryli forces had been
successful in the north and might return any day, .so the Yun
forces were forbidden to go in pursuit of the king. To insure
the good behavior of the king, however, thsy burned the
palace, looted the treasure, exhumed the body of the king's
father and took it, together with the queen and her mother,
back to the capital of Yun. With such hostages as these
Yun was safe from that quarter. The next year the king
offered his humble apologies and mads a complete surrender,
in view of which body and his que:in were return-
his father's
ed to him but his mother-in-law was still held. The same
year Ko-gu-ryu moved her capital back to P'yung-yang. A
few years latter by sending his son as substitute he got his
mo':her-in-law out of pawn.
In 344 new complications grew up beween Sil-la and
().|. KOREAN IIISTOKV. C/Â^
Japan. The Japanese having already obtainc-d one vSil-hi
maiden queen made bold to ask for

for a a royal princess to
be sent to wed their king. This was peremptorih- refused
and of course war was the result. A Japanese force attacked
the Sil-la coastguard but bsing driven back they harried the
island of P'ung-do and finally worked around until they were
able to approach the capital. Finding the gates fast shut
they laid siege to the city. But their provisions were soon
exhausted and they were compelled to retire. Then the Sil-
la forces swarmed out and attacked them in the rear and put
them to an ignominious flight. Some years later the Japan-

ese made a similar attempt but were outwntted by the Sil-la
soldiers who made manikins of grass to represent soldiers, and
the Japanese, seeing these, supposed that Sil-la had been
reinforced a.nd so retired from the contest.
Ko-gu-rj-u had been so severely handled by her northern
neighbor that she gave up for the time being her plans of con-
quest in that direction. Instead of this she turned her atten-
tion toward her southern neighbor Pnk-je whose territory was
a morsel not to be despised. About the 3'ear3t)Oshe erected a
fort at Ch'i-yang not far from the Pak-je capital which was
than at Nam-han. Into this she threw a large force consist-
ing of 20,000 infantry and cavalry. They began a systematic
plundering of Pak-je. The army of the latter, under the
leadership of the Crown Prince, fell suddenly upon this fort
and gained a victory, for, when the Ko-gu-ryii forces retired,
they left 5,000 dead upon the field. Prik-je followed up this
victory by throwing up a line of breastworks along the south-
ern bank of the Han river ta insure against a future surprise
on the partof her unscrupulous northern n.ighbor. But Pak-
je's victories had shown her the weakness of Ko-gu-r\-u and
reprisals were therefore in order. She equipped an army of
30,000 men and penetrated the country of the enemy. She
met no resistance until her army stood beneath the walls of
P'N'iing-yang. An attempt was made to storm the town, dur-
ing which the king of Ko-gu-ryu was mortally wounded by an
iarrow, but the assault failed and the Pak-je army withdrew in
good order. The king of Pak-je, elated over so man}- eviden-
ces of his growing power, promptly moved his capital across
the Hau River into Ko-gu-rvii territorv. Somesav he settled
ANCIENT KOREA. 65
•at Puk-han the great mountain fortress back of Seoul while

others say he settled at Nam P'^-ung-j-ang or "South P'yiing-
3'ang, " by which is meant the present city of Seoul Others
still sayit was at a point a short distance outside the east
gate of vSeoul. But in spite of the apparent successes of Pak-
je it appears that the people were not' satisfied. It may be
that military exactions had alienated their good will, or it may
be that they saw in these ambitious advances the sure presage
of speedy punishment at the hands of Ko-gu-ryu ; but what-
ever the cause ma}' have been over a thousand people fled from
Pak-je and found asylum in Sil-la. The king set aside six
villages as their place of residence, and when Piik-je demand-
ed to have them sent back answer was returned that Sil-la
cotild not drive from her borders those who had sought asylum
from the ill-treatment of Psik-je.
Three years before this, In 372, the Chinese had gained
a signal victor}- over the Yiin kingdom and its king, Mo Yong
p"ung, had fled for safety to Ko-gu-ryu. It must have been

his last resource, for he was likely to find little sympathy
there. And so it proved for the king immediateh' seized him
rind sent him a captive to China.
The year 372 beheld an event of prime importance in the
history of Ko-gu-ryu and of the whole peninsula. It was the
introduction of Buddhism. It is probable that before this
time some knov^•ledge of Buddhism was current in Korea, but
as it is eminentl}- a sacerdotal institution but little more than
indefinite reports could have been circulated previous to the
coming of the monks. We are not told whether this was done
at the request of Ko-gu-ryf' or whether it was at the advice of
Pu-gynn, one of the petty kings who then divided between
them the north of China. Be that as it may, in 372 A. D.
images of Buddha were brought by a monk. Sun-do, and also
a Buddhist book called Pul-gyung. For this the king of Ko-
gu-ryu returned hearty thanks and forthwith set his son and
heir to learning the new doctrine. At the same time he gave
an impetus to the stud}' of the Confucian code. It is quite
probable that to this new departure is due the fact that the
next year the laws of the country were overhauled and put in
proper shape for use. In 375 two great monasteries were
built in the capital of Ko-gu-ryu. They were called Cho-mun
66 f^(^RK.\N IIISTOKV,
and I-lnil-lan. It should be noticed that tlie introduction of

Buddhism into Korea was a sôvernment affair. There had
been no propagation of the tenets of this cult through enimi-
saries sent for the purpose, there was no call for it from the
people. In all probability the king and his court were pleased
at the idea of introducing the stately ceremonial of the new
faith. In fact it was a social event rather than a religious
one and from that date to this there has not been a time when,
the people of Korea have entered heartily into the spirit of
Buddhism, nor have her most distinguished representatives
understood more than the mere forms and trappings of that
religion which among all pagan cults is the most mystical.
Pak-je was not long in following the example of her
powerful neighbor. In the year 384 a new king ascended the
throne of Pak-je. His name was Ch'im-yu. One of his first
acts was to send an envoy to China asking that a noted monk
named Mararanta be sent to Pak-je to introduce the Buddhist
ritual. We notice that this request wâs sent to the Emperor
Hyo-mu (Hsia-wu), the proper head of tlie Pâstern Tsin
dynasty, while Ko-gu-ryii had received hers at the hands of
one of those petty kings who hung upon the skirts of the
weakening dynasty and waited patiently for its dissolution.
Each of these petty states, as well as the central government
of the Tsin, was on the lookout for promising allies and such
a request as this of Psik-je could scarcely be refused. Mara-
ranta, whose name smacks of the south and who certainly
cannot have been a Ch.naman, was sent to the Pak-je capital.
He was received with open arms. His apartments were in
the palace where he soon erected a Buddhist shrine. Ten
more monks followed him and Buddhism was firmly established
in this second of the three Korean states. The greatest defer-
ence was paid to these monks and they were addressed by the
honorific title To-.seung. Sil-la received Buddhism soma fifty
3'êars later.
All this- time fighting was almost continuous along the

Ko-gu-r3-ii- Pak-je border. The latter stood on the de-fensive
and found necessary in 386 to build a line of breastworks
it
along the border, extending from Ch'ung-mok-yung north-

ward to P'al-gon-sung and thence westward to the sea. An
amnesty was brought about through a happy accident. A
ANCIENT KOREA. 67
grootn who had accidentalh- broken the leg of a Pak-je prince's

horse had fled to Ko-gu-ryu to escape punishment. Return-
ing now to Pak-je, he purchased pardon by informing the
king that if, in battle, the Pak-je forces should direct their
whole force against that part of the enemy's line where the}"
should see a red flag flying they would surely be successful.
This turned out to be true and pJik-je was once more success-
ful, but followed up her success onlj^ to the extent of secur-
ing a definite cessation of hostilities and the erection of a

boundary stone at Su-gok-sung to witness forever against him
who should dispute the point. But when King Ch'im-yu of
Ko-gu-ryii died in 392 and Lis son Tam-dok came into power
all previous obligations were swept away and he proceeded to
reopen the wound- He attacked Pak-je fierceh' and took ten of

her towns. Then he turned northward and chastised the Ku-
ran tribe. When this was done he came back to the charge
again and seized Kwang-nu Fortress. This was an almost in-
accessible position on a high rock surrounded by the sea, but the
hardy soldiers of Ko-gu-ryu after twent}- da3-s of siege found
seven paths by which the wall could be reached, and they finally
took the place by a simultaneous assault at these various points.
When the court of Pak-je heard of this well-nigh impossible
feat, all hope of victory in the field was taken awa^^ and they
could only bar the gates of the capital and await the turn of
events. This king, Tam-dok, was as enthusiastically Bud-
dhistic as his father. He made a decree that all the people of
Ko-gu-ryii should adopt the Buddhistic faith and a few years
later luilt nine more monasteries in P'yiing-yang.
A year later King A-sin of Pak-je sent his son, Ch'hi-ji,
to Japan as an envoy. It is likely, but not certain, that it
was a last resource of Pak-je to secuic help against Ko-gu-ryu.

This is the more likel}' from the fact that he went not only as
an envoy but also as a hostage, or a guarantee of good faith.
If this was the hope of Pak-je it failed, for no Japanese army
was forthcoming. As another means of self-preservation King

A-sin formed a great school of archery, but the people did not
like it for exercise in it was compulsory, and many of the
;
people ran away.

In 399 Ko-gu-ryli sent an envoy to the Van capital to pay
lier respects, but the king of that cou^tr^• charged Ko-gu-ryu
68 K()Ki;\N IIISTOKN.
with ambitions designs and sent an army of 30,0 inj;i to'

> i
seize the fortresses of Sin-siing and Nam-so, thns delimiting

the frontier of Ko-gn-ryti to the extent of 70'j //. Tlie}' carri jd
back with tlieni 5,000 "honses," wliich miins approximate-

ly 25,000 people, as captives. It is diiîcnlt to believe this
ennmeration unless we conclude that it nijans that the peo])lc
living within tlic limit of thj -joo // were taken to be citizens
of Viin.
The fifth century of our era dawned U]K>n a troubled Kor-
ea. The tension between the tliree rival powers was severe,,
and every nerve was strained in the struggle for preeminence.
In 402 Nri-nml, the king of Sil-la, died and Sil-sung came to-
the throne. He sent out feelers in two directions, one toward
Ko-gu-ryu in the shape of a hostage, called b}- euphemism an
envoy, and another of the same sort to Japan which would ;
indicate that Sil-la was still suffering from the depredations of

the Japanese corsairs. The envoy to Ko-gu-ryu was the
king's brother, Pok-ho, and the one to Japan was also his
brother, Mi-sa-heun. We remember that P:Tk-je already had
an envo}^ in Japan in the person of the king's eldest son Chiin-
ji. Now in 405 the king of Pak-je died. Ch<">n-ji was the
rightful heir but as he was in Japan the second son should
have assumed the reins of government. As a fact the third
son Chung-nye killed his brother and seized the scepter.
Hearing of his father's death, Ch'hi-ji returned from Japan
with an escort of a hundred Japanese, but learning of his
brother's murder he feared treachery against himself and so
landed on an island off the coast where he remained until the
people, with a fine sense of justice, drove Ch'am-nye from the
throne and welcomed back the rightful heir.
Meanwhile interesting events were transpiring in Sil-la.
in 403 Sil-sung, King of that land, fearing lest harm over-
take his two brothers whom he had sent the year before to
Ko-gu-ryu and Japan, was seeking for some means of getting
them back. This might not be an eas}^ thing to do, for to
ask their return so soon would perhaps arouse the suspicion
of these neighbors, and precipitate a war. Ko-gu-ryit had
often taken up arms for a less affront than this. An official,
Pak Che-san, volunteered to undertake this delicate mission
even though it cost him his life. He went first to Ko-gu-r^m
AXCIEXT KOREA. 69
and there proved so skillful a dilpomat that he soon brought

Prince Pok-ho back ta Sil-la. The mission to Japan was a
different matter, but he was equal to the occasion.
. Before
starting out he said to the king "I will bring the Prince
:
back though it cost my life only, before I go, I must ask you
;
to imprison my fauiily \ otherwise

I cannot succeed." The
king acceded to this strange request and Pak Che-san, starting
immediately as if in flight, without even changing his gar-
ments, fled until he came to the Yul Harbor. Even his wife
he repulsed, exclaiming "I have determined to die." He ap-
parently feared that the sight of her might shake his loyal
purpose. He arrived in Japan as a political fugitive, but the
king suspected him until news came that his family had been
imprisoned. This seemed to prove his statement and he was
received gracioush'. He pretended that he wished to lead a
Japanese force against Sil-la. Mi-sa-heun, the Prince whom
he had come to rescue, was in the secret and heartih* second-
ed the plan. The king made them joint leaders of an expedi-
tion. The fleet arrived at a certain island and there Pak suc-
ceeded in spiriting Mi-sa-heun away by night in a little boat
while he himself remained behind, to delay the inevitable pur-
suit. Mi-sa-heun begged him with tears to accompany him
but he refused to jeopardise Mi-sa-heun 's chances of escape
by so doing. In the morning he pretended to sleep very late
and no one suspected the flight of the Prince until late in the
day when concealment was no longer possible. When the
Japanese found that they had been duped the}' were in a terri-
ble rage They bound Pak and went in pursuit of the run-
away. But a heavy fog settled upon the sea and frustrated
their plan. Then they torturted their remaining victim and
to their inquiries he replied that he was a loj-al subject of
K ye-rim (the name of Sil-la at that time) and that he would
rather be a Kye-rim pig than a subject of Japan that he would
;
rather be whipped like a school-boy in Kye-rim than receive

office in Japan. By these taunts he escaped a lingering death
be torture. They burned him alive there on the island of
Mok-do. When tlie king of Sil-la heard of his brave end he
mourned for him and heaped upon him posthumous honors,
and Mi-sa-heun married his preserver's daughter. The wife
of the devoted Pak ascended the pass of Ap-sul-yiing whence
70 K()R):a.v nis'roRV,
she could obtain a distant view of the islands of Japan. There-

she gave herself up to grief until dîth put an end to her
misery.
In 413 a new king came to the throne of Ko-gu-ryu.
called K<'>-ryîn.As China and Ko-gu-ryu had been kept apart
by the intervening Viin, and had acquired some power of
sympathy through mutual fear of that power, we are not sur-
prised that the new king of Ko-gu-ryu condescended to receive
investiture from the Emperor, now that the latter conde-
scended in turn to grant it. It was formally done, and the
act ofKo-gu-ryu proclanncd her vassalage to China, h'roni

when war existed between them, the
that time on excepting
kings of Ko-gu-ryh were invested by the Emperor with the
ir.signia of royalty. Two years later the Emperor conferred
the same honor upon the king of PHk-je. It was always
China's policy to keep the kingdoms at peace with each other
so long as they all wore the yoke of vassalage; but so soon as
one or the other cast it off it was her policy to keep them
at war.
In 417 Xul-ji came to the throne of and began a
Sil-la
reign that was to last well on toward half a century. He was

a regicide. He had been treated very harshly by the king
and had more than once narrowly escaped with his life. It is
therefore the less surprising, though none the less reprehen-
sible, that when the opportunity presented of paying off old
scores he succumbed to the temptation. He ascended the
throne not with the title of I-sa-geum. which had been the
ro3'al title for centuries, but with the new title of Ma-rip-kan.
However doubtful may have been his title to the crown his
reign was a strong one. Among the far-reaching effects of
his reign the introduction of carts to be drawn by oxen was
the most important.
The friendly relations of Ko-gu-ryu with the Tsin dynasty
were cut short by the extinction of that dynasty in 419 but in
435 Ko-gu-ryu made friendh" advances toward the Northern
Wei dynasty and. finding sufficient encouragement, she trans-
ferred her allegience to that power. Meantime Pak-je had
transferred hers to the Sung dynasty which arose in 420.
It was in 436 that P'ung-hong, the "Emperor" of Yun,
found himself so weal: that he could not withstand the pres-
1
ANCIEKT KORFA. 7
sure from the Chinese side and. asked the king of Ko-gu-ryii
to grant him asylnm. Consent was given and an escort was
sent to conduct him to the Ko-gu-ryii capital. He found that
this sort of life had its drawbacks; for, to begin with, the king
did not address him as emperor but siijiply as king. This was
a great affront to his dignit}^ and, though he was treated very
handsomely, he assumed such a supercillious bearing that the
king had to curtail his retinue and his income. He had been
given quarters in Puk-p'ung and from there the mendicant
emperor applied to the Sung Emperor for asylum. It was
granted, and seven thousand soldiers came to escort him; but
ere they arrived the king of Ko-gu-ryu sent two generals,
Son-su and Ko-gu, who killed the imperial refugee and nine
of his attendants. The Sung troops, arriving on the instant,
discovered the crime and caught and executed the two gener-
als who had perpetrated it.
In 449 a Ko-gu-ryu general was out on a hunting expedi-
tion and the chase brought him into Sil-la territory near the
present town of Kang-neung. The prefect of the district, in
an excess of patriotic enthusiasm, seized him and put him to
death. An envoy came in haste to the Sil-la capital demand-
ing wh}' this outrage had been committed. War would have
been declared on the spot had not Sil-la been profuse in apo-
logies. She might have spared herself this humiliation for
war was sure to break out soon in any case. When Pa-gy ng
came to the throne of Pak-je in 455, Ko-gu-ryu took advan-
tage of the confusion, consequent upon the change, to attack
her. Sil-la, who, though ordinarily a peaceful power, had
been perforce drawn into w\. r-like operations and had acquired
some military skill, now sided with Piik-je. Sending a con-
siderable number of troops she reinforced Pak-je to the extent
of warding off the threatened invasion. But Pak-je, though
glad to find herself extricated from her position of danger,
would allow no feelings of gratitude to stand in the waj' of
her ancient feud against Sil-la; so this act of friendship not
only did not help toward peace but on the contrary, bj'' show-
ing Sil-la the fickleness of Pak-je, made peace all the more
impossible. The middle of the fifth century marks the point
when all friendly relations between the three Korean states
were broken off and an actual state of war existed between
72 KOKKAX IIIS'lOKV.
them from this time on, tliongh active military operations

were not constant. This we may call the Triangular War.
The key to this great struggle, which resulted in the
advancement of Sil-la to the control of the whole peninsula,
lay not so much in the relative military strength of the three
rival kingdoms as in the skill which each developed in diplo-
macy. Each was trying to gain the active support of China,
knowing very well that if China should once become thorough-
ly interested in favor of any one of the three powers the other
two would be doomed.
We will remember that Ko-ku-ryu had cultivated firiendly
re lations with the Sung dynasty while Pak-je had made her-
selfagreeable to the Wei dynasty. In this Pak-je chose the
wiser part for the Wêi power was nearer and more powerful.
In 466 Ko-gu-ryu lost a splendid opportunity to establish her-
self in the good graces of the Wei Emperor, and so insure her
preeminence in the peninsula. The Emperor Hsien-wen made
friendly advances and requested the daughter of the king of
Ko-gu-ryii for his wife. With a short-sightedness that is
quite inexplicable this request was put off by the lame excuse
that his daughter was dead.
This being easily proved a false-
hood, Ko-gu-ryii from the good graces of the very power
fell
whose friendship she should have cultivated.

The year 467 witnessed an important innovation in Korea.
Sil-la took the lead in the construction of war vessels. The
one made at that time was doubtless intended for use against
the Japanese corsairs. That Sil-la had been gaining along
militar)' lines is shown by her successful repulse of a Ko-gu-
ryu invasion in this year, in which the wild people of some
of the Mal-gal tribes assisted Ko-gu-ryu. After the latter
had been driven back, Sil-la built a fortress at Po-eun on her
northern border to guard against a repetition of this invasion.
Ko-gu-ryu and Pak-je were now exerting themselves to
the utmost to make capital out of their Chinese alliances.
Ko-gu-ryu sent rich presents and richer words to the Sung
capital and so won the confidence of that power. Pak-je, on
the other hand, sent word to the Wei Emperor that Ko-gu-
ryii was coquetting with the Sung court and with the wild
Mal-gal tribes, insinuating that this was all detrimental to

the interests of Pak-je 's patron.
ANCIUNT KOREA. 73
As this was without result, she sent and asked openly that
theWei Emperor send at army and chastise Ko-gu-ryu. The
Emperor replied that until Ko-gu-ryu committed some overt
act of more hostile import than the mere cementing of peaceful
alliances no notice could be taken of her. In other words
the Wei power refused to be the aggressor, much to Pak-je's
•chargin. The Wei Emperor sent this answer b^^ way of Ko-
.gu-rj'u and the king of that country was ordered to grant the
messenger a safe conduct through_his territory. But Ko-gu-
ryu, as though bent on self-destruction, refused to let him pass,
and 50 the great northern kingdom approached one step nearer
the precipice which was to prove her destruction. Upon
learning tlie news of this affront the Emperor was highl}- in-
censed and tried to send the messenger by wa}- of a southern
port but stress of weather rendered this impossible and Pak-
;
je, receiving no answer to her missive, took offense and would

have nothing more to do -ivith China, for a time. By the
time she had recovered her temper, Ko-gu-r^'u had in some
way patched up her difficulty with the Wei court and so
scored a point against Pak-je. And for a time she was on
friendly terms with both the Wei atid Sung dynasties.
At this point Ko-gu-ryu decided upon a bold attempt to
•swallow Pak-je bodily. It was to be done partly by strategem
and partly by force. A monk of Ko-gu-ryu named To-rim, a

fellow of excellent craft, arrived at the Pak-je capital as if
seeking refuge. The king received him with open arms and,
finding him an excellent chess player, made him his trusty
councilor. This monk told the king that the palaces, walls,
tombs and public buildings ought to be thoroughly- repaired,
and so induced him to drain the public treasury in this work,
and also in bringing a huge monolith from Uk-n3-i to the
capital. This done the monk fled t)ack to Ko-gu-ryu and
announced that the treasury of Pak-je was empty and it was
a good time to attack her. A large arms' was put in the field,
guided b}' one Kul-lu, a Pak-je fugitive from justice. Almost
before Pak-je was aware, her capital was surrovinded. She
had applied to Sil-la for help, but too late. First the suburbs
were laid in ashes, and then access being gained, the palace
was fired. The king fled with ten attendants out the west
gate, but KiU-lu the renegade followed and overtook him.
74 KOKfCA.N rilSTCM-tV.
The mercy upon his knees but Kul-lu spit

kin«; beg'sêd for
bound him and sent him to the fortress of
ihrice in his face,
A-han where lie was killed. Then the Ko-gu-ryii army went
back north carrvini;' with them S,ooo captives, men and
women.
Meanwhile Prince Mun-ju had obtained help from Sil-la
and with 10,000 troops was hastening homewards. He found
the city in ashes, his father dead, the people mo-urning" their
who had been dragged away captive. He promptly
lost,
assumed control of affairs, moved the capital southward to-

Uug-jin the present Kong-ju, took all the Pak-je people
away from Han-yang and moved them back across (vSeoul)
the Han River and abandoned all the territory beyond that
natural barrier to Ko-gu-ryii to whom it had originally be-
longed. The following ^-ear he tried to send a message to the
Sung Emperor b}- way of Ko-gu-ryii but the messenger was
intercepted and the message stopped.
Chapter X.
Ouelpart. . . .ori.£fiii .advances in vSil-la

of T'ani-na. . . .new alliances. ..
. . . .but not in Pak-je nor Ko-gu-ryQ. peace .... Budd- . . ,teniporar3-

hism in Sil-la. .. .remnants of barbarism. .. .influence of Chinese
literature. .important reforms. .Ko-gu-ryu's foreign relations.
. . . . . . .
conquest of Dagelet Island. .posthumous titles. .colors in official . . . .
grades. .Wei displeased. . .the "miracle" of Yi Cha-don.

. .end of . . . .
Ka-rak. .Sil-la rejects Chinese calendar.

. . .confusion in China. . . . . .
Pak-je attempts reform. .history of Sil-la. .two alliances. . .Pak-

. . . . .
je and Ko-gu-ryil envoj's to China. .advance of Buddhism in Sil-la- . .
. .music in Sil-la.
. . .war between Pak-je and Sil-la. . . .retrogres- . .
sion in Sil-la because of Buddhism. . .Ko-gu-ryu and the Sui Emper- .
or. . . .the Ondali.
Tradition sa^'s that in the dawn of history when the

island of Che-ju (Quelpart) was covered oiih' with a tangled
forest three sages arose from a crevice in the ground. This
spot is showm
day by the people of Che-ju. These
to this
three men were Ko-uUa, Yang-ulla and Pu-uUa. As they
stood upon the shore the}- saw three stout chests floating
in from the south-east. Drawing them to land and opeuing
them the three wise men discovered that each chest contain-
AXCIEXT KOliEA, 75
ed a calf, a colt, a dog a pig and a woman, together with

sundry seeds, such as beans, wheat, barley, millet and rice.
By the three families thus organised the island was populat-
ed. During the early da^'s of Sil-la a certain court astrologer
announced that the ""Friend Star" was, visible in the south
and that a distinguished visitor would soon arrive. Soon
after this three men came by boat from Ouelpart, landing at
the harbor of T'am-jin, now Kang-jin, They came straight
to the court of Sil-la where they were hospitably entertained.
One of the visitors was Ko-hu one was Ko-ch'ung but the
the name of the third is lost. The king called the first Sfing-
ju or "lyord of the Star," the second Wang-ja or "King's
Son" and the third To-na or "The One who has Come."
He named their country T'am from the name of the port
where the}^ landed, anl na, which seems to have meant
"Kingdom", for we find that the last syllable of Sil-la is this
same /la changed by euphonic laws to la. It is the root of the
present Korean word «a-ra or "kingdom." So the kingdom
was called T'am-na. The authorities are at a loss to tell the
date or even the reign during which these events transpired.
In the year 477 the little kingdom of T'am-na sent an envoy
to the court of Pak-je with gifts. This is the first really
authentic mention of the place. If tradition is of any value
it must be confessed that the story of the peopling of Quelpart
points toward a southern origin.
In 479 the aged king of Ko-gu-ryu, Ko-ryun, now in the
sixty-eighth 3' ear of his reign, sought and obtained recogni-
tion from Emperor Ko-je (Kao-ti) the founder of the Ch'i
dynasty in China. That this occurred in the very first year
after the founding of that dynasty shows how sedulously
Ko-gu-ryu was cultivating the good-will of the Chinese.
Pak-je was not far behind, for she swore allegiance to the
same Emperor onh- two years later.
During all these years it is to Sil-la that v\'e must look
for any signs of internal improvement, au}- of those innova-
tions which are the mile-stones of progress. We saw above
how she introduced the use of the cart and so raised a great
burden from the shoulders of the people. The wheel is the
great burden bearer of history. And now we find her in-
troducing further reforms. The first was the horse relay
-6 K'( iV. l. AN 1 1 IST( )KA'.
system called the vong-ma. It did not b2ar so directly upoi?

the condition of the people but au opportunity for
it afforded
the rapid transmission of official information and thus in-
directly had an important bearing upon the wellfare of the
masses. In the next place, she organised a general market
where at stated intervals merchants from the various districts,
could meet and exchange commodities. These are things-
Cliat x\e look upon as matters of course and we do not realise
ihcir importance till we imagine ourselves deprived of the com-
forts that spring from the possibility of rapid communication
and exchange of commodities. That Ko-gu-ryii had not
made similar advances in the line of indiistrial reform is
shown by the fact that when the Emperor of the Wei dynasty
sent to grant investiture to Na-un the twenty-first king of
Ko-gu-ryu in 499 he presented him with suits of clothes,
flags, a crown and a cart. This shows that carts were not as
3'et in common use iu Ko-gii-ryu. As for P:tk-je, disaster
Vv'as following upon disaster. At one time a thousand people
were swept away in a flood. Then famine carried away three
thousand, A few years later ten thousand people passed
over into SiHa to save themselves from starvation.
The sixth century dawned upon a comparativeh* peaceful,
Korea; for the time being the dogs of war were held in leash
and feuds seem to have been laid on the shelf. The three
kingdoms employed their time in different but characteristic
ways. The king of P:tk-je built an enormous pleasure-house
and adorned it with all manner of curious flowers and animals.
To the expostulations of his ministers he turned a deaf ear.
A few years later he was murdered by one of his courtiers.
In truth, peace was nearly as bad for Pak-je as war.
In Sil-la Buddhism had been introduced during the reign
of Xul-ji, 417-458. A monk named Muk Ho-ja had been
well received and was lodged in the palace. But, at the
first, Buddhism did not find congenial soil in Sil-la. Tradi-
tion gives the following account of the first set-back which it
suffered there. In 502 while the king wâs idling an hour
away in a favorite sununer-house outside the city, a raven
appeared bearing in its beak a letter. It laid the missive at
the king's feet and flew awa\-. The superscription said "If
the king opens and reads this note two people will die ; if he
ANCIENT KOREA. 77
does not open it one will die". He determined not to open

it,but one of his attendants said "The one referred to is
,
Your Majest}^ and therefore you should open it even though

two lives are sacrificed". He broke the seal and read the
strange words "Let the king take his trustiest bow, hasten
to the palace and shoot an arrow through the zither case".
The king obeyed the mandate, hastened back to the palace by
a private gate, entered the queen's apartments unannounced
and shot an arrow through a zither case that stood against the
wall. The arrow pierced the zither case and the High
Priest who was hidden behind it. The latter had taken
advantage of the king's absence to attack his honor. He was
strangled together with the guilt}- queen.
With her attempts at progress some evidences of the
all
grossest barbarity still lingered in Sil-la. It was not, so the
records tell us, until the year 503 that Sil-la discontinued the
horrible custom of bur3'ing people alive when a king's body
was interred. had been customary to bur}- five boys- and
It
five girls alive on such occasions, but in 503 the king publish-
ed a decree forbidding the continuance of the custom. The
very barbarit}^ of the custom renders its abolition the more
striking and places the name of king Chi-jeung, the twenty-
second of his line, among the names of Korea's benefactors.
At the same time the custom of plowing with oxen was intro-
duced, an innovation that had a most far-reaching effect upon
society. It was in the beginning of the sixth century that
Sil-la began to show evidences of the influence of Chinese

literature and thought. In 504 she adopted the Chinese word
Wang as the title of her kings in place of the pure Korean
words I-sa-geum or Ma-rip-kan. She also changed the name
of the kingdom from Kye-rim to Sil-la. We have been speak-
ing of this kingdom under the name Sil-la but as a matter of
fact it was not so designated until the year 504 A. D. Before
that time it had been variously styled Su-j-a-bul, vSa-ro, and
Kye-rim. The word Sil-la is said to have bsen composed of
the Chinese words Sin and ra, which when united become Sil-
la according to Korean laws of euphony. It is more than
probable that it was merely an adaptation of Chinese charac-

ters to pure Korean words, for the last syllable la or na is the
same as that used in other words, centuries before that time,
7S KORICA.N HISTDKV.
in southern Korea. The na of T'ani-na is the same eharacter.

To the word vSil-la was added the word Kiik or "kingdom"
wliieh put her in litie with the other vassals of China. The
Confueian code must have been makinj^ headway too, for in
the following" year the custom was adopted of assuming a
mourning garb for three years upon the death of a parent.
It was at this time that the influence of China upon Korea
began to bear its legitimate fruit. Chinese religion, literature,

government and art were beginning to mould the thought and
life of the Korean people. Man}- Chinese words had been in-
troduced into Korea before this time but the use of the Chin-
ese character had not been general.
In the mean time Ko-gu-ryii had been paying attention
not so much to internal reforms as to external alliances.
She sent to the Wei Emperor begging him to remit the
revenue in gold and jade, as they were obtained, the one in
Pu-3'u, which she claimed the Mal-gal savages had seized, and
the other in Sup-na which she averred the wicked Pak-je had
feloniousl}- taken. But she added "Of course all that Ko-gu-
ryu has is yours"". The Emperor good-naturedly remitted
the revenue but urged his vassal to continue the good work
of subduing the wild tribes of the peninsula. It is said
that in a single year Ko-gU-ryu sent three separate embas
sies to the Wei court. At the same time she was coquet-
ting, snb rosa, with the new Eiang power wdiich had arisen
in 502. In this Pak-je of course followêd suite. We thus
see that the three kingdoms spent their time in different
waj'S Sil-la in internal improvement, Pak-je in self-gratifica
;
tion and Ko-gu- ryii in strengthening her foreign rela-

tions.
In the }'ear 512 the kingdom of U-san was added to the
crown of Sil-la. This was the little island of Uagelet, off the
eastern coast of Korea, about opposite the prefecture of
Kang-neung. How
happened to branch out in a policy
Sil-la
of conquest we are not told, but having decided to do so she
did it very neatly. The expedition wasled by Gen. Yi Sa-
bu. He ordered the construction of several lions with gap-
ing mouths and enormous fangs. They were carved from
wood. He placed one of these in the prow of each of the boats
and when the little flotilla approached the shores of the island
AXCIEXT KOREA. 79
the natives were called upon to lay down their arms and
surrender, or the lions would be set loose among them and
would tear them to pieces. This, it is averred, brought the
trembling islanders to their knees, at once and Sil-la won a
bloodless victory. This is among the most cherished tradi-
tions of the Korean people.
accession of Wun-jong to the throne of Sil-la
With the
in 514 theChinese custom of conferring a posthumous title
upon a deceased king was introduced for the first time into
Korea. Long before this the custom had prevailed in Ko-gu-
ryu of naming a dead king after the place in which he was
buried but to the very last the Ko-gu-ryu kings did not
receive posthumous honorific titles. Pfik-je however follow-
ed example ten years later.
Sil-la' s
King Pup-heung of Sil-la in 520 reorganised the official

list and indicated the different grades of rank by different
colors. The grades called fa-do, kak-ka)i ^.nd ta-a-son wore

lavendar. Those called a-son and kcup-son, wore red, and
carried the ivory memo tablets that are common today. The
ta-na-ma and the na-ma wore blue. The ta-sa and sun-jo-ji
wore hats of silk, shaped like the broad-brimmed, round
crowned hats of the chair-coolie of the present day. The pa-
jin-son and the ia-a-son wore red silk hats. The sang-dang,
chuk-wi and ta-sa wore red hat strings. The kaleidoscopic
colors of a royal Korean procession of todaj^ indicate what a
prominent role the love of color plays in the oriental temper-
ament.
The Wei power in China was not pleased with the
friendship that was springing up between Ko-gu-ryu and the
Liang court. This came to a climax when .she stopppd a
Liang envoy who was on his way to Ko-gu-ryu to confer
investiture upon the king. It may be that Ko-gu-ryu realis-
ed that the Wei dynasty was waning to its close and

that it was well to cultivate the good-will of the young
and rising Liang power; but if so the forecast was false
for the Liang power outlived the Wei only twenty-four
yeans.
The year 524 gave Buddhism a new lease of life.
Sil-la
Its most celebrated representative was a monk named Muk
Ho-ja who lived about the middle of the fifth century. Com-
So K(>KI:A\ HISTOKV,
from Ko-,û-ry{i he had settled at the town of Il-sung-jûu

iiii;-
where a Sil-la citizen had made him a cave dwellino^. The

king" of Sil-la received a gift of incense from China, bnt did
•rtot kilow'hoVs' to .ttsfeît till this monk Muk; Ho-ja showed him
hoAv'. He king
fold the to 'burn and ask anything of the
it
spipits, and they would giliiit it. The

king's daughter was
venMlV at tli«7tmtfe.and'.the king burned the incense and ask-
ed 'that' Ivis aaught-ef be healed. The story says that she
'immediately arose from Her bed a well . woman. This of
..obilrse" gaVe'.BuddliisnY 'a long, start. •
Since that time, as we
have sisen. Buddhism had suffered a .severe drawback in the
person of the wicked monk who was discovered in the act of
abusing his sacerdotal function. It had recovered from that
shock however and had again assumed large proportions in
the state of Sil-la. The king ha3 come so completely under
the influence of the monks ^that naw in 524 the courtiers
feared that their power would be seriously threatened. They
therefore used ever\' means to induce the king to moderate
-His A-.iews. The king gave his reluctant assent to the execu-
tion :of the high priest, Yi Cha-don. Tradition says that when
he was brought to execution he exclaimed "When you slay
'hie. my blood will flow not red like blood but white as milk
-and then you will know Buddhism is true." And so it
that
proved, for when his head was severed from the trunk his
blood white like milk.
flowed None could gainsay this
evidence and' from that day Buddhism advanced with rapid
st-eps. - The following year the king made a law against.the
kiilingrof animals.
The -kingdom of Ka-rak had existed side by side wifh Sil-
laon tferms of mutual friendship for four hundred and eighty-
two j'êars, but in 527 her king, Kim Ku-hyung, gave up his
sovereign power and merged his kingdom into that of Sil-la.
He was however retained at the head of the Ka-rak state
under appointment by tlie4£ing of Sil-la. It does not appear
from the .scanty records that this was other than- a peacefvil
change. Ka-rak had long seen the growing power of Sil-la
and doubtless recognised that more was to be gained by
becoming part of that kingdom than by standing aloof and
running the chance of becoming disputed territory between
the rival powers of the peninsula. She had been founded in
Hi:A ij y FOR Tin: noa i>.
1
AN-CIENT KOREA. 8
41 A. D. and now she came to an end in 527, so her lease of

lifeseems to have been four hundred and eighty-six years
rather than four hundred and eighty-two as the records state.
As the dates of her beginning and end are both taken from
the records the discrepancy must be laid at the door of the
recorder.
About this time Sil-la discovered that it ^vas useless to
•cultivate the friendship of the Chinese powers. The Chinese
territorywas divided into a number of petty kingdoms and
more were on the eve of being founded. None of them had
strength enough to hold her own against the others, much
Jess to be of an},- avail in case of trouble in the peninsula.
Perhaps it was for this reason that in 535 Sil-la rejected the
Chinese calendar and named the year according to a plan of
her own. In China the Liang dynasty, the Northern Wei,
•and the Eastern Wei were all in the field, while the Ch'en,
the Northern Ch'i, the Northern Chu and the Sui dynasties
Avere just about to make their appearance and all to pass away
like summer clouds before the power of the mighty T'ang.
About the 3-ear 540 Pak-je moved her capital again this ;
time it was to Sa-ja the site of the present prefecture of Pu-

yu in the province of Ch'ung-ch'ung. She seems to have had
some aspirations after better things, for in 541 she sent to the
Liang court asking that books of poetry, teachers of litera-
ture, Buddhist books, artisans and picture painters be sent to
help in creating a taste for literature and art in that country.
The request was granted.
The year 543 marks an important event in the life of vSil-
la. The history of that country existed as yet only in the
form of notes, but now the king ordered that a congress of
the best scholars of the land set to work compiling a proper
histor}- under the leadership of the great scholar Kim-gii
Ch'il-bu, We will notice that this was about two hundred
years before the earliest date that is set for the publication of
the Japanese work entitled the Kojiki. And it should be
noticed likewise that this history ofvSil-la was not a ccllectiou
of myths and stories only, but a proper history, worked U])

from government records which a certain degree of knowledge
of Chinese had rendered the officials capable of making and
transmitting. One needs but to compare the Kojiki with the
Sij KOKKAN IIISTORV.
Siini-gnk-sa or "llistor\ of llic 'Pln\e Kin.mlonis" foinulcd ou

Ihtse records to sec how iiiuucasiirably the latter excels the
former as a source of accurate historical evidence.
It was about this time that the wild tribes of the Mal-.ual
and Ve-mak began to realise that the continued proj^^ress of

Pak-je and Sil-la meant extinction for themselves. vSo in 547
Ihey joined Ko-gu-ryii in an attack upon Pak-je but vSil-la

;
and Ka-ya rendered aid to Piik-je and the northern allies were
driven back. From this time on, during a period of several
years, Ko-gu-ryii, Ve-mak and Mal-gal were allies, and Sil-la,
Pak-je and Ka-ya were allies; a sort of dual arrangement,
which preserved a nice equilibrium in the peninsula.
In 549 the king of Pak-je sent an envoy to present his
compliments to the Liang Emperor. When he arrived at the
capital of the Liang power he found the palace in ashes and
the reins of government in the hands of the usurper Hu-
gyung; so he took his stand before the Tan-mun (gate) and
wept aloud from morning till night. The passers-by, hearing
his story, stopped and wept with him. This of course did not
please the usurper, and the envoy wus seized and thrown
into prison where he staj'ed until the rebellion wâs put down
and the Emperor returned. As the Ch'i dynasty arose in 550
we are not surprised to learn that Ko-gu-ryn sent an envo>'
immediately to do obeisance and get into the good graces of
the new power.
It must be confes.sed that meantime Buddhism had been
making rapid strides in Sil-la. Monasteries had been erected
and the new cult was winning its wâ}- into the hearts of the
people. In 551 the public teaching of the eight law^s of
Buddhism against (i) the slaughter of animals, (2) theft.
(3) licentiousness, (4) lying, (5) drunkenness, (6) ambition,

(7) the eating of garlic, (8) levity, was decreed.
It is probable that the art of music was not highly devel-
oped at this time but in 552 the king of Sil-la sent three men
to the Ka-3'a country to learn music from a celebrated master
named U Reuk but that learned man had come to realise
;
that Ka-ya was doomed and, taking his twelve-stringed in-

strument under his arm he went with his disciple Ni Mun to
the court of Sil-la. The three men, Piip-ji, K^-e-go and Man-
dok, whom the king had appointed to study music, entered
ANCIENT KOREA. 83
\ipon tlieir duties under this man's tutelage. One of them

studied singing, another the use of the instrument and a
third dancing. When the}' had perfected themselves in these
ornamental arts they proposed to alter some of the songs, on
the plea that they were too licentious, but old U Reuk
violently objected to expurgated editions of his works, and so
it was stopped. From that tiiiie music became very popular
and in many cases students of this great branch of art went
among the mountains and spent years in practice. The in-
strument was called a Ka-ya-geiim from Ka-jâ where it
originated. It is now called the ka-go and is shaped like a
Korean zither but is smaller. Among the favorite songs that
have come down to the present time are "The Ascent of the
Mountain," "The Descent of the Mountain," "The Rust-
ling Bamboo," "The Stork Dance," "The Blowing Wind"
and "The Monastery on the Mountain." But music was
not the onl}^ art that flourished, for we are gravely told that
an artist painted a tree on the wall of "Yellow Dragon
Monastery" with such skill that birds tried to alight on its
branches.
In 555 war broke out between Sil-la and Pak-je. We
are not told its cause but Sil-la was victorious and added to
her territory a large tract of country along the eastern side of
Pnk-je, which she erected into a prefecture under the name
of Wan-san-ju (now Chun-ju). One authority says that in
this war Pak-je lost one half of her territory to Sil-la. It
seems that Sil-la had by this time developed the taste for
diplomatic intercourse with China. Frequent embassies were
sent on the long and costly journey. Each of the three
powers sent two and three times a year to one or other of the
various Chinese courts. The Emperor of the Ch'i dynasty
sent Sil-la great store of Buddhistic books. It is said thai
as man}- as 1700 volumes were sent at one time.
When Pak-jong ascended the throne of Sil-la in 570 the
Buddhistic tendencies had begun to bear their legitimate
fruits. The king was so given over to it that he became a
monk and the queen became a nun. All thought of progress
seems to have been given up and the revenues were squandered
in sending useless embassies to China. The style of Buddhism
prevalent in Sil-la is illustrated by the fact that in the second
8"4 KORI'.W IIISTORN',
^•tai' of Ihfs nji,t;n tlic niiiiistcv of war look the kin^' severely'
to task for spendint; so nuich lime in the chase, thouj^h the
killing of animals is llie first ]iroliibition of the Biiddliist law.
Tradition says that this faithful minister, Ilu-jik^ ])lead in.
vain, and finally, when dying, asked to be buried near the

road the king nsually took when going to hunt. It was done
and the king when passing the grave heard a noise of warn-
ing proceeding from it. When he was told that it was the
faithful but neglected Hu-jik, the king determined on the
spot that he would reform, and so the faithful minister did
more by his death than by his life.
It was in the year 586 that Ko-gu-ryu again moved her
capital northward to the old place near the present Kui-ju.

Soon after this the Tsin dj-nasty in China fell before the
victorious Sui, and Ko-gu-rj-u, who had been friendly with
the Tsin but had never cultivated the Sui, was left in an
extremely delicate position. She immediately beg-an prepara-
tions for repelling- a Sui in\'asion. The Emperor however
had no such intentions and sent a swift messenger cbiding^
the king for his unjust suspicions and opening the way for a
friendly understanding. This seemed a little strained to the
king and he feared treachery-; so, while he greatly desired to
send an envoy, he hardly ventured to do so.
One of the famous traditions of Korea centers about this
king. His daughter when of tender years cried so much that
on one occasian the king impatiently exclaimed "When you
grow up you cannot marry a man of the nobility but we will
marry you to an ondali.'^ Now an ondali is a very ignorant,
foolish fellow^ a boor. When the girl reached a marriageable
age the king w^ho had forgetten all about his threat was for
marrying her to a high noble but the girl called to his re-
membrance the words he had spoken and said she would marry
no one but an ondali. The king bound ten golden hairpins to
her arm and drove the away from the palace. She fled to the
hut of an ondali on the outskirts of the town but he was away
in the hills gathering elm bark to eat. His mother, old and
blind, said "You smell of perfume and your hands are soft
and smooth. My boy is only an ignorant oidali aw^l. no match
for you." Without answering, the maiden hastened to the
hills and found the boy, but he thought her a spirit and took
ANCIENT KOREA. 85
to his heelsand ran home as fast as he could go. She follow-

ed and slept before his door that night. At last the youth
comprehended the situation and accepted the hand of the
princess. set him up in the
With the ten golden hairpins'she
horse-raising business. bought the broken-down palace He
ponies and by careful treatment made them sound and fleet
again. In the chase he always led the rout and when the
King asked who he might be the answer was "Only an
ondali.'' From this the )'outh advanced until he became a
famous general and had the honor of defeating a Chinese
army in L,iao-tung. He was killed during an invasion of Sil-
la but no one was able to lift his dead body till his wife came
and knelt beside it saying "The dead and living are sep-
arated." Then it was lifted and carried back to Ko-gu-rvu.
Chapter XI.
Ko-gu-r)'U relations with the Sui court. . . .Ko-gu-ryu suspected. . . .takes

the offensive. .. .submits. .. .the Emperor suspicious. .. .the great
Chinese invasion. .Chinese allies .Ko-gu-ryu's allies.
. ..Chinese . . .
cross the Liao. .go into camp. .naval expedition

. . .defeated at . . . . .
P'3'ung-yang. routes of the Chinese army. . . .Ko-gu-ryu spy. . . . . .
Ko-gu-ryu lures the Chinese on .pretense of surrender. .Chinese . . . . .
retreat ...terrible slaughter. .. .Pak-je neutral. .. .second invasion

....siege of Liao-tung fortress. .. .Chinese retire. .. .and give up
the contest. .. .treaty with the T'ang Emperor. .. .triangular war
renewed China neutral .... guerilla warfare .... first woman sover-
. . .
eign. . . .Pak-je retrogrades. . . .attacks Sil-la. . . .Pjik-je's terrible

mistake. .Chinese spy.
. ..ri.se of Hap So-mun. .the tortoise and . . . .
the rabbit .Taoism introduced . .China finally sides with Sil-la

. . .
....and announces her program. .. .preparations for war. .. .the

invasion. .. .siege of Liao-tung Fortress. .. .siege of An-si P'ortress
.... Chinese retire.
We Ko-gu-ryu did not respond freely to

havê seen that
the friendh' advances of the Sui power in China. Although
a Sui envoy came and conferred investiture upon the king in
590, yet the relations were not cordial. Something was
lacking. A mutual suspicion existed which kept them both
on the watch for signs of treachery. But two years later the
king did obeisance to the Emperor and was apparently taken
86 ICORKAX IirSTdKV.
into his good graces. And now the net began to be drawn
about Ko-gu-ryii. Her had always been precarious.
position"
She was the largest of the peninsular kingdoms and tlie
nearest to China. She \Vas also nearest to the wild tribes
who periodically joined in an attempt to overthrow the Chinese
ruling dynasty. So Ko-gu ryu was always more or less
suspected of ulterior designs and she seems to have realised
it, for she
always sedulously cultivated the good-will of the
Emperors. She knew very well that with Sil-la and Pak-je,
hereditary enemies, at her back, the day when she fell under
the .serious suspicion of any strong dynasty in China would
be her day of doom. And so it proved in the end. vShe had
now thoroughly alienated the good- will and arou.sed the
suspicions of the Sui P^mperor Sil-la and Pak-je were in his
;
good graces, and stirring times were at hand. These two

rival powers sent envoys to China urging the Emperor to
unite with them in invading Ko-gu-ryu and putting an end to
her once for all. To this the Emperor assented. Ko-gu-ryfi
knew that the fight was on and, being the warlike power that
she was, she boldly determined to take the offensive. Draw-
ing on her faithful allies the Mal-gal for 10,000 troops she
despatched these, together with her own ami}', to western
Liao-tung and across the river Liao, where the town of Yung-
ju was attacked and taken. This was her declaration of war.
The Emperor in 598 proclaimed the royal title withdrawn
from the king of Ko-gu-ryu and an army of 300,000 men was
put in motion toward the frontier. At the same time a naval
expedition was fitted out. But reverses occurred storms by
:
sea and bad managem.nt of the commissariat by land rendered

the expedition a failure. It opened the eyes of the Ko-gu-ryu
king however and he saw that the Emperor was fully deter-
mined upon his destruction. He .saw but one way to make
himself safe and that was by abject submission. He there-
fore hastened to tell the Emperor, "I am a base and worthless
subject, vile as ordure," which was received by the Emperor
with considerable complaisance^ and a show of pardon was
made but it was probably done onlj- to keep Ko-gu-ryu from
;
active preparations until China could equip a much larger

army and put it in the field. P"ak-je, who did not like to see
affairs brought to a halt at this interesting juncture, sent an
ANCIENT KOREA. 87
envoy to China offering to act as guide, to lead a Chinese

army against the foe. When Ko-gu-ryii learned of this her
anger knew no bounds and she began to make reprisals upon
Pjik-je territory.
About this time the Sui Emperor had business in the
north. The Tol-gwiil tribe needed chastisement. When the
Chinese forces entered the chief town of the humbled tribe
the}' found a Ko-gu-ryu emissary there. This fed the Em-
peror's suspicions for it looked as if Ko-gu-ryu were prepar-
ing a league of the wild tribes for the purpose of conqviest.
He therefore sent to Ko-gu-ryu saying "The king should not
be afraid of me. Let him come himself and do obeisance. If
not, I shall send and destroy him." We may well imagine
that this pressing invitation was declined by the king.
The last year of the sixth centur}' witnnessed the com-
pilation of the first great history of Ko-gu-ryu, in 100 volumes.
It was named the Yu-geui or "Record of Remembrance."
It took China vSome years to get ready for the carrying
out of her plan, but at last in 612 began one of the mightiest
military movements in histor^^ China massed upon the
western bank of the Eiao River an ami}- of 1,130,000 men.
There were forty regiments of cavalry and eighty of infantr}-.
The army was divided into twenty-four battalions, marching
with an interval of forty // between each, so that the entire
army stretched for 960 // or 320 miles along the road. Eighty
// in the rear came the Emperor with his body-guard.
When this enormous army reached the banks of the Eiao

they beheld on the 'farther bank the soldiers of Ko-gu-ryn.
Nothing can better prove the harihooi of the Ko-gu-ryu sold-
iery than that, when they saw this well-nigh innumerable host
approach, they dared to dispute the crossing of the river.
The Chinese army was composed of Chinese regulars and
of allies from twenty-four of their dependencies whose names
are given as follows. Nu-bang, Chang-jam, Myung-ha, Kii-
ma, Kon-an, Nam-so, Yo-dong, Hj-un-do, Pu-yu, Nang-
nang, Ok-jii, Chum-siin, Ham-ja, Hon-mi, Im-dun, Hu-siing,
Che-ha, Tap-don, Suk-sin, Kal-suk, Tong-i, Ta-bang and
Yang-p'jmng. One would suppose from this long list that
.there could be few left to act as allies to Ko-gu-ryu, but when
we remember that the Mal-gal group of tribes was by far the
88 ROKFAX IirsTdRV.
most jH>\vcrt'ul and warlike ot" all the iioi'lliLin hordes we will
see that Ko-gu-ryu was not without allies. In addition tt)
this. Ko-gti-ryu had two important faetors in her favor ; in

summer the rains made the greater part of Liao-tnng impas-
sable either for advance or retreat, and in winter the severit\
of the weather rendered military operations next to impossible.
Only two courses were therfore open to and invading army :
either it must make a quick dash into Ko-gu-ryii in the spring

or autumn and retire before the summer rains or winter storms,
or else it must be prepared to go into camp and spend the in-
clement season in an enemy's country, cut oflf from its base of
supplies. It was in the spring that this invasion took place
and the Emperor was determined to carry it through to a
finish in spite of summer rains or winter storms.
No
sooner had the Chinese army reached the Liao Ri\-er
than the engineers set to work bridging the stream. So en-
ergetically was the work done that in two daN's a double span
was thrown across. There had been a miscalculation how-
ever, for it fell six feet short of reaching the eastern bank,
and the Ko-gu-ryu soldiers were there to give them a warm
welcome. The Chinese troops leaped from the unfinished end
of the bridge and tried to climb up the steep bank, biit were
again and again driven back. The eastern bank was not
gained until Gen Milk Chul-jang leaped to the shore and mowed
a path for his followers with his sword. At this point the Ko-
gu-ryu generals Chon Sa-ung and Mang Keum-ch'a were killed.
When the \vhole army had effected a crossing the Emper-
or sent 1 200 troops to occupy the fortified town of Liao-tung
but the Ko-gu-r3-u general, Eul-ji Mun-duk, hastened thither
and drove back this detachment of Chinese in confusion. The
Emperor learned of the retreat and proceeded toward the scene
of action. When he came up with the flying detachments of
his defeated force he severely reprimanded the generals in
charge and chided them for being laz}- and afraid of death.
But it was now late in June and the rain\- season was at hand.
so the Emperor with his whole arnn- wênt into camp at Yuk-
liap Fortress a little to the west of the town of Liao-tung, to
await the end of the wet season.
He was unwilling however to let all this time pass with-
out anv active work so he sent a fleet of boats bv sea to sail
;
ANCIEXT KOREA. Sg
up the Ta-dong River and attack P'ynng-yang. This was

under the leadership of Gen. Nil Ho-a. Landing his force on
the bank of the Ta-dong, sixty // below the city, he enjoyed
there a signal victor}- over a small force which had been
sent to head him off. This made the general over-confident
and in spite of the protests of his lieutenants he marched on
P'yung-yang without an hour's delay. With twenty thou-
sand troops he went straight into the town, the gates being
left wide open for him. This was a ruse on the part of the
Ko-gu-ryu forces. A strong body of Ko-gu-ryii troops had
hidden in a monastery in Na-gwak Fort on the heights with-
in the city. The Chinese found theinselves entrapped and
Gen. Na was forced to beat a hasty retreat with what forces
he had left, and at last got back to Ha-p'o (harbor) in L,iao-
tung. What the Emperor said to him is not known but it
could not have been flattering.

The rainy season had now come and gone and the main
plan of the invasion was ready to be worked out. It was
necessary for the Emperor to spread out his force over the
country in order to find forage, and so, in approaching the
borders of Ko-gu-ryu, was decided that they should conic-
it
by several different routes. Gen. U Mun-sul led a detach-

ment by way of Pu-yfi, Gen. U Chung-mun by way of Nang-
nang. Gen. H3-ung Wun-hang by way of Yo-dong, Gen. Sul
Se-ung by way of Ok-ju, Gen. Sin Se-ung by way of Hyiin-do,
Gen. Chang Keun by way of Yang-p'yang, Gen. Cho Hyo-
ja by way of Kal-siik, Gen. Ch'oe Hong-seung by way of Su-
s'lng. Gen. Wi Mufi-seung by wa}' of Cheung-ji. It is said
that the}^ all rendezvoused on the western bank of the Yalu

River, but if so there must have been great changes in thr
position of these wild tribes. It is more than probable that
like the North American Indiaris they had moved further and
further back from their original lands until they were far be-
yond the Yalu and Tumen rivers.
In the early autumn of 612 the whole army lay just east
of the Yalu River.
The king of Ko-gu-ryu sent Gen. Eul-ji Mun-duk to tht
Chinese camp to tender the Emperor a pretense of surrender
but in reality to spy out his position and force. When he
appeared the Emperor was minded to kill him on the spot
90 KOKKAN IirSTOKV,
but thought better of it and, after listening to what he had to
say, let him Not an hour after he had gotten beyond the
go.
Chinese pickets the lunperor changed his mind again and sent
in pursui: of him l)ut the general had too good a start and
:
made too good use of his time to allow himself to be retaken,

And now appeared one of the disadvantages of being far
from one's base of supplies, and in an enemy's country. Some
weeks before this each Chinese soldi2r had been given three
bags of rice and told that he must carry them on the march,
besides his other necessary accoutrements. Death was to the
penalt}' of throwing any of it away. The resultwas that most
of them buried a large part of the rice in their tents and so
escaped detection. Now they were short of provisions, while
the generals thought their knapsacks were full of rice. The
Ko-gu-ryu Gen, Eul-ji, who had been
camp, however,
in their
knew about it. He entered upon a geurilla warfare with the
object of luring the enemy far into Ko-gu-ryu territory and
then cutting them to pieces at leisure. To this end he made
a feigned retreat several times each day, thus giving the enemv
confidence and blinding them to his own strength. It was
decided that a Chinese force of 305,000 men under Gen, U
Chung-mun should i;roceed straight to P'yung-j-ang. It
seemed wholly unnecessar}- that the whole army of 1,130,000
men should undergo that long march when only a pusillanimous
enemy barred the way.
On they came toward the capital without meeting any-
thing but a few skirmishers, until they reached the Sal-su, a
stream only thirty // from P'yung-yang. Crossing this the
Chinese went into camp for a few days to recover from the
fatigue of the rapid march before attacking the town.
At this point Gen. Eul-ji began operations. He wrote a
very humble letter sueing for mercy. When the Chinese gen-
eral received this, his course of reasoning must have been
.something as follows '"My forces are completely exhausted
:
by this long march the provisions are almost gone I shall,

; ;
find the capital defended by desperate men it may be that I ;
shall be handled as roughly as were the forces of Gen. Na. I

will accept this submission and start back in time to reach the
Yalu before m}- provisions are entirely gone. I will thus-
spare mj- army and gain the desired end as well."
ANCIENT KOREA. 'g\
Whether this was his course of reasoning or not, sure it
is that he accepted the submission tendered him and put his

aiuiy in motion toward the Yalu. But before his forces had
gone a mile they found themselves attacked on all sides at
once by an unseen foe which seemed to fill the forests on
either side the road. When half the army had gotten across
the Sal-su the other half was fiercely attacked and cut to pieces
or driven like dumb cattle over thtt face of the country, where
they were butchered at leisure. The retreat became a flight,
the flight a rout, and still the Ko-gu-ryu soldiers hung on
their flanks like wolves and dragged them down by scores and
hundreds. It is said that in a single day and night the fugitive
Chinese covered four hunderd and fifty //, and when the
remnant of that noble army of 305,000 men that had swept
across the Yalu went back across that historic stream it was
just 2700 strong. Over 300,000 men had perished along the
hill-sides and among the forests of Ko-gu-ryil. The Emperor
in anger imprisoned the over-confident Gen, U Chung-muUv
Meanwhile what of Pak-je? Sh^ had promised that she
^vould rise and strike Ko-gu-ryu simultaneously with the
Empe.or, but when the moment for action came, like the pab
troon that she was, she waited to see which side would be
most likel}' to win in the end. When the Chinese fled back to
the border in panic Piik-je quietly stacked her arms and said
nothing about attacking her neighbor.
Winter was now at hand, or would be before another plan,
could be perfected and carried out. The army was without
provisions. There ^was nothing left but to retreat. The
Chinese army, still a mighty host, moved slowly back across
the Liao River and Ko-gu-ryu was left to her own pleasant
musings. All that China gained was that portion of Ko-gu-
ryu lying west of the Liao River, which the Emperor erected
into three prefectures.
IfKo-gu-ryu flattered herself that her troubles were all
•over she was wofuUy mistaken. With the opening of spring
the Emperor's determination to humble her was as strong as
ever. All the courtiers urged him to give over the attempt.
They had seen enough of Ko-gu-ryu. The Emperor, how-
ever, was firm in his determination, and in the fourth moon
another armv was launched aijainst the hardv little kiniJ-dom
gZ Kd'KRAX IlfSTORV.
to the east.. It cross-^d th-i Liao without opposition but whem

it arrived at Tono;-\vhano: l'\>rtress, near the present Eui-
ju. it attempted in vain to take it, Tlic Ivniperor decided

therefore to make thorough conquest of all the Liao-tung
a
territory and delimit the possessions of Ko-gu-ryuas far as the
Vain River, To this end siegj was laid to the Fortress of
Liao-tung. After twenty days the town was still intact and
the Chinese seemingly as far from \ictory as ever. Ladders
were tried but without effect. A bank of earth was thrown
tiyas high as the wall of the town, but this too failed. Plat-
forms of timber were erected and rolled up to the wall on
trucks of eight wheels each. This seemed to promise success
but just as the attempt was to be made fortune favored Ko-
gu-ryu, for news came to the Chinese that an insurrection had
arisen in China, headed by Yang Hyi*n-gam. The tents were
hastily struck and the army by forced marches moved rapidly
back towards China- At first the Ko-gu-ryu. forces thought
this was a mere feint but when the truth was known they
rushed in pursuit and succeeded in putting several thousands-
of the Chinese braves /lors dc combat.
The following year the Emperor wanted to return to the
charge but an envoy came from Ko-gu-ryu offering the king's
humble submission. To this the Emporor replied "Then let
him come in person and present it." This he would not do.
Four years later the king of Ko-gu-ryu died and his
brother Kiin-mu as-sumed control. It was in this same 3-ear
6i8 that the great T'ang dynasty was founded on the ruins of
the Sui and the fear of vengeance was lifted from Ko-gu-ryu.
She immediately sent an envoy to the T'ang court offering
her allegiance. Pak-je and Sil-la were only a year behind her
in paying their respects to the new Emperor. As a test of
Ko-gu-ryu sincerity, Emperor Kao-tsu demanded that she
rend back the captives taken during the late war. As the
price of peace Ko-gu-r\'U complied and sent back 10,000 men.
The next year the T'ang Emperor conferred the title of royal-
ty upon all the three kings of the peninsula which, instead of
settling the "deadly feud between them, simply opened a new
and final scene of the fratricidal struggle. To Ko-gu-ryu the
Emperor sent books on the Shinto faith, of the introduction
of which into Korea we here have the first intimation.
AX'CIENT KORfiA. 93
ôw that danger from the west no longer threatened Ko-

gu-ryu, she turned to her neighbors and began to exercise her
arms upon them. Pak-je also attacked Sil-la fiercely and soon,
a triangular war was being waged in the peninsula which
promised to be a war of extermination unless China should
interfere. Of course each wished the Empefor to interfere in
her behalf and each plied the throne of China with recrimina-
tions of the others and with justifications of herself until the
Emperor was wholly at a loss to decide between them. Per-
haps it was not his policy to put an end to the war but let it
rage until the whole peninsula was exhausted, when it would
become an easy prey to his arms. At any rate he gave en-
couragement to none of them but simply told them to stop
fighting. Ko-gu-rjnt diplomatically added to her supplications
a request for Buddhist, Taoist and Shinto teachers.
The details of this series of hostilities between the three
Korean states form a tangled skein. First one border fort
Was taken and then recovered, then the same was repeated at
another point; and so it went all along the line, now one being-
victorious and now another. Large fofces were not employed
at any one time or place, but it was a skirmish fire all along the
border, burning up brightly first at one spot and then at an-
other. One remarkable statement in the records, to the ef-^
feet that Ko-gu-ryii began the building of a wall straight
across the peninsula from Eui-ju to the Japan Sea to keep out
the people of the northern tribes, seems almost incredible. If
true it is another testimony to the great power of Ko-gu-ryu.

It is said the work was finished in sixteen years.
In 632, after a reign of fifty years. King Chim-p'yuhg
died without male issue but his daughter Tong-man, a woman
of strong personality, ascended the throne of Sil-la, being the
first of her sex that ever sat on a Korean throne.
Many stories ate told of her precocit}'. Once when she
was a mere had received from the Emperor a
child her father
picture of the viok-tan flower together with some seeds of the
same. She immediately remarked that the flowers would
have no perfume. When asked why she thought so she re-
plied "Because there is no butterfly on them in the picture."
While not a valid argument, it showed a power of observation
Very uncommon in a child. This proved to be true, for when
94 KtmrcAx histokn".
the seeds sprouted and grew the blossoms had no fragrauctr.

The Kniperor conferred upon her the title of royalty, the same
as upon a male sovereign.
The first few j'ears of her reign were peaceful ones for
Sil-la, and PiSk-je, as usual when relieved of the stress of

war, fell back into her profligate ways again. The king built
gardens and miniature lakes, bringing water from a point
some twenty // away tO' suppl)^ them. Here he spent his time
in sport and debauchery while the country ruled itself.
In the fifth year of her reign Queen Tong-man, while
walking in her palace grounds, passed a pond of w'ater but
suddenly stopped and exclaimed "There is war on our western.
border." When asked her reasons for thinking so .she point-
ed to the frogs in the pond and said "See how red their eyes
are. It means that there is war on the border," As if to
bear out her statement, swift messengers came the next day
announcing that Psik-je was again at work along the western
border. So runs the story.
And so the fight went on merrily all along the line, while
at the capitals of the three kingdoms things continued much
as usual. Each of the countries sent Princes to China to be
educated, and the diplomatic relations with China were as in-
timate as ever but in 642 Pak-je made the great mistake of
;
her life.After an unusualh* successful niilitar>^ campaign

against Sil-la during which she seized forty of her frontier
posts, she conceived the bright idea of cutting off Sil-la's
communication with China. The plan was to block the
wa}^ of Sil-la envoys on their way to China. Thus she
thought that China's good will would be withdrawn from her
rival, Sil-la, It was a brilliant plan but it had after effects
which wôrked ruin for Pak-je. Such a momentous under-

taking could not be kept from the ears of the Emperor nor
could Sil-la's envoys be thus debarred from going to the
Emperor's court. When the whole matter was therefore laid
before the Chinese court the Emperor immediately condemned
Pak-je in his own mind.
About this time a Chinese envoy named Chin Ta-t'ok ar-
rived on the borders of Ko-gu-ryu. On his way to the capi-
tal he pretended to enjoy all the views along the way and he
gave costh' presents to the prefects and gained from them ac-
.
ANCIENT KOREA, 95
"CTirate information about every part of the route. B}- this

means he spied out the land and carried a fund of important
information back to the Emperor. He advised that Ko-gu-
ryu be invaded both by land and sea, for she would not be
hard to conquer.
It was in this year 642 that a Ko-gu-r^-u official named
Hap So-mun assassinated the king and setup the king's neph-
ew Chang as king. He himself became of course the court
favorite. He was a man of powerful body and powerful mind
He was as "sharp as a falcon." He claimed to have risen
from the water by a miraculous birth. He was hated b}' the
people because of his cruelt}' and fierceness. Having by
specious promises so far molified the dislike of the officials as
to have gained a position under the government he became
worse than before and some of the officials had an understand-
ing with the king that he must be put out of the way. This
came to the ears of Hap So-mun and he gave a great feast,
during the course of which he fell upon and killed all those
who had advised against him. He then sent and killed the
king in the palace, cut the bod}' in two and threw it into a
ditch. Then, as we have seen, he set up Chang as king.
This Hap So-mun is said to have worn five swôrds on his per-
son all the time. All bowed their heads when he appeared
and when he rode in state he passed over the prostrate bodies
of men.
When an envoy, soon after this, came from Sil-la he was
thrown into prison as a spy and was told that he would be re-
leased as soon as Sil-la should restore to Ko-gu-r3-u the two
districts of Ma-hyun which had at one time belonged to Ko^
gu-ryu. This envoy had a friend among the Ko-gu-ryn offi-
cials and to him he applied for help. That gentleman gave him
advice in the form of an allegor)*. It was as follows.
The daughter of the S>ea King being ill, the physicians
said that she could not recover unless she should eat the liver
of a rabbit. This being a terrestrial animal it was of course
almost impossible to obtain, but finally a tortoise volunteered
so secure a rabbit and bring it to the king. Emerging from the
sea on the coast of Sil-la the tortoise entered a field and found
a rabbit sleeping under a covert. Awakening the animal he
began to tell of an island off the shore where there were neither
.
96 K ( R KA X
> f I rs'i'o K V
hawks nor hunters —a rabbit's paradise, and volunteered to

lake the rabbit across to it upon his back. When well out at
sea the tortoise bade the rabbit prepare for death, for his liver
was needed by the Sea King. After a moment's rapid thought
the rabbit exclaimed "You might have had it without all this
ado, for when the Creator made rabbits he made them with
detachable livers so that when they became too warm they
could take them out and wash them in cool water and then
put them back. When you found me I had just washed mine
and laid it on a rock to dry. You can have it if you wish, for
I have no special use for it." The tortoise in great chagrin
turned about and paddled him back to the shore. Iêaping to
the land the rabbit cried "Good day, my friend, my liver is
safe inside of me."
The imprisoned envoy pondered over this conundrum and
its application and finally solved Sending to the king he said
it.
'You cannot get back the two districts by keeping me here.

If you will let me go and will provide me with an escort I will
induce the Sil-la government to restore the territory to you.

The king complied, but when the envo}' had once gotten across
the border he sent back word that the restoration of territor}-
vvas not in his line of business and he must decline to discuss
the question at the court of Sil-la.
In 643 the powerful and much dreaded Hap So-mun sent

to China asking the Emperor to send a teacher of the Shinto
religion for he said that the three religions. Buddhism,
;
Taoism and Shintoism w'ere like the three legs of a kettle, all
necessary. The Emperor complied and sent a teacher, Suk-
da, with eight others and with books to be used in the study
of the new cult.
The prowess of this Hap So-mun was well known at the
Chinese court and kept the Emperor from attempting any
it
offensive operations. He said it would not do to drain China

of her soldiers at such a critical time, but that the Mai-gal
tribes must first be alienated from their fealty to Ko-gu-ryu and
be induced to attack her northern border. Others advised that
Hap So-mun be allowed free rein so that all suspicion of ag-
gression on the part of China should be removed and Ko-gu-
rj-Q would become careless of her defenses. This would in
time bring a good opportunity to strike the decisive blow. It
ANCIENT KOREA. 97
was in pursuance of this polic}^ that the Shinto teachers were

sent and that Hap So-mun's creature, Chang, was given in-
vestiture. At the same time a Sil-la emmissary wâs on his
way to the Chinese court asking for aid against Ko-gu-ryu,
The Emperor could not comply but proposed three plans :
first, that China stir up the Mal-gal tribes to harry the north-
ern borders of Ko-gu-ryu and so relieve the strain on the

south; second, that China give Sil-la a large number of red
flags which she should use in battle. The Pak-je or Ko-gu-
ryu forces, seeing these, would think that Sil-la had Chinese
allies and would hasten to make peace ; third, that China
should send an expedition against Pak-je, which should unite
with a Sil-la force and thus crush the Pfik-je power once for
all and join her territory to that of Sil-la. This would pre-
pare the way for the subjugation of Ko-gu-ryu. But to this
advice the Emperor added that so long as Sil-la had a woman
on the throne she could not expect to undertake anj- large
operations. She ought to put a man on the throne and then,
after the war was over, restore the woman if she so wished.
The Sil-la envoy pondered these three plans but could come
to no decision. So the Emperor called him a fool and sent
him away. We see behind each of these schemes a fear of
Ko-gu-ryU. China was willing to do an^^thing but meet the
hard)' soldiers of Ko-gu-ryu in the field.
We see that the Emperor had virtually decided in favor
of Sil-la as against Pak-je and Ko-gu-r\-u. The long expect-
ed event had at last occurred. Tacitly but really China had
cast her vote for Sil-laand the future of the peninsula was
decided for so long as the Tang dynasty should last. That
the decision was a wise one a moment's consideration will
show. Ko-gu-ryu never could be depended upon for six
months in advance and must be constantly watched Pak-je,;
being really a mixture of the northern and southern elements,

had neither the powder of the one now the peaceful disposition
of the other but was as unstable as a cloud. Sil-la on the
other hand was purely southern, excepting for a strain of
Chinese blood brought in bj' the refugees from the Tsin
dynasty. Her temperament was even, her in.stincts peaceful,
her tendencies toward improvement and reform. She was by
all means the best ally China could have in the peninsula.
98 KORICAX IIISTORV.
And SO the die was cast and heiiccrorth the iiiaiii drift of
Chinese sympathy is to be Sil-la-ward.
The yeai' 644 was a fateful one for Korea. The lunperor
sent an envoy to Ko-gu-ryu and P:lk-je commanding them to
cease their depredations on Sil-la. Thus was the Chinese
policy announced. Pak-jc hastened to comi)l\ but Hap So-
mun of Ko-gu-ryu replied that was this an ancient feud with
Sil-la and could not be set aside until Ko-gu-ryu recovered 500
// of territory that she had been despoiled of. The Kmperor
in anger sent another envoy with the same demand, but Hap
So-mun threw him into prison and defied Chin.i. When he-
heard however that the Emperor had determined upon an in-
vasion of Ko-gu-ryu he changed his mind and sent a present

of gold to the Chinese court. But he was too late. The gold
was returned and the envoy thrown into prison.
There were many at the Chinese court who could remem-
ber the horrors of that retreat from P'yung-yang when China
left 300,000 dead upon the hills of Ko-gu-ryu, and the Emper-
or was advised to move cautiously. He however felt that un-
less Ko-go-ryu was chastised she might develop an ambition
towards imperialism and the throne of China itself might be
endangered. He therefore began to collect provisions on the
northern border, storing them at Ta-in Fortress. He called
into his counsels the old general, Chong Wun-do, who had
been an eye-w4tness of the disasters of the late war with Ko-
gu-ryu. This man gave healthful advice, saying that the
subjugation of Ko-gu-ryu would be no easy task first, be-
;
cause the way was so long second, because of the difficulty

;
of provisioning the army; third, because of the stubborn re-

sistance of Ko-gu-ryu's soldiers. He gave the enemy their
due and did not minimize the difficulties of the situation.
The Emperor listened to and profitted by this advice, for
during the events to be related his soldiers never suffered from

over-confidence, but in their advances made sure of every step
as they went along.
Active operations began by the sending of an army of
40,000 men in 501 boats to the harbor of Ntt-ju where they
were joined by land forces to the number of 60,000, besides
large contingents from the wild tribes of the north. Large
numbers of ladder.' and other engines of war had been con-
ANCIENT KOREA. 99
structed and were ready for use. Before crossing the Liao
River the Emperor made proclamation far and wide saying
"Hap So-mnn has killed our vassal, King of Ko-gu-ryii, and
we go to inquire into the matter. Let none of the prefects
along the wa}' waste their revenues in doing us useless honors.
Let Sil-la, Pak-je and Ku-ran help us in this righteous war."
Crossing the Liao without resistance the Chinese forces
marched toward the fortress of Kon-an which soon fell into
their hands. Some thousands of heads fell here to show the
rest of Ko-guryii what they might expect in case of con-
tumacy. Then Ham-mo Fortress fell an easv victim. Not
so the renowned fortress of Liao-tnng. As the Emperor ap-
proached the place he found his way obstructed b}^ a morass
200 li in length. He built a road through it and then when
all his army had passed he destroyed the road behind him as
Pizarro burnt his ships behind him when he landed on the

shores of America to show his arnu' that there was to be no
retreat. Approaching the town he laid siege to it and after a
hard fight, during which the Chinese soldiers lifted a man on
the end of a long piece of timber until he could reach and set
fire to the defences that surmounted the wall, an entrance
was finally effected and the town taken. In this battle the
Chinese were materially aided b}' armor which Pak-je had
sent as a gift to the Chinese Emperor.
The Chinese were destined to find still greater difficulty
in storming An-si Fortress which was to Ko-gu-ryu what
Metz is to German3\ It was in command of the two generals,
Ko Yun-su and Ko Hye-jin who had called to their aid 100,
000 warriors of the Mal-gal tribes. At first the Emperor tried
a ruse to draw the garrison out where he could give them
battle. The wise heads among the Ko-gu-rjai garrison strong-
ly opposed the sortie saying that it were better to await an
opportunity to cut off the Chinese from their base of supplies,
and so entrap them but they were outvoted and the greater
;
part of the Ko-gu-ryu and allied forces marched out to engage

the enemy in the open field. The Emperor ascended an em-
inence where he could obtain a view of the eneni}^ and he be-
held the camp of the Mal-gal allies stretching out fort}' //,
twelve miles. He determined to exercise the uLmost caution.
One of his generals, Wang Do-jong begged to be allowed to
lOO kOKK.W HISTORY.
march on P'yung-yang, which he deemed must be nearly

bare of defenses, and so bring the war to a speedy close but *;
the Emperor, like Hannibal when begged by his generals to

march straight into Rome, made the mistake of over-caution
and so missed his great opportunity. To the Kmperor this
sounded too much like a similar ;itttnipt that had once cost
China 300,000 men.
A messenger was sent to the Ko-gu-ryil camp to say that
China did not want to fight but had onlj^ come to inquire into
the cause of the king's death. As he intended, this put the
Ko-gu-ryu forces off their guard and that night he surround-
ed the fortress and the forces which had come out to engage
him. This was done in such a way that but few of the sur-
rounding Chinese army were visible. Seeing these, the Ko-
gu-ryii forces made a fierce onslaught anticipating an easy
victory, in.stead of which they soon found themselves sur-
rounded b}'- the flower of the Chinese army and their retreat
to the fortress cut off. It is said that in this fight 20,000 Ko-
gu-ryQ troops were cut down and three thousand of the Mal-
gal allies, besides losing many through flight and capture.
These were all released and sent back to Ko-gu-ryu excepting
3,500 noblemen whom the P^mperor sent to China as hostages.
This fight occurred outside the An-si Fortress and the Emper-
or supposed the gates would now be thrown open ;but not so,
for there was still a strong garrison within and plent}^ of pro-
visions so they barred the gates and still defied the Chinese.
;
Upon hearing of the Chinese victory the neighboring Ko-gu-

ryti fortresses Ho-whang and Eui capitulated, not knowing
that An-si still held out against the victors.
Many Emperor's advisers wanted him to ignore
of the
An-si and press on into Ko-gu-ryu leaving it in the rear, but
this the wary Emperor would not consent to do, for he feared
lest his retreat should be cut off. So the weary siege wa.*^
continued. One day, hearing the lowing of cattle and the

cackling of hens within the walls, the Emperor astutely sur-
mised that a feast was being prepared preparatory to a sortie
that was about to be made. Extra pickets were thrown out
and the army was held in readiness for the attack. That very
night the garrison came down the wall by means of ropes but ;
finding the besiegers ready for them they retired in confusion

,
a!s'CIEXT KOREA. lOl
and suffered a severe defeat. The siege went on. The Chin-
ese spent two months constructing a mound against the wall
but the garrison rushed out and captured it. It is said that
during this siege the Emp)eror lost an eye by an arrow wound,
but the Chinese histories do not mention it. The cold blasts
of late autumn were now beginning to give warning that
winter was at hand and the Emperor was obliged to consider
the question of withdrawing. He was filled with admiration
of the pluck and bravery of the little garrison of An-si and be-
fore he broke camp he sent a message to the commander prais-
ing his faithfulness to his sovereign and presenting him with
a hundred pieces of silk. Then the long march back to China
began, and the 70,000 soldiers wended their way westward
foiled a second time b}' the stubborn hardihood of Ko-gu-ryu.
Chapter XII.
Revolt in .Ko-gu-ryQ invaded.

Sil-la. . ..Sil-la invades Pak-je. .China . . . .
decides to aid .war between Pak-je and Sil-la. .. .relations

Sil-la. ..
- with China. .. .league against Sil-la. .. .China diverts Ko-gu-rN'ii's
attention. .traitors in Pak-je.
. . .Siing-ch'ung's advice. .Chinese . . . .
forces sent to Pak-je. . . .portents of the fall of Pak-je. . . .conflicting

plans. . . .Sil-la armj- enters Pak-je.
.Pak-je capital seiaed. .Pak- . . . .
je dismembered..end of Pak-je .disturbances in Pak-je territory

. . . .
. .Ko-gu-ryu attacks Sil-la.

. . .final invasion of Ko-gu-ryu planne<i . .
. .Pak-je malcontents.
. . .combination against Ko-gu-rj-ii. .siege . . . .
of P'yung-yang raised. Pok-sin's fall. .Pak-je Japanese defeated

. . . . .
. .governor of Ung-jin.
. . .Buddhist reverses in Sil-la. .Sil-la king . . . .
takes oath. .Nam-gun's treachery.

. . .the Mal-gal triljes desert Ko- . .
gu-ryu. .the Yalu defended.

. . .Chinese and Sil-la forces march on . .
P'yOng-yang. .omens. .Ko-gu-ryu forts surrender.

. .
.Ko-gu-ryu . . . .
falls.
Tong-man, the Queen ruler of Sil-la, died in 645 and was

succeeded by her sister Song-man. The Emperor confirmed
her in her accession to the throne. It began to look seriously
as if a gynecocracy Some of was being established in Sil-la.
the highest officials The mal- decided to effect a change.
contents were led by Pi-un and Yum-jong. These men with
a considerable number of troops went into camp near the
capital and pre])ared to besiege it. For four days the rebels
and the loj-al troops faced each other witliout daring to strike a
i02 KOkKAN HiSToRV.
blow. Tradition says a star fell one night amonj^; the loxal
forces and caused consternation there and exultatioti among
the traitors. But the loyal (jen, Vn-sin hastened to the
Oueen and promised to reverse tlie omen. That night he
j)repared a great kite and fastened a lantern to its tail. Then
lie exhorted the soldiers to be of good cheer, sacrificed a white
horse to the deities of the land and flew the kite. The rebels,
seeing the light rising from the lo3''al camp, concluded that
Providence had reversed the decree. So when the loyal troops
made their attack the hearts of the rebels turned to water and
they were driven over the face of the countrj- and cut down
with great slaughter. That same year the Emperor again
planned to attack Ko-gu-ryfi but the baleful light of a comet
made him desist.
At the instigation of Hap So-mun, the king of Ko-gu-ryu
sent his son to China, confessed his faults and begged for
mercy, but the Emperor's face was flint. The next \'ear the
message was again sent, but Ko-gu-ryu's day of grace was
over. China's answer was an army of 30,000 men and a
mighty fleet of ships. The fortress of Pak-chak in Liao-tung
was besieged but it was so fortified by nature as to be almost
impregnable. The Emperor therefore said "Return to China
and next year we will send 300,000 men instead of 30,000."
He then ordered the building of a war vessel 100 feet in length.
He also had large store of provisions placed on O-ho Island to
be used by the invading army.
Meanwhile Sil-la had become emboldened by the professed
perference of China for her and she arose and smote Pak-je,
taking twenty-one of her forts, killing 30,000 of her soldiers
and carrying awâ}^ 9,000 prisoners. She followed this up by
making a strong appeal to China for help, saying that unless
China should come to her aid she would be unable to continue
her embassies to the Chinese court. The limperor thereupon
ordered Gen. So Choug-bang to take 200,000 troops and go to
the aid of Sil-la. He evidently was intending to try a new
way of attacking Ko-gu-ryi3. As the Sil-la messenger was
hastening homeward with this happ}' news emissaries of Ko-
gu-ryu dogged his footsteps and sought his life. Once he was
so hard pressed that he escaped only by a clever and costly
ruse. One of his suite dressed in his official garments and
ANCIENT KOREA. I03
personated him and thus drew the assassins off the scent and
allowed himself to be killed, the real envoy making good his
escape. It was now for the first time that Sil-la adopted the
Chinese costume, having first obtained leave from the Emper-

or. It is said that it resembled closely the costume used in
Korea today.
Unfortunately for Sil-la the Emperor died in 649 and Ko-
gu-ryii began to breathe freely again. It also emboldened Pilk-
je and she invaded Sil-la with a considerable army and seized
seven forts. Sil-la retaliated by seizing 10,000 houses belong-
ing to Pak-je subjects and killing the leading Pak-je general,
Eum-sang. Sil-la lost not a moment in gaining the good will
of the ne'v Emperor. Envoys with presents were sent frequent-
ly. She adopted the Chinese calendar and other customs
from the suzerain state and so curried favor with the power-
ful. The Pak-je envoy was received coldl}^ by the Emperor
and was told to go and give back lo Sil-la the land that had
been taken and to cease the hostilities. This Pak-je politeh"
declined to do. Each emperor of China seems to have declined
the legacy of quarrels handed down by his predecessor. So
bA'e-gones were bye-gones and Ko-gu-ryu was accepted again
on her good behavior.
With the end of Queen S'hig-man's reign affairs in the
peninsula began to focus toward that crisis which Ko-gu-ryu
and Pak-je had so long been preparing for themselves. In
655 a new combination was effected and one that would have
made Sil-la 's horizon very dark had she not been sure of Im-
perial help. Her two neighbors formed a league against her,
and of course the Mal-»gal tribes sided with Ko-gu-ryi5 in this
new* venture. Pak-je and Ko-gu-ryu were drawn together by
their mutual fear of Sil-la and soon the allied armies were
marching on Sil-la's borders. At the first onslaught thirty-
three of Sil-la's border forts passed into the hands of the allies.
It was now China's last chance to give aid to the most faith-
ful of her Korean vassals, for otherwise she would surely have
fallen before this combination. A swift messenger was sent
imploring the Emperor for aid and stating that if it was not
granted Sil-la would be swallowed up. The Emperor had nt»
intention of letting Sil-la be dismembered and without a day's
delay troops were despatched into Liao-tung under Generals
I04 KOKKAN TIISTDKV.
Chiino^ Myuiicr-jinand So Ch<'>ng-bang. Many of Ko-jû-ryii's

fortressesbeyond the Yalu River were soon in the possession of
China. This was successful in diverting Ko-gu-ryu's attention
from Sil-hi, but Pak-je continued the fight with her. The
advantage lay now with one side and now with the other.
The court of Pak-je was utterly corrupt and except for a small
army in the field under almost irresponsible leadership, she
was weak indeed.
Now it happened that a Sil-ki man named Cho Mi-gon
had been taken captive and carried to Pilk-je where he was
employed in the household of the Prime Minister. One day
he made his escape and found his way across the border into
his native countrj^ but there meeting one of the Sil-la gener-
als he was induced to go back and see what he could do in the
Pak-je capital towards facilitating an invasion on the part of
his countrymen. He returned and after sounding the Prime
Minister found him ready to sell hiscountr}' if there was any-
thing to be made out of it. It is said that here began the
downfall of Psik-je. The king of Pak-je was utterly incom-
petent and corrupt. One of his best councillors was thrown
into prison and starved to death for rebuking him because of
of his excesses. But even while this faithful man was dying
he sent a message to the king saying "Do not fail to place a
strong garrison at 'Charcoal Pass' and at Pak River." These
were the two strategic points of Pak-je's defenses if they were
;
guarded well, surprise was impossible. From that time affairs

in Pak-je went from bad to worse. China kept Ko-gu-ryii
busy in the north and nothing of consequence was gained by
either side iu the south until finally in 659 another Sil-la envoy
made his appearance in the Emperor's court. At last the great
desire of Sil-la was accomplished. The Emperor ordered Gen.
So Chong-bang to take 130,000 men by boat to the shores of
Pak-je and there cooperate with a Sil-la army in the utter sub-
jugation of Pak-je. The Sil-la army went into camp at Nam-
ch'un and received word from the Chinese general to meet him
at the Pak-je capital in the seventh moon.
Tradition says that the doom impending over Pak-je was
shadowed forth in advance by many omens and signs. Frogs,
it is said, grew like leaves on the trees and if anyone killed one
of them he instantly fell dead. Among the mountains black

ANCIENT KOREA. IO5
clouds met and fought one another. The form of an animal,

half dog and half lion, was seen in the sky approaching the
palace and uttering terrible bellowings and roarings. Dogs
congregated in the streeets and howled. Imps of awful shape
came into the palace and cried "Pak-je is fallen, Pak-je is fal-
len," and disappeared in the ground. Digging there the king
found a tortoise on whose back were writen the words "Pak-je
is at full moon ; Sil-la is at half moon.
'
' The diviners were call-

ed upon to interpret this. "It means that Sil-la is in the ascend-
ant while Pak-je is full and about to wane." The king order-
ed their heads off, and called in another company of diviners.
These said that it meant that Sil-la was half waned while Pak-
je was at her zenith. Somewhat molified by this, the king
called a grand council of war. The advice given was of the
most conflicting nature. Some said the Chinese must be at-
tacked first other said the Sil-la forces must be attended to
;
first. A celebrated general who had been banished was sent

for and his advice was the same as that of the famous states-
man whom the king had starved in prison. "You must guard
the 'Charcoal Pass' and the Pak River." But the majority of
the courtiers said that the Chinese had better be allowed to
land before they were attacked and that the Sil-la army should
be allowed to come in part through the pass before being op-
posed. This latter point was decided for them, for when the
Pak-je troops approached the pass they found that the Sil-la
army was already streaming through, and at its head was the
famous Gen. Kim Yu-sin. When the battle was joined the
Pak-je forces held their ground and fought manfully but vic-
;
tory perched upon the banners of Sil-la and when the battle
was done nothing laj^ between the Sil-la forces and the capital
of Pak-je, the place of rendezvous. It is said that Gen. Ke-
bak the leader of the Pak-je forces killed all his family before
starting out on this expedition, fearing lest the thought of
them might make him waver. He fell in the battle.
The capital of Pak-je was situated on the site of the pre-
sent town of Sa-ch'un. When the Sil-la warriors approached
it the king fled to the town now known as Kong-ju. He left
all the palace women behind and they, knowing what their
fate would be at the hands of the Sil-la soldier}^, went to-

gether to a beetling precipice which overhangs the harbor
I06 KOKKAX HISTOkV.
of T.'i-wang and cast themselves from its summit into the

Avater beneath. That precipice is famed in Korean song and
story and is called by the exquisitely poetical name Nak-wha-
am "Precipice of the Falling Flowers." The victors forced
the gates of the capital and seized the person of the Prince, the
king's second son, who had been left behind. A few days later
the King and the Crown Prince came back from their place of
hiding and voluntarily gave themselves up.
The
allies had now met as they had agree and PJlk-je was
mercy. The Chinese general said that the F)mperor
at their
had given him full authority to settle the matter and that
China would take half the territory and vSil-la might have the
other half. This was indeed a generous proposal on the part
of China but the Sil-la commander replied that Sil-la wanted
none of the Pak-je territory but only sought revenge for the
wrongs that Pak-je had heaped upon her. At the feast that
night the king of Pak-je was made to pour the wine for the
victors and in this act of abject humiliation Sil-la had her
desire for revenge fully satisfied. When the Chinese generals
went back to China to announce these events they took with
them the unthroned King of Pak-je together with his four sons.
eighty-eight of the highest officials and 12,807 of the people.
It was in 660 that Pak-je fell. She survived for 678 years
and during that time thirty kings had sat upon her throne.
A singular discrepancy occurs here in the records. The}' af-
firm that the whole period of Piik-je rule covered a lapse of
of 678 years but they also say that Pak-je was founded in
;
the third year of Emperor Ch'eng-ti of China. That would

have been in 29 B. C. making the whole dynaaty 689 years.
The vast burden of proof favors the belief that Pak-je was found-
ed in 16 B. C. and that her whole lease of life was 678 years.
As Sil-la had declined to share in the dismemberment of
Pak-je, China proceeded to divide it into provinces for ad-
ministrative purposes. There were five of these, Ung-jin,
Tong-myung, Keum-r^-un, Tuk-an. The central government
was at Sa-ja the former capital of Pak-je. The separate prov-
inces were put under the control of prefects selected from
among the people. The country was of course in a very
unsettled state disffection showed itself on every side and
;
disturbances were frequent. A remnant of the Pak-je army

ANCIENT KOREA. I07
took its stand among the mountains, fortified its position and
bid defiance to the new government. These malcontents

found strong sympathisers at the capital and in the country
towns far and wide. The Chinese governor, Yu In-wun,
found the task of government no easy one. But still Sil-la
stood ready to aid and soon a Sil~la army crossed the border and
attacked the fortress of I-rye where the rebels were intrenched.
Taking this by assault they advanced toward the mountain
fortress already mentioned, crossed the "Chicken Ford,"
crumpled up the line of rebel intrenchments and lifted a heavy
load from the governor's shoulders.
Ko-gu-ryu soon heard the ominous news and .she took it
as a presage of evil for herself. She immedtately threw a
powerful army across the Sil-la border and stormed the Ch'il-
jung Fortress. The records naively remark that they filled
the commander as full of arrows as a hedgehog is of quills.
Now that PSk-je had been overcome China took up with
alacrity the plan of subduing Ko-gu-ryu. The great final
struggle began, that was destined to close the career of the
proudest, hardiest and bravest kingdom that the peninsula of
Korea ever saw The P3k-je king who had been carried to
China died there in 661. In that same year Generals Kye-
p'il. So Chong-bang and Ha Ryuk, who had already received
their orders to march on Ko-gu-ryu, rendezvoused with their

forces at Ha-nam and the warriors of the Whe-bol together
with many volunteers from other tribes joined the imperial
standards. The plan was to proceed by land and sea. The
Kmperor desired to accompany the expedition, but the death
of the empress made it impossible.
Meanwhile matters in PSk-je were becoming complicated
again. A man named Pok Sin
revolted against the govern-
ment, proclaimed Pu-yu P'ung, the son of a former king^
monarch of the realm and planned a reestablishment of the
kingdom. This was pleasing to many of the people. So po-
pular was the movement that the Emperor feared it would be
successful. He therefore sent a summons to Sil-la to send
troops and put down. Operations began at once. Gen.
it
Vu In-gwe Ung-jin the stronghold of the pretender

besieged
and chased him out, but a remnant of his forces entrenched
themselves and made a good fight. They were however rout-
108 KOREAN HLSTOkV.
ed by the combined Sil-la and Chinese forces. But in spite of

this defeat the cause was so popular that the countr.v was
honej'combed with bands of its sympathisers who gained many
lesser victories over the government troops and their Sil-la
allies. The Sil-la general, Kim Yu-sin, was very active, pass-
ing rapidly from one part of the country to another, now
driving back to the mountains some band of Pak-je rebels and
now holding in check some marauding band from Ko-gu-ryu.
He was always found where he was most needed and was never
at a loss for expedients. It is said that at this time rice was
so plentiful in Sil-la that it took thirty bags of it to buy a
single bolt of grass cloth.
That same autumn the Chinese engaged the Ko-gu-ryti
forces at the Yalu River and gained a decided victory. Then
the fortress at Ma-eup San fell into their hands. This cleared
the road to P'yung-yang, and the Chinese boldly advanced and
laid siege to that ancient stronghold. At the same time the Em-
peror ordered Sil-la to send troops to cooperate with the imperi-
al army. She obeyed, but with great trepidation, for the fame
of Ko-gu-ryu's arms made this seem a matter of life and death.
She was obliged to comply, however, or lose all the vantage
ground she had gained in the Emperor's favor. There were
still some Ko-gu-ryu forces in the north and they were at-
tempting to check the advance of a large body of Chinese re-

inforcements. It was late in the autumn and the Yalu was
frozen. Taking advantage of this the Chinese crossed in the
night and falling suddenly upon the unsuspecting arm)' of Ko-
gu-ryu inflicted a crushing defeat. It is said that 30,000 Ko-
gu-ryu soldiers were killed in this engagement. The speedy
downfall of Ko-gu-ryu seemed now inevitable, but a sudden
timidity seized the Emperor, who feared perhaps to let his
army wdnter on Korean soil. So he sent orders for an im-
mediate retreat back to Chinese territory. The generals be-
fore P'yung-3'ang were deeply chagrined and indeed found it
impossible on account of lack of provisions to obey the com-
mand at once. Soon the Sil-la army arrived before P'yung-
3-ang with full supply of provisions. These the Chinese took
and the greater part of them reluctantly broke camp and
marched back to China, leaving Sil-la in a frame of mind better
imagined than described.
ANC1:ENT KOREA. IO9
While Ko-gu-ryu was staggering under the terrible re-

verses inflicted by the Chinese, events of interest were taking
place in the south. The kingdom of T'am-na on the island
ofQuelpart had always been a dependenc}'^ of Pak-je, but now
found it necessary to transfer her allegiance to Sil-la. The
king of Tâm-na at that time was To-dong Eum-jml.
The mischief-maker, Pok-sin, was again in the field. Now
tliat he was relieved of pressure he came back to the charge
and took Ung-jin from the Chinese, At the earnest request

of thi governor the Emperor sent Gen. Son In-sa with a
small army to aid in putting down this dangerous malcontent.
Pok-sin was obliged to retire to Chin-hyiin where he fortified
himself strongl3^ Success seems to have turned his head
for he began to carry himself so proudly that his followers
tirose and put him to death and then sent a messenger to Ko'
gu-ryu and to Japan asking aid against the Chinese. The
latter responded by sending a considerable force to the shores
of Pak-je to cooperate with this hardy band of men who
were honestly fighting for the independence of their coun-
try.
In 663 the Emperor conferred upon the king of Sil-la the
title of Tii-do-dok of Kye-rim.
It appears that when the Chinese retired from before
P'yiing-yang and left the Sil-la forces in such a delicate posi-
tion, some Chinese were allowed to remain there on the
of the
plea that ifwere removed it would invite an outbreak of
all
the Pak-je revolutionists. Now as the year 663 opened the

Emperor reinforced them by a powerful army under Gen. Son
In-sa. Sil-la also sent the flower of her army under command
of twenty-eight generals to join the Chinese before P'yiing-
yang. But the plan of operations was changed. It was de-
cided to move southward and complete the subjugation of the
troublesome P3k-je patriots and their Japanese allies. The
combined Chinese and Sil-la armies marched toward Chu-ryu
fortress where the revolutionists were supposed to be in-
trenched. On their way they met the Japanese disembarking,
on the banks of the Pak River, They were put to flight and
their boats were burned. The march was continued and the
fortress was duly invested. It fell straightway and the pre-
tender to the Sil-la throne was captured. This was followed
I to KOREAN rilSTORV.
by the surrender of all the revolutionists and their Japanese

friends. The was that of Ini-jon, now Ta-
last fortress to fall
heung, after a desperate struggle.
The war was now at an end. The dead were buried, a.
census was taken of the people in the Pak-je capital, aid was
given to the poor, and the peo])le were encouraged to return
at their peaceful avocations. Expressions of satisfaction at
what seemed to be the return of peace were heard on all
sides.
Gen. Yu In-gwe, who had been left in charge of th Chi-
nese troops before P'yung-3'ang when the limperor ordered
the retreat, now sent word
Chinese capital that as his
to the
soldiers had been two years without seeing
in the peninsula
home he feared they might mutiny. He received orders to
return to China with his men but he decided to wait till the
grain that his men had sown should ripen. The Emperor
then appointed Pu-yu Yung the brother of the last king of
PSk-je to the position of governor of all the territor\' formerly
embraced in Piik-je. He received the title of Ta-do-dok of
Ung-jin, and was urged by the Emperor to govern well. This
was in 664.
Sil-la took advantage of the timely cessation of ho=^tilities
tosend to the Chinese camp in Pak-je and have some of her
men take lessons in music from the musicians there. They
and customs of the Chi-
also took copies of the dishes, clothes
nese. were imitated bj' the king and his court.
All these
Buddhism received a sudden check in Sil-la at this time for
the king took the surest wa}^ to crush it out, namely, by for-
bidding any one to give the monks either mone}' of rice.
In 665 Gen. Yu In-wun received orders from China to
return to that country but before doing so he performed a
significant act. He made the king of Sil-la and the new Tn-
do-dok of Ung-jin take an oath in the blood of a white horse
that the}' would fight no more. This was done at the fortress
of Ch'wi-ri San and the slaughtered animal was buried there
under the oath altar. A written copy of the oath was placed
in the ancestral temple of the kings of Sil-la. After Gen.
Yu's return to China he was followed by Gen. Yu In-gwe who
took with him envoys from Sil-la, Pak-je, T'am-na and Japan.
To render the compact of peace more binding still the Emper-
'Â'^M
''trKfr'
f!'**«!!» Iff .
Cli
S/Zi^ BOUNDARY STONE.

ANC1p:KT KOJblEA. Hi
of heaven in the presence of these envo3^s. It is
sacrificed to
•said, however, that the new ruler in Pak-je stood in such fear
of Sil-la that he fled back to China soon after this.
The last act in the tragedj' of Ko-gu-ryia opens with the
death of her iron chancellor, Hap So-mun. It was his genius
that had kept the armies in the field it was his faith in her
;
ultimate victory that had kept the general courage up. When
he was laid in his grave the only thing that Ko-gu-rju had to
fall back upon was the energy of despair. It was her misfor-
tune that Hap So-mun left two sons each of whom possessed a
full sliare of his father's ferocit}' and impatience of restraint.
Nam-sJing, the elder, assumed his father's position as Prime
Minister, but while he was awa}- in the countr}- attending to
some business, his brother, Nam-gun, seized his place. Nam-
sang fled to the Yalu River and putting himself at the head of
tlie Mal-gal and Ku-ran tribes went over with them to the
Emperor's side. Thus by Nam-gun's treacher}- to his brother,
Ko-gu-ryu was deprived of her one great ally, and gained an im-
])lacable enenu' in Nam-sang. The Emperor made the latter
Governor-general of Liao-tung and he began welding the wild
tribes into an instrument for revenge. Then the Chinese
forces appeared and together the}" went to the feast of death ;
and even as they were coming news reached them that the Ko-
gu-rj'ii general, Yim Chun-t'o, had surrendered to Sil-la and
turned over to her twelve of Ko-gu-ryu's border forts. It was

not till the next year that the Chinese crossed the Eiao and
fell upon the Ko-gu-ryu outposts. The Chinese general had
tcld his men that the strategic point was the fortress Sin-siing
and that its capture meant the speed\" capitulation of all the
rest. Sin-Sling was therefore besieged and the stuggle began.
Thecommandant was lo3âl and wished to defend it to the death
but this men thought otherwise, and they bound him and sur-
rendered. Then sixteen other forts speedily followed the
example.
Gen. Ko-gan hastened forward and engaged the Ko-gu-ryu
forces at Keum-san and won a decided victor}', while at the same
time Gen. Sul-In gwi was reducing the fortresses of Nam-so,
Mok-ju and Ch'ang-am, after which he was joined b}' the Mal-
gal forces under the renegade Nam-sang. Another Chinese
general, Witu Man-gyi3ng, now sent a boastful letter to the
U2 KOKKASr rirv<TC)R^".
Ko-gu-rvii capital saying "Look out now for the defenses of

that precious Am-nok River The answer came
of yours."
grimly back "We will do so." And they did it so well that
not a Chinese soldier set foot on the hither side during that
year. The Emperor was enraged at this seeming incompe-
tence and banished the boastful general to Yong-nam. A
message had alread}' been sent to Sil-la ordering her to throw
her army into Ko-gu-ryu and for the Chinese generals Yu In-
wun and Kim In-t'a to meet them before P'yung-yang. These
two generals were in Pak-je at the time.
In 668 everything beyond the Yaln had fallen into the
hands of the Chinese; even Pu-yti Fortress of ancient fame
had been taken by Gen. S51 In-gwi. The Kmperor sent a
messenger asking "Can ^'ou take Ko-gu-ryu?" The answer
went back "Yes, we must take her. Prophecy says that after
700 years Ko-gu-ryii shall fall and that eig^hty shall cause her
overthrow. The 700 years have passed and now Gen. Yi Jok
is eighty years old. He shall be the one to fulfill the proph-
ecy."
Terrible omens had been seen in the Ko-gu-ryii capital.
Earthquakes had been felt foxes had been seen running
;
through the streets the people were in a state of panic. The

;
end of Ko-gu-ryii was manifestly near. vSo tradition says.

Nam-gun had sent 50,000 troops to succor Pu-yu Fortress
but in the battle which ensued 30,000 of these were killed and
tbe remainder were scattered. Conformably to China's de-
mands, Sil-la in moon threw her army into Ko-gu-
the sixth
ryu. The great Sil-la general, Kim Yu-sin was ill, and so
Gen. Kim In-mun was in command with twenty-eight gener-
als under him. While this army was making its way north-
ward the Chinese under Gen. Yi Jok in the north took Ta-
hSng Fortress and focussed all the troops in his command up-
on the defenses of the Yalu. These defenses were broken
through, the river was crossed and the Chinese advanced 2 10
li toward the capital without opposition. One by one the Ko-
gu-ryu forts surrendered and at last Gen. Kye-p'il Ha-ryuk
arrived before the historic citj- of P'j-ung-yang. Gen. Yi J'ik
arrived next and finally Gen. Kim In-mun appeared at tlie
head of the Sil-la army.
After an uninteresting siege of a month the king sent out
ANCIENT KOREA. II3
Gen. Chfin Nam-san and ninety other nobles with a flag of

truce and offered to surrender. But the chancellor Nam-gun
knew what fate was in store for him, so he made a bold dash
at the besieging army. The attempt failed and the miserable
man put the sword to his own throat and expired. The aged
general, Yi J<)k, took the king and his two sons, Pong-nam,
and Tong-nam, a number of the officials, many of Nam-gun's
relatives and a large company of the people of P'yung-yang
and carried them back to China, where he was received with
evidences of the utmost favor by the Emperor. The whole
number of captives in the triumphal return of Gen. Yi J«'k is
said to have been 20,000.
Ko-gu-ryu's lease of life had been 705 years, from 37 B. C.
to 668A. D., during which time she had been governed by
twenty-eighty kings.
Chapter XIII.
Sil-la's captives .... Kogu-ryii dismembered. .. .extent of Sil-la . . . . she

deceives China. . . word II-
.her encroachments. . . .rebeUion. . . .the
bon (Nippon) adopted. Sil-la opposed China .but is humbled.
. . . . . . . . .
again opposes .Sil-la a military power.

. . ..her policy. .the Emper- . . . .
or nominates a rival king .... Sil-la pardoned by China. .. .again

makes trouble. .. .the Emperor establishes two kingdoms iu the
north. .. .Sil-la's northern capital. .. .cremation. .. .no mention of
Arabs. .China's interest in Korea wanes.
. . .redistribution of land . .
. . . .diacritical points. .Pal-ha founded.

.•. .philological interest. . . . . .
Chinese customs introduced. .Pal-ha's rapid growth. .omens. . . . . . . .
Sil-la's northern limit. .. .casting of a bell. .. .names of provinces

changed. Sil-la's weakness,
. . . .disorder. .examinations. .Bud- . . . . . .
hism interdicted .... no evidence of Korean origin of Japanese Bud-

dhism. .Japanese history before the loth century.
. . .civil wars. . . . . .
Ch'o6 Ch'i-wun. .tradition. .Queen Man's profligacy.

. . . .
Immediately itpon the fall of Ko-gu-ryu the Sil-la forces

retired to theirown country carr3ung 7000 captives with them.
The king gave his generals and the soldiers rich presents of
silks and money.
China divided all Ko-gu-ryu into nine provinces in which
there were forty-two large towns and over a hundred le.sser
ones of prefectural rank. In P'yung-yang Gen, Sul In-gwi
[14 KOi^KAX lirSTdRV.
was stationed with a garrison of 20,000 men. The various.

provinces were governed partl}^ by Chinese governors and
partly by native prefects.
The king of Sil-la was now theonl)- king in the peninsula
and the presumption was that in view of his loyalty to the
Chinese his kingdom would exend to the Yalu River if not be-
yond, but it probably was not extended at the time further
than the middle of Whang-ha Province of to-day. The records
say that in 669 the three kingdoms were all consolidated but
itdid not occur inlmediatel3^ It is affirmed that the Chinese
took 38,000 families from Ko-gu-ryu and colonized Kang-whe

in China and that some were also sent to San-nam in western
China. That Sil-la was expecting a large extension of terri-
tor}- is not explicitly stated but it is implied in the statement
that when envoy went to the Chinese court the Emper-
a Sil-la
or accused the king of wanting to possess himself of the whole
peninsula, and threw the envoy into prison. At the same time
he ordered Sil-la to send bow-makers to China to make bows
that would shoot 1,000 paces. In due time these arrived but
when the bows were made it was found that they would shoot
but thirty paces. They gave as a reason for this that it was
necessar}' to obtain the wood from Sil-la to make good bows.
This was done and still the bows would shoot but sixty paces.
The bow-makers declared that they did not know the rea-
son unless it was because the wôod had been hurt by being
brought across the water. This was the beginning of an es-
trangement between the Emperor and the king of Sil-la which
resulted in a state of actual war between the two.
Sil-la was determined to obtain possession of a larger por-
tion of Ko-gu-ryir than had as yet fallen to her lot so she sent
;
small bodies of troops here and there to take possession of any

districts that they could lay their hands on. It is probable
that this meant only such districts as were under native pre-
fects and not those under direct Chinese rule. It is probable
that Sil-la had acquired considerable territory in the north for
we are told that the Mal-gal ravaged her northern border and
she sent troops to drive them back.
If China hoped to rule au}^ portion of Korea without
trouble she must have been speedily disillusionised for no
sooner had the new^ form of government been put in operation.
AXCIEXT KOREA. II5
than a Sil-la gentleman, Kom Mo-jam, raised an insurrection

in one of the larger magistracies, put the Chinese prefect to
death and proclaimed An Seung king. He was a member of
a collateral branch of the royal famil3^ Sil-la seems to have
taken it for granted that the whole territory was under her
supervision for now she sen^ an envoy and gave consent to
the founding of this small state in the north which she deemed
would act as a barrier to the incursions of the northern bar-
barians. The Chinese evidenth' did not look upon it in this
light and a strong force was sent against the nascent state and ;
to such effect that the newly appointed king fled to Sil-la for
safety. The wheel of fortune was turning again and Chinese
sympathies were now rather with Pak-je than with Sil-la.
It was at this time, 671, that the term Il-biin (Nippon)
was first used in Korea in connection with the kingdom of
Japan.
The relations between Sil-la and Pak-je were badly strained.
In the following year the Chinese threw a powerful army
into Pak-je with the evident intention of opposing Sil-la. So
the latter furbished up her arms and went into the fra^*. In
the great battle which ensued at the fortress of Suk-sung
5,000 of the Chinese were killed. Sil-la was rather frightened
at her own success and when she was called upon to explain
her hostile attitude toward China she averred that it was all a
mistake and she did not intend to give up her allegience to
China. This smoothed the matter over for the time being, but
when, a little later, ttie Emperor sent seventy boat loads of
rice for the garrison at P'yung-yang, Sil-la seized the rice and
drowned the crews of the boats, thus storing up wrath against
herself. The next year she attacked the fortress of Ko-sdng
in PSk-je and 30,000 Chinese advanced to the support of the
Pak-je forces. A collision took place between them and the
Sil-la armv in which the Chinese were very severely handled.
This made the PZmperor seriousl}^ consider the question of
subduing Sil-la once for all. He ordered that the Mal-gal
people be summoned to a joint invasion of the insolent Sil-la
and the result was that seven Sil-la generals were driven back
in turn and 2,000 troops made prisoners. In this predicament
there was nothing for the king to do but play the humble sup-
pliant again. The letter to the Emperor pra^'ing for pardon
Il6 KOREAN IIISTORV,
was written by the celebrated scholar Iin Gaiig'-su, But it

was not succsssful, for we find that in the following year the
Chinese troops in the north joined with the Mal-gal and Ku-
ran tribes in making reprisals on Sil-la territory. This time
however Sil-la was on the alert and drove the enemy back with
great loss. She also sent a hupdred war boats up the western
coast to look after her interests in the north. At the same
time she offered amnesty and official positions to PSk-je nobles
who should come over to her side.
We Sil-la had now
can scarcely escape the conviction that
become a power of no mean dimensions.
military Many
citizens of Ko-gu-ryii had come over to her and some of the
PSk-je element that was disaffected toward the Chinese, All,
in fact, Avho wanted to keep Korea for the Koreans and could
put aside small prejudices arid jealousies, gathered under the
Sil-la banners as being the last chance of saving the peninsula
from the octopus grasp of China. Sil-la was willing to be
—
good friends with China on her own terms namely that ;
China should let her have her own way in the peninsula, and
that it should not be overrun by officious generals who con-
sidered themselves superior to the king of the land and so
brought him into contempt among the people.
At this time there was at the Chinese court a Sil-la envo^'
of high rank named Kim In-mun, The Emperor offered him
the throne of Sil-la, but loyalty to his king made him refuse
the honor. In spite of this he was proclaimed King of Sil-la
and was sent with three generals to enforce the claim. That
Sil-la was not without power at this time is shown bj^ the fact
that she proclaimed An-seung King of PHk-je, an act that
would have been impossible had she not possessed a strong
foothold in that country.
The war began again in earnest. The Chinese general,
Yi Gon-hang, in two fierce encounters, broke the line of vSil-la
defenses and brought the time-serving king to his knees again.
One can but wonder at the patience of the Emperor in listen-
ing to the humble petition of this King Mun-mu who had
made these promises time and again but only to break them
as before. He was, however, forgiven and confirmed again in
his rule. The unfortunte Kim In-mun whom the Emperor
had proclaimed King of Sil-la was now in a very delicate posi-
AXCFKNT KOIRKA. 11/
t'ion and "he wiselj' hastened back to China where he was com-
pensated for his disappointment by being made a high official.
were most inconsistent, for having jnst

Sil-la's actions
saved herself from condign punishment by abject submission
she nevertheless kept on absorbing Pak-je territory and reach-
ing after Ko-gu-ryu territory as well. In view of this the
Emperor ordered the Chinese troops in the north to unite with
the Malgal and Ku-ran forces and hold themselves in readiness
to move at an hour's notice. They" began operations b}' at-
tacking the Chon-sung Fortress but there the Sihla forces were
overwhelmingly successful. It is said that 6,000 heads fell
and that SiHa captured 30,000 (?) horses. This is hard to
reconcile with the statement of the records that in the follow-
ing year a Sil-la envoy was received at the Chinese court and
presented the compliments of the king. It seems sure that
Sil-la had now so grown in the sinews of war that it was not
easy for China to handle her at such long range. It may be
too that the cloud of Empress Wu's usurpation had begun to
•darken the horizon of Chinese politics and that events at home
absorbed all the attention of the court, while the army on the
border was working practically on its own authority,
A new kind of attempt to solve the border question was
uiade when in 677 the Emperor sent the son of the captive king
of Ko-gu-ryu to found a little kingdom on the Yalu River.
This might be called the Latter Ko-gu-r3'U even as the PSk-je
-of that day was called the Latter Pak-je. At the same time a
son of the last P3k-je king was sent to found a little kingdom
at T^-bang in the north. He lived, however, in fear of the sur-
rounding tribes and was glad to retire into the little Ko-gu-
xyu kingdom that lay lower down the stream. The records
call this the "last" end of Pak-je.
In 678 Sil-la made a northern capital at a place called
Puk-wiin-ju the capital of Kang-wun Province. There a fine
palace was erected. The king enquired of his spiritual ad-
viser whether he had better change his residence to the new
capital but not receiving sufficient encouragement he desist-
ed. This monarch died in 681 but before he expired he said
"Do not waste the public money in building me a costly
mausoleum. Cremate my body after the manner of the West.
This gives us an interesting clue to Sil-la's knowledore of the
i'lS' KOrRFAX HI,<T(rR\'.
f>utside world. If, some surmise, Arab traders had com-

as
mercial intercourse with the people of Sil-la it nmst havebeem
about this time or a little earlier for this was the period of the
.greatest expansion of Arabian commerce. It is possible that
the idea of cremation may have been received from them al-
though from first tcv last there is not the slig-htest intimation
that Western traders ever visited the coasts of Sil-la. It is
difficult to believe that, had there been any considerable deal-
ings with the Arabs-, it should not have been mentioned in the
records.
The king's directions were carried out and his son, Choiig-
mj-iing, burned his body on a great stone by the Eastern Sea
and gave the stone the name "Great King Stone." That
the Emperor granted investiture to this new king shows
that all the troubles had been smoothed over. But from this
time on Chinese interest in the Korean peninsula seems to
have died out altogether. The little kingdom of letter Ko-
gu-ryu, which the Emperor had established on the border, no
^^coner got on a sound basis than it rex'olted and the Emperor
had to stamp it out and banish its king to a distant Chinese
province. This, according to the records, was the "last" end
of Ko-gu-ryu. It occurred in 682 A. D.
Sil-la now held all the land south of the Ta-dong River.
North of that the country was nominally under Chinese con-
trol but more likely was without special government. In 685
8il.-la took in hand the redistribution of the land and the for-
mation of provinces and prefectures for the purpose of con-

solidating her power throughout the peninsula. She divided
the territory into nine provinces, making three of the original
Pak-je and three of that portion of the original Ko-gu-ryu
that had fallen into her hands. The three provinces cor-
responding to the original Sil-la were (i) Sii-bul-ju (the first
step in the transformation of the word SO ya-bul to Seoul), (2)
Sam'}'ang'ju, now Yang-san, (3) Ch'ung-ju now Chin-ju.
Those comprising the original Pak-je were (i) Ung-ch'un-ju
in the the north, (2) Wan-san-ju in the south-west, (3) Mu-
jin-ju in the south, now Kwang-ju. Of that portion
Ko- of
gu-ryu which Sil-la had acquired she made the three provinces
(i) Han-san-ju, now vSeoul, (2) Mok-yak-ju, now Ch'un-
ch'un, (3) Ha-ssl-ju, now Kang-neung. These nine names

AKCIENT K:o]REA. 111$
irepresent rather the provincial capitals than the provinces

themselves. Besides these important centers there were 450
prefectures. Changes followed each other in quick succession.
Former Ko-gu-ryu officials were given places of trust and
honor the former mode of salarying officials, by giving them
;
tracts of land from whose produce they obtained their emolu-

ments, was changed, and each received an allowance of rice ac-
cording to his grade the administration of the state was put
;
on a solid basis.
One of the most far-reaching and important events of this
reign was the invention of the yi-dn, or set of terminations
vised in the margin of Chinese texts to aid the reader in Kore-
anizing the syntax of the Chinese sentence. We must bear
in mind that in those days reading was as rare an accomplish-
ment in Sil-la as it was in England in the days of Chaucer.
All writing was done by the a-jun, who was the exact counter-
par: of the *'clerk" of~ the Middle Ages. The difficulty of
construing the Chinese sentence and using the right suffixes
was so great that Sul-ch'ong. the son of the king's favorite
monk, Wun-hj-o, attempted a solution of the difficulty. Mak-
ing a list of the endings in common use in the vernacular of
Sil-la he found Chinese characters to correspond with the
sounds of these endings. The correspondence was of two
kinds either the name of the Chinese character was the
;
same as the Sil-la ending or the Sil-la meaning of the character

was the same as the ending. To illustrate this let us take the
case of the ending sal-Ji, as in ha-sal-Ji, w^hich has since been
shortened to ha-JL Now, in a Chinese text nothing but the root
idea of the word ha will be given and the reader must supply the
sal-Ji which is the ending. If then some arbitrary signs could
be made to represent these endings and could be put in the
margin it would simplify the reading of Chinese in no small
degree. It was done in this way There is a Chinese char-
;
acter which the Koreans call pak, Chinese pa, meaning

'
'white.
'
' One of the Sil-la definitions of this character is sa/=
u'i-ta. It was the first syllable of this word that was used to
represent the first syllable of the ending
Notice that sal-Ji.
it was not the name of the character that was used but the Sih
la equivalent. For the last syllable of the ending sal-Ji^ how-

ever, the Chinese character yY is used without reference to its
no f:oRr:A.\' rirsTORv.
Sil-laequivalent. W'e find then in the \'/-(/u as handed dowi?

from father to son by the a-////i's of Korea a means for dis-
covering the connection between the Korean vernacular of to-
day with that of the Sil-la people. It was indeed a clumsy
method, but the genius of SQl-ch'ong lay in his discovery of
the need of such a system and of the possibility of making^
one. It was a literary event of the greatest significance. It
was the first outcry against the absurd primitiveness of the
Chinese ideography, a plea for common sense. It was the
first of three great protests which Korea has made against the
use of the Chinese character. The other two will be examin-

ed as they come up. This set of endings which Sfil-ch'ong
invented became stereotyped and through all the changes
which the vernacular has passed the i'/-r/// remains to-daj- what
it was twelve hundred years ago. Its quaint sounds are to
the Korean precisely what the stereotyped clerkly terms of
England are to us, as illustrated in such legal terms as ô zuity
escheat and the like. There is an important corollary to this
fact. The invention of the yi-dn indicates that the study of
Chinese was progressing in the peninsula and this system was
invented to supply a popular demand. It was in the interests
of general education and as such marks an era in the literary

life of the Korean people. The name of Sul-ch 'ong is one of the
most honored in the list of Korean literary men.
The eighth century opened with the beginning of a new
and important reign for Sil-la. Sung-duk came to the throne
in 702 and was destined to hold the reins of power for thirty-
five 3'ears. From the first, his relations with China were
pleasant. He received envo\'S from Japan and returned the
compliment, and his representatives were everywhere well
received. The twelfth year of his reign beheld the founding
of the kingdom of Pal-ha in the north. This was an event of
great significance to Sil-la. The Song-mal family of the Mal-
gal group of tribes, under the leadership of Kiil-gul Chung-
sung, moved southward into the peninsula and settled near
the original Ta-bak Mountain, now M3'o-hyang San. There
they gathered together many of the Ko-gu-ryu people and
founded a kingdom which they called Chin. It is said this
kingdom was 5,000 // in circumference and that it contained
200,000 houses. The remnants of the Pu-yu and Ok-ju tribes
AKCIEXT KOREA. 121
joined them and a formidable kingdom arose under the skillful

managament if Kiil-gul Chung-siang. He sent his son to
China as a hostage and received imperial recognition and
the title of King of Pal-ha. From that time the word Mal-
gal disappears from Korean history and Pal-ha takes its
place.
Sil-la made steady advance in
During the next few years
civilization of theChinese type. She imported from China
pictures of Confucius and paid increased attention to that cult.
The water clock was introduced, the title Hu was given to the
Queen, the custom of approaching the throne by means of the
sang-so or "memorial" was introduced.
Meanwhile the kingdom t f Pal-ha was rapidly spreading
abroad its arms and grasping at everything in sight. China
began to grow uneasy on this account and we find that in 734
a Sil-la general, Kim Yun-jung went to China and joined a
Chinese expedition against the Pal-ha forces. The latter had
not only absorbed much territory in the north but had dared
to throw troops across the Yellow Sea and had gained a foot-
hold on the Shantung promontor\'. This attempt to chastise
her failed because the season was so far advanced that the
approach of winter interfered with the progress of the
campaign.
The story of the next century and a half is the story of
Sil-la's decline and fall. The following is the list of omens
which tradition cites as being prophetic of that event. A
white rainbow pierced'the sun the sea turned to biood hail
; ;
fell of the size of hens' eggs a monastery was shaken sixteen

;
times by an earthquake a cow brought forth five calves at a

;
time two suns arose together three stars fell and fought to-
; ;
gether in the palace a tract of land subsided fifty feet and

;
the hollow filled with blue black water a tiger came into the ;
palace a black fog covered the land

; famines and plagues ;
were common a hurricane blew over two of the palace gates;

;
a huge boulder rose on end and stood by itself two pagodas ;
at a monastery fought with each other snow fell in Septem- ;
ber at Han-yang (Seoul) a boulder moved a hundred paces

;
all by itself stones fought with each other a shower of

; ;
worms fell apricot trees bloomed twice in a year a whirl-

; ;
wind started from the grave of Kim Yu-sin and stopped at the
-
122 KORKAN IIISTOKV.
grave of Hyuk Kii-sc. These omens were scattered tliroiig'h

a series of years but to the Korean tliey all point toward the
coming catastrophe.
It was in 735 that the Kmperor king
formall>- invested the
of Sil-la with the right to rule as far north as thebanks ot the
Ta-dong River which runs by the wall of P'yung-yang. It
was a right he had long exercised but which had ne\'er before
been acquiesced in by China. The custom of cremating the
royal remains, which had been begun by King Mun-mu, was
continued by his successors and in each case the ashes were
thrown into the sea.
The first mention of the casting of a bell in Korea was in
the year 754 when a bell one and one third the height of a
man was cast. The records say it wêighed 497,581 pounds,
which illustrates the luxuriance of the oriental imagination.
In 757 the names of the nine provinces were changed.
Sii-bul became Sang-ju, Sam-yang became Yang-ju, Cli'iing-
ju became Kang-ju, Han-san became Han-ju, Ha-sa became
ISIyiing-ju, Ung-chun became Ung-ju, Wan-san became Chun
ju, Mu-jin became Mu-ju, and Su-yak (called Mok-yak in the
other list) was changed to Sak-ju, Following hard upon this
came the change of the name of government offices.
As we saw at the first. Sil-la never had in her the making
of a first class power. Circumstances forced her into the field
and helped her win, and for a short time the enthusiasm of
success made her believe that she was a military power but ;
it was an illusion. She was one of those states which would

flourish under the fostering wing of some great patron but as
for standing alone and carving out a career for herself, that
wâs beyond her power. Only a few years had passed since
she had taken possessiou of wêll-nigh the whole of the penin-
sula and now we see her torn by internal dissentions and so
weak that the first man of power who arose and shook his
sword at her doors made her fall to pieces like a house of cards.
Let us rapidly bring under review the events of the next
century from 7S0 to 880 and see whether the facts bear out
the statement.
First a conspiracy was aimed king and was led by
at the
a courtier named Kim Chi-jong. Another man, Yang Sang,
learned of it and promptly seized him and put him to death.
AXCIEXT KOREA. I 23
A very meritorious act one would say but he did it in order

;
to put his footupon the same ladder, for he immediately turned

about and killed the king and queen and seated himself upon
the throne. His reign of fifteen years contains only two im-
portant events, the repeopling of P'yung-yang with citizens
of Han-ya ng(Seoul), and the institution of written examina-
tions after the Chinese plan. In 799 Chun-ong came to the
throne and was followed a year later by his adopted son
Ch'ung-myung. These two reigns meant nothing to Sil-la ex-
cept the reception of a Japanese envoj^ bearing gifts and an
attempt at the repression of Buddhism. The building of
monasteries and the making of gold and silver Buddhas was
interdicted. It is well to remember that in all these long
centuries no mention is made of a KDrean envo}' to Japan,
though Japanese envoys came not infrequenth^ to Sil-la.
There is no mention in the records of any request on the part
of the Japanese for Buddhist books or teachers and there seems
to be no evidence from the Korean standpoint to believe that
Japan received her Buddhism from Korea. Geographically it
would seem probable that she might have done so but as a fact
there is little to prove it. It would, geographically speaking,
be probable also that Japan would get her pronunciation of the
Chinese character by way of Korea but as a matter of fact the
two methods of the pronunciation of Chinese ideographs are
at the very antipodes. The probability is that Japan received
her knowledge both of Buddhism and of the Chinese character
direct from China and not mainly by wâ}' of Korea.
The condition of Sil-la during this period of decline may
be judged from the events which occurred between the 3'ears
836 and 839 inclusive. King Su-jong was on the throne and
had been ruling some eleven ^-ears, when, in 835 he died and
his cousin Kyun-jang succeeded him. Before the year was
out Kim Myung a powerful official put him to death and
put Che Yung on The son of the murdered king,
the throne.
Yu-jeung, fitd Ch'ung-ha Fortress, whither many loyal
to
soldiers flocked around him and enabled him to take the field
against the usurper. Kim Myu finding that affairs did not go
to suit him killed the puppet whom he had put on the throne
and elevated himself to that position. After Yu-jeung, the
rightful heir, had received larsfe reinforceirents from various
124 KORKAX HISTORV.
sources, he attacked the forces of this parvenu at Mu-ju and

gained a victory. The young prince followed up this success
by a sharp attack on the self-made king who fled for his life
V)Ut was pursued and captured. Yu-jeung then ascended the
throne. This illustrates the weakness of the kingdom, in that
any adventurer, with only daring and nerve, could seize the
seat of power and hold it even so long as Kim Myung did.
The outlying provinces practially governed themselves. There
was no power of direction, no power to bring swift punish-
ment upon disloyal adventurers, and the whole attitude of the
kingdom invited insubordination. In this reign there were
two other rebellions which had to be put down.
The year 896 shows a bright spot in a dark picture. The
celebrated scholar Ch'oe Ch'i-wun appeared upon the scene.
He was born in Sa-ryang. At the age of twelve he went to
China to study at eighteen he obtained a high literary degree
;
at the court of China. He travelled widely and at last returned

to his native land where his erudition and statesmanship
found instant recognition. He was elevated to a high position
and a splendid career lay before him but he was far ahead of
;
his time one of those men who seem to have appeared a

;
century or two before the world was ready for them. The low
state of affairs at the court of Sil-la is proved by the intense
hatred and jealousy which he unwittingly aroused. He soon
found it impossible to remain in office so he quietly withdrew
;
to a mountain retreat and spent his time in literar}- pursuits.

His writings are to be found in ths work entitled Ko-un-jip.
He is enshrined in the memory of Koreans as the very acme
of literararj' attainment, the brightest flower of Sil-la civiliza-
tion and without a superior in the annals of all the kingdoms
of the peninsula.
Tradition asserts that signs began to appear and portents
of the
fall of Sil-la. King Chung-gang made a journey
through the southern part of the country and returned by
boat. A dense fog arose which hid the land. Sacrifice was
offered to the genius of the sea, and the fog lifted and a strange
and beautiful apparition of a man appeared who accompanied
the expidtion back to the capital and sang a song whose burden
was that many wise men would die and that the capital would
be changed. Chung-gang died the next jear and was sue-
AKCIKXT KOREA. 1 25
ceeded by his brother Chin-sUng who lived but a }'ear and

'
then made way for his sister who became the ruler of the land.
Her name was Man. Under her rule the court morals fell to
about as low^ a point as was possible. When her criminal in-
timacy with a certain courtier, Eui-hong, was terminated by
the death of the latter she took three or four other lovers at
once, raising them to high offices in the state and caring as
little for the real welfare of the country as she did for her own
fair fame. Things reached such a pass that the people lost
patience with her and insulting placards wêre hung in the
streets of the capital calling attention to the depth of infamy
to which the court had sunk.
It was in 892 that the great bandit Yang-gil arose in the
north. His right hand man was Kung-jê, and as he plays an

important part in the subsequent history of Sil-la we must stop
long enough to give his antecedents. The story of his rise
is the story of the inception of the Kingdom of Ko-ryii. It
maj' be proper to close the ancient history of Korea at this
point and begin the medieval section wnth the events which
led up to the founding of Korjû.
END OF PART I.,

PART II.
MEDIEVAL KOREAN HISTORY.
From 890 to 1392 A. D.

PART II.
riEDlEVAL HISTORY.
Chapter I.
Kung-ye antecedents. . . .revolts Ch'oe Ch'i-wun retires . . .
Wang-gou. .origin. .Kung-ye successful.

. . .advances Wang-g 'm . . . .
. .proclaims himself King.

. . .Wang-g.in again promoted. .Sil-la . . . .
court corrupt. .Kung-ye proclaims himself a Buddha.

. . .condition . .
'of the peninsula. .. .Wang-g >n accused. .. .refuses the throne....

forced to take it. .Kung-j-e killed. .prophecy. .Wang-g.in doet
. . . . . .
justice. .Ko-ryu organized . , Buddhist festival

. vSong-do. . . .
Ko-r}-u's defenses. Kj-un-whiin becomes Wang-g. m's eueni}-. . . . . . .
wild tribes submit. China upholds Kyiin-whuu .his gift to Wang-

. . . . . .
g<)n. .loots the capital of Sil-la.

. . .Ko-ryii troops repulsed. .war . . . .
. . . .Wang-gon .improvements. .. .Kyun-whun's last

visits Sil-la. ..
stand. . . .imprisoned by his sons. .comes to Song-do. .Sil-la ex- . . . .
pires. . . .her last king comes to Song-do. .Wang-g n's generosity. . .
Kung-ye was the son of King Hon-gang b)- a concubine.

He was born on the day of the year, the fifth least auspicious
of the fifth moon. He had several teeth when he was born
which made his arrival the less welcome. The King ordered
the child to be destroyed .so it was thrown out of the window. ;
But the nurse rescued it and carried it to a place of .safety

where she nursed it and provided for its bringing up. As she
was carrying the child to this place of safety she accidentalh
put out one of its eyes. When he reached luan's estate he
became a monk under the name of Sun-jong. He was by na-
ture ill fitted for the monastic life and soon found himself in
the camp of the bandit Ki-whun at Chuk-ju. Soon he began
to consider himself ill-treated b}' his new master and deserted
him, finding his wây later to the camp of the bandit Yang-gil
at Puk-wun now Wun-ju. A considerable number of men ac-
12$ KOREAN HISTORY.
compaiiied him. Here liis talents were better appreciated and

he was put in connnand of a goodly force with which he soou
overcame the districts of Ch'un-ch'un, Na-sung, Ul-o and
O-jin. From this time Kung-ye steadily gained in power
until he quite eclipsed his master. Marching into the west-
ern part of Sil-la he took ten districts and went into permanent
camp.
The following year another robber, Kyun-whun, made
head against Sil-la in the southern part of what is now Kyung-
sang Province. He was a Sang-ju man. Having seized the
district of Mu-ju he proclaimed himself King of Southern Sil-
la. His name was originally Yi but when fifteen years of age
he had changed it to Kyun. He had been connected with the
Sil-la army and had risen step by step and made himself ex-
tremely useful by his great activity in the field. When, how-
ever, the state of Sil-la became so corrupt as to be a by-word
among all good men, he threw off his allegiance to her, gathered
about him a band of desperate criminals, outlaw\s and other
disaffected persons and began the conquest of the south and
west. In a month he had a following of 5,000 men. He found
he had gone too far in proclaiming himself King and so modified
his title to that of "Master of Men and Horses." It is said
of him that once, while still a small child, his father being
busy in the and his mother at work behind the house,
fields
a tiger came along and the
child sucked milk from its udder.
This accounted for his wild and fierce nature.
At this time the great scholar Ch'oe Ch'i-wun, whom we
have mentioned, was living at of Pu-sQng. Recognizing
the abyss of depravity into which the state was falling he
formulated ten rules for the regulation of the government and
sent them to Queen Man. She read and praised them but
took no means to put them in force. Ch'oe could no longer
serve a Queen w^ho made light of the counsels of her most
worthy subjects and, throwing up his position, retired to
Kwang-ju in Nam-san and became a hermit. After that he
removed to Ping-san in Kang-ju, then to Ch'ung-yang Monas-
tery in Hyup-ju, then to Sang-gye Monastery at Ch'i-ri San
but finally made his permanent home at Ka-ya San where he
lived with a few other choice spirits. It was here that he
wrote his autobiography in thirteen volumes.
MEDIEVAT KOREA. 129
In 896 Kung-ye began operating in the north on a larger

scale. He took ten districts near Ch'ul-wun and put them in
charge of his young lieutenant Wang-gon who was destined to
become the founder of a dynasty. We must now retrace our
steps in order to tell of the origin of this celebrated man.
Wang-yung. a large-minded and ambitious man, lived in
the town of Song-ak. To him a son was born in the third
year of King Hon-gang of Sil-la, A. D. 87S. The night the
boy was born luminous cloud stood above the house and
a
made it The child had a
as bright as day, so the story runs.
verj' high forehead and a square chin, and he developed rapid-
ly. His birth had long since been prophesied by a monk
named To-sun who told Wang-yung, as he was building his
house, that within its walls a great man would be born. As
the monk turned to ô Wang-yung called him back and re-
ceived from him a letter which he was ordered to give to the
yet unborn child when he should be old enough to read. The
contents are unknown but when the boy reached his seven-
teenth year the same monk reappeared and became his tutor,
instructing him especially in the art of war. He showed him
also how to obtain aid from the heavenl}- powers, how to sac-
rifice to the spirits of mountain and stream so as to propitiate
them. Such is the tradition that surrounds the origin of the

youth who now in the troubled days of Sil-la found a wide
field for the display of his martial skill.
Kung-ye first ravaged the country from Puk-wiin to A-

sil-la,with 600 followers. He there assumed the title of
"Great General." Then he reduced all the country about
Nang-ch'un, Han-san. Kwan-na and Ch'ul-wun. By this time
his force had enormoush' increased and his fame had spread far
and wide. All the wild tribes beyond the Ta-dong River did
obeisance to him. But these successes soon began to turn his
head. He styled himself "Prince" and began to appoint
prefects to various places. He advanced Wang-gdn to a high
position and made him governor of Song-do. This he did at
the instigation of Wang-yung who sent him the following
enigmatical advice: "If \'ou want to become KingofCho-
sun, Suk-sin and PN-nn-han you must build a wall about Song-do
and make ni}- son governor. '
It was immediately done, and in
'
this way Wang-g'»n was provided with a place for his capital.
17,G KOREAN HlSTOKV,
In S97 the profligate Queen Man of Sil-la handed thf

government over to her adopted son Yo and retired. This
change gave opportunities on every side for the rebels to ply
their trade. Kung-ye forthwith seized thirty more districts
north of the Han River and Kyun-'vhun establishtd his head-
quarters at Wan-san, now Chun-ju and called his kingdom
New Pak-je, Wang-gon, in the name of Kung-ye, seized al-
most the whole of the territory included in the pr^s-^nt prov-
inces of KyiJng-geui and Ch'ung-ch'ung. Finally in 901
Kung-ye proclaimed himself king and emphasized it by slash-
ing with a sword the picture of the king of Sil-la which hung
in a monastery. Two years later Wang-gon moved southward
into what is now Chul-la Province and soon came in contact
with the forces of Kj-uu-whun. In these contests the young
Wang-gon was uniformly successful.
In 905 Kung-ye established his capital at Ch'ul-wun in
the present Kang-wun province and named his kingdom Ma-
3 in and the year was called jWut. Then he distributed the
offices among his followers. By this time all the north and
east had joined the standards of Kung-ye and Wang-gon even
to within 120 miles of the Sil-la capital. The king and court of
Sil-la were in despair. There was no army with which to take
the field and all they could do was to defend the position they
had as best they could and hope that Kyung-yeand Kyun-whun
might destroy each other. In 909 Kung-ye called Sil-la "The
Kingdom to be Destroyed" and set Wang-gon as military
governor of all the south-west. Here he pursued an active
policy, now fitting out ships with which to subjugate the
neighboring islands and now leading the attack on Kyfin-
whun who always suffered in the event. His army was a
model of military precision and order. Volunteers flocked to
his standard. He was recognised as the great leader of the
day. When, at last, Na-ju fell into the hands of the young
Wang-gon, Kyun-whun decided on a desperate venture and
suddenly appearing before that towm laid siege to it. After
ten daj^s of unsuccessful assault he retired but Wang-gon
followed and forced an engagement at Wok-p'o, now Yung-
san-p'o, and gave him such a whipping that he was fain to
escape alone and unattended.
Meanwhile Kung-ye's character was developing. Cruelty
MEDIEVAL KOREA. 13I
•and capriciousness became more and more his dominant quali-

ties. Wang-g never acted more wiseU' than in keeping as
)n
far as possible from the court of his master. His rising fame
would have instantly roused the jealousy of Kung-ye.
Sil-la had apparently adopted the principle "Let us eat
and be merry for to-morrow we die." Debauchery ran rife at
the court and sapped what little strength was left. Among
the courtiers was one of the better stamp and when he found
that the king preferred the counsel of his favorite concubine
to his own, he took occasion to use a sharper argument in
the form of a dagger, which at a blow brought her down from

her dizzy eminence.
In 911 Kung-ye changed the name of his kingdom to Ta-
bong. It is probable that this was because of a strong Bud-
dhistic tendency that had at this time quite absorbed him. He

proclaimed himself a Buddha, called himself Mi-ryQk-pul,
made both his sons Buddhists, dressed as a high priest and
went nowhere without censers. He pretended to teach the
tenets of Buddhism. He printed a book, and put a monk
to death because he did not accept it as canonical. The
more Kung-ye dabbled in Buddhism the more did all military
matters devolve upon Wang-gon, who from a distance beheld
with amazement and concern the dotage of his master. At
his own request he was always sent to a post far removed from
the court. At last Kung-ye became so infatuated that he
seemed little better than a madman. He heated an iron to
a white heat and thrust it into his wife's womb because she
continually tried to dissuade him from his Buddhistic notions.
He charged her with being an adultress. He followed this up
by killing both his sons and many other of the people near his
person. He was hated as thoroughly as he was feared.
The year 918 was one of the epochal years of Korean his-
tory. The state of the peninsula was as follows. In the south-
east, the reduced kingdom of Sil-la, prostrated by her own ex-
cesses, without an army, and jêt in her very supineness run-
ning to excess of riot, putting off the evil day and trying to
drown regrets in further debauchery. In the central eastern
portion, the little kingdom of Kung-ye who had now become a
tyrant and a madman. He had put his whole army under the
hand of a young, skillful, energetic and popular man who had
132 KOKEAN HISTORY.
gained the esteem of all classes. In the south-west was an-

other sporadic state under Kyun-whun who was a fierce, un-
scrupulous bandit, at swords points with the rising Wang-gon.
Suddenly Kung-ye awoke to the reality of his position.
He knew he was hated by all and that Wang-gon was lovt.d
hy all, and he knew too that the army was wholly estranged
from himself and that everything depended upon what course
the young general should pursue. Fear, suspicion and jeal-
ousy mastered him and he suddenly ordered the young gener-
al up to the capital. Wang-gin boldly complied, knowing
doubtless by how slender a thread hung his fortunes. When
he entered his master's presence the latter exclaimed "You
conspired against me 5êsterday." The young man calmh'
asked how. Kung-ye pretended to know it through the power
of his sacred office as Buddha. He said "Wait, I will again
consult the inner consciousness." Bowing his head he pre-
tended to be communing with his inner self. At this moment
one of the clerks purposely dropped his pen, letting it roll
near to the prostrate from of Wang-gon. As the clerk stooped
to pick it Wang-gon's ear "Confess that
up, he whispered in
you have conspired." The young man grasped the situation
at once. When the mock Buddha raised has head and repeat-
ed the accusation Wang-gon confessed that it was true. The
King wâs delighted at this, for he deceived himself into be-
lieving that he actually had acquired the facultv of reading
men's minds. This pleased him so greatly that he readily
forgave the offence and merely warned the young man not to
repeat it. After this he gave Wang-gon rich gifts and had
more confidence in him than ever.
But the officials all besieged the young general with en-
treaties to crush the cruel and capricious monarch and assume
the reins of government himself. This he refused to do, for
through it all, he was faithful to his master. But they said
"He has killed his wife and his sons and w'e will all fall a prey
to his fickle temper unless you come to our aid. He is worse
than the Emperor Chu." Wang-gin, howêver, urged that it
was the worst of crimes to usurp a throne. "But" said they
"is it not much worse for us all to perish? If one does not
improve the opportunity that heaven provides it is a sin."

He was unmoved by this casuistry and stood his ground firm-
MEDIEVAL KOREA. I
33
ly. Ateven his wife joined in urging him to lay aside his
last
foolish scruplesand she told the officials to take him by force
and carry him to the palace, whether he would or not. They
did so, and bearing him in their arms they burst through the
palace gate and called upon the wretch Kung-ye to make room
for theirchosen king. The terrified creature fled naked but
was caught at Pu-yang, now P'yiing-gang, and beheaded.
Tradition says that this was all in fulfillment of a proph-
ecy which was given in the form of an enigma. A Chinese
merchant bought a mirror of a Sil-la man and in the mirror
could be seen these words: "Between three waters God —
sends his son to Chin and Ma — Firstseize a hen and then a
duck — in the year Ki-ja two dragons will arise, one in a green
forest and one east of black metal." The merchant presented
it to Kung-ye who prized highly and sought every where for
it
the solution of the riddle. At last the scholar Song Han-hong

solved it for him as follows. "The Chin and Ma mean Chin-
han and Ma-han. The hen is Kye-rim (Sil-la). The duck is
the Am-nok (duck-blue) River. The green forest is pine tree
or Song-do (Pine Tree Capital) and black metal is Ch'iil-wun
(Ch'ul is So a king in Song-do must arise (Wang-
metal).
gon) and a king in ChTil-wun must fall (Kung-ye).
Wang-gon began by bringing to summary justice the
creatures of Kung-ye who seconded him in his cruelty some ;
of them were killed and some were imprisoned. Everywhere

the people gave themselves up to festivities and rejoicings.
But the ambitious general. Whan Son-gil, took advantage
of the unsettled state of affairs to raise an insurrection.
Entering the palace with a band of desperadoes he suddenly
entered the presence of Wang-g<in who was without a guard.
The King rose from his seat, and looking the traitor in the
face said "I am not King by ni)^ own desire or request. You
allmade me King. It was heaven's ordinance and you can-
not kill me. Approach and try." The traitor thought that
the King had a strong guard secreted near by and turning fled
from the palace. He was caughf and beheaded.
Wang-g in sent messages to all the bandit chiefs and invit-
ed them to join the new movemant, and soon from all sides
they came in and swore allegiance to the young king. Kyun-
whnn, however, held aloof and .sought for means to put down
134 KOREAN HISTORY.
the new power. Waug-oôn set to work to establish his kiiig-

doin on a firm basis. He changed the official system and es-
tablished a new set of official grades. He rewarded those who

had been true to him and remitted three years' revenues. He
altered the revenue laws, requiring the people to pay much
less than heretofore, manumitted over a thousand slaves and
gave them goods out of the royal storehouses with which to
make a start in life. As P'yung-yang was the ancient capital
of the country he sent one of the highest officials there as
governor. And he finished the year with a Buddhist festival,
being himself a Buddhist of a mild type. This great annual
festival is described as follows :
—
There was an -normous lan-
tern, hung about with hundreds of others, under a tent made of
a net-work of silk cords. Music was an important element.
There were also representations of dragons, birds, elephants,
horses, carts and boats. Dancing was prominent and there
were in all a hundred forms of entertainment. Each official
wore the long flowing sleeves and each carried the ivory memo
tablet. The king sat upon a high platform and watched the
entertainment.
The next year he transferred his court to Song-do which
became the permanent capital. There he built his palace and
also the large merchants' houses and shops in the center of
the city. This latter act was in accordance with the ancient
custom of granting a monoply of certain kinds of trade and
using the merchants as a source of revenue when a sudden
need for money arose. He divided the city into five wards and
established seven militar}- stations. He also established a
secondar}- capital at Ch'ul-wuu, the present Ch'un-ch'un, and
called it Toug-ju. The pagodas and Buddhas in both the
capitals were regilded and put in good order. The people
looked with some suspicion upon these Buddhistic tendencies
but he told them that the old customs must not be changed too
rapidly, for the kingdom had need of the help of the spirits in
order to become thoroughly established, and that when that
was accomplished they could abandon the religion as soon as
they pleased. Here was his grand mistake. He riveted upon
the state a baneful influence which was destined to drag it into
the mire aud eventually bring it to ruin.
In 920 Sil-la first recognised Kor^-Q as a kingdom
MEDIEVAL KOREA 135
and sent an envoy with presents to the court at Song-do.

Wang-g'in looked out for the interests of the people in the
distant parts of the country as well as for those near the cap-
ital. In order to break the force of the attacks of the wild
people beyond the Tu-man River he built a wall across the
northern border of Ham-gyung Province. It is said to have
been 900 // long. But there was a still stronger enemy on the
south. Kyun-whun had by this time come to see that he had no
hope of overcoming the ^'oung kingdom of Koryu and so he
bent his energies to the securing of his position against the
danger of interferance, especially in his plans against Sil-la.
For this reason he sent a messenger to Song-do with presents
and tried to make friends with his old time enemy. His next
move was to attack Sil-la. Wang-g5n took up the cudgels in
support of the king of and by so doing secured the last-
vSil-la
ing enmity of the bandit who from this time determined upon
war without quarter against his northern enemy. Wang-gon
said to the Sil-la envoys, "Sil-la has three treasures ; the nine
storey pagoda, the Buddha six times the height of a man, and
the jade belt. As long as these three remain intact Sil-la will
stand. The two are in vSil-la. Where is the jade belt?''
first
The envoy answered that he did not know, whereupon Wang-

gon blamed him sharply and sent him home. When Sil-la
finally fell, the jade belt passed into the hands of Wang-gon.
In 921 the Mal-gal tribe, Heuk-su, made a treaty with
Wang-gon. This bears evidence to the rapidly growing power
of the young king. The Heuk-su Mal-gal were, the most
feared of all the semi-savage tribes of the north. The follow-
ing year the Ku-ran, usually called Kitan in Chinese histories,
followed the example of the Heuk-su people by sending an
envoy with presents. It was not till 923 that Wang-gon
thought fit to send an envoy to China to offer his compliments.
When the last king of Sil-la, but one, ascended the
throne in 924 important events were following thick and fast
upon each other. Sil-la was now so weak that the records say
the king had nothing left but his genealogy. fCyun-whiin
sent a force to begin operations against Koryu, but without
succe^s, and in the following jêar Wang-gon retaliated with
ûch good success that Kyun-whiiu was fain to send bis son to
Song-do as a hostage. He thus bound himself to ktep the
136 KOREAN HISTORY.
peace. Haviiii;' dcnie this he sent to China desiring to secure
backing against Koryii. Thj Ivniperor so far coni];)lied as to

confer upon him the title of King of P:"tk-je, thus following
the time-honored policy of pitting one ]io\ver against
another.
The year 926 saw the first envoy come from the kingdom
of T'am-na on the island of Quelpart. He arrived at the
capital of Koryii, where he was well received. The fame of
VVang-gon was spreading far and wide among the northern
tribes. The Kii-ran, or Kitan tribe, having overcome the
Pal-ha tribe,made overtures to Wang-gon relative to annexa-
tion. These advances were cordially responded to but we are
not informed that the union was actually effected.
Kyun-whun, who was at this time on the island Chiil-
yong-do, sent a present of horses to Wang-gon but a few days
later he found a book of prophecy w-hich said that in the year
when he should send a gift of horses to Song-do his power
would come to an end. He therefore sent a swift messenger
begging Wang-gon to return the gift. The King laughed
long and loud when he saw this message and good-naturedly
sent back the horses.
The last King of Sil-la, Kj'ung-sun, ascended the throne
in 927. happened on this wise Kyun-whun w'as keeping
It ;
up a double fight, one against Wang-gon and the other, an

offensive one, against Sil-la. He was badly defeated in an
engagement with Koryu forces but had good success in his
other venture. He burned and pillaged right up to the gates
of Sil-la's capital, and, while a Sil-la envoy was posting tc
Song-do to ask for aid, entered the city with a picked band
of men. Succor in the shape of 10,000 Koryii troops was on
its way but came too late. At the hour when Kyun-whun en-
tered the cit3' the king, his son, the queen and man}" of the
courtiers were feasting at Po-siik summer-house. When the
unwelcome news arrived, there was no time for preparation.
The king and queen fled south without attendants. The
palace women w'erc seized and the palace occupied. The king
was soon run to earth and was compelled to commit suicide.
Kyuu-whuu ravished the queen and delivered over the palace
women to the soldiery. The palace was looted and the entire
band, sated with excess and debauchery, and loaded down
;
MKniKVAL KORKA. I37
with the treasures of the palace, started back on the home-

ward road. But not until Kyun-whun had appointed a rela-
tive of the murdered king to succeed him.
When Wang-gon heard of these atrocities, he hastened
forward his troops and overtook the army of Kyun-whun in
O-dong forest where a sharp engagement ensued. For some
reason, whether it be because the soldiers of Kyiin-whun
were more familiar with the locality or because the Koryii sol-
diers were exhausted by their long forced march, the assault
was unsuccessful and the Koryu forces withdrew. This was
doubly unfortunate for it not only did not punish the rufh-
nns for their atrocities at the Sil-la capital but it inspired them
with confidence in their own power. Shortly after this Kyun-
whun sent a letter to \Vang-g<"m saying "I became Sil-la's
enemy because she sought aid from you. You have no cause
for warring against me. It is like a dog chasing a rabbit
both are tired out to no purpose. It is like a king-fisher tr}^-
ing to catch a clam when
; he thrusts his bill in';o the shell the
clam closes it and he finds himself caught". To this epistle

Wang-g(")n replied "Your actions at the Sil-la capital are so
outrageous tliat cannot endure the thought of any com-
I
promise. Your present course will lead 3'ou to speed}- ruin".

Elated over his successful repulse of Wang-gon 's army,
Kyun-whun took the field the following year, with a strong
force, and was prepared to assume the offensive. He assault-
ed and took two Koryu fortresses and even, at one time, sur-
rounded Wang-giin in ChTnig-ju and caused him no little
anxiety. In the battle which followed Kyiin-wlum lost three
hundred men and was pushed back, thus freeing the king
from an embarrassing position but before the campaign was
;
over Kyun-wlum scored another victory by capturing the

district of Ok-ch'an. In his next campaign he was still suc-
cessful, and Eui Fortress fell into his hands and he killed the
general in charge. Here his successes ended, for Wang-gon
awoke to the necessity of using strong measures against him.
The following year Koryu forces inflicted a crushing defeat
upon the southern leader, at An-dong. The fight had lasted
all day and neither side had gained any advantage, but that
night a })icked band of Koryu men ascended Hog's Head

Mountain and made a rush down down upon the unsuspect-
l^^N KOKI'AX HISTORY.
iiig cninp of the enemy, causint:; a panic and a stnnipedc in

which thousand men were killed.
eii;ht Kyun-wlum himself
songlit safety in llijîit. Tliis seemed conclusive ami all tlu
countryside sent in their alle.giance to the victors. A hund-
red and ten districts in eastern Korea came over to Wanjj^-
gi'ni in a body. Dagelet Island, or lH-leuntJ^ as the Koreans
call it, sent presents to Koryu.
The next year after these stirring events, namch- 931,
\\'ang-g(")n made a visit to Sil-la taking with liim an i.-scort of
only fifty soldiers. The king of Sil-la came out to meet him
and they feasted there at the meeting-place together. The
king of Sil-la lamented the smallness and weakness of his
kingdom and deplored the ravages of Kyun-whim. The evils,
he said, were beyond estimation and he l)roke down and
;
wei^t. The courtiers did the same and even Wang-g('>n could
scarce restrain his tears. After this thej' had a friendly talk
and the king of Koryii remained as a guest for some twent}^
days. As he left the capital of Sil-la the people vied with
each other in doing him honor. Poor old Sil-la had gone out
of fashion and the minds of all men were turned Koryii-ward.
Wang-gon had a strong predilection for P'yung-yang, the
ancient capital of the country. He had already established a
scliool there with professorships of literature, medicine and
incantation. He now in 932 conceived the project of moving
his capital northward to that place. To this end he erected
barracks there for his troops and was making other prepara-
tions for the change, wdien he was dissuaded from it by some
evil omens. A great wind blew down some of the houses in
P'yung-yang and, so the story goes, a hen became a cock.
These portents made it impossible to carry out the plan. It
was about this time that he built a guest-house outside the
walls of Song-do to be used as a reception hall for envoys and
messengers from the wild tribes of the north. Suspicion as
to the object of their coming ma}- have made it seem undesir-
able to allow them to enter the cit}- proper, or it may have
been simpl}^ to impress them with the importance of the place.
Kyun-whtin's right hand man came and swore allegience
even though, at the time, his two sons and his daughter were
hostages in the hands of his former master. When Kyun-
whun lieard of it he burned the first son alive and WDuld have
MKDIKVAT- KOREA. I
39
treated the second son and the daughter in like manner had
they not effected their escape to a retreat where they lay in
hiding till his death. This desertion seems to have roused
the old man's ire, and he longed for the din of battle once
more. He could still command a considerable force ; so he
entered upon another campaign and as usual was at first suc-
cessful. He seized three districts in the east country and set
fire to a largenumber of towns. It was not until the next
year that Wang-gon sent an expedition against him. This
was under the command of Gen. Yu Gon-p'il, whom the king
had banished but had ])ardoned and recalled because of his
lively efforts while in exile to raise a compan^^ of soldiers. He
never seemed to know when he was beaten. He routed" the
forces of Kyiin-whun and returned in triumph to Song-do,
where he was haikd as the savior of the people. We may
judge from this that Kyun-whun was still considered formid-
able. In another fight Gen. Yn captured seven of KyHn-
whiin's captains and one of his ons as well.
;
As things seemed quiel now, the king made a royal prog-

ress through the north and west, helping the poor, inspect-
ing fortresses, supplanting unpopular prefects but when he ;
got back he found his old enemy still active, and at Un-ju he
had his last great fight with him. In this struggle three
thousand of the enemy wcru killed and thirty-two fortresses
were .aken. The year 935 A. D. is another mile-stone in
Korean histor}-. It marks the end of a dj'nasty which lacked
but eight years of completing a millennium. But we must
relate the events of the )-ear in order. Kyun-whun had many
concubines and more than ten sons. Of the latter the fourth
named Keum-gang, was the one he loved the best, a bo}' of
robust body and great intelligence. The old man pa.ssed by
his other sons and named this one as his successor. This of
course made
trouble at once. The first son, Sin-geum, led a
conspirac}'and the old gentleman was seized and imprisoned
in Keum-san monastery, the young Keum-gang was put to
death and Sin-geum ascended the insecure throne of his
father, now doubly insecure, since it had lost the masterly
genius which of late 3'ears had been its only support. But old
Kyiin-whrm had not played his last card. After three months
impri.sonment he succeeded in getting his guards drunk (jolly
140 KOKlvAX HISTORY.
monks those) and cscajicd to Ka-jn from \vl;ich point lie lind
the colossal iniinidcncc to send a letter to VVanu-<;'in sur-

rendering and asking" for asyhuii in Koryn against his tnvn
son. It was granted and soon a ship of war arrivetl with a
high ofHcial on board to escort the gre>- old wolf of the sonth
to the Koryu capital, where he was received as a guest, given
a comfortable house and plent}- of servants and the revenues
of Yang-ju prefectiire. From that point we may believe that
he waited patiently to see the overthrow of his .sons.
But these are small events compared with what followed.
The king of Sil-la determined to abdicate and hand over the
remnant of his kingdom to Wang-gou. When he broached
the matter to his of^cials no man raised his voice. They
could not assent and they knew there was no use in demur-
ring. The crown prince urged his father to submit the question
to the people and to abide by their decision, but the king was
determined and so sent a letter to Song-do offering to lay his
scepter at the feet of Wang-gon. The crown prince was in
despair, refused to see his father, retired to a mountain re-
treat and ate coarse food as a token of his grief. He died
there of chagrin and sorrow.
W'ang-gon answered by sending one of the highest ofhc-
ials to escort the ex-king to Song-do. The royal procession
was ten miles long, as it slowly wound its way out of the
deserted city amidst the clamorous grief of the people.
Wang-gon met him in person at the gate of vSong-do. He did
not want the ex-king to bow to him but the courtiers had
decided that as the countr}- could have but one king thi,^ must
be done. So the new arrival did obeisance. Wang-goU gave
him his daughter to wife and made him prime ministf^r, set
aside the revenues of an entire district to his use and con-
ferred high rank upon the Sil-la courtiers.
And so ended the ancient kingdom of vSil-la which had
existed for 992 years, from 57 B. C. to 935 A. D. Her line of ,
kings included fifty-six names, which gives an avefiage of

about eighteen years to each reign. From that day tte capi-
tal of vSil-la was called simply by the name Kyong-jti. We
believe that history shows few instances of greater generosit}-,
forbearance, delicacy and tact than are shadowed forth in the
Does historv show a nobler act
MKDIKVAL KORKA. 141
than that of providing a comfortable home where his old

enemy Kyiin-whun might spend his last days in comfort
and ease? Does it show more delicacj^ than was shown by
Wang-gon when he took every means to cover the chagrin of
the retiring king of Sil-la by treating him as a royal guest?
Chapter II.
K5-un-\vhun's sons defeated .... Buddhist teachers from China. .. .The

Emperor recognizes Koryii. .Wang-gon refuses to treat with the . .
Kitans. .makes ten rules. . king marries his sister.

. .plot detec- . . . .
ted. .practical Shogunate.

. .
.Buddhism flourishes. .P'yung-yang . . .
. .Chinamen take ofiice in Koryu.

. .
.slavery. .examinations. . . . . . . .
Chinese f avored oflicial garments. .. .incapable king. .. .retro-

. . . .
gression. .reform. .Confucianism. .

.Kitan
.
growing. .bureau . . . . . .
of history reorganized. .. equilibrinm between Confucianism and

Buddhism. .Uk is banished. .quarrel with Kitan.
. . .concession . . . .
. . .China refuses aid.

dispute. .the provinces. .the
. . . . . . "Em-
peror" of Kitan gives the king mvestiture. .. .first coinage. .. .re-
forms. .conspiracy crushed.. .
Before leaving the kmgdom of Sil-la to be swallowed up

in antiquity we must notice a few corollaries. We will notice
that Sil-la was the first power to gain the control of the whole
penii sula. It was the language of Sil-la that became at least
the oflficial language of the entire country. The yi-t'it, or

systei 1 of diacritical marks, tended to stereotype the aggluti-
native endings, so that we find to-day the general character-
istics running through the grammar of Korean are those
which characterized the language of ancient Sil-la. This fact,
clearly grasped, goes a long way toward opening a way for
the sc ution of the question of the origin of the language.
A
the year 936 opens we see king Wang-gon with his
i
two fo/mer rivals, the peaceful one and the warlike one, gath-
ered under his wing, and the only cloud upon his horizon
the attitude of Kyun-whtin's sons in the south. This was
soon settled. The king in company witli Kyiin-whun, ut the
.
l\2 K0KJ:AN IIISTOKV.
head of nil army of 87,000 men, marched soutliward and en-

gaged the pitiable force that was all the malcontents could now
nuister. When they saw this tren\entlous arm\- a]>proaching
and knew that Kyrm-whiin was there in })erson, surrender
was immediate. \\'ang-g<'>n's first demand was "where is Sin-
geum?" He was told that he was in a fortress in the moun-
tains with a small force and was prepared to fight to a finish.
He was there attacked and 3,200 men were taken and 5,700
killed, which shows how desperate the battle was. Sin-geum
and his two brothers were captured. The two other sons of
Kyun-whun were executed, because they had driven their
father away, but Sin-geiun in some way showed that he had not
been a principal actor in that disgraceful scene and so escaped
what we may well believe was merited punishment- There on
the field the old man Kyiin-whun died. It is said that his
death was caused by chagrin tliat Sin-geum was not killed

wnth his brothers.
It was in 938 that Waug-gon went outside the walls of
the capital to meet a celebrated monk named Hong-buni, who

had come originally from Ch'un-ch'uk monaster}' in the land
of Su-yuk.
All this time interesting reforms were in progress. The
names of all the prefectures throughout the country were
changed. This has always been customary in Korea with a
change of dynasty. The next year, 939, the new king
of Koryu was formally recognized by the lunperor who sent
and invested him with the insignia of royalty. The crown
prince of T'am-na, on Quelpart, came and did obeisance at
the court of Koryu. A redistribution of the farming lands
throughout the country was effected, by which, the records
say, the worthy received more while others received less. It
would be interesting to know in what way the test of worthi-
ness was applied
In 942 the Kitan power in the north tried to make friend-
ly advances and sent a present of thirty camels. But Wang-
gbn remembered the way in which Kitan had feigned friend-
ship for Pal-ha and then treacherously seized her and for
;
this rea.son he showed his opinion of Kitan now by banishing

the thirty men and tying the thirty camels to Man-bu bridge
and starving" them to death,
MKDTKVAL KOREA. I
43
King Waiig-gon was now sixt^^-five years old. His life

had been an active one first as a warrior and then as the
;
administrator of the kingdom which he had founded. P'eeling

that his end was approaching, he set himself to the task of
formulating rules for his successor. As a result he placed in
the hands of his son and heir ten rules which read as follows :
(i) Buddhism is the state religion.

(2) Build no more monasteries.
(3) If the first son is bad let the second or some other
become king.
{4) Do not make friends with Kitan.
(5) Do honor to P'yung-yang, the ancient capital.
(6) Establish an annual Buddhist festival.
(7) Listen to good men and banish bad ones.
(8) As the south is disaffected towards lis do not marr}^
from among the people of that section,
(9) Look after the interests of the army.

(10) Be always ready for emergencies.
After urging his son to lock all these precepts in his heart
the aged king turned to the wall and died. These, ten laws
are typical of the man. They inculcated reverence for the best
religion that had come under his notice, but in the same
breath forbade the disproportionate growth of priest-craft, for
he had seen what a seductive influence lay hidden within the
arcana of this most mystical of all heathen cults. He ad-
vised temperance in religion. He forbade the throning of a
man simply because he was the king's firstborn. By so doing
he really proclaimed that the king was for the people and not
the people for the king. He hated treachery and forbade
making alliances with the forsworn. He believed in doing
honor to the best of the old traditions and ordered that the
ancient city of P'yiing-3'ang be rememberd. He believed in
loving his friends and hating his enemies and forbade descen-
dants taking a wife- from among the people of the south who
had so desperately supported the claims of Kyiui-whun, the
one-time bandit. He was a military man and believed in hav-
ing a strong army and in treating it in such a wây as to insure
its perfect loN'alty. It was in the last injunction, however,
that he struck the key-note of his character. Be always read}'
for emergencies. Reading his character in the light of his ac-
1. 14 K(1K1^\X HISTORY.
tiims we can well inmoinc one more precei^t that would have
been characteristic of him nameh', that it is better to make a
;
Iriend of an honest enemy than to kill him. And so in the

year 942 the great general, reformer, king and administrator
was laid to his fathers and his son Mu reigned in his stead.
The latter's posthumous litle is Hye-jong.
The reign of this second king of Koryu starts with the
statement that the king gave his own sister to his l)rother for a
wife. It was one of the peculiar institutions of the dynasty
that whenever possible the king married his own sister. In

this instance he gave his sister to liis brother, but the king
had probably already married another of his sisters. This
custom, which has prevailed in other countries besides Korea,
notably in ancient Egypt, rests upon the assumption that by
marrying one's "own sister more of royalt}' is preserved in the
family and the line is kept purer, the royal blood not being
mixed with any of baser quality. We are told that, in order
tomake it seem less offensive, the sister, upon marrying her
brother, took her mother's family name. This shows that the
custom was looked down upon, else this device would not
have been resorted to. We find also that the kings of Koryu
were accustomed to have more than one real wife, contrary
to the custom of the present dynasty. We read that this king,
who had none of the elements of his father's greatness, took as
his sixteenth wife the daughter of one Wang-gyu and by her
had a son. Through her influence Wang-gyu had risen to
the position of prime minister and it was his ambition to see
his daughter's son ascend the throne. It had been the king's
plan to give the throne to his brother Yo and the prime minis-
ter began by plotting against the life of this possible succes-
sor. The king learned of this and frustrated it by immedi-
ately abdicating in favor of his brother. Wang-gyu seems to
have possessed considerable power independently of the king
for we learn that he not only was not punished but that he
continued to plot against Yo even after he had assumed the
reins of power. An as.sassin whom he had hired to kill the
king was himself killed by the king while attempting to carrj^
out the deed. When the king fell ill he was advised to move
secretly to another palace for safety. He did so and that very
night the myrmidons of Wang-gyu broke into the palace that
TVIEL»EVAL KOREA. 1 45
he had left, but found that their bird had flown. In spite of
all this the king did not proceed against his minister but went
about with an armed escort. This signal failure to punish a
traitor is said to have been the reason why. during the whole
dynasty, the ofl&cials overruled the king and made a puppet of
him. In fact many times during the dynasty we find the
condition of affairs somewhat like those in Japan where the
emperor himself had little practical power but the govern-
ment was carried on b\- a shogun. But at last this Wang-
gyu met his deserts for he was banished to Kap-whan and
there executed, and with him 300 men who had been in his
pay.
It is interesting to notice how soon after the death of
Wang-gon Buddhism was to
his ill-considered advice about
bear its legitimate fruit. The
king of Koryu was
third
throughly in the hands of the sacardotal power. He was a
devout worshipper of Buddha and spent large sums of money
upon the priesthood. He favored the monks in every way
and thus added one more blow to the wedge which ultimately
split the land and brought the dynasty to a close.
Following the directions of Wang-gon in regard to the
city of P'yung-yang, he decided to make this town a second-
ary capital. In the prosecution of this work many people
were compelled to give their time and labor, and great suffer-
ing was the natural result. Many of the people of Song-do
were compelled to move to the northern capital. This was
very distasteful to them, and, joined with the king's blind ad-
herence to Buddhism, made it eas}^ for the people to rejoice
when in 970 he died and his younger brother So became king.
His posthumous title is Kwang-jong. He in turn married
his own sister, and the records intimate that another reason
for marr3'ing in the family was that it kept out undesirable
connections who would naturally expect to receive positions
under the government.
When in 953 the emperor sent an envoy to the court of
Koryu approving of the coronation of the new king, he was
accompanied by a great scholar, Sang Geui, who found such
favor in the eyes of the king that he remained and took office
under the government. It is said that this caused a serious
set-back to the fortunes of Buddhism. Well would it have
.
146 K(~)KKAN IIISTOKV.
been could lie ha\-e seen that insi<lious ]-)0\vei' crnshed and
driven from the country. Ikit it had ga.ined too strong a
foothold to be overcome by the teaching or example of a single

man or coterie of men. It is it was at thf
not unlikely that
suggestion of this man that the king changed the law concern-
ing slavery. Heretofore slavery had been the punishment for
comparatively venial offences and the country was overrun
with slaves. The king manumitted may of these and bj^ so
doing gained the enmity of many who thus lost valuable prop-
erty. It also resulted in outbreaks among slaves, incipient
riots, because this humane tendency king emboldened
in the
them to claim more than he had intended. It showed that
sometimes the indiscriminate franchisement of slaves may be
a dangerous thing.
The most radical reform instituted at the advice of this
Sang Geui was the establishment of a national competitive
examination similar to those held in China. In Korea it is
called the /("(.'^^â. The examination was a six-fold one; (i)
heptameter verse, (2) hexameter verse, (3) commentary, (4)
historic citation, (5) medicine, (6) divination.
Communication with China seems have become more
to
frequent and close, for we an envo}' went to
find that in 960
China carrying as gifts 50,000 pounds of copper and 4,000
pieces of rock crystal used in making spectacles. This was
likew-ise a period of Chinese immigration, encouraged without
doubt b}- the flattering reception given to Sang Geui. The
king gave the visitors a hearty welcome, provided them with
houses, gave them office and even secured them wives. So
far did he go in the way of providing houses that he incurred
the resentment of some of his highest officials, one of whom,
So P'il, asked the king to take his fine residence from him as
a gift. In surprise the king asked him whj^ he wanted to
give it up. The answer was, "It will be seized anyway
when I die and I would rather give it up now^ and spend
the rest of mj^ days preparing a little home somewhere for
my children." This threw the king into a rage; but the
shot told, for he stopped the form of injustice from that
ver}' da}'.
The following year, 961, a sweeping change was made in
the stj'le and color of official garments. This was also under
MEDIEVAT, KOREA. 1 47
the direction of Sang Geui. P'or the highest rank purple was
used, and for the second rank red. for the third rank deep red,
and rank blue.
for the fourth
How king had degenerated from the standard set
far this
by the founder of the kingdom, less than fift}* years before, is
apparent from the fact that he was the pliant instrument of
anyone who had access to his ear. He believed an^^bod}^ and
everybod}'. Enemies accused each other before him and he
accepted ever}' statement as true. The result wâs that the
prisons were simph' bursting with inmates and the execution-
er's axe was bus}" night and da3\ Hundreds of men were
executed whose onl}- crime was that they had been accused
before the king. Added to this was a prodigal waste of treas-
ure in the building of palaces, the assumption throughout of
Chinese clothes and the entertainment of countless "friends"
who came from across the border, on the principle, no doubt,
that where the carcass is there will the eagles be gathered to-
gether. This state of things continued up to 969, going from
bad to worse That year the king took to himself two Budd-
hist monks as mentors. He suddenly awoke to the fact that
many murders la}- at his door and he began to have twinges
of conscience. He thought to make it right by a wholesale
favoring of Buddhism. He put himself entirely into the hands
of the monks and let them manage all the affairs of state to
suit themselves. But this, while it may have eased his con-
science, brought no betterment to the state. He was imposed
upon in the grossest manner and never once guessed it. He
lost the respect of men of sense and reason. His useless
all
reign dragged on till 976 when the country was relieved of the
might}- incubus by his death. The prisons were overrun
with innocent men, priestcraft had wound its octopus tenta-
cles about ever}^ branch of the government. Energy and pa-
triotism had been eradicated ; for, the moment a man possess-
ing these traits appeared, jealousy caused him to be accused
to the credulous king and he wâs thrown into prison.
But now his son, Chu, came to the throne. His posthu-
mous title is Kydng-jong. His first act was to open the pris-
on doors and liberate all who were not condemned felons.
This act of mere justice was greeted by applause from the
people. It was the signal for a general reform in the meth-
/4S KOKKAX HrST(1K\\
ods of administration. The monks were sent back to their

monasteries. The competitive examinations were renewed
and an impetus was given to the study of tlie classics. The
king in person examined the papers of the candidates. But
death put an end to his promising career after six short years
and in 982 his younger brother, Ch'i, posthumous title Song-
jong, ascended the throne. F"ortunately he was of the
same
mind as his deceased brother and the good work went on un-
checked. He first did away with the senseless festivals de-
scribed under the reign of Wang-gon, at which all manner of
animals were represented. He changed the names of oflficial
grades to correspond with those of the Tang dynasty in China.
Intercourse with China was revived and frequent envoys
passed back and forth It was in the second year of his reign,
nameW 983, that the time-honored custom was instituted of

the king plowing a piece of land in person each year. This
too was borrowed from China. Confucianism received a great
impetus during these daj's an envoy to China brought back
;
a picture of the emperor's shrine, of the patron genius of

China, of Confucius' shrine, and a history of the seventy-two
disciples of the great sage. Financial affairs engaged his
attention too, for we find that in this year 984 the legal rate
of interest on money was set at ten per cent per mensem.
The defenses of the country were not neglected. A fortress
was begun on the banks of the Yalu River but the people of
the Yii-jin tribe caused the work to be suspended.
The Kitan tribe were still in the ascendant and so omi-
nous was the growth of their power that the envoy from
China who came to perform the ceremony of investiture of
the new^ king, intimated that China would be glad to join the
forces of Koryu in an invasion of the Kitan territory. We
are not told what reply was given but nothing seems to have
come of it. Buddhistic encroachments were checked and a
stop was put to the seizure of houses for the purpose of erect-
ing monasteries. Mourning custoins were changed the three
;
years' limit was shortened to one hundred days, the one year
limit to thirty days, the nine months' limit to twenty daj's,
the six months' limit to fifteen days and the three months'
limit to seven days. Special instructions were given to the
governors of the provinces to foster agriculture, and prizes
MEDIKVAI. KOREA. I49
were offered for superior excellence in agricultural methods

as proved by their results. The governors were allowed to
take their families with them to the provincial capitals. This
marks a long step in advance, for it would seem that hereto-
fore the families of provincial governors had been held at the
national capital as a guarantee of good behavior on the part
of the governors while in the country-.
The king caused the erection of great store-houses in the
various parts of the country for the storage of rice to be used
in time of famine. The students in the Confucian school
were encouraged by gifts of clothes and food, and several
were sent to China to prosecute their studies. In 987 the
soldiers' implements of war were beaten into agricultural im-
plements, especially in the country districts. A second trial
was made of liberating slaves but without satisfactory results.
It made those that were not freed so arrogant that the attempt
was given up. A further invasion was made into the terri-
tory of priest-craft by the discontinuance of certain important
festivals, but the fact that the law against the killing of any
animal in the first, fifth or ninth moons was still in active
force shows that Buddhism was still a powerful factor in the
national life. Kyong-ju, the ancient capital of Sil-la, was
made the eastern capital of the kingdom, a merely honorary
distinction.
The annals state that this reign beheld the inauguration
of thehumane custom of remitting the revenues, in part or
in whole, in times of famine, also the custom of the king
sending medicine to courtiers who might be ill.
The growing power of Kitan in the north was a cause of
uneasiness for we find that in 989 the whole north-east border
was thoroughl}^ garrisoned. The time was approaching when
this half-savage tribe would add another proof that conquest
is usually from the cooler to the warmer climate.
During the commotion incident upon the founding of the

dynasty and the extinction of the kingdom of Sil-la, the
bureau of history had been largely neglected. Now it was
reorganized and the annals of the kingdom were put in prop-
er shape.
The king was apparently trying to steer a middle course
between Buddhism and Confucianism, for the pen of the an-
150 KORKAN HISTORY.
iialist records that no animals were to be killed on the king's

birthday, and in the next stroke that wives were to be reward-
ed for nnusual virtue, and again that the king went out of the
city to meet an envoy bringing the great Buddhistic work,
T5-jang-gyung, from China, and still again that the first an-
cestral temple was erected. Well would it have been could
this equilibrium have been maintained.
One of the sons of Wang-gon waS still living. His name
was Uk. He was the author of a court scandal which illus-
trates the lax morals of the time. He formed a liaison with
the widow of his younger brother. The king learned of it
and visited his anger upon the offender b}' banishing him.
The woman bore a son and then went forth and hanged her-
self on a willow tree. The nurse brought up the child and
taught it the word father. One day the child was brought
into the presence of the king, when it rushed forward, caught
the king by the garments and cried father. The king was
deeply moved and sent the child to its father in banishment.
When Uk died the bo}- was brought back to the capital and
given office. He eventualh* became king.
In 993 the cloud in the north began to assume a threaten-
ing aspect. A feeble attempt was made to stem the march of
the now powerful Kitan tribe, but without avail. The Kitan
general, So Son-ryung, madethis a casus belli, and, mustering a
strong force, pushed down into Koryu The king put
territory.
Gen. Pilk Yang-yu at the head of the Koryu forces and himself
went with the army as far as P'yung-yang. At that point
news came that the euemj^ was going around the flank and
had already taken one important fortress there. The king
hurried back to Song-do. Gen. So Son-r}'ung sent a curt
message saying "Ko-gu-ryu once belonged to Kitan. We have
come to claim only our own. It remains therefore onh^ for
you to surrender and become our vassals." In answer the
king sent Yi Mong-jun to negotiate a peace on the best possi-
ble terms. Arriving at the camp of Gen. So he boldly demand-
ed wh}- the northern tribe had presumed to break across the
boundar}'. Gen. So replied that the land was the property
of his master and the sooner the king acknowledged it and
accepted Kitan as his suzerain the better for all parties. The
envoy returned to the capital and a great council of war -was
MEDIEVAL KOK.EA. I5I
held. Some advised to surrender, but some said "Offer them

all the territory north of the Tit-dong River as a compromise
measure." The king chose the latter alternative and began
by having the people there throw into the river all grain that
they could not carr}^ away, so that it might not fall into the
hands of the enemy. The Kitan general was highly pleased
with this concession but his pride had a fall when, a few da3-s
later, he was defeated b}- the Kor3'U forces under Gen. Yu
Bang. Thereupon he modified his demands to the mere rec-
ognition of the suzeraint}' of Kitan but this the king was
;
unwilling, under the circumstances, to agree to. Gen. So was

not satisfied with the grade of the general sent to negotiate
the treaty and demanded that the prime minister of Korj'U be
sent to do it. A high official was therefore sent but he re-
fused to bow before the Kitan general. The latter said, "You
are from Sil-la and we are from Ko-gu-ryii. You are trespass-
ing on our territory. We are }-our neighbors. WM^ do 3'ôu
persist in sending envo^^s to the court of China? That is the

reason we are now at war with you. Restore our land, be-
come our vassals and all will go well." The envo}' refused
to agree to this. He said "We are Ko-gu-rNû people. How
else could our land be Korj'U ? The capital of Ko-gu-ryu was
at P'3'ung-yang and 3ôu formed a small part of that kingdom ;
so why do 3'ou claim that we have usurped the power? Our

territor3^ extended far beyônd the Yalu River, but the Ya-jin
people stole it from us. You had better first go and recover
that part of Ko-gu-ryu which the Yu-jin stole and then we
will gladly bow to 3'OU as suzerain." What there was in this
argument that convinced the hard3' warrior of the north we
cannot say, but it served its purpose, for he first spread a great
feast and afterwards broke camp and marched back to his own
countr3- without obtaining the coveted surrender. The king,
in order to maintain the semblance of good faith, adopted the
Kitan calendar. The next step, however, showed the true
bent of his mind, for he sent a swift messenger to the court
of China with an urgent request for aid against the arrogant
people of the north. But the Sung emperor apparently
thought he had his own hands full in watching his own
borders and declined to send the aid requested. This put an
end to the friendship between Kor3-ii and the Chinese court,
152 RORKAX HISTORY.
and all coiuimniicatioii was broken oiT. The kinj; of Kitan

sent a coniniissiont-r to K< ryu to look aftt-r his intt-rests there
and when he returned to the north he took a large number
of women as a gift from the KoryQ king to his master.
It was now, near the end of the tenth century, that Ko-
ryu was first regularly divided into provinces. There were

ten of them. Their names and positions were as follows.
Kwan-na, the present Kyung-geui Chung-wun, now Cliung- ;
ju ; Ha-nam, now Kong-ju Yong-nam, now Sang-ju; Kang-

;
nam, now Chun-ju San-nam, now Chin-ju Ha-yang, now

; ;
Na-ju Sak-pang, now Ch'un-ch'un, Kang-neung and An-

;
byun P'sl-su, now P'yung-j'ang and Ka-sung, another name

; ;
for Song-do. These were rather the provincial centers than

the provinces themselves.
In pursuance of the polic}' adopted in reference to the
kingdom of Kitan, ten boys were sent northward to that
country to learn its language and marry among its people.
The final suzerainty was played when in 996
act of the
"emperor" Kitan invested the king of Koryu with
of the
royal insignia. The end of the reign was approaching, but
before it was reached one of the most important events of that
century transpired. It occupies little space on the page of
history-. Many a court intrigue or senseless pageant bulks
larger in the annals, but it was one of the most far-reaching
in its effects. was the first coining of money. It was in

It
this same year, 996. These coins were of iron but without
the hole which so generally characterizes the "cash" of to-da}'.
In 99S the king died and his nephew, Song, posthumous
title Mok-jong, ascended the throne. His first act was to
revise the system of taxation, probably by causing a remeas-
urement of arable land. Officials received their salaries not
in monej' nor in rice, but to each one was assigned a certain
tract of land and his salary was the produce from that partic-
ular tract. In the third year of his reign, 1000 a. d., he
received investiture from the Kitan emperor. His fifth year
was signalized by a five days' eruption of a volcano on the is-
land of Quelpart. This reign was destined to end in disaster.
The widow of the late king formed a criminal intimacy with
one Kim Ji-yang, w^honi she raised to a high official position.
The whole kinsrdom was scandalized. She had the walls of
.
MP:DIEVAL KOREA. 153
her palace decorated with sentiments expressive of the epicu-

rean dictum "Eat, drink and be merry"; and curiously enough
expressed the belief that after enjoying all this world had to
give the}' would all become Buddha s in the next. This is
probably a fair sample of the Buddhistic teaching of the times,
at least this was its legitima*-.e fruit. She and her lover soon
began to plot against the young king. The latter was ill at
the time but knew well what was going on. He sent for Sun,
the illegitimate son of Uk, of whom we spoke in the last
chapter, with the intention of nominating him as his successor.
At the same time he sent post-haste to the country and sum-
moned Gen. Kang Cho, a faithful and upright man. On his way
up to the capital the general was falsel}' told that it was not
the king who had summoned him but the queen dowager's
lover. Enraged at being thus played upon, the stern old gen-
eral marched into the capital and seized the lecherous traitor
and gave him his quietus. He then turned upon the king
and put him to death as well. He had not looked carefulh^ into
the case, but he deemed that the whole court needed a thorough
cleaning out. He completed the work by driving out the queen
dowager who deserved the block more than an}^ other and ;
then he seated the above-mentioned Sun on the throne. His

posthumous title is Hyon-jong. This was in 10 10 a.d.
Chapter Hi.
Reforms. . . .eclipses. . . .Kitan declares war. . . .Koryu on guard. . . .Ki-

tan troops cross the Yalu. . . .diplomacy.
.Gen. . . Kang Cho taken. . .
before the emperor. . . . P'j-ung-yang besieged. . . .the king submits

. . . P'yung-yang raised.
.siege of .king moves south. .Kitan de- . . . .
ceived. .Song-do taken.

. . .a rebel governor. .Koryu's victories
. . . .
. .Kitan forces retreat across the Yalu.

. . .king returns to Song-do . .
. ..Gen. Ha Koug-jin executed. .. .reconstruction .. .military and

civil factions .... king overthrows the military faction .... Kitan
invasion. .overwhelming defeat.
. . .envo3's. .Buddhism versus . . . .
Conf ucianism .... Koryu on the increase .... the "Great Wall" of
Koryu .... Buddhism flourishes. .. .primogeniture. .. .the disputed
bridge. . . .Japanese envoys. . . .Buddhism rampant. . . .new laws. . . .
progress of Buddhism.
The first act of king Hyon-jong after announcing to Ki-

tan his accession to the throne was to raze to the ground the
154 KOkKAN HISTORV.
palace of the queen dowager wlio had dragged the fair fame
of Koryu iu the mire. His next move was to build a double
wall about his capital. Evidently coming events were cast-
ing ominous shadows before, and he saw the storm brewing.
We should say at this point that during all these reigns
the annals make careful note of every eclipse. This is brought
prominently to our notice bj^ the statement in the annals that
iu the sixteenth year of this reign there should have been an
eclipse but that it did not take place. This throws some light
upon the science of astronomy as practiced in those dark days.
The common people looked upon an eclipse as an omen of evil,
but this would indicate that among the educated people, then
as to-day, they were understood to be mere natural phenomena.
In loio the storm, which had already given sharp premoni-
tions of its coming, broke in all its fury. It must have come
sooner or later in any event, but the immediate pretext for it

was as follows :Two Koryu generals, Ha Kong- j in and Yu
Chung, who had been placed in charge of the forces in the
north, when Gen. Kang-cho was recalled to the capital, took
matters into their own hands and looked for no orders from
headquarters. The desperate state of things at the capital
partly warranted them in this, but they carried it too far. Of
their own accord they attacked the eastern Yu-jin tribe and
though they did not succeed in the attempt they impressed
those people so strongly that an embassy came bringing the
submission of that tribe. The two generals who seem to have
partially lost their balance with the increase of their import-
ance, wantonly killed every member
of this embassy. As soon
as the young king heard he promptlj^ stripped them of
of this
their honors and banished them. This, however, did not mend
matters with the outraged Yu-jin people, and they hastened to
inform the Kitan emperor of the whole matter. Thereupon
the proclamation went out from the Kitan capital, "Gen.
Kang-cho has killed the king of Koryu. We will go and in-
quire into it."
As a preliminary, a messenger was sent to Song-do to
demand why the king had been put to death. The officials
were thrown into a panic and hastened to send and envoy to

Kitan to explain matters. He was held a prisoner by the
emperor. The king sent again and again, ten envoys in all,
MEDIEVAL KOREA. I
55
but an ominous silence was the only answer. It appeared that

something serious was about happen, but just what it was
to
could not be surmised. In order to be ready for any emer-
gency, the king sent Generals Kang Cho and Yi Hyun-un to
T'ong-ju (now Sun-ch'un) in the north to guard against a
sudden surprise.
Early in December the spell was broken and the watchers
by the Yalu hurried in with the news that a cloud of Kitan
warriors was already crossing the stream. The invading army
400,000 strong, so say the records, pushed forward and sur-
rounded the Koryu forces at Heung-wha camp. When it was
found, however, that they would stand their ground and fight,
the invaders sent presents of silk and other valuables and ad-
vised them to surrender, and said "We liked the king whom
Kang Cho killed, and we are determined to overthrow the mur-
derer. You assist us in this. If not we will destroy you root
and branch." The reply was "We prefer to die rather than
surrender.
'
'Thereupon the enemy sent more costly presents

still but the answer was the same. When it became plain
that there was to be bloodshed before Koryu would come to
terms, the Kitan emperor divided his immense army into two
divisions, sending 200,000 men to the vicinity of Eui-ju and
200,000 to T'ong-ju. Gen. Kang Cho cunningly disposed his
little army between two creeks where he was protected on
either flank. It is said that he had a species of battle chariot
with swords attached to the axles of the wheels so that when
they charged among the ranks of the enemy the latter were
mown down. On this account the little Koryu army was at
first successful. Then Gen. Kang Cho was seized b}' that com-
mon infatuation of fancied security and in the midst of the

fighting he sat down in his pride and began playing a game
of go-bang. A messenger hurried up with the news that the
line of battle had been broken on the west and that the enemy
were pouring in. Gen. Kang Cho laughed and said "Do not
come to me with such an insignificant piece of news. Wait
till they come in numbers worthy of mj' sword ; then come
and tell me." Soon a messenger came saying that the Kitan
forces were approaching in full column. Thereupon Gen.
Kang arose and prepared for battle. While doing so the an-
nals say that the spirit of the murdered king appeared before
156 KOKKAX HISTORY.
him and chided him for scorning the power of Kitan. He

took off his hehnet, and, bowing before the apparition, said "I
have committed an offence worthy of death." The Kitan
.soldier}' rushed in and seized him. The}- bound him in a cart
and took him away.
Nothing now lay between the invading army and univer-
sal rapine. The army penetrated far into the territory of
Koryii. cut off 30,000 heads and ravaged right and left.
When Gen. KangChoand Gen. Yi Hyvm-un were brought

before the Kitan emperor the bonds of the former were cut
aud he was bidden to stand forth. "Will you become my
subject?" "I am a Korj'u man. How can I be your sub-
ject?" They cut his flesh with knives but he remained firm.
When the same question was put to Gen. Yi H3'un-un he re-
plied. "As I now look upon the sun and moon, how can I re-
member any lesser light?" Such were the words of his apos-
tac5^ Kang Clio cried out upon him as a traitor, and then
bowed his head to the axe.
The Kitan army was now in full march on P'3-ung-3'ang,
but the broken remnants of the Korya army united at "Long
Neck Pass" and successfully opposed the progress of the in-
vaders. A little diplomacy was now made use of by the Ki-
tan general. He sent a letter to Heung-wha camp, purport-
ing to be from Kang Clio, ordering them to surrender, but the
commander, Yang Kjû, replied "I listen only to the king."
Kwak-ju (now Kwak-san) and Suk-ju (now^ Suk ch'un)
fell in quick succession and soon the victorious arm)- of Kitan
was thundering at the gates of P'yung-yang. The general in

command was Wun Chong-suk and his two lieutenants were Chi
Ch'oa-mun and Ch'oe Ch'ang. The commander was willing
to surrender without a fight and went so far as to write out the
surrender, but the other two prevented this b}- seizing the
paper, tearing it up aud putting the Kitan messenger to death.
The camp of these generals was without the city, but the
panic of the people inside increased to such an extent that all
the forces entered the city to insure quiet.
The Kitan general-in-chief now received from the king
an offer of surrender. It caused the greatest satisfaction in
the Kitan camp and orders were given that the soldiers should
cease ravaging the surrounding countr}-. Ma Po-u was sent
MEDIEVAL IvOHEA. I57
as Kitan commissioner in Song-do and was accompanied by

an escort of a thousand men under the command of Gen. Eul
Neum.
We can see how little connection there was between the
•capitaland the arm 3^ in the field by the fact that this submis-
sion on the part of the king did not lead to the surrender of
P'5'ung-}aag nor to a cessation of hostilities by the generals
who commanded the forces there. When a second messenger
was sent into the city to ask why the former one did not re-
turn he too was put to death.
Gen, Eul Neum was ordered to reduce P'yung-yang and
he approached to attack it but was driven back with a loss of
3,000 men. This attempt failing, the conquorors decided to
lay siege to the town. When the inmates saw this they knew
that the end was near. A plan was made whereby a part of
the troops should make a sallj^ from the West Gate and an-
other part from the East Gate and together they hoped to
dislodge the enem^'. Eut one of the generals, instead of fob
lowing out the plan, improved the opportunity^ to make good
his escape. The other party was therefore in a trap and had
to surrender. But still two generals held the cit}'.
Meanwhile a band of 1,000 soldiers under Gen. Yang
Kyu attacked Kwak-ju by night, and put the Kitan garrison
to the sword, and took seven thousand people away to Tong
bu for safet}'.
When the Kitan forces found thej' were likely to have
difficulty in bringing P'yung-yang to terms they gave it up
and marched away eastward. Thereupon the general Chi
Ch'oa-mun hastened to Song-do and announced that he had
fled from P'yung-yang. The "residency" of Ma Po-u seems
to have been a short-lived one and terminated when it was
found that the submission of the king amounted to little when
the armies would not surrender. Courtiers urged an immedi-
ate surrender but Gen. Kang Kam-ch'an said "If we could
put them off a while and gain time they would be gradually
worn cut. The king should move south out of harm's way
for a time." So that very night the king and queen and a
large number of officials together with 5,000 troops moved
southward to Chuk-sung. The king's southward flight was by
no means an eas}^ one. The very first night out from the
158 KOKKAX IIISTOKV.
capital the house where he slept was attacked by a band of

traitors and malcontents. The king escaped to the moun-
tains where he was attended b}- the faithful Gen. Chi. From
this retreat he recalled the two generals who had been ban-
ished for attacking Yu-jin without orders, and restored them
to their positions. Escorted by Generals Chi, Ch'o and Chu,
the king slowly retreated toward Wang-ju. All his numer-
ous escort had left him excepting his two wives, two palace
women and two intimate friends. Gen. Chi kept a sharp
lookout for the bands of robbers who were roaming about the
country. Once when hard pressed by these irresponsible
gentry, Gen. Chi spirited the king away under cover of night
and concealed liim in To-bong monastery in Yang-ju a little
to the northeast of the present Seoul, and the robbers were
thrown completely off the scent.
Gen. Ha Kong-jiu told the king that the Kitan forces
had invaded Koryu for the purpose of punishing Gen. Kang
Bho, and as this had been accomplished all difficulty between
Koryu and Kitan could be easily settled by a letter from the
king to his northern suzerain. The letter was written and
sent by the hand of a trusty man. It said that the king had
left Song-do for an expedition into the country to quell certain
disturbances there When the messenger was asked how

far the king had gone he answered that he had gone several
thousand //. This seemed plausible to the Kitan court and
soon its army was working its way slow^ly back to the bound-
ary, the first stop being made at Ch'ang-wha.
This retreat was more with a view to obtaining a winter-
ing place than with a desire to favor Koryti, for no sooner had
the next season, ioii,come than the Kitan army marched
straight down through the peninsula and entered the capital
and burned the palaces and most of the common houses. The
king was in Kwang-ju but, learning of this disaster, he hur-
ried still further south with his two wives to Ch'un-an in the
present Ch'ung-ch'ung Province. From there he continued
south to Chun-ju where he was treated very cavalierly by the
governor who met him in common clothes and without the
ceremony befitting a roj'al visitor. In fact this governor had
determined to put the king out of the way. To this end he
hired three men to go by night and assassinate him. But
MEDIEVAT. KOREA. I59
the door was guarded by Gen. Chi who bolted it firmlj^ and
then mounted the roof and cried loudlj^ to all who were loyal
to the king to rally round him. The next day the governor
was summoned before the king. Some of the generals were
clamorous for his death but Gen. Chi who was as wise as he
was faithful vetoed this, for the king was not in a position to
face the opposition that the execution of the governor would
arouse in the province. It will be remembered that Wang-
gon had left command that as the south was disaffected
none of his descendants should marr}- among its people.
This shows that the king when he went south found it
unwise to exercise all the prerogatives of rojâltj- So the
.
governor was left intact and the king moved further south
to Na-ju.
Meanwhile the Kitan forces were not having it all their
own way in the north. Gen. Kim Suk-heung of Kwi-ju at-
tacked a powerful force of the enemy and secured a signal
victory. It is said that he put 10,000 men to death. Then
Gen. Yang Kyu made a dash at the enemy at Mu-ro-da near
Eui-ju and killed 2,000 and recovered 3,000 prisoners. Also
at Yi-su there was a battle in which 2,500 Kitan men were
killed and 1,000 captives rescued. At Yo-ri-ch'un also 1,000
more were killed. These three desperate engagements oc-
curred on the same day.
Gen. Ha Kong- j in was at this time a hostage in the Ki-
tan capital, and he managed to send a letter to the King in-
forming him that the forces of Kitan were slowl)^ retreating.
This made it possible for the king to start on his way back to
the capital. The first stage was to Chtin-ju.
The retreating forces of Kitan were again engaged at A-
jiu but as heavy reinforcements arrived at the moment, the
Koryu generals, Yang Kjai and Kim Suk-heng, lost the day
and fell upon the field of battle. This victory, however, did
not stop the retreat of the invading army. There had been
very heavj^ rains, and many horses had perished and many
soldiers were practically without arms. Gen. Chon Song,
who assumed command after the death of the two generals at
K-jun, hiing on the flanks of the retreating enemy and when
half of them had crossed the Yalu he fell upon the remainder
and many of them were cut down and man}- more were
i6o KOKEAN rirsTORr.
drowned in mid-strcani. When it became known that all tfiL-
Kitau forces were across the border it took but a few days
to re-nian the fortresses which had been deserted.
The king- now hastened northward stopping for a time at
K.ong-ju where the governor gave him his three daughters tc
wife. By the first he begat two sons both of whom became
kings of Koryu, and by the second he begat another who also-
became king. He was soon on the road again, and ere long
he reentered the gates of his capital which had undergone
much hardship during his absence. His first act was to give
presents to all the generals and to order that all the bones of
the soldiers who had fallen be interred. He followed this up
by dispatching an envoy to the Kitan thanking them for recall-
ing their troops. He banished the governor of Chun-ju whO'
had attempted his life. He repaired the wâll of the capital
and rebuilt the palace.
Gen. Ha was still in the hands of the Kitan but he was
extremely anxious to return to Koryu. He therefore feigned
to be quite satisfied there and gradually gained the entire con-
fidence of bis captors. When he deemed that it was safe he
proposed that he be sent back to Koryu to spj' out the condi-
tion of the land and report on the number of soldiers. The
emperor consented but changed his mind when he heard that
the king had returned to Song-do. Instead of sending Gen,
Ha back to Koryn he sent him to Yun-gyung to live and gave
him a woman of high position as his wife. Even then the
general did not give up hope of escaping and was soon busy
on a new plan. He purchased fleet horses and had them
placed at stated intervals along the road toward Korj'u with
trusty grooms in charge of each. Someone, however, cold the
emperor of this and, calling the exile, he questioned, him
about it. Gen. Ha confessed that his life in exile was intoler-
able. When the emperor had offered him everj^ inducement
to transfer his allegience and all to not avail, he comanded
the executioner to put an end to the interview. When news
reached Song-do that Gen. Ha had preferred death to dis-
loyalty, the king hastened to give office to the patriot's son.
The work of reconstruction was now commenced, in
IOI2. Kyong-ju was no longer called the eastern capital
but was changed back to a mere prefecture. The twelve
MKDIP:VAL KOREA. l6l
The twelve provinces were reconstructed into five and

there were seventy-five prefectures in This plan however
all.
was abandoned two years later. Now that Koryu had regain-
ed control of her own territory, the Yu-jin tribe thought best
to cultivate her good will and so sent frequent envoj^s with
gifts of horses and other valuables. But when the Emperor
of Kitan, angry because the King refused on the plea of ill
health to go to Kitan and do obeisance, sent an army and seiz-
ed six of the northern districts this side the Yalu, the Yu-jin
turned about and ravaged the northeast boundary. The next
year the Yu-jin joined Kitan and crossed the Yalu but were
speedily driven back by Gen. Kim Sang-wi.
In ID 1 4 the King came to the conclusion that he had made
a mistake in casting off the friendship of China and sent an
envoy to make explanations but the Emperor Chin-jong
;
(Sang dynasty) was angry because he had been so long neglect-

ed and would have nothing to do with the repentant Koryu.
In the autumn the Kitan army was again forced back
across the border. The Koryu army had now grown to such
proportions that the question of revenue became a very serious
one and the officials found it necessary to suggest a change.
They had been accustomed to "squeeze" a good proportion of
the soldiers' pay and now that there was danger of further
change which would be only in the officials' favor, the soldiers
raised a disturbance, forced the palace gates, killed two of the
leading officials and compelled the King to banish others.
The}^ saw to it that the military officials took precedence of
civil officials. From that time on there was great friction be-
tween the military and civil factions, each trying to drive the
other to the wall.
The next jêar, 1015, the Kitan people bridged the Yalu,
built a wall at each end and successfully defended it from
capture ; but when they attempted to harry the adjoining
country they were speedily driven back. The military fac-
tion had now obtained complete control at the capital. Swarms
of incompetent men were foisted into ofiice and things were
going from bad to worse. The King was much dissatisfied at
this condition of affairs and at some-one's advice decided to
sever the knot which he could not untie. He summoned all
the leaders of the military faction to a great feast, and, when
1 6;: KOREAN HISTdKV.
he had gotten them all intoxicated, had them cut down by

men who had lain concealed in an adjoining chamber. In this
way nineteen men were put out of the way and the military
faction was driven to the wall.
Year by year the northern people tried to make headway
against Koryfi. The Sung dynasty was again and agaih ap-
pealed to but without success. Koryu was advised to make
peace with Kitan on the best terms possible. The Kitan
generals, Yu Pyul, Hang Byun and Ya-yul Se-chang made
raid after raid into Koryii territory with varying success. In
1016 Kitan scored a decisive victor}- at Kwak-ju where the
Koryii forces were cut to pieces. Winter however sent them
back to their northern haunts. The next3'ear they came
again and in the following year, 1018, Gen. So Son-ryung
came with 100,000 men. The Korj'U army was bj- this time
in good order again and showed an aggregate of 200,000 men.
They were led by General Kang Kam-ch'an. When the battle
was fought the latter used a new form of strategem. He caus-
ed a heavy dam to be constructed across a wooded vallej' and
when a considerable bodj' of water had accumulated behind it
he drew the enemy into the valley below and then had the dam
torn up the escaping water rushed down the valley and
;
swept away hundreds of the enemy and threw the rest into
such a panic that they fell an easy prej^ to the superior num-
bers of the Korj-u army. This was followed by two more vic-
tories for the Koryu arms.
The next year, again, the infatuated north-men flung
themselves against the Koryu rock. Under Gen. So Son-
rj-ung they advanced upon Song-do. The Kor5'U generals
went out thirty miles and brought into the capital the people
in the suburbs. Gen. So tried a ruse to throw the Korû
generals off their guard. He sent a letter saying that he had
decided not to continue the march but to retire to Kitan but ;
he secretl}- threw out a strong force toward Song-do. They

found ever)' point disputed and were obliged to withdraw to
Yung-byun. Like most soldiers the Koryu forces fought best
when on the offensive and the moment the eneui}' took this
backwârd step Gen. Kang Kam-ch'an was upon them, flank
and rear. The invaders were driven out of Yang-byun but
made a stand at Kwi-ju. At first the fight was an even one
MEDIEVAL KOREA. 1
63
but when a south wind sprang up which lent force to the

KorN'ii arrows and drove dust into the eyes of the enemy
the latter turned and fled, with the exulting Koryu troops
in full pursuit. iVcross the Suk-ch'un brook they flounder-
ed and across the fields which they left carpeted with Kitan
dead. All their plunder, arms and camp equipage fell into
Koryu hands and Gen, So Son-rjûng with a few thousand
weary followers finally succeeded in getting across the Yalu.
This was the greatest disaster that Kitan suffered at any time
from her southern neighbor. Gen. So received a cool wel-
come from his master, while Gen. Kang, returning in triumph
to Song-do with Kitan heads and limitless plunder, was met
b}^ the King in person and given a flattering ovation. His
Majesty witli his own hands presented him with eight golden
flowers. The name of the meeting place was changed to
Heung-eui-yuk, "Place of lyofty Righteousness." When
Gen. Kang retired the following year he received six honorary
titles and the revenue from three hundred houses. He was a
man of small stature and ill-favored and did not dress in a
manner befitting his position, but he was called the "Pillar of
Koryu." Many towns in the north had been laid waste dur-
ing the war and so the people were moved and given houses
and land. The records say that an envoy came with greetings
from the kingdom of Ch'ul-ri. One also came from Ta-sik in
western China and another from the kingdom of Pul-la,
Several of the Mal-gal tribes also sent envoys the kingdom
;
of T'am-na was again heard from and the Kol-bu tribe in the
north sent envoj-s. In 1020 Koryu sent an envoy to make
friends again with her old time enemy Kitan and was success-
ful. The ambition of the then Emperor of Kitan had ap-
parently sought some new channel. Buddhism, too, came in
for its share of attention. We read that the King sent to
Kyhig-ju, the ancient capital of vSil-la, to procure a bone of
Buddha which was preserved there as a relic. Every import-
ant matter was referred in praj-er to the Buddhistic deities.
As Confucianism had succeeded in keeping pace with Bud-
3êt
hism. In 1024 the King decreed that the candidates in the

national examinations should come according to population ;
three men from a thousand-house town, two from a five hun-

red-house town and one each from smaller places. Several
164 KOREAN IIISTORV,
examinations were held in succession and only those who ex-

celled in them all received promotion. The great struggle be-
tween Buddhism and Confucianism, which now began, arrayed
the great class of monks on the side of the former and the
whole official class on the side of the latter. Th6 former
worked upon the superstitions of the King and had continual
access to him while the latter could appeal to him only on the
side of general common sense and reason. Moreover Bud-
dhism had this in its favor that as a rule each man worked for
the system rather than for himself, always presenting a solid
front to the opposition. The other party was itself a con-
glomerate of ir.terests, each man working mainly for himself
and joining wuth others only when his own interests de-
manded. This marked division of parties was strikingly il-
lustrated when, in 1026, in" the face of vehement expostula-
tions on the part of the officials, the King spent a large amount
of treasure in the repairing of monasteries. The kingdom of
Kitan received a heavy blow when in 1029 one of her gener-

als,TS Yun-im, revolted and formed the sporadic kingdom of
Heung-5'o, Having accomplished this he sent to the King
of Koryu saying "We have founded a new kingdom and you
must send troops to aid us." The Koryu officials advised
that advantage be taken of this schism in Kitan to recover the
territory beyond the Yalu which originally belonged to Ko-
gu-ryu and to which Koryu therefore had some remote title.
Neither plan was adopted. It seemed good to keep friendly
with Kitan until such time as her power for taking revenge
should be past, so envoys were sent as usual, but were inter-
cepted and held by the new King of Heung-yo. This policy
turned out to be a wise one, for soon the news came that Kitan
had destroyed the parvenu.
Now that the fortunes of Koryu were manifestly in the
ascendant, many people in the north sent and swore allegiance

to her, thus following the example of a certain Kitan envoy
who at this time transferred his citizenship voluntarily from
Kitan to Koryu.
The King died and his son Heum, posthumous title Tuk-
jong, came throne in 1032. He married his own sister.
to the
All friendly relations with Kitan were broken off, because the
bridge across the Yalu was not destroyed. It did not seem
MEDIEVAL KOREA l6s
a friendh' act to leave this standing menace to the peace of

Korj'U. In view of this the King ordered a wall to be built
across the entire peninsula from the Yalu River to the Japan
Sea. It was nearly a thousand li long. This would seem al-
most incredible were it not that the facts are given in such
detail. The wall was twenty-five cha high and the same in
breadth and stretched from Ko-gung-na Fortress, near Eui-ju
on the Yalu, to Yong-heung near the Japan Sea. The Kitan
people tried to hinder this work but without avail. This
period marks the acme of Koryu's power and wealth. She had
reached her zenith within a century and a quarter of her
birth and now for three centuries she was destined to de-
cline.
The young-^r brother, Hyong, of this King Tuk-jong,
succeeded him in 1035, after a short reign of three jêars. He
continued the work of making impregnable the defenses of the
north. He built a wall from Song-ryung Pass in the west to
the borders of the Yii-jin tribe in the north-east. He also
built a Fortress Cha-jun, nowCh'ang-siing. His reign beheld
the riveting of Buddhistic chains upon the kingdom. Those
who could read the signs of the times surmised this when, in
1036, the King decreed that, if a man had four sons, one of
them must become a monk. Because of the Buddhistic canon
against the spilling of blood the death penalty was commuted
to banishment. Another Buddhistic anniversarj^ was institut-
ed. The King also inaugurated the custom of having boys
go about the streets bearing Buddhistic books upon their backs
from which the monks read aloud as they passed along. This
was for the purpose of securing blessings for the people.
In order to counteract the tendency toward luxury, the
King forbade the use of silk and gold and went so far as to
burn up the whole stock of silk held by the merchants. He
made a new law of primogeniture. The first son is to suc-
ceed. If he dies, the son of the first son succedes. If there
is no grandson the second son succeeds. If there is no son by
the wife the son by a concubine succeeds. If there is none
then a daughter succeeds. The Yti-jiu tribe came with rich
gifts and promised faithfully to refrain from raiding the
frontier again. In 1047 the King was succeeded by his
younger brother, Whi, posthumous title Mun-jong, who was
1 66 KOKKAX HISTOKV.
destined to sit upon the throne for thirty-seven years. After

aunonncing to his suzerain his aceession, he followed the cus-
tom of his house and married his sister.
This monarch at first showed a bleu ling of Buddhistic
and Confucian influences, for the annals state that in his se-
cond year he fed ten thousand monks in the palace and gave
them lodging there, and that shortly after this he built a
Temple to Heaven before the palace. The Yu-jin trib^ broke
their promise and made a descent upon the border fortresses
but were driven back and not only so, but the Koryu forces
;
followed them to their haunts and burned their villages to the

ground.
In 1053 the sj^stem of taxation was overhauled and a new
schedule of weights was made. The King sent a letter to Kitan
complaining that the bridge across the Yalu still stood,
that a wall had been built to secure it and that a horse relay
system had been established, with this bridge as one of its
termini. It seemed, in the words of the letter, that "Kitan
was the silk-worm and Koryu was the mulberry leaf." The
King was anxious to attempt an embassy to China and for
that purpose suggested that a boat be built on the island of
Quelpart but the ofl&cials dissuaded him from the attempt.
The 3'ear 1056 was signalised by the arrival of an envoy
from Japan. It is probable that the strong Buddhistic tendency
which had developed in Japan had tempted the Japanese to
send and secure further instruction in that cult and to secure
relics and paraphernalia. The envo}' may have asked that
Buddhist teachers be sent, but the records say nothiag to this
effect.
Buddhism was making steady advances. A large quantity

of metal intended for the manufacture of arms was taken b\-
order of the King and made into nails for use in building
monasteries. He took away houses from many'wealthy people,
among them some of his own relatives and gave them to the
monks. The law requiring that of four sons one must be-
come a monk was now revised so as to read that one of every
three should don the cowl. Nearlj^ every house furnished its
monk. The King said "From
the very first our Kings have
encouraged Buddhism and each generation has paid attention
to the building of monasteries. By so doing man}^ blessings
Ik1
MEDIEVAL KOREA.
have been received. Now that I have become King I find
that many evils are oppressing the state because of the neglect
of the important precept. I will now mend this breach in our
conduct and restore to the country her former prosperity."

So he built monasteries in various places. The officials all used
their influence against this but the monks carried the day.
A Buddhist book called Tal-jang-gyung was sent by Kitan as
a gift to Koryu.
This period was not without some hopeful signs. A law
was passed that no man should be punished before being tried
before three judges. The government built a fleet of a hun-
dred and six sailing vessels to carry the government rice from
one port to another. The boats made six trips a year.
But the advan :es, or rather retrogressions, in a Buddhis-
tic line were still more marked. In 1065 the King's son Ku
cut his hair and became a monk. A law was promulgated
that no beast should be killed in the land for three years. A
monastery was being built in Song-do containing 2,800 kan,
each being eight feet square.
kaji It took twelve years to
complete it. When it became ready for occupancy there was

a magnificent festival at which all monks within a radius of
many miles were present. The feasting lasted five days.
There was an awning of silk, covering a passage-way from the
palace to this monastery. Mountains and trees were repre-
sented by lanterns massed together. The King dressed in the
robes of a high priest. In this monastery was a pagoda on

which 140 pounds of gold and 427 pounds of silver were
lavished.
Chapter IV.
Revenue mathematics the bridge removed friends with China

again .... Confucianism wanes. Buddhist book from Japan
. . .
frontier defence, . .prophecy.

. .Han-yang made a secondary capi-
. .
tal.... new laws.... cash counterfeited. .. .Yu-jin taken .... botany

... .beginnings of the Kin power. .. .between Kitan and Kin ... .
kingdom of Wun .... China allies herself with Kitan .... Kin seeks
the good will of Koryu. .dancing-girls and Buddhism.
. . .Kin de- . .
mands Korvu alliance. .refused. .defense of the north. .an am-

. . . . . .
l6S KORKAX HISTORY.
bitious official ...Kitan falls. .. .Sung dynasty falls. .. .harbor im-
provement . . . Bviddhist trickery rebellion quelled ...historical
work, Sani-guk-sa. .an abject king.
. . .Kin immigrants. .a good . . . .
governor for Quelpart. .. .military faction dominant. .. .criminals,

houses destroyed .king banished
. . .a plot foiled. .the emperor
. . . .
suspicious .. .military and monastic factions ...attempted revolu-

tion ..monastic revolt.
. .
evident that jiopulation and revenue are proportion-

It is
ate. Not often is the cinestion of population touched upon in

the Korean annals but some light is thrown upon it by the
statement that at this time the revenue from the north, from
the most distant places only, was 49,000 bags of rice. From
this we must infer that the north was fairly well populated.
An interesting point in connection with the mathemati-
cal knowledge of the time is brought out in the statement
that the s^'stem of laud tax was changed and w-as collected at
a certain rate per each .square of thirty- three paces; but if
the field was large the tax was a certain amount for each
tract forty-seven paces square. The square of thirty-three
is 1089 and the square of fortj'-seven is 2209, which is the
nearest possible to twice the square of thirty-three. It would
seem then that they had some notion of the properties of geo-
metrical figures.
was about this time that Kitan changed its name to
It
Yo. She at once sent an envoy announcing the fact. These
were the golden days of Koryu's relations. The Yu-jin tribe
of To-ryung-ko-do-wha came and swore allegiance as also did
the Chang-man and Tu-hul tribes. A few years later a Japan-
ese ruler named Sal-ma sent gifts to the Koryu court as also
did the people of Tsushima.
During the latter 3'ears of this reign the Kitan people
were induced to break down the bridge across the Yalu but it
was done only by sending at abject letter in which the Koryu
king said "As all the world is yours and all the people in the
wôrld belong to j'OU, you have no need of a bridge to bind us
to you."
In 1077 an envoy came from the Emperor of China (Sung
dynast}^) asking aid against the Kitan. The king might
well have turned and answered that as the Emperor had re-
mained deaf to Koryu's entreaties for help so now Koryu
would decline to respond. But he did nothing of the kind ;
MEDIEVAL KOREA. 1 69
this opportunity to reestablish friendly relations with China

was hailed with delight by all classes. The king, though ill,
was carried on his bed outside the city walls to meet this wel-
come messenger. The latter was treated royally and was
loaded with so many gifts that he could not take them back
with him. He had no intention, however, of leaving them
entirely, for he sold them and took the money instead. This
sort of thrift was something new to the Koreans and they
showed their disgust b}' ridiculing him and when he left
;
they spat upon the ground in token of their contempt. We

are not told that Koryu gave the aid requested. And yet
the friendly relations were continued, as is seen from the fact
that in 1079 the emperor sent physicians and medicines to
Korj-Q. We have here the first definite mention of gold min-
ing in the statement that the people of Hong-wiin dug a
hundred ounces of gold and a hundred and fifty ounces of
silver, which they sent to the king. He graciously gave it
back to them.
In 1084 the king died and his adopted son Hun, posthu-
mous title Sun-jong, came to the throne but he died almost
;
immediately and was succeeded the same year by his younger

brother Un, pos:humous title Sun-jong. When the messen-
ger announcing this arrived at the gates of the Kitau capital
he was refused entrance, for they said there must be some
underl3îng cause for the sudden death of king Sun-jong.
L'nder the new king, Buddhism continued its rapid ad-
vance. In the first year of his reign he instituted a Buddhist
examination to take the place of the ordinary examination
which was at bottom Confuciau and so Buddhism scored a
;
decided victory over her rival. It was a blow from which

Confucianism recovered only by the extinction of the dynasty.
These examinations the king attended in person, a Buddhist
book being carried before him. IJe sent the prince to China
to learn more about the tenets of the popular faith and when
he returned the king went out to welcome him home. The
young man brought back 1,000 volumes of Buddhistic books.
Later the king secured 4,000 volumes more from the same
source. The records distinctly state that he sent also to
Japan to secure still other Buddhistic books. This is a strong
indication that Japan did not obtain her Buddhism largely
170 KORKAN HISTORY,
from Korea. Tt proves at lenst that she had a more direct

channel for the procuring of Buddhist literature than by way
of Korea, otherwise Korya would hardly have applied to her
for books. The king married his own sister. The bridge
across the Yalu had been destroyed but it would seem that it
had been again built, for now in 1088 the records say it was
finally destroyed.
King Sun-jong could not do enough for Buddhism. A
vast amount of government rice was turned from its legiti-
mate uses and found its way into the store-rooms of monas-
teries. The king constructed a thirteen- storey pagoda in the
palace. His mother made frequent visits to one of tlu
monasteries.
The onl}' act of this king which was not with special ref-
erence to Buddhism was the stationing at Eui-ju of a large
number of war chariots to be used in defense of the frontier.
In 1095 the king was succeeded by his son Uk, posthu-
mous Hon-jong, who was only eleven jêars old. His
title
uncle Ong becomeregent but proved unfaithful and in the fol-

lowing year drove the bo}' from the throne and proclaimed
himself king. His title was Suk-jong. The most important
events of his reign were in connection with the founding of a
second capital as Han-yang, the present Seoul. The monk To-
sun who, it will be remembered, had taught the young Wang-
gon the science of war, had also left a prophecy to the effect
that after 160 years it would be well for the kingdom if the
site of the capital be changed. The preliminary arrange-
ments were made earlj- in this reign but it was not until the
3''ear 1104 that a palace was actually constructed there, nor
was the ro3âl residence changed either at this time or at an}^
later period, for any considerable length of time. A few im-
portant laws were promulgated ; that if relatives intermarried
they could not receive official position that the nomination
;
of an heir to the throne should be made only after consulta-

tion with the court of the northern suzerain that candidates ;
who the government examinations should be

failed to pass
.solaced by receiving military rank.
It is said that in iioo copper cash had begun to circulate
for the first time with freedom among the people. Buddhism
also made material advances during this reign and liveted its
MEDIEVAL KOREA. I7I
fettersmore firmly upoti the body politic. On the whole it

was a verj' clean reign, when we remember that a usurper
was on the throne.
In 1 106 Suk-jong's son U, posthumous title Ye-jong,
came to the throne. At the very first he was confronted b}' a
new problem. The people had yet to learn that the coinage
of money is a purely government monopoly. The readiness
with which cash circulated tempted some to attempt to coun-
terfeit it. The king consequently promulgated a law inflict-
ing a heavy penalt}- upon this offense and at the same time
made a law against the adulteration of food.
Having, in his third year, married a near relative he took
as a teacher a monk named Un-jin, another indication of the
stead}^ progress of that cult. The talk about the change of
site for the capital resulted in the building of a palace at
P'yung-5âng and several royal progresses to each of the pro-
posed sites.
The tribe of Yu-jin had repeatedly promised to remain
peaceful and had as often broken their word ; now when
so
they began to grow restless again, the king decided to make
an end of the matter. He sent a strong force into their terri-
tor}', killed 4,800 men and took several thousand prisoners.
The territorywas divided into four administrative districts.
In 1 1 king developed a fad. He became an enthu-
15 the
siastic botanist. He ransacked the kingdom for rare and
beautiful plants and sent them to China in exchange for many
kinds that were not indigenous.
We have now arrived at the threshold of events which
were destined to result in the founding of a great dynast)'.
In order to explain we must go back a few years. Early in
this dynasty a Koryu monk from P'yung-jâng, named Keum-
jun. had fled, for some reason not stated, to the town of
A-ji-go among the Yu-jin tribe. He had there married a Yu-
jin woman and gotten a son whom he named Ko-eul. He in
turn begot Whal-ra, and to him were born manj^ sons, the
eldest of whom was Hyo-ri-bal and the second Yong-ga. The
latter was unusuallj^ bright and popular and eventuall}' be-
came chief but on his death the son of his brother Hyo-ri-
;
bal, named O-a-sok, took his place. 0-a-sok died and his
younger brother, A-gol-t'a, became chief. Yu-jin was at this
172 KOREAN inSTORV.
time a small weak tribe under the sway of the Ki-tan court,
but now the masterly genius of A-gol-t'a had come to her
help, matters were destined to assume a different complexion.
It was now in 11 14 that the little tribe of Yu-jin broke
oflf its allegiance to Kitan and prepared to carve out a career
for herself under her great leader. Soon an envoy came in
haste from the capital of Kitan commanding the kir.g to stand
ready to drive back the Yu-jin tribe if they attempted to es-
cape into his territorj', for the emperor of Kitan was about
to chastise his recalcitrant vassal.
The next year A-gol-t'a with sublime presumption pro-
claimed himself emperor and named his kingdom Kin. At
the same time he changed his own name to Min.
The Kitan emperor sent again demanding a contingent
of Koryu troops. After anxious consultation it was decided
to keep the soldiers near home and guard the interests of
Koryu. In the war between Kitan and Kin the former were
severely handled and again appealed to Koryu for help, but
now with no hope of success.
The next year, 11 16, a Koryu en V03" Yun Eun-sun was
sent to the Kitan court but he did not return, so a second
one was dispatched to learn the cause. The fact is, the first
envo}^ had fallen into the hands of a new power named Wun
which had been set up in eastern Kitan by a man named Ko
Yong-ch'ang. War was still raging between Kitan and Kin
and the whole country was in a state of turmoil and con-
fusion. The second envoy from Koryu fell into the hands of
the Wun people but got out of the difficulty by promptly
stating that he was accredited to them b}^ the king of Koryu ;
and he forthwith laid out his present. This made the upstart
"emperor" of Wun wild with delight and. loading the envoy
wdth rich presents, -he sent him back home. Instead of going
back to the king, however, the envoy retxirned secretly to his
own home, and it was only by accident that the king learned
of his return. When he did learn of it he sent for the man
and inflicted summary' punishment. Of course the Wun
people liberated the other envoy and sent him hom'e. Him
also the king punished for having saved his life by seemingly
offering allegiance to Wun.
The emperor of China sent an envoy to Koryu with gifts
of musical instruments and took advantage of the occasion to

askthi Koryu king about the Kitan people. The king an-
swered. "Of all the savage tribes they are the worst." When
this reply reached the Chinese court some of the courtiers
said that the king of Koryu wâs trying to keep China from
knowing Kitan, since there was treasure there which Koryu
wanted to secure for herself. The emperor therefore sent
and made an alliance with Kitan, which, as the sequel shows,
cost him dear.
Kitan was being hard pressed by Kin, and Gen. Ya
Ryul-lyting wanted to escape and find asylum somewhere, so
the king sent him a verbal invitation to come to Koryu. He
replied that h"; could not do so without a written invitation.
The Koryu statesmen feared that this covered some kind of
trickery and the written invitation was not sent.
Koryu desired to put out a feeler to see how" she stood
with the Kin power so she sent a message saying "The
district of P'o-ju is rightfully Koryu territory and we should
be pleased to have it turned over to us." The answer was
given without an hour's delaj^ "Certainly, take it and do
with it as you wish." Evidentlj' the great Kin leader did
not intend to let a single district stand between hira and the
good-will of a power which might cause him serious trouble
while he was prosecuting his designs upon China.
The 5êar ended with a great feast at the capital of Koryu
at which dancing girls from all parts of the country congre-
gated. The records say that they came "in clouds" which
indicates the social status of the country. Buddhism had
her representative in every home, but no severe asceticism
would seem to have characterized the people, if this report is
true.
The 3'ear 1117 beheld repeated triumphs of the Kin
leader over the Kitan forces, the flight of the Kitan general
Ya Ryul-lyung the burning of the Kitan fleet and the
b}' boat,
cession to Koryu
two more districts, thus placing her border
of
again at the Yalu River. But this concession was of design
for it was followed bj- a letter from the Kin court which read
as follows "The elder brother, the Emperor of the Great Kin.
:
to the younger brother, the king of Koryu we were a small, ;
weak tribe and were badly treated bj^ the Kitan power but
f74 KORIvAX IirSTORV,
now we are about to destroy it. Tlie King of Koryii must

now ipake with us a firm treaty wliicli shall be l)iiulino; to the
ten thousandth generation."
This met with an almost universal negative among the
wise-heads of Koryu, but one voice was heard saying "They
may be in a do us great harm and we should
position to
comply with this demand." The latter opinion did not
prevail. Three years later another envoy came from the
king of- Kin with gifts but the accampan3ang letter was couched
in low language which was constnied into an insult and
was answered in the same tone. The king then hastened to-
repair the fortresses in the north and to increase the height
of the wall stretching across the country but the Kin em-
;
peror sent and forbade it. When he received as answer the

question "What affair is it of yours ?" he kept his temper and
did not press the demand for he was anxious just then to be
on good terms with his southern neighbor.
We must not imagine that these years were barren of
events of importance within the bounds of Koryu herself.
Splendid monasteries were built, notably the beautiful An-wha
monastery embassies and gifts were received from China
; ;
the king made trips to P'yung-yang and Han-jâng. In

spite of the height to which Buddhism had climbed, we read
in the annals that the king frequented the society of dancing
girls to such an extent that he drew down upon himself the
censure of one of his highest officials, whom he consequently
banished.
In 1 123 the king's son Ha, posthumous title In-joug,
came to the throne. An Yi Ja-gyum, who had risen
official,
to the highest position under the former king seemed to think

himself in a sense on an equality with the 3-oung king now on
the throne, and wânted to have him bow to him, but the other
officials interfered and prevented it. In order to make his posi-
tion the more secure, and to strengthen his influence over the
king, Yi Ja-gyiim bestowed upon him his four daughters
to wife. Naturally he incurred the bitter enmity of the other
officials, who sought means for destroying him, but without
success. As a last resort they sent a band of soldiers to the

palace to kill him. But he escaped to his private house, tak-
ing the king with him. From that place he governed the
MEDIKVAL KOREA. 175
land as he wished. Finding the king an incumbrance he tried

to do away with him by the use of poisoned bread, but some-
one warned the king, and instead of eating the breid he threw
it out of the window and the magpies, which soon discovered it,
fell dead on the spot. Thereupon the king sent a secret mes-
sage to one of his generals and soon the traitor was travelling
southward into exile and all his connections and followers
were put where they could do no more harm..
It was in the third year of this King, 1124, that the Kin
armies finally overthrew the Kitan power. The false report
came to Koryu that China had defeated the Kin forces and
that the leader of the defeated power was coming to find
asylum Koryu. The king was advised b}' some to take
in
this opportunity of dealing Kin a staggering blow, but the
more cautious advised dela}' until the report should be
authenticated. This was fortunate, for the report proved
false.
It was in 11 26 Sung dynasty came to
that the northern
an end at the hands The records
of the all-conquering Kin.
state that Kin leaders carried the last emperor of the Sung
dynasty away and set up one Chang Pang-ch'ang as king in
his stead, and changed the name of the d5'nasty to Ch'o.
When this had been effected the Kin emperor sent Gen.
Ya Ryul Ka-geum Koryu bearing his commands to the
to
king, but what those commands were the records do not tell.
The influence which priestcraft had exercised in Koryu
was well illustrated by a monk Myo-chung of P'3mrg-3'ang
who told the King that there was no more "king Spirit" in
the soil of Song-do, but if he should move the capital to
P'yung-yang the Kitan, Kin and Sung would all become sub-
ject to him. The king believed every word of this and or-
dered a palace to be built there for his occupancy. A year or
so later, after sending the Kin court his abject submission,
he essayed to move to the northern cit}- bj' boat, but a fresh
breeze sprang up and he quickly changed his mind and hur-
ried back to Song-do. The coastwise trade must have been
of considerable importance, for we read that the water on the
bar at Hong-ju harbor, was too shallow for boats of large
burden to cross, so the king put several thousand men
to work to deepen the channel but to no effect.
;
176 KORi:\\ HTSTORV.
The between Confucianism and Buddhism went

fight
steadily an. The king was
the puppet of the latter but
could not always carry out his plans. He wanted to take
away the support of Confucian schools and turn over the funds
to the monks, but this called out such a storm of remonstran-
ces that he hastened to recall the order. He had not forgot-
ten the flattering words of the monk Myo-chuug, and now in
1 130 he took occasion to visit the city of P'yung-yang.
The tricky monk had made preparation for his coming.
Hollow loaves of bread were prepared with holes in their sides
after the style of a Jack-o'-lantern. Oil was placed inside
and as the king approached the town at dusk these were
floated down the stream, and the oil on the water, shining in
the light of the setting sun, reflected all the hues of the
rainbow. The monk told the king that this was the dragon's
breath. This wâs to convince the king of the truth of
his former statement. But the king's attendants were scep-
tical and sent messengers who returned with the bread floats,
thus unmasking the trickster. They demanded the head of
the monk but the king did not consent.
Foiled in this the ambitious monk laid new plans. In
1
1 35
the}' were ready to be put in execution. Together with
Cho Kwang, he massed soldiers at P'yung
a fellow traitor,
yang and a kingdom of his own which he named
set up
Ta-wi. He called the army the "Celestial Army, "perhaps to
keep them in good humor. The government forces easily
overcame these insurrectionary forces and Cho Kwang, find-
ing that the end was approaching, tried to bu}- pardon by
cutting off the head of the monk and bringing it to the
capital. The king forgave him, but no sooner had he re-en-
tered the gates of P'yung-yang than he raised the standard
of revolt again. The royal forces laid siege to the city,
and having broken down a portion of the wall effected an
entrance. Cho Kwang, seeing
that there was no longer any
chance of safety, house and perished in the flames.
set fire to his
We find in the records the curious statement that
the law against murder was revised, making that crime
a greater one than the killing of a cow. The following
year there was a Buddhistic festival at which 30,000 monks
were present.
MEDIEVAL KOREA. 177
In the year 1145 occurred an event of great importance.

A ceiitury and a quarter had now passed since the kingdom
of Sil-lahad fallen and as yet the anuals of Sil-la, Ko-gu-ryQ
and Pak-je had not been worked up into a proper history.
-This year it was done and the great work entitled Sam-giik-sa,
or History of the Three Kingdoms, was the result. This work
which, though rare, exists to-day, is the thesaurus of ancient
Korean history, and it is the basis upon which all subsequent
histories of ancient Korea are founded. Its compiler, Kim
Pu-sik, is one of the celebrated literary men of Korea and

may truly be called the father of Korean history.
In-jong was succeeded in 1147 by his son H3'ôn, post-
humous title Eui-jong. Never before had a king given him-
self over so abjectly to the priesthood. The people were
thoroughly discontented with his course, but he would listen
to no remonstrances. It would have been better Had he been
a more consistent Buddhist but his drinking, gambling and

licentiousness gave the lie to his religious pretentions and left
the impression that he was in reality only the tool of the
priesthood. It is said that his visits to a certain monastery
were so frequent that an awning had to be erected from the

palace to its gates, and if at any time the king was not to be
found the}^ looked for him in this monastery. He was an
object of ridicule to the whole people. A diviner told him that
if he built a palace at Pak-ju (now Pa-ch'un) in Whang-hS
Province, in seven years he would overcome both Kitan and

Kin. The king was simple enough to follow his advice. He
wasted the public treasure on the wildest debaucheries, gave
high positions to monks and surrounded himself with a vile
set of men who debauched the palace women.
In 1 1 65 numbers of the Kin people crossed the Yalu and
settled at In-ju and Chung-ju. The magistrates raised a force
of soldiers on their own account without xoy-aX authority and
drove out the intruders and burned their houses. The Kin
emperor made the king restore them to their places but the
magistrates again drove them out so the Emperor sent a
;
body of troops and seized sixteen of the country ofiScials.

The officials desired to stop the king's frequent visits to
his favorite monastery. One day as he was passing along his
covered passage-way they made his horse rear violently and
l/S KDRKAN HISTORY.
at the same time one them let fall an arrow before him.
of
The king was supposing that someone had shot at
terrified,
him, so he returned to the palace in haste and barred the
gates. He charged a slave of his brother's with having shot
the arrow and after wringing a false confession from him by
tor:ure put him to death.
In 1168 Ch'oe Ch'nk-kyi5ng became prefect of T'am-na
(Quelpart). He was well liked by the people and when he
was removed and another man put in his place they rose
in revolt, drove out the successor and said tliey would have
no governor but Ch'oe. So the King was obliged to reinstate
him. These people of Quelpart were very unruly. It was
only during the reign of this king's father that the first
prefect had been sent to that island.

The king sent a commission to Dagelet island off the east
coast to find out whether it was habitable. They brought
back an adverse report.
to Buddhism the king added an-
Besides his partiality
other burden to which the people already carried.
those
He made the eunuchs his instruments to exact money from
the people, and to such as supplied him with the most money
from this illegal practice he gave rank and honors. The
king was continually feasting, but none of the militar)' men
enjoyed his favor or shared his hospitality. Matters came to
when in 1170 one of the military officials was struck
a crisis
by a civil official of a lower grade in the presence of the king
while at a monastery outside the city. The matter was
hushed up for the moment but when the compan}' separated
some of the generals assembled the palace guards and seized
and killed the twô leading civil officials. One, Han Roe,
escaped and hid behind the king's bed. In spite of this the
generals entered and dragged him away to his death. Then
they began to slaughter the civil officials and eunuchs indis-
criminatel)'. The records say that the dead bodies were piled
'
'mountains high. The military officials had a sign by which
'
'
they might be distinguished. The right shoulder was left

bare and they W'Ore a head-dress called the pok-tu. Whoever
'vas found lacking these two signs was cut down. The king
was in mortal fear and tried to propitiate the leading general
by the gift of a beautiful sword. He accepted it but the
MEDIEVAL KOREA. I 79
work of death went on. They took the king back to the
capital and, arriving at the palace, cut down ten leading men
at that point. Then they went to the palace of the crown
prince and killed ten more. Proclamation was made in the
main any ofl&cial wearing the garments of the
street "Kill
civil rank". This was the sign for a general slaughter
and fifty more of the oflBcials were murdered After this, twent}'
.
eunuchs were beheaded and their heads were set upon pikes.
Though the king was badl)^ frightened he continued his
evil course of life without abatement. The generals wanted
to kill hhn but were dissuaded. The persecution of the civil
officials continued but there was some discrimination, for two
of them who were better than the rest were spared and
protected. A civil official, returning from China, learned of
of this cmcntc and, gathering forces in the country, ap-
proached the capital but at a certain pass an unfavorable
;
omen was seen in the shape of a tiger sitting in the road.

The omen was true, for the improvised armj^ was defeated b}-
the insurrectionists. One Chong Chung-bu was the leading

spirit in this business and he now proceeded to pull down all
the houses of the civil officials, turning a deaf ear to the ex-
postulations of those who pitied the widows and orphans.
From this time dates the custom of destroying the house
of any official or gentleman who is guilty of any serious crime
against the king.
Gen. Chong came to the conclusion that the king was a
hopeless case and so he banished him to Ko-je in Island, Kyung-
sang Province, and the Crown Prince to the island of Chin-do,
and made way with a large number of the king's relatives and
hangers-on. He then put the king's younger brother Ho on
the throne. His posthumous title is Myung-jong. This was
in 1 171.
Then all the offices were filled by military officials, Gen.
Im Keuk-ch'ung becoming Prime Minister. Mun Keup-
kyum was one of the civil officials who were spared, and he
now feigned to be well content with the condition of things
and gave daughter to the son of one of the generals in
his
marriage. An
envoy was sent to the Kin court saying that
as the king was old and sick his brother had been given the
reins of power.
I So KOREAN HISTORY.
One of the generals, Yi Ko, desired to effect a revolution

and, gathering his friends about him, promised them high
honors in case the attempt should succeed. Thereupon he
took with him to a feast a number of his followers with
swords hidden in their sleeves. Gen. Cli'oa Wun, however,
suspected something and communicated his suspicions to Gen.
Yi Eui-bang who managed to get Gen. Yi Ko out into the
anteroom and there felled him to the ground with an iron
mace and dispatched him. His followers w'ere also seized and
killed.
The emperor
suspected that the deposed king had been
forcibly ejectedand so sent a letter severely blaming his suc-
cessor. An envoy was dispatched to the Kin court to explain
UKitters. He talked well but the emperor still suspected
something and refused to answer the king's letter. The
envoy thereupon sat down and deliberately began to starve
himself to death. This secured the desired answer and the
envoy returned to Song-do. The emperor sent a commission
to enquire into the matter. The commissioner was feasted at
the capital and told that the deposed king was old and sick
and had gone away to a distant part of the country and could
not be produced.
The between the military and the monks was well
ill-will
when the palace caught fire. General Chong saw

illustrated
many monks running toward the burning buildings, but rather
than have them enter he locked the gates and let the build-
ings burn to the ground.
The remnant of the civil officers w-ere ever on the look-
out for opportunities to get the upper hand again and drive
out the military party. To this end Kim Po-dang sent letters
to prefects far and wnde and a time was agreed
for a rising
upon. The banished king was put in the army
van of the
thus improvised and they advanced as far as Kyoug-ju. But
the plan miscarried and Kim, its originator, was seized by the
people and sent to Song-do where he was put to death. Be-
fore dying he exclaimed "I was in league with all the civil
nobles." This was probably not true, but it caused a fresh
outbreak of the military party upon the civil nobles, and scores
of them were killed. At last a reaction set in and the military
leaders, feeling that they had gone too far, tried to make
MEDIEVAL KOREA. l8l
amends by giving their daughters to the sons of the civil offici-
als in marriage.
At one of the most revolting events
this point occurred
that blot the pages of Korean history. Gen. Chong, hearing
that the banished king had come as far as Kyong-ju sent Gen.
Yi Eui-mun to put him out'of the way. After the leader and
two hundred members of the ex-king's guard had been
treacherously killed the ex-king himself was spirited away to
a neighboring monaster3\ He was taken out to the brink of
a pond behind this monaster}^ and there Gen. Yi, who was a
man of immense stature, seized him in his arms and crushed
his ribs, killing him instantly. The body was wrapped in
blankets, placed in two kettles, which were placed mouth to
mouth, and thrown into the pond. When this monster. Gen.
Yi, returned to Song-do he was loaded with honors. Later a
monk, who was a good swimmer, raised the body and gave it
decent burial.
In spite of the overwhelming power exercised by the
military party, the king was devoted to Buddhism. The
monks were very anxious Gen. Yi, who had taken such to kill
an active part in deposing the late king so they massed in ;
front of the palace and set fire to it by first firing the adjoin-
ing houses. Gen. Yi made a sudden sall)^ with a strong guard
and killed a hundred of the monks. He followed this up by
demolishing five monasteries whose sacred vessels and other
utensils he confiscated.
Chapter V.
Rebellion quelled cannibalism anarchy "faith cure' .re- ' . . .
formation .... Ta-na well .... the Queen restored .... slaves revolt ....
the Mongols. .envoy killed. .Kin weakens.
. . .Kitan refugees.
. . . . . .
civil strife .Kitan driven back

. . .Mongol allies. .Mongols drive . . . .
Kitans into Korj-u. .Mongol savages. .Kitan remnant surrenders

. . . .
. .Mongol envoy.
. . .jealousy. .Mongol demands
. . .rebels' heads . . . .
sent to Song-do .... Mongol demands tribute .... brutal envoy .... a
new wall. . . .Japanese pirates Mongol envoy killed. .Mongol . .
allies. ...driven back prime minister duped. ...pirates again. .a . .
Korean "Shogun". .. .Mongols cross the Yalu. .. .a Mongol letter

1 82 KOKKAN HISTOKV,
. . . .the Mongols reach Song-do. .leave it untaken .the "Shogun"
. . . .
flees.... a brave pref ect ... Mongol terms. .. .King surrenders ...
ISIongol residency.
Cho Wi-joiig was a P'yuiig-yaiiJ towering man with a

ambition, and he now deemed wheels
the time ripe to put tlie
in motion. He therefore drew about him a strong body of

troops. All the districts about P'yung-yang joined him ex-
cepting Yun-ju, which remained loyal to the king. The peo-
ple of that place were afraid of the rebel but the loyal prefect
Hyiin Tuk-su forged a letter purporting to b^ from Che royal
armj- en route for P'yung-yang. This gave the pejpie cour-
age to hold out.
Cho and marched toward Song-do and encamped
his troops
not far to the west of the town. Gen. Yi Eui-bang, having
first seized and killed all the P'yiuig-an officials who happen-
ed to be in the capital, marched out against the rebels. At

the first attack the seditious force broke and fled. Gen. Yi
chased them as far as the Ta-dong River. He crossed that
river and lay siege to P'j'ting-yang but winter was coming;
on and he was obliged to retire to Song-do. Cho then made

two or three attempts to overthrow the loyal town of Yfin-ju,
but without success.
Gen. Yi was a ruthless man, who had no love of hu-
manity in him, but would kill his best friend if it served his
purpose. For this reason Gen. Ch nig did not dare to as-
sociate with him, but threw up his commission and went into
retirement. His son got a priest to dog the footsteps of Gen.
Yi and wait for a chance to kill him. This he finallj' ac-
complished and Gen. Yi and man}- of his relatives were killed;
and the queen, who was his daughter, was driven away.
As Clio Wi-jong, the P'yung-yang traitor, was gradually
losing power he desired to get help from the Kin emperor.
For this purpose he sent two envoys, but one of thtni killed
the other on the way and them fied to Song-do. Cho sent an-
other, but him the Kin emperor seized and sent a prisoner to
the KoryU capital. In the spring the royal forces besieged
Cho in P'yung-yang again and famine within the walls became
so great that men ate each other. Many of the towns-people
came out by stealth and as they were well received by the be-
sieging force, well-nigh all the civilians in the city came over
MEDIEVAL KOREA. I
83
the walls by night. When the city fell, Cho was killed and
his wife and children were sent to Song-do where they were
hung in the center of the city.
The rebel forces were scattered but reunited in various
places and terrorized the whole north, so that envoys to the
Kin court had to go a round-about way to avoid them. The
whole country in fact was in a state of anarchy. In the south
whole sections of the countr}^ were disaffected toward the
government and bands of men roamed the country. There
was a rising also in Whang-ha Province. In P'^ûng-yang
the people rose and drove out the governor. The king was
forced to begin the correction of abuses. He sent all about
gathering information as to how the people were governed and
as a consequence eight hundred officials were cashiered.
But the attempt at renovation came too late. In the west the
bands of robbers looted right and left and could not be appre-
hended. The capital itself swarmed with thieves. The an-
cestral temple itself was robbed of its utensils. But all this
time the king kept up a round of carousals and debaucheries
at which he himself played the buffoon, and danced for the
delectation of his guests, and that too at a monastery. A sacred
place truly !
we find an interest-
In the twelfth year of the reign, 1182,
ing application of what goes in these days under the name of
"faith cure." A priest claimed to be able to cure any disease.
Being called before the king he said, "If anyone drinks water
in which I have washed my hands he will be immediately
cured." He further explained "After drinking the water,
pray earnestly to Buddha. Then rise and say 'I am cured',
and if you really believe you are cured, you will be so."
Crov/ds of peo})le applied to him for treatment. He seduced
many of the women who came to him.
Gen. Yi Eui-mun was now court favorite and he usurped
all the leading offices and acted as pander-in-general to the
King by !-ceking out and forcibly carrying to the palace young

and handsome girls. This seemed intolerable to such loyal
men as Gen. Ch'oe Chung-heun, and he, in company with his
brother, surrounded the palace, killed Yi Eui-mun and many
others of his ilk, chased awaj^ many illegitimate sons of the
king, who had become monks, and would not let them enter
.
1
84 KOREAN HISTORY.
the palace again. Tliis all happened in 1196, and two years
later thereformer continued the good work by deposing the
old and indolent king, banishing the crown prince to Kang-
wha and putting the king's brother Mun on the throne. His
posthumous title is Sin-jong. The banishing of the crown
prince and his wife was effected in a very heartless manner.
They were ordered out of the palace at a moment's notice and,
coming forth entirely unpreparedfor the journey, were mount-
ed on horses in a cold rain and hurried away to Kang-wha. A
terrible storm raged the day the King was deposed, as if in
sympathy with the throes through the country was passing.
There was a .saying current among the people which
shows at once how superstitions they were and to what an
extent the eunuchs were wont to abuse their power. They
said "If the King uses water from the Ta-na Wall many eu-
nuchs will arise and will cause the government to be ad-
ministered badly;" so the well was filled up. Another in-
stance shows what a terrible temptation there was for the peo-
ple to abuse their power. This same reformer Cho'e Chung-
heun, though himself a man of perfect uprightness, had a
brother who now took advantage of his position to force
the king to take his daughter as queen. To do this the real
queen had to be banished. As it happened, the king was
deeply attached to her, but he was in no position to refuse to
do the bidding of the powerful courtier. After a tearful part-
ing she went into exile. This was as yet unknown to the re-
former, but when he learned of it his indignation was deep
and fierce. Cloaking his feelings, he called his brother to a
feast and there reminded him that they were not of a high
enough family to furnish a queen, and he charged him to
give up the attempt. The next day, the villain changed his
mind again. His mother expostulated with him and he felled
her to the floor. Gen. Ch'oe was told of this and, surround-
ing himself with a strong body-guard, he proceeded to the
palace gate. When his niece was brought in her chair and was
about to enter to become queen, the faithful old general dis-
puted the passage and a fight ensued between his men and his
brother's. The former were successful and the wretch betook
himself to flight, but was pursued, taken and killed by the
general himself. The rightful queen \vas restored to her station
The six )'ears of this king's reign were one long scene of
turmoil and strife. In the first place the slaves revolted.
They said "The high men are not made so by the decree of
heaven. Greatmen are those who do well. Let us fight for
our rights; Gen. Ch'oe from as low a grade as ourselves.
is
Let us become high men

too. They rendezvoused at
'
'
Heung-guk monaster}' and decided as a preliminary measure

to demand from their masters the deeds of themselves (for
slaves as well as houses were deeded property) and to burn
them. The)' were betrayed to Gen. Ch'oe who trapped a
hundred of them, tied stones about their necks and drowned
them in the river. The south was overrun by marauding
parties whom the king bought off by gifts ot food, clothes and
land. In Chin-ju the governor's servants locked him in his
private dungeon, gathered a band of men and put to death all
who would not join their standard. It is said that 6,400
men were killed because of refusal to join them. The same
scenes were enacted in various places, notably in Quelpart
and Kong-ju;
In the midst of these scenes the king died and was suc-
ceeded in 1205 by his son Tok, posthumous title Heui-jong.
We have now arrived at the threshold of events which
were destined to make Asia one great battle-field and to cause
the sovereigns of Europe to tremble on their thrones.
The Mongols lived north of Yu-jin and were in a sense
connected with them. Their first great chief was Ya-sok-ha
(Yusuka) who first led the revolt which separated the Mongol
power from the Yu-jin. He together with Keui-ak-on con-
quered fort}' of the northern tribes in quick succession and
brought them all under his flag. His son's name was Chul-
mok-jin, the great Genghis Khan. It was now in the second
year of Heui-jong, in 1206, that the great Genghis proclaimed
himself emperor and named his empire Mong.
Meanwhile Ch'oe Chung-heun was not proof against
the seductions of ambition and power, and we next find him
seizing the people's houses and building himself a magnificent
residence adjoining the palace. People said of him that he
buried a boy or a girl under each corner post.
When the spring of 121 2 opened, an envoy was sent to
the Kin court but was intercepted by Mongol videttes who
l86 KOREAN HISTORY.
had by this time worked their way southward to a point tliat
commanded the road between Koryu and Kin. The Kin

people recovered the body and sent it back to Koryu.
Gen. Ch'oe had acquired so much power that he was in

reality the ruler of the land, holding much the same position
that the Shogun of Japan is said to have occupied. He may
not inappropriately be styled the Shogun of Koryu. For this
reason the king desired to get him out of the wa3\ To this
end he put upon his track a number of monks, but as they
began by attacking his servant he quietly slipped into a chest
and they could not find him. His body-guard became aware
of his predicament and forced the palace gates, killing right
left and they would have killed the king had not the wily old
;
general stepped out of his hiding place and prevented it. The
latter banished the king to Kang-wha and the crown prince to
Chemulpo and set upon the throne one Chong, whose post-
humous title is Kang-jong.
The only event recorded of this reign is the arrival of an
envoy from the Kin court, who wanted to enter the palace by
the central or royal gate. He insisted upon it until he was
asked the question "If you enter by the royal gate, by what
gate would your master enter should he come here?" This
silenced him.
Kang-jong was succeededin 12 14 by his son Chin, post-
humous Kang-jang.
title This was destined to be the longest
and by most evenful reign of the dynast}^ for it lasted
far the
forty-five years and witnessed the great Mongol invasion.
The Kin power was now trembling under the Mongol
onslaught and envoys came demanding aid from Koryu in the
shape of rice and horses. The king ostensibly refused but
allowed the envoj's to purchase rice and carry it awaj^ with
them.
Again a dark cloud hung over Koryu's northern border.
It was not the Mongols as 5'et, but the remnant of the Kitan
forces who were unable to withstand the Mongols and so had
fled south into Koryu territory. At first the Koryu forces
were able to keep them in check but as they came in ever in-
creasing numbers they broke down all opposition and were
soon ravaging Whang-hS Province, making P'yung-yang
their headquarters. The lack of Koryu soldiers was so evident
MEDIEVAL KOREA. I 87
that men of all classes, even the monks, became soldiers. It
was of no avail. They were cut down like stubble and

Whang-ju fell into Kitan hands. The enemy was soon only
eighty li from the capital. Consternation reigned in the cit}"
and the people all procured swords or other weapons and

manned the walls.
To this outward danger was added the terror of civil
strife for the priests took this inopportune moment to attack

the old general, Ch'oe. who still ruled with a high hand. He
turned on them however and cut down three hundred. He
then instituted an inquisition and as a result 800 more were
killed.
Such then was the desperate position of Koryu ; a power-
ful enemy at with rebellion, and in the
her door, the south rife
capital itself "mountains of dead and rivers of blood." Victo-

rious Kitan came sweeping down on Song-do, but for some
reason, perhaps because they had heard that the town was well
defended, they made a detour, appearing next on the banks of
the Im-jin River half way between Song-do and the present
capital. There they suffered defeat at the hands of the KoryQ
forces as they did also later at the site of the present capital.
In view of these defeats the Kitan arm}- retired to Ta-bak
San. Now another cause of anxiety appeared in the shape of
the Yii-jin allies of the Mongols who crossed the Yalu and
took Eui-ju. But Koryii, wide awake to the danger, threw
upon them a well equipped force which destroyed 500 of them,
captured many more and drove the remaining 300 across the
river. The king now built a royal residence at Pa-gak San
to the east of Song-do, for he had been told that by so doing
he would be able to hold the north in check.
Myvin Ku-ha of east Yu-jin, being defeated by the Mon-
gols, came in his flight towards the Yalu, but the Koryu gen-
eral, Chung Kong-su, caught him and sent him safely to the
Mongol headquarters. This pleased the Mongols hugely and
they said "We must make a treaty of friendship." We must
remember that the Mongols were at war with Kitan and had
driven her army across into Koryu, but at first did not pursue
them. Now, however, an army of 10,000 men under Generals
T'ap Chin and Ch'al Cha, were sent to complete the destruction
of the Kitan power. Thej^ were joined by Yu-jin allies to
1 88 KOREAN HISTORY.
the number of 20,000 men under Gen. Wan-an Cha-yun. As

these allies were advancing against the doomed army of Ki^ân,
the remnant of which, 50,000 strong, was massed
at Kang-
dong. a great snowstorm came on and provisions ran low.
Koryu was asked to supply the deficiency which she did to
the extent of 000 bags of rice. This still more helped her
i.
into the good graces of the Mongols. But the records state
that the Mongols were so little beyond the condition of the
savage that there could be little real friendship between them
and the people of Koryu. The latter showed it too plainly
and the Mongols of course resented it.
In this army that was marching to the annihilation of
Kitan there was a contingent of Koryu forces under Gen.
Kim Ch'ui-ryo who is described as being a giant in size with
a beard that reached his knees. He was a favorite with the
Mongol generals and was treated handsomely by them.
The seige of Kang-dong was prosecuted vigorously and
soon the greatest distress prevailed within the walls. The
leader gave up hope and hanged .himself, and the
finally
50,000 men cameout and surrendered. Gen. T'ap reviewed
them, took off the heads of a hundred of the leaders and re-
leased the remainder. The Mongol leader wished to make a
visit to Song-do to see the king but he could not leave his
army, so he sent an envoy instead. He gave the Koryu gen-
erals rich presents and released 700 Koryu captives that had
been previously taken. Many Kitan captives were put into
the hands of the Koryu generals as a result of the decisive
termination of the war against Kitan and many of the hereto-
fore inaccessible parts of the north were opened up, and they
were called the "Kitan District."
Ere long the Mongol envoy approached Song-do and the
king sent out a messenger to meet him, but this did not satisfy
him, for he exclaimed "Why did not the king come out to
meet me?" It took some persuasion to induce him not to
turn back. When he had audience with the king he wore the
heavy fur clothing of his native country with a fur head-dress,
and carried a sword and a bow. Approaching the king he
seized his hand and showed him the letter from the Mongol
emperor, Genghis Khan. The king turned pale and was
exceedingly embarrassed at this familiarity, and the officials
MEDIEVAL ROREA, 1 89
asked each other how the presence of this barbarian could be

endured. The)' induced him to retire and assume Koryu
garments, after which he reappeared and the king presented
him with gifts of gold, silver, silk and linen.
Gen. Cho Ch'ung accompanied the retiring Mongol and
Yu-jin allies as far as the Yalu where they bade him an
affectionate adieu and declared that he was a man of whom
Koryu should be proud. The Mongol general, Hap Chin,
leftforty men at Eui-ju to learn the Koryu language and told
them to stay there till he returned. Gen, Cho then returned
to P'yung-yang where he was lionized and f^ted. The old
man Ch'oe Chung-heun feared that Gen. Cho would attempt to
throw him down from his high position and thought it would
be better to have him near by, where he could watch him so ;
he forged a letter purporting to be from the king, ordering

him to come down to the capital. He obeyed.
It seemed at this time that the relations of Koryu and the
Mongols would remain friendly, but if Koryu thought this
she was destined to be rudel)^ awakened. The Mongol and
Yu-jin allies sent to Myung-sung and said "Koryu must send
This was said in so
'
an envoy and do obeisance each year. '
offensive a way that it seemed to be an attempt to provoke

war. We are not told what answer was given but it sufficed
for the time to secure peace.
The great Ch'oe Chung-heun who had carried things with
such a high hand now fell ill and died. This caused more
commotion than the death of several kings. He was buried
with royal honors. He left many sons, of whom U and
Hyang were first and second. Hyang was a bold and power-
ful man, and before the father died he warned U against him.
U succeeded to his father's position which, as we have seen,

corresponded closely with that of the Shogun of Japan.
A serious rebellion broke out in the north under two
leaders, Han Sun and Ta Chi, the cause being the illegal exac-
tions of the prefects. When the king found that it could not
be put down by peaceful means he sent Gen. Kim Ch'ui-ro to
put it down by force. The east Y'u-jin leader, Myun Ku-ha,
at first sided with the rebels but later changed his mind, invit-
ed Han Sun and Ta Chi to a feast, got them intoxicated, as-
sassinated them, put their heads in a box and sent it to the
igO KOREAN HrsTORV,
king, thereby earning the good will of the latter. The king
then reformed the abuses in the rebellious section and peace
was at last secured.
The Mongols were not to be content with an empty friend-
ship, and in 1221 the}' sent a demand for revenue, consisting
of 10,000 pounds of cotton, 3,000 rolls of fine silk, 2,000
pieces of gauze, 100,000 sheets of paper of the largest sizj.
The envoy who brought this extradordinary letter was provid-
ed commodious quarters and excellent food but he expressed
his dissatisfaction at everything by shooting arrows into the
house posts, and by acting in a very boorish manner gen-
erall^^ The only man who could do anything with him was
Kim Heui-jo who charged him with killing a man in Eui-ji,
and threatened to have him imprisoned. Thus meeting blus-
ter with bluster he made the brutal northerner listen to rea-
son. When the envoy was about to go to an audience with
his weapons in hand, this same Kim made him lay them aside.
Other Mongol and Yo-jin messenger^ came and Kim manag^^d
them all so well that no trouble arose.
It was becoming apparent that the Mongols were likely
at any time to make a descent upon Koryu so, in the follow-
;
ing year, 1222, a wall was built near the Yalu river, extend-
ing from Eui-ju to Wha-ju. It is said that this was com-
pleted in the marvelously short space of forty days, a feat
which shows not only how great a power Koryu could exert
when necessary but how important she deemed it that this
wall should be built.
1223 A.D. marks the beginning of that long series of dep-
redations which Japanese freebooters inflicted upon Koryu
beween 1200 and 1400, landed on the
In this year they
coast of K3'ung-saug Province and ravaged the district of
Keum-ju. With the opening of the next year, a Mongol en-
voy came modifying the demand for tribute to sea otter skins
only. The Kin dynasty was now tottering to its fall but was
destined to cling to life for another ten years. This year saw
it nearly fall before the Mongol power. Koryu therefore dis-
carded the Kin calendar. The friendship between the Mon-
gols and Koryu was destined to be rudely broken in the year
1225, and through no fault of the latter except the inability
to keep order in her own territory. The Mongol envoy, re-
^.-^
'.
%. ^," t'. %"' ' ^
, j/-^.
MEDIEVAL KOREA. I9I
turning to the north, was set upon by a Koryfi highwayman

and was robbed of the gifts which he wâs carrying home.
Thus all friendly relations wêre ruptured and another step
was taken toward the final catastrophe. This year also wit-
nessed another Japanese raid in the south..
The Yu-jin who had nbw^ assumed the Mongol clothes, and
were in reality an integral part of the Mongol power, made a
descent upon Koryu in 1226 in the vicinity of Eui-ju. The
prefect deemed it too pressing a matter to wait till word
could be received from Song-do, so he sent a thousand men
immediately against the raiders and drove them back. The
king forgave the irregularity but refused to reward him.
Ch'oe U who, as we know, was the prime minister, was
duped by a diviner into believing that he was to become king
some day, and he foolishly divulged the secret to a certain
Kim, and soon it became common property. As punishment
for this, as wêll as to get himself out of trouble, Ch'oe U had
both Kim and the diviner drowned.
The depredations of the Japanese were without the cogniz-
ance of the Japanese government and were against its wnsh.
This appears from the fact that when in 1227 an envoy, Pak
In, was sent to Japan to remonstrate against them, the gov-
ernment of that country acquiesced and arrested and killed a
number of the corsairs.
Both this year and the next Yu-jin bands ravaged the
northern part of Koryu, but at the same time asked that a
treaty be concluded. The ink was hardly dry on this before
it was broken by the very ones who advocated it.
Ch'oe U followed in his father's steps and having estab-
lished himself in the viceroyship began to abuse the people,
stealing houses and lands from them wherewith to build him-
self a princely mansion, two hundred paces long. In the
court of it he had mock battles and the soldiers played at ball.
The expense of this was borne by the people, whose faces
were already being ground to furnish the regular revenue.
His younger brother, Hyang, who long since been had ban-
ished, attempted to raise an insurrection in favor of tlie exiled
king but Ch'oe U sent a strong force and chased his brother
;
until he was run to earth in a cave among the mountains

where he was killed.
ig2 KORKAN HISTORY,
It was now the year 1231, the year whicli saw the out-
break which had been threatening ever since Cienghis Khan
came to the Mongol armies. As the
chieftainship of the
spring opened a powerful Mongol army moved southward a-
cross the Valu under the leadership of Sal Ye-t'ap and took thc
fortress of Ham-sin near luii-ju. They followed this up by
storming Ch'ul-ju which ended only after the piefect had set
fire to his house and destroyed his whole family and he and
his associates had cut their own throats.
The king did not intend to submit without a struggle.
He sent Generals Pak So and Kim Kyong-sol at the head of a
large army to operate against the invaders. They rendez-
voused with all their forces at Ku-ju, the four gates of which
were strongly barricaded. The Mongols commenced the at-
tack at the south gate. The Kor3'u soldiers made five bril-
liant sallies and forced the enemy to retire. The honors of
this victory fell to Gen. Kim who pursued the enemy some
distance and then returned to the town in triumph. The
Mongols, who seem to have been independent of any base of
supplies and made the country through which they passed
supply them, now left this town untaken and the Koryu army
undefeated in their rear, and marched boldU^ southward, tak-
ing Kwak-ju and Siin-ju. From this point the Mongol gen-
eral Sal Ye-t'ap sent a letter to the king saying "Let us make
peace. We have now taken your country as far as Han-sin
and if you do not come to terms with lis we will draw rein-
forcements from Yu-jin and crush you." The messenger
who conve^'ed this very candid letter got only as far as
P'yung-ju where he was seized by the people and imprisoned.
While waiting for an answer, the invaders tried another at-
tack on Ku-ju but with no better success. Not only so, but
they were badlj' defeated at An-puk fortress.
The kiug now reinforced the army in the north and at
the same time feasted 30,000 monks at the capital in order to
influence the celestial powers to bring about a cessation of
war. But at the same time the Mongol forces were reinforced
by Yu-jin troops and with high spirits crossed the Ta-dong
river and swept down to P'yung-ju to wreak their vengeance
on that place where even yet the Mongol messenger with the
letter for the king was languishing in durance vile. By a
MEDIEVAL KOREA. I93
night attack they took the place, burned it to the ground,

and even destroyed every dog and other do-
killed the prefect
mestic animal in the place. Then they advanced toward
Song-do and soon appeared beneath its walls. There the
Mongol generals P'o-do, Chuk-kQ and Tang-go went into
camp. They supplied their army by foraging all through
the surrounding country, in which operation thousands of
people were killed, their houses destroyed and their goods
confiscated, especially all kinds of food. The people in the
capital were in the greatest Ch'oe U, the viceroy,
distress.
stationed all the best troops about his own house and left the
inferior troops to guard the palace.
The Mongol general Sal Ye-t'ap Was now in the north.
The king had already sent one messenger to ask for terms of
peace and had received the following answer "I am emperor. ;
If you wish to fight it out then come on and fight. If not

then surrender, and be quick about it, too.
'
' The king now

sent another messenger on a similar errand. He returned
with two Mongol commissioners and three more soon followed.
They Were immediately admitted to an audience and a confer-
ence followed, after which the king sent rich presents to Gen.
Sal Ye-t'ap who seems now
to have joined the main army be-
fore Song'do, and also to the other generals. What the re-
sult of the conference was is, for some reason, not stated in
the records, but that it was not entirely satisfactory to the
Mongols, or if satisfactory not sufficiently so to make them
forego the pleasure of plundering, is seen from their next
move, for they left Song-do and went southward to the center
of the peninsula, the rich province of Ch'ung-ch'ung.
The cowardly prime minister showed his colors by send-
ing a man to find a retreat for him on the island of Kang-wha,
but the messenger fell into the hands of Mongol foragers.
Gen. Sal Ye-t'ap had gone north and joined another di-
vision of theMongol army and again he attacked Ku-ju. He
made engines of war called ta-p'o-ch'a, a sort of catapult, with
which to reduce this town, but the magistrate, Pak So also
made similar instruments which hurled huge stones, and the
besiegers were compelled to retire to a distance and take re-
fuge behind various kinds of defenses. The Mongols made
three attempts to deceive the prefect by forged letters pur-
ig4 KOREAN HISTORY.
porting to be from the king and saying "I have surrendered

and therefore you must submit," but Pak So was not to be
caught by so simple a trick. The besiegers then tried huge
scaling ladders, but these were cut down by the defenders as
fast as they were put in place. An aged Mongol general,
who made a circuit of the town and marked the splendid state
of defense into which the place had been put, declared that
he had never seen a place so well defended.
So the little town stood and the great Mongol general
was forced to seek other fields for the display of his prowess.
He sent a letter to the king finding fault because of the death
of the first Mongol massenger and modestly suggesting that
peace could be secured if he would surrender and give 20,000
horse-loads of clothing, 10,000 pieces of purple silk, 20,000
sea-otter skins, 20,000 horses, 1,000 boys, 1,000 girls and
1,000,000 soldiers, with food, to help conquer Japan. In ad-
dition to this the king must go to the Mongol court and do
obeisance. These were the terms upon which Koryu could
secure peace.
With the beginning of the next year, 1232, the king sent
two generals bearing a letter of surrender. With it he sent
seventy pounds of gold, thirteen pounds of silver, 1,000 coats
and a hundred and seventy horses. He moreover stated that
the killing of the Mongol messenger was not the work of the
Koryu government but of a band of insurgents and robbers.
The oflScials had to give their garments in order to make up
the number that was sent. Each prefect along the route was
charged with the duty of seeing that the Mongols were in no
way molested.
But Pak So the prefect of Ku Ju was an obstinate u:an
and would not give up his fortress even when he knew the
king had surrendered. It was only after a great deal of ar-
gument and expostulation that he at last capitulated. The
Koryu people wanted to kill him for his obstinacy but the
Mongols said "He is your greatest man and you should prize
him highly."
So ended the first act of the tragedy, but it was not to
be the last. A Mongol residency was established at Song-do
and Mongol governors were stationed at important centers
throughout the country. The Mongol resident insisted upon
MEDIEVAL IJ:0REA. 195
entering the palace by the middle gate which the king alone
used, but it was shut and barred and he was not able to carry
his point. When the tribute above mentioned reached Gen.
Sal Ye-t'ap he expressed the greatest dissatisfaction with it be>
cause it fell so far short of what was demanded and he impris-
oned the messenger who brought it. The king sent an
envoy to the Mongol capital saluting the emperor as suzerain
for the first time.
Chapter VI.
The king moves to Kang-wha a slave rebellion Mongol anger. . . .
second invasion .... Mongol charges. .. .popular insurrections ...

palace building. the north occupied by Mongols Mongols not
good seamen. .suffering and distress.
. . .nature of Mong-ol occupa- .
tion .... diplomacy .... temporary peace .... Gayuk Khan .... Mangu
Khan the king out of Kang-wha
efforts to get great invasion
of 1253. . . .king decides not to remove.
.an urgent letter. . .
.great . .
fortress falls. .impossible demands.

. . .siege of Ch'un-ch'un. .
.Ya. . .
Gol-da meets the king. .the king promises to return to the capital
. .
... .a ferocious governor-general. .exchequer depleted. . .Cha Ra-

. . .
da before Kang-wha a beautiful reply a new viceroy suc-

cession of disasters. .viceroy- overthrown.
. . .Mongol ravages. . . . . .
the north defenseless.
That neither the Koryu king nor any of the officials be-
lieved that the end of the trouble had come is evident. No
sooner had the tumult of war subsided than the question arose
in the Koryu councils as to the moving of the court. Some
objections were made, but Choe U silenced them by killing
off a few of the objectors. As for the king, he could not
make up his mind to go but the viceroy showed no hesita-
;
tion. Seizing the government carts he loaded his household

effects upon them and moved to the island of Kaug-wha He
also urged the people to do likewise, and put up placards
threatening with death anyone who should speak against re-
moving. Meanwhile the people throughout the country were
rising in revolt against the Mongol governors and were driv-
ing them out. This was sure to call down upon the troubled
land another invasion, and the king at last made up his mind
196 KOREAN HISTORY.
to follow the example and move to Kang-wha.

of his viceroy
A palace had been prepared for him there and on the appoint-
ed da)' a start was made from the capital. It happened to be
in themidst of the rainy season when the roads are well-nigh
impassable. The whole cavalcade soon found itself mired,
and torrents of rain added materially to the discomfort. Even
ladies of noble rank were seen wading with bared limbs in
the mud and carrying bundles on their heads. The wailing
and crying of this forlorn multitude was audible for a long
distance. Gen. Kim Chung-gwi was left to guard the capital.
When the king at last arrived on the island he found that the
palace was not ready for occupancy and he was obliged to live
in a common house while the oflScials shifted for themselves.
Messengers were immediately sent in all directions ordering
the people to leave the mainland and seek refuge on the
islands.
The common people in Song-do were in utter confusion.
Anarchy stared them in the face. A slave by the name of Yi
T'ong gathered about him a band of slaves and raised an in-
surrection. The general who had been placed in charge was
driven out, the monks were summoned to help in the sack of
the town and all the government buildings were soon looted.
It is hardly complimentary to Buddhism that her monks were
invited by
this seditious rabble to help in these lawless acts
but it probably a true picture of the times. When this
is
came to the ears of the king he sent Gen. Yi Cha-sung to put

down the insurrection. The slaves barricaded the road but
the general dispersed them and at night gained admittance to
the city by feigning to be a deserter. Once within, he caught
the slave leader Yi T'ong and the rest soon dispersed.
When the news of this exodus from the capital and the
driving out of the Mongol governors reached the Mongol cap-
ital is caused a sensation. The emperor, in a white heat,
sent a messenger post-haste to Song-do and behind him came
a powerful army. The demand was "Why have you changed
the capital? Why have our people been driven out?" The
king replied that the capital was changed because all the
people were running away, but he affiimed that although he
had removed to Kang-wha his friendly feelings toward the
Mongols had not changed. To this the Mongols made the
only answer that was to be expected from them. They fell

upon the northern towns and put them to indiscriminate
slaughter. Men, women and children fell beneath their
swords. Gen. Sal Ye-t'ap himself came to attack Cho-im
fortress. In that place there was a notable archer. He shot
with unerring skill and every arrow found its victim. Aided
by this man the garrison offered such a stubborn resistance
that the Mongols at last fell back in disorder. It is said that
Gen. Sal Ye-t'ap himself was one of the victims of this man's
superb marksmanship. The king offered him official position
but he would not accept it.
The spring of 1233 found the emperor's anger somewhat
abated and instead of sending another army he sent an-
other envoy with four formulated charges, (i) No Koryu
envoy had come to do obeisance. (2) Highwaymen had killed

a Mongol envoy. (3) The king had run away from his cap-
ital. (4) The king had given false figures in the census of
Koryu. We are not told whether these were answered but
we may infer that they were, and in the humblest tone.
It would be singular indeed if, in such lawless times,
there were not many insurrections in the country. A con-

siderable insurrection was gotten up in Kyung-sang Province
but was put down with a heavy hand, for the records say that
after the battle between the rebels and the loyal troops the
road for six miles was lined with dead. In P'yung-yang like-
wise there was a rising led by one Pil Hyun-bo. The King
sent Gen. Chong I alone to settle the difficulty. He had al-
ready been a P'yung-yang prefect and had put down one in-
surrection. He was feared throughout the whole section. As
he approached the northern city his servant besought him not
to enter it, but he replied that such were the king's orders.
So he went to his death, for the insurrectionists, failing to
win him over to their side, gave him his quietus. The vice-
roy then sent 3,000 picked troops to the rebellious city. They
took the rebel leader, cut him in two and sent the fragments
of hisbody to the king. The second in command named
Hong Pok-wun, fled to the Mongols, by whom he was warmly
welcomed. He became their guide in many subsequent ex-
peditions. These renegades were a source of constant trouble
between Koryti and the Mongols so much so that the King
;
tgS KOREAN HISTORY.
look pains to show favor to the parents and relatives of those

wlio had the Mongol flag.
fled to This same year a second
wall was built about Kang-wha. The king sent asking the
Mongols to recall the rest of their troops, and it was done.
With the opening of the following 5'ear, 1234, great num-
bers of people were summoned to help in the building of a
palace on Kang-wha. At this time the utmost favor was
shown to Buddhism. Sacrifices were offered on all the moun-
tains and beside the streams with the hope of enlisting the
sympathy of the gods. The viceroy also looked out for him-
self, for we are told, probably with some exaggeration, that he
built himself a house twenty /z in circumference. It wâs in

this same year that the Kin dynast\' became extinct.
With the opening of the next year the real occupation of
the land by the Mongols commenced. The north was system-
atically occupied, scores of prefects being seized. The king
on Kang-wha meanwhile was tr3'ing to secure a cessation of
these hostilities by turning sun-worshipper, for every morn-
ing from seven to twelve the officials spent their time worship-
ping that very useful, but hardly divine, luminary, The^êar
following increased the hopelessness of Koryu's position a
hundred fold, for the Mongols established seventeen perma-
nent camps in P'yung-an and Whang*h3 Provinces, They
came as far south as Han-yang, the present Seoul. They
then proceeded southward to the very extremit}^ of the penin-
sula, and camps were established through all that portion of
.
the land. The only reverse the Mongols met in this triumph-
al march was at the hands of Son Mun-ju the prefect of Chuk-
ju, now Chuk-san, w'ho had learned the tactics of the Mongols
while serving in the north. Every day he foretold successful-
ly at what point the enemy would make the next attack.
People said he was inspired.
It would seem that the Mongols, however, did not remain
long in the south, for we read that when the standard of revolt
was raised the following year at Na-ju, the Koryu forces, sent
by the king, speedily overcame them. This would hardly
have been likely had the Mongols been in force in that
vicinity.
We must remember that the Mongols were continental
people and knew nothing of the sea. Even the narrow strip
MEDIEVAL KOREA. 199
of water between Kang-wha and the mainland daunted them.

And so was that the king from his island retreat defied the
it
tremendous Mongol power.

By 1238, when the Mongols again flooded the country with
their soldiery, the people had mostly found refuge among the
mountains and 011 the thousands of islands which lie off the
western coast of Korea. It would be impossible for anyone to
imagine the suffering and distress entailed b_v these invasions.
The records say that the people simply left their houses
•and fields and fled to these places of refuge. What did these
hundreds of thousands of people live on as they fled, aud
after they reached their places of retreat ? What breaking of
old bonds of friendship and kinship, what rending of family
ties and uprooting of ancient landmarks ! It is a marvel that
the land ever recovered from the shock. These Mongols were
fiercer and more ruthless than the Japanese who overran the
country three centuries later and they were far more nu-
merous, besides. Plunder being their main motive, their ma-
rauding bands covered a much greater territory and mowed a
much wider swath than did the soldiers of the great Hideyoshi,
who kept to comparatively norrow lines of march. Nor did
these Mongols meet the opposition which the Japanese met.
The Mongols made a clean sweep of the country, and never a-
gain do we read of those spleniid armies of 200,000 or 300,
000 men which Koryu was once able to put into the field, even
when groaning under the weight of a corrupt court and a
rampant priesthood. It is from these days that dates that ut-
ter prostration of Koryu's power which left her an easy prey
to every Japanese freebooter who had 100 good swords at his
back.
After ravaging to their hearts' content the Mongols with-
drew in 1236 to their own territory but sent a messenger order-
ing the king to go to Peking and bow before the Mongol
emperor. He refused, but sent instead a relative b}' the name
of Chun with a letter asking the emperor to excuse him from
attempting the difficult journey to the Mongol court. Again
the next year the same demand was made, but this time the
king simply declined to go. The Mongols then modified their
demand aud ordered the King to come out from his island re-
treat aud return to Song-do. This the king had no intention
200 KOREAN HISTORY,
of doing ; but the next year he sent another relation named

Sun as a hostage to the Mongol court asserting that this was
his son. The emperor believed this and married Sun to one
of his own near relatives.
The Mongol emperor Ogdai in 1242 and the qtieen
died
dowager took charge of affairsduring and interval of four
years, until 1246, when Gayuk became emperor. This
brought peace to troubled Koryn for a period of five or six
years. During this time, all that was left of her resources was
Used up in sending five or six embassies to the Mongol court

each year. The moment the pressure of war was raised the
king followed once more the bent of his inclinations, and
while the country was in the very lowest depths of distress he
feasted royally in his island retreat, while the viceroy vied
with him in the splendor of his entertainments. It is said that
at one feast 1300 musicians performed. Meantime the people
were slowly returning to their homes,
Gayuk Khan came to the Mongol throne in 1246, and it
was the signal for the renewal of hostilities against KoryQ. At
first four hundred men came, ostensibly to catch sea-otter but
in reality to spy out the country and learn the mountain pass-
es of the north. The king wâs not expecting a renewal of
hostilities, or else was too much taken up with his feasting to
attend to the defenses of the north ; so the people fled in panic
before this handful of invaders. Many of them took refuge on
Wi-do Island off P'yung-an Province and there engaged in
agriculture. They built a great dam across an estuary of the
sea and reclaimed a large tract of cultivable land, but they
suffered badly from lack of wells.
In 1249 Gayuk died and the regency again devolved upon
the queen dowager. Peace again reigned for a time, broken
only by a single attempted invasion by the Yu-jin people,
which was unsuccessful. The king began the erection of a
new palace at Song-do in order to make it appear that he in-
tended to obey the standing injunction of his suzerain to go
back to the capital.
The Mongol regency ended in 1251 and Mangu Khan be-
came emperor. An envoy was immediately despatched to in-
quire whether the king had yet obeyed this command, but as
the answer was unsatisfactory the KoryQ envoy who appeared
MEDIEVAL KOREA. 20I
at the emperor's court the following jêar was thrown into

prison and a last envoy was sent with instructions the settle
the question definitely. If the king would come out and
return to his capital the people might remain on Kang-wha,
but if the king refused, the envoy was to return with all
haste to the Emperor and war would be declared at once. A
certain Korean, hearing about these instructions, hastened for-
ward and informed the king and urged that he go out and
meet the envoy. To this the king did not assent. When the
envoy arrived the king set a great feast for him, in the midst
of which the Mongol arose and, assuming a terrible aspect,
demanded loudly why the king did not leave the island and
return to Song-do. Without waiting for an auswêr to the
question he strode out of the hall and posted back to the
north. The people were in dismay and said to each other,
"This means war again."
When the lengthening vernal sun of 1253 had melted the
northern snows this prophetic word wâs verified. The re-
negade Koryii general. Hong Pok-wiin, told the emperor that
the king had triple- walled the island of Kang-wha and would
not move therefrom. War, ever welcome to these first Mon-
gol emperors, was now afoot. The first detachment of 10,
000 troops was led by the Emperor's brother Song-ju. With
many allies from the Yti-jin and other tribes he crossed the
Yalu. Then the Mongol general, A Mo-gan, and the re-
negade Hong crossed and advanced as far as the Ta-dong
River. Following these came Gen. Ya Gol-da with sixteen
chieftains in his train and with a formidable array of troops.
The envoy Sun who, we will remember, had married a
Mongol princess, now wrote an urgent letter to the king say-
ing "The emperor is angry because you persist in disobeying
him and he is sending seventeen kings against you. But he
says that if you will leave the island and follow out his com-
mands he will even now recall the army. You have now an
opportunity of giving your country a lasting peace. If you
leave the island, send your son to the emperor and receive
the Mongol envoy well, it will be a blessing to the kingdom of
Koryu. If 3ôu will not do this, I beg of you to put all my
family to death."
Beneath this last appeal lay a terrible threat and the king
202 KORKAN HISTORY.
realized it. A great council was convened and the universal

voice was in favor of compliance ; but a sine^le voice was
raised in opposition. It said "How much treasure have we
squandered on this insatiable barbarian, and how many good
men have gone as envoys and never returned. Let the king go
out now from this place of safety and when we behold him a
corpse our condition will be enviable indeed !" This word
startles the assembly. Cowards that they are, they rise to their
feet and with one voice applaud the stirring words and charge
the king to stay in his island fortress and still defy the savage
of the north.
Gen. Ya Gol-da now sent a messenger to the King pur-
porting to be from the Emperor saying "I have begun from
the rising sun and I will conquer to its going down. All peo-
ple rejoice but you, who do not listen. I now send Gen. Ya
Gol-da. If you receive him well, I will leave you in peace if ;
not, I wnll never forgive the offence." Immediately putting

his troops in motion the redoubtable general appoached the
strongest fortress in Whang-ha Province. It was surrounded
by almost perpendicular precipices. The commandant laugh-

at the Mongols and defied them, and feasted in their sight.
But the Mongols, directing all their energy at a single point,
soon battered down a portion of the well, set fire to the build-
ings with fire arrows, and with scaling ladders effected an en-
trance. The commandant hanged himself, and 4,700 of the
garrison were put to the sword. All children above ten years
old were killed and all the women wêre ravished.
Gen. Ya Gol-da, being at To-san in Whang-ha Province,
received a plaintive letter from the king asking him to retire
from the country. He told the bearer of this missive "The
Emperor says the king is too old to bow. I am going to find
out whether this is true. I will give him just six day to get
here.
'
The messenger argued the dangerous condition of the

'
road and said it could not be done in that time. Then the
Mongol forces turned earstward and began to destroy the for-
tresses and loot the store-houses, at the same time sending to
the king saying "If every prefect in the land will send in a
This was impossible in the
'
written surrender I will retire. '
present state of turmoil, and it probably was a mere pleasantry

on the part of the Mongols.
MEDIEVAL KOREA. 203
The town of Ch'un-ch'uu was a rather formidable place

and its siege and some interesting indications of the
fall offer
method of Mongol warfare. First a double fence or stockade

was built around the town and outside this a bank six feet
high and a ditch correspondingly deep. Ere long the supply
of water in the town gave out and the people killed their cat-
tle and drank the blood. The distress was terrible. Cho
Hyo-ip, a leading man, seeing that there was no escape, first
burned up his family and then killed himself. The prefect
fought until he was exhausted and then threw himself into a
burning house and perished. A party of the strongest of the
remaining soldiers made a fierce attack upon one portion of
the stockade and succeeded in breaking through, but thej^ could
not force the bank and tren:h beyond. The enemy entered,
razed the town and burned the grain, and the women were
carried away. During this time the king was using the only
means left for turning the tide of war. He was worshipping
every spirit that he could think of, and before every large
boulder. If raised all his ancestors several rounds in the
^
ladder of apotheosis but it all seemed to have little effect upon

;
the progress of events. Another renegade, Yi Hyiin, arose in

the north and forced many districts into his following.
In the course of time Gen. Ya Gol-da arrived before the
town of Ch*ung-ju in Ch'ung-ch'ung Province, but being un-
able to reduce it without a regular siege, he left his main army
there and came north to the vicinity of Kang-wha. He then
announced, "If the King will come out and meet me here I
will take my forces back across the Yalu. With this message
'
'
he sent ten Mongol generals to the king. The latter complied,

and with a heavy guard came across the straits and met Ya Gol-
da at Seung-ch'un-bu. Gen. Mong Go-da was present with Ya
Gol-da at the interview which followed. The Mongol general
said "After we crossed the Yalu into Koryu, thousands of
your people fell ever}- da}'. Why should you think only of
your own comfort while j'our people are dying thus by tens
of thousands? If you had consented to come out sooner,
many lives would have been saved. We now ought to make
a firm treaty." He added that Mongol prefects must be
placed in each district and that a force of ten thousand in all
must be quartered upon Koryii. To this the king replied that
204 KORKAN HISTORV.
with such conditions it would be extremely difficult for him

to return to Song-do. In spite of this the Mongol leader
placed one of his men in each of the prefectures. The only
question which was discussed in the royal councils was how-
to get rid of the Mongols. One man dared to suggest that the
Crown Prince be sent to intercede with the emperor. The
king flew into a rage at this but soon he was so far mollified as
to consent to sending his second son, Chang, with rich gifts
to the Mongol court, a course of procedure which ouce more
drained the royal coffers to the last farthing. The king had
promised the Mongols to go back to Song-do "gradually" as
fast as preparations could be made, and also to destroy the
palaces in Kang-wha. The Mongols kept their word and re-
tired but as they went they plundered and ravaged. When
they had gone the king caught the renegade Yi Hyun and killed
him and his son, and banished all his adherents. This was a
dangerous course, for this man had acted as guide to the
Mongols and the latter were more than likely to resent his
death. So it turned out, for an envoy came post from the
Mongol court complaining that only the king alone had come
out from Kang-wha, and that a man who had helped the
Mongols had been slain for it. Whether the king answered
these complaints satisfactorily we do not know, but soon the
emperor developed a new plan. He sent Gen. Cha Ra-da
with 5,000 troops to become governor-general of Koryu. The
emperor little knew what sort of a man he was letting loose
upon Koryii. No sooner had this beast in human shape crossed
the frontier than he began a systematic course of extermina-
tion. He killed right and left, every living thing. The king
hastened to remonstrate but he answered 'Unless all the people
'
have their hair cut I shall continue to kill." The records say
that he carried into captivity the enormous number of 206,800
souls, both men and women, and that of the dead he left be-
hind no estimate was ever made. When the emperor heard of
this, even his fierce heart was touched, and the next year,
1255, he recalled the monster. The latter obeyed but on his

way north he built fortified camps along the way, for future use.
I" spite of the thanks which the Koryu king sent to the
emperor for this deliverance, the latter allowed this same
general to come back with a powerful force, and accompanied
MEDIEVAL KOREA. 205
by the same former envoy, Sun, who had married the Mongol
princess. The king had to go out and meet them and waste
his remaining treasure in useless presents. So thoroughly
was his exchequer depleted that his own table was but ill
supplied.
The two countries were now nominally at peace, but as
Gen. Cha seemed bent on fighting, there seemed to be noth-
ing to do but to fight. Some of his soldiers were roughly
handled at Chung-ju where a thousand were killed. Again
in the east a large detachment of his troops were heavily
defeated.
At last Gen. Cha came, in his sanguinary wanderings,
to the vicinity of Kang-wha and displayed his banners in
sight of that island, to the great uneasiness of its occupants.
Sun, the renegade, was now a Mongol general and was as
bitter against Koryti as any of the northern savages.
The king, in despair, sent Kim Su-gau to the emperor
to make a last appeal to his clemency, but the emperor
replied "I cannot recall my troops, for your king will not
come out from his retreat". To this the envoy made the
beautiful reply, "The frightened quarry will not come forth
from its hole till the hunter has departed. The flower cannot
spring from the frozen sod". Upon hearing this the emperor
immediately^ gave orders for the recall of the ruthless Gen.
Cha.
Ch'oe Hang Ch'oe U, had held the position
the son of
of viceroy for eight years. His course had been one of utter
selfishness and oppression. Many honorable men had met
their death at his hands. He now died, {leaving a son, Ch'oe
Chung, a young man of considerable power. When th 2 viceroy
died his retainers did notannounce the fact until the house-
hold had been put in readiness for any emergency and a
strong armed guard had been stationed at every approach.
We can argue from this fact that the viceroyalty was any-
thing but pleasing to the king and that in case the viceroy
died the king would be glad of an opportunity to abolish the
ofiice altogether. Subsequent events proved the truth of this
supposition. When everything was in readiness the death
was announced and the young man Ch'oe Chung was put for-
ward as viceroy. The king was obliged to confirm him in
2o6 KOREAN HISTORY.
the He liad no power to refuse. Ch'oe Jung- was a

office.
.•ônby a concubine and from this time the annals contain uo

mention of men's birth on the mother's side. This was be-
cause Ch'oe Jung killed everybodj^ who was heard speaking
slightingly of his birth. If anyone had a spite against an-
other he could always effectually vent it by charging him

with having said that Ch'oe Chung was of common birth.
Disaster and distress followed each other thick and fast
iu these days. An insurrection arose in Kang-wiln Provinc_"
under the leadership of one An Yul, but was put down. A
famine wasted the country and the poor were fed out of the
government supplies. The Mongols though nominally at
peace with Koryu seemed to consider the territory as their
legitimate foraging ground, and now they came walking
through the land, coming even to the gates of Song-do. Thc
king sent Gen. Yi Eu ng and feasted the unwelcome guests
in the hope of inducing them to leave the unhapp}' country.
It was a vain hope They turned southward and continued
their thieving across the Han River even to Chik-san. The
king feasted them again and asked them to desist. The
leader replied that he would do so if the king would come
out of Kang-wha and send the Crown Prince to the Mongol
court. As this leader wis that same Gen. Cha who had once
been recalled by the emperor for cruelty, we may easily un-
derstand how anxious the king was to be rid of bim, at any
cost. He therefore consented to the conditions, and Gen.
Cha retired as far as Yun-ju and ordered all the detachments
of his army to desist from plundering. The king kept his
word, in part at least, for he sent not the Crown Prince but
his second son together with Ch'oe Chung.
Ch'oe Chung used his wits for the purpose of personal
emolument and his credulity also led him into all kinds of
difficulties. His grand mistake was in casting off an aged
slave, Kim In-jun, who had served his father and grand-
father faithfully and deserved better treatinent at the young
man's hands. The worm, thus trodden upon, turned and bit
to the bone. It was as follows. The aged servant, gaining
access to the king, told him that the young viceroy was dead
and in a moment secured another man as leader of the sol-
diers. Clad with his new power the vengeful old man caught
MEDIEVAL HISTORY. 207
and killed some of the most intimate friends of the viceroy

and in the early morning gained access to the viceroy's house
and hunted him from room to room. He found him hidden
in a disused chimney flue from which he was speedily drawn
forth and dispatched. When the old slave announced this to
the king the latter said "You have done me a great favor ',
and could hardly refrain from tears. The king then destroyed
the picture of Ch'02 Chung-heun who had founded the vice-
royalty, and distributed the ill-gotten wealth of the Ch'oe
family among the people. It is said that even the lowest cit-
izen received at least three bags of rice or other grain. At

the same time all Ch'oe's following were banished.
The year 1258 had now come, the last that the aged king
Ko-jang was destined to see. In this year the Mongols came
again as usual. They began by building and garrisoning
a fortress at Eui-ju. Then Gen. Cha Ra-da with a small
body of a thousand troops came southwards as far as Su-an in
Whang-ha Province. It shows how utteily shorn of power
Koryu was, that this general should dare to penetrate so far
into the land with only a thousand men at his back. Hear-
ing of this the aged king decided to try a little artifice. He
came out of Kang-wha, across the straits to Tong-jin on the
opposite bank, in order to make it appear that he had com-
plied with the emperor's command. Gen. Cha demanded
that the crown prince also come out. He made a line of
camps all the way from Song-do to Tong-jin and settled down
as if he intended to stay and see his orders obeyed. The king
had retired to the island again upon the near approach of the
Mongols and now the latter redoubled their demands and
ravaged more remorselessly than ever. They swarmed all
about Kang-wha and nothing but a narrow strip of water lay
between the king and that more than half savage a^my. The
water proved, however, an effective barrier. All this time an-
other Mongol force under Gen. San Gil-da was wasting the
northern and eastern districts, The people of Wha-ju and of
fourteen other towns, led by one Sin Chip-pyung sought refuge
on Cho-do island but finding this insecure, moved to another;
but some Koryu renegades led Mongol troops there and over-
threw the little colony.
The king now altered his tactics. Sending an euvoj' to
20S KOREAN HISTOUV.
China he said "T ha\-e desired to obey the emperor but

hitherto I have beeti prevented by the powerful officials.
Now tliat the viceroy has been put out of go the way I will
back and do as von shall direct. But we are

to vSoug-do
surrounded by }-our soldiery and it is hard to move. We are
like mice when the cat is about. Iêt them be ordered back.
home and I will do as you direct."

Meanwhile two traitors in the north had overpowered
the Koryu general and had gone over to the enem3^ The
whole north was therefore without a single defence and was
being held by these two traitors under Mongol orders. Such
was the unhappy condition of affairs when the year 1258
came to a close.
Chapter Vll.
The Mongols a fixture. .a . . royal envoy. . . .his reception. . . .palaces on

Kang-wha destroyed. . . .the regency. . . . Mongol troops ordered away
.... standing complaint a singular custom pirates the
prince finds Kublai Khan . . .the prince returns to Korea. . . .Mongol
policy conciliatory. .again suspicious. .tribute remitted. . .king
. . . . .
goes to China... Sun silenced. .. .Chinese envoys to Japan.... ac-

companied by Korean envoys. .. .Kublai 's message to Japan....
specified charges against Koryu .... Mongol general murdered. ..
envoys to Japan shabbily treated .... Kublai orders Koryu to aid in
the invasion of Japan. .Kim Ehuu destroyed. .Japanese captives . . . .
sent to Peking. .revolution. .the emperor threatens.

. . .king re" . . . .
instated. .king goes to China.

. . .his requests. .returns. .sedi- . . . . . .
tion. ..preparations to invade Japan.

. .officials' wives restored. . . . . .
a remarkable commissioner. .. .Kublai proclaims the Yuan empire

....Japanese envoy. .. .rebellion on Quelpart ... finances in bad
shape. Korjni falseh' accused ..rebellion stamped out.
. . . .Koreans . . . .
build boats for the Mongols. . . .the army of invasion. . . .the expedi'
tion sets sail ...attack .... driven back by storms. .. .the king's
Mongol queen. . .Mongol coiffure and dress.
. .argument for plural- . .
ity of wives. . . .women's rights. .another envoj' to Japan. . .
The year 1259 opened with

the sending of an envoy to
China but he was robbed and killed by Koryu wâylaid,
ruffians thus Kor3'u was ever discredited in the eyes of
;
China. The Mongols now began to make fields about P'jûng-

yang with the intention of making that city a permanent
Mongol center. They repaired the walls of the town and
constructed new war boats on the river.
MEDIEVAL KOREA. 209
The king came to the decision that there was no pos-

sibility of ridding himself of this incubus but by sending the
crown prince to China. When Gen. Cha Ra-da heard of
this he was highly pleased. Of course it would appear that
he had brought about this happy result. This was in the
third moon and Gen. Cha expected the arrival of the prince
the following month. When he heard that he was not to
start till the fourth moon he was angry the king therefore
;
hurried the preparations and sent the prince off in the third
moon. The escort consisted of forty men, and there were
three hundred horse-loads of gifts. In good time all arrived at
the court of the Mongol emperor. Gen. Cha however did not
enjoy his triumph, for at this very time he sickened and died.
When the prince arrived at the Chinese court the emper-
or was awa}^ on a compaign against the Sung Empire in the
vSouth ; so he announced himself to the official in charge at
the capital, Song Kil. The latter asked if the king had as
\êt gone back to Song-do, to which the prince replied in the
negative, but added that the king would go as soon as pos-

sible if the emperor demanded it. Song Kil rejoined "How
can we recall the soldiers so long as the king does not leave
Kang-wha?" The Prince replied "Gen. Cha said that if I
came the troops would be recalled. If they are not recalled
the people will have no hope except inflight." When Song
Kil heard this he countermanded an order which had been
given for additional troops to be sent into the peninsula.
Word was sent, instead, ordering the destruction of the
palaces on Kang-wha. The order was obeyed and it is said
that the fall of the buildings sounded like distant thunder.
But the aged king who had suffered so many vicissitudes of

fortune was not to survive this great shame, and in the sum-
mer of 1259 ^^ passed away.
Koryu was now without a king and the crown prince
was far away in China. It was decided to form a regency to
to act until the return of the prince. At first it was conferred
upon the second sou of the deceased king but the oflScials, re-
membering^that the dying king had said "Put my grandson
in as regent until the prince returns", made the change, and
the crown prince's son, Sun, became regent pending his
father's return.
2IO KOREAN HISTORY.
As the Mongol troops continued tlieir depredations in

the north an envoy was again dispatched to the emperor's
court. As the latter was still away campaigning in the south
the envoy made bold to follow him up. He passed ChGk-san
and found the emperor at Hyup-ju and delivered his
finally
message. The emperor said "If you profess to be friendly
with me why are you always talking about my troops being
in the wa}^ ? Yet since the crown prince has come to China
I am willing to show you this favor". He thereupon sent
an order for the retirement of all Mongol troops from Korea.
Some busybody told the emperor that Koryu had no
desire to hold faith with China and in consequence an envoy
came in haste to Song-do demanding why the people who had
fled to the islands did not return to their homes. The reply
was that the detention of the prince in China was a cause of
uneasiness and that even if he returned it would take at
least three years to get the people back to their homes how;
much less could it be done with the prince in China. This

then became the standing complaint of the Mongols', that the
Korean people w'ould not come back to the mainland.
By this time the uncertainty of affairs and the fact that
the central government was weak and the Mongols still
numerous caused great instability in the north. The people
were easily induced to revolt on the .slightest provocation.
It became a regular custom for the people, if they did not
like their prefect, to kill him and transfer their allegiance to
the Mongols. The central government did not dare to pun-
ish them, for this would provoke the Mongols, and reprisals
would be in order. At the same time there was trouble in
the south, for pirates from both Japan and the Sung kingdom
of southern China kept ravaging the island of Quelpart. An
was sent from Song-do to take in hand the defense of
ofiicial
the island but the people found him worse than the pirates
had been.
It was in 1260 that the crown prince followed the em-
peror southward, but soon after reaching the emperor's
camp the town of Hap-ju and Gen. A-ri
latter died in the
Pal-ga took the reins of power arbitrarily. The prince knew^
that the great general Hol-p'il-ryul (Kublai) would doubtless
become emperor in spite of this seditious movement on the
MEDIEVAL KOREA 211
part of A-ri Pal-ga ; so he secretly effected his escape from

camp aud struck directly across the country to
the latter's
Kaiig-nam where he found Hol-p'il-ryiil in charge of an army,
and, informing him of the emperor's decease, they both
hastened toward Peking. It was not till the crown prince
returned to Peking that he learned of his father's death and
he hastened to assume the mourner's garb.
The emperor, Kublai Khan, sent him back to Koryu
with great honor, believing that, as he was to become king of
Koryu, the vassal power would thus become more closely
united to China. Two Mongol generals came with him as
escort. These were Sok Yi-ka and Kang Wha-sang. On
the way these generals were told by a Koryu renegade that
the crown prince would change the capital to Quelpart.
Tney asked the prince to face this man and deny the charge
but he assumed a royal attitude and exclaimed "I would cut
off my hair and become a slave before I would meet the vil-
lain". The generals were ashamed to press the matter. As
they approached Kang-wha the prince's son, the acting king
came with a great retinue to meet them at Che-jung Harbor,
where the}^ all took boat and crossed to the island. As the
Mongol generals strongly urged the king to go back to Song-
do, the latter sent many of the officials back there in order to
make it appear as if he would follow shortly. All Mongol
soldiers were now recalled from Koryu and all their prefects
as well. The emperor likewise gave the king a present of
seals, clothing, bows, arrows, silks and other articles of value.
The king so far conceded to the wishes of his suzerain as to
remove from Kang-wha to Tong-jin on the adjacent mainland,
from which, however, it was but half an hour's sail across to
the island again. In addition to this the king sent the heir
apparent to China with gifts, of which, in view of the deple-
tion of Koryu 's treasury, the officials gave the greater part
out of their private means. The main request preferred at
Kublai's court was that he would not listen longer to the rep-
resentations of Korya renegades whose one object was to
stir up strife and keep the countries at war with each other.
The emperor assented to this.
In 1 26 1 the emperor made a requisition upon Koryu for
a large amount of copper and lead. The king did not have
212 KORKAN HISTORY.
the copper and yet did not dare to refuse ; so he sent to A-t'o
in China and bought copper and delivered it as ordered, but
told how he had procured it. The emperor charged him with
lying and claimed that he was remiss in her duties as a
vassal. He moreover ordered that the king take a census of
Koryu, establish a horse relay sj'stem, train soldiers and
prepare provisions for an army. The king was unable to
comply and an estrangement grew up between him and the
emperor which was unfortunate for both. Hong Ta-gu, a
Koryu renegade, took advantage of this to charge the Koryu
prince, who was then in Peking, with having insulted the
Mongol crown prince. The emperor believed the charge
and cut ofT the Koryu prince's revenues and treated him with
marked coldness. Hong also poisoned the emperor toward
Koryu by intimating that she would soon attempt to throw
off the yoke of China. But by the following year the rela-
tions seem to have become cordial again, for when the king
asked that the tribute be remitted on the ground of the
heavy expense of rebuilding palaces at Song-do, the emperor
not only consented but sent a present of 500 sheep. Koryu
was also fortunate in the sending of an envoy to Japan, for
he returned with a large amount of rice and cloth from
Tsushima, which had been stolen by Japanese corsairs.
In 1263 the king was ordered to repair to Peking. A long
discussion followed, some of the courtiers advising one thing
and some another. The monks at this time said, in effect, "I
told you so", for they had long ago promised the king that if
he would favor them he would not be called to Peking. But
go he did, leaving his son to administer the kingdom in his
absence. Sun, whom we will remember as the Koryu gentle-
man who had married a Mongol princess and who was tho-
roughly Mougolized, told the emperor that there were 38,000
troops in Kor3-ii and that someone should go and bring them
to China where they could act as allies for the Mongols in
their conquests. To this Yi Chaug-yung, who was in the
king's retinue, answered. "Formerly we had that number
of soldiers but many have died and few are left. If the
emperor cannot believe this let him send Sun with me to Ko-
ryd and we will review all the troops and learn the truth.''
This was a telling blow, for Sun knew that if he once crossed
MEDIEVAL KOREA. 213
into KoryQ territory his life would not be worth an hour's

ransom ; so he discreetly held his peace. The king came
back to Song-do in December of the same year.
In 1264 the Japanese pirates made another descent upon
the shores of southern Koryu but were driven away by the
royal forces under Gen. An Hong.
In 1265 the seed was sown that led to the attempted
invasion of Japan by the Mongols. A Koryu citizen, Cho I,
found his way to Peking and there, having gained the ear of
the emperor, told him that the Mongol power ought to
secure the vassalage of Japan. The emperor listened favor-
able and determined to make advances in that direction. He
therefore appointed Heuk Chuk and Eun Hong as envoys to
Japan and ordered them to go by way of Koryu and take
with them to Japan a Korjû envoy as well. Arriving in
Korj'U they delivered this message to the king and two
oflBcials, Son Kuu-bi and Kim Ch'an were appointed to ac-
company them to Japan. They proceeded by the way of Kb-

je Harbor in Kyung-saug Province but were driven back by a
fierce storm and the king sent the Mongol envoj^s back to
Peking. The Emperor was ill satisfied with the outcome of
the adventure and sent Heuk Chuk with a letter to the king
ordering him to forward the Mongol envoy to Japan. The
message which he was to deliver to the ruler of Japan said
"The Mongol power is kindly disposed toward you and
desires to open friendly intercourse with yon. She does not
desire 3ôur submission but if you accept her patronage the
great Mongol empire will cover the earth." The king for-
warded the message with the envoys to Japan, and informed
the emperor of the fact.
Meanwhile the emperor was being worked upon by
designing men who were seeking to injure Koryu. They suc-
ceeded so well in their designs that he sent an envoy bearing
a list of specified charges against the king, (i) You have
enticed Mongol neople to Koryu. (2) You did not feed our
troops w^hen they were in Koryu. (3) You persistently re-
fuse to come back to the capital. (4) When our envoy went
to Koryu you had a spy watch him. (5) Your tribute has not
been at all equal to the demand we made. (6) You brought it
about that the Japanese did not accept our offer. The emperor's
J 14 KOREAN- HISTORV.
suspicions continued to increase until linally lie sent a general,

U-ya Son-dal, to demand that Yi Chang-yong and Kim Chun,
two of the most influential officials of Koryu, together with the
father and son of the latter, be brought to Peking. Kim Chun,
on learning of this, advised that the envoy be promptlj'^ killed
and that the king remain in some island, out of harm's way.
But the king knew that such a course would be suicidal and
firml}^ refused. So Kim Chun hituself put Gen. U-ya Son-dal
to death and then announced the fact to the court. The king
and court were dumbfounded at his temerity but dared not lay
hands on him, though they all felt sure they would suffer for
his rash act. Fortunately for them, however, other events of
great importance were happening which distracted the atten-
tion of the emperor and secured immunity from punishment.
These events we must now relate.
The Mongol and Koryti envoys, upon reaching the Japan-
'='se capital, were treated with marked disrespect. They were
not allowed to enter the gates, but were lodged at a place called
T'a-ja-bu, outside the west gate of the city. There they
remained five months, and their entertainment was of the
poorest quality. And at last they were dismissed without re-
ceiving an^^ answer either to the emperor or to the king.
Kublai Khan was not the kind of a man to relish this sort
of treatment and when he heard the story he sent a messenger
straight to Koryu telling the king "I have decided to invade
Japan. You must immediately begin the building of one thou-
sand boats. You mu.st furnish four thousand bags of rice and
a contingent of 40,000 troops. " The king replied that this
was beyond his power, for so many of the people had run away
that workmen could not be secured in sufficient numbers.
The emperor, however, was resolute and soon sent an envoj'
to see if his orders were being carried out, and to make a sur-
vey of the straits between Koryu and Japan, in the vicinity of
Heuk-san Island. The emperor could scarcely believe that
the Japanese would dare to treat his envoy so disrespectfully
as had been reported and he suspected that it was some sort
of ruse that the king of Koryu had been playiug on him so ;
he decided to send his envoy Heuk Chuk once more to Japan.

This time also he was accompanied by a Koryfi envoy, Sim Sa-
jun.
MEDIEVAL KOREA. 215
Meantime Kim Chuu finding that his foul murder of the

Mongol envoy went unpunished, became prouder and more
headstrong. His son stole two boatloads of vegetables intend-
ed for the king's own This roused the ire of the king.
table.
Kim Chun might kill all the Mongol envo^^s he wished but when
it came to stealing from the king's table something must be
done. There was only one official, Im Yun, who hated Kim
Chun worse than he feared him and the king selected this man
for the work in hand. Sending away all the other officials to
a neighboring monastery to sacrifice to Buddha for his health,
he summoned Kim Chun and, when he had him at his mercy,
let Im Yun fall upon him with a club and take his life. Kim
Chun's brother likewise fell the same day and the household of
the offender was broken up. The usual impotence of the king
was illustrated here by the very trick to which he was forced
in order to rid himself of his traitorous subject.
The spring of 1268 opened, and still the envoys had not
returned from Japan. The Koryu people managed to capture
some Japanese from Tsushima who had come near the Korean
coast. The)' were sent to Peking together with an envo}'.
The emperor was showed the captives all over the
delighted,
palace and reviewed the army before them. After showing
them all the grandeur of the Mongol court, he sent them back
to tell their king about it and to urge him to make friends
with the great Yuan empire. This same year the crown
prince went to the Mongol court.
Im Yun, whom the king had used as an instrument for
the removal of the obnoxious Kim Chun, did not intend to go
without his reward. He began to plan how he might become
a king-maker himself. He desired to depose the king and put
another in his place who would be quite subservient to him-
self. To end he began to banish those who might oppose
this
him in this scheme, and at last when he had cleared the way
and deemed the time ripe, he surrounded himself with a power-
ful guard and called all the officials to a council. He told them
that the king desired to kill him, but rather than die tamely
he was resolved to do something desperate. He asked them
if they agreed, but no man dared to open his mouth. Then
putting on his armor he led the way to the palace and pro-
claimed Chang as king. This Chang was a distant relative of
2l6 KOREAN HISTORS'.
the king. He also made all the officials bow to him. The re-
cords say that '.hisdeed was accompanied by a tremendous
storm of rain in which the deposed king was driven forth on
foot. Im Vnn and his lewd followers then proceeded to loot
the palace.
The parvenu Chang, at the instance of Im Yun, sent an
envoy to the Mongol court saying that the king had handed
over the reins of government to him. The king's .son, who
had gone but lately to the Chinese court, was now on his way
home. He arrived at night on the farther bank of the Yalii
River and was there met by a secret messenger who had cross-
ed in the dark to tell him that Chang had usurped tho throne
and that soldiers had been stationed at Eui-jti to kill him
when he arrived. So the Prince turned and hastened back to
the emperor and a letter was immediately dispatched demand-
ing the reinstatement of the rightful sovereign. After two
such appeals had remained unanswered the emperor threaten-
ed to send an army to enforce the demand. The officials there-
upon became afraid and reluctantly put the rightful king back
upon his throne. The empeior then ordered both the king
and the man who had deposed him to go to China in order
that the matter might be investigated. The king went but
Im Yun refused and sent his son instead. The emperor or-
dered the king to write out the cause of the trouble but the
latter feared that if he did so it would make trouble for him
when he went back, for Im Yun was a powerful and unscru-
pulous man. He therefore told the emperor that he was
troubled with a lame hand that prevented his writing. Later
however, in private, he made the matter bare before the em-
peror and as a consequence Im Yun's son was thrown into
prison. Before returning to Koryu the king asked the em-
peror to bestow upon his son, the crown prince, the hand of
one of the Mongol princesses, to give him a Mongol escort
back to Koryu, to place a Mongol governor at P'yung-yang
and to return to the control of Koryu the northern districts of
the peninsula. The emperor consented to all but the last of
these requests. When the king came back to Song-do, Im
Yun attempted to oppose him but was speedily put down and
decapitated.
Arriving at the capital the king went into camp outside
MEDIEVAL KOREA. 21/
the walls to await the completion of the palace which was in

course of construction. The troops oppressed the people, and
when the king ordered them to disband they marched out in a
body and went by boat to Chul-la Province and began to act
in a rebellious manner. A royal army, sent against them,
chased them into the island of Chin-do where they forced the
people to join their standards. Mongol and Koryu troops
were sent against them, but the people hated the Mongols so
heartily that this rather added to the difficulty than otherwise,
and the disaffection, spreading with increased rapidity, began
to assume serious proportions. The emperor learned of this
and, believing that the king was hardly equal to the task of
managing the affairs of the government, sent a commissioner
to assume control at Song-do.
Matters stood thus when in 1270 the emperor determined
to send another envoy to Japan. Cho Yong-p'il and Hong
Ta-gu were appointed to this important mission and they were
joined in Kor3'u by the representative of that country, by
name Yang Yun-so. This embassy was charged with the
somewhat dangerous task of demanding the submission of Ja-
pan. The emperor did not anticipate success in this, as is
shown by the fact that he had rice fields made in Pong-san,
Koryu, to raise rice for an army of invasion which he intend-
ed to launch upon Japan. For this work he ordered the king
to furnish 6000 plows and oxen, as well as seed grain. The
king protested that this was quite beyond his power, but as
the emperor insisted he sent through the country and by force
or persuasion obtained a fraction of the number demanded.
The emperor aided by sending 10,000 pieces of silk. The Koryu
army had dwindled to such a point that butchers and slaves
were enrolled in the lists. The rebel army had been driven
out of Chin-do, but a remna.'.t had crossed over to Quelpart
where the kingdom of T'am-na still flourished. Many of
these rebels had been captured on Chin-do and had been taken
as captives to China. Now at the request of the king they
were sent back to Song-do for punishment. A curious com-
plication arose in connection with this. These rebels, when
they first went to Kang-wha had stolen the wives of many of
the officials there and had carried them south. These women
accompanied their newly acquired husbands to China but ;
2lS KOKKAN HISTORY.
now that they wtrc all many of them

returned to Song-do
again met their former husbands. Some were received back
gladly while others were not wanted, owing to new arrange-
ments which were quite satisfactory. But the king command-
ed that all officials who found their former wives should take
them back.
The emperor, influenced by evil-minded men who exag-
gerated the wealth of the peninsula, demanded that Koryu
send a large amount of timber to China, but the king answered
that he could not accomplish impossibilities. The commissioner
who had been sent was a capable man and was well liked by
the people in spite of his Mongol nationality. The commis-
sioner fell ill and was fast approaching his end. The king
sent him some medicine but he refused to take it, saying that
ifhe took it and yet died the emperor might charge the king
with having made away with him by poison. So the disease
ran its course and the commissioner expired amid the lamen-
tations of the people. Their appreciation of this Mongol's
kindness shows how badly they were accustomed to being
governed. Their high appreciation of his mild and just gov-
ernment overcame even their prejudice against his birth.
It was in this same 5'ear that Kublai Khan proclaimed the
name of his empire Yuan.
When the Mongol and Korvu envoys returned from Japan
they were accompanied b}^ a Japanese envôy. The king hur-
ried them on to Peking where they were received by the em-
peror with great delight, who hoped that he had now gained
his point. But he did not relax his preparations for an in-
vasion, for he commanded the king to hasten the construction
of boats and the collection of provisions. Everything however
was hindered by the rebels on Quelpart who built there a strong
fortress and made it a center from which to harry the southern
islands and even parts of the mainland. The exchequer w'as
exhausted and the people could not endure further taxation.
Many of them fled from their homes to escape the exactions
of the government. It is said that one day the king himself
had to get along without any side dishes or condiments.

The land seemed doomed to misfortune. A marauding
party of Japanese landed at Keum-ju and the people, in fear
of their lives, treated them well and gave them whatever they
MEDIEVAL KOREA. 2tg
asked for. This the renegade Hong Ta-gu told the emperor
with embellishments of his own and averred that Koryu was
making friends with Japan with a view to an invasion of
China. The
action of the people of Keum-ju made this seem
probable. This fed the emperor's suspicions of Koryu's bad
faith and added materially to the overwhelming difficulties
Under which the land was already staggering.
The matter of the Quelpart rebels came to an issue when
they began ravaging the coast of ChOl-la Province, burning
at one place between twenty and thirty ships and carrying
away a number of Mongol soldiers as prisoners. The follow-
ing spring a strong body of Mongol and Koryu troops crossed
to Quelpart, overthrew the stronghold of the rebels and placed
there a garrison of 500 Mongol and 1000 Koryu troops.
The eventful year 1273 opened with a vigorous demand
on the part of the emperor that the king prepare 300 vessels,
for which he was to supply not only the labor but the materia
nls as well. At the same time the vanguard of the army of
invasion, 5000 strong, came to Koryu, perhaps to see that the
commands of the emperor were promptly complied with.
They brought 33,000 pieces of silk to use in purchasing sup^
plies for their maintenance. Silk was the very last thing that
the poverty-stricken people of Korjû wanted, but it was forced
upon them and they had to buy whether they wished or not.
The king in attempted obedience to the Emperor's demands
assembled 3500 carpenters and other artisans necessar}^ to the
building of the boats, and the work was begun,
The Mongol governor who had been placed at P'yung-
3'ang was a man of dark and fierce aspect and he was universe
ally feared and hated. He also demanded the societ}^ of the
fair sex and seized women right and left. Famine stared
the capital in the face and the emperor was obliged to send
20,000 bags of rice to relieve the distress. In spite of the
inauspiciousness of the times the crown prince who had been
plighted to a Mongol princess was sent Peking where the
to
nuptials were celebrated. No sooner had this been done than
the emperor sent to Korya the main body of the army which
was to cross the straits and attack Japan. It consisted of
25,000 men. Thus slightingly did the great conqueror gauge
the prowess of the Island Empire.
220 KORKAN HISTORY.
King Wiin-jong died while the prince was in China and

the emperor hastened to confer upon the latter the insignia
of royalty and send him back to take charge of affairs at
home. This prince's name was Ko, posthumous title Ch'ung-
rj'ul. The princess, his wife, did not accompany him to Ko-
ryu at first but waited to follow at leisure. When the young
king arrived Song-do has first act was to send an escort to
at
bring his Mongol queen to him.
The events above recorded had followed thick and fast
upon each other and now the great and long contemplated in-
vasion of Japan was about to become an accomplished fact.
The entire array of invasion rendezvoused on the southeastern
coast of Korea, opposite the islands of Japan. It consisted of
25,000 Mongol troops under Generals Hoi Ton, Hong Ta-gu

and Yu Pok-hyong and 15,000 Koryti troops under Gen.
;
Kim Pang-gyung. The flotilla that was to carr}' this army

across the straits consisted of 900 boats. Sailing from the
shores of Korea the fleet made for the island of Iki near the
mainland of Japan. Entering the harbor of Sam-naug the\'
found a small garrison stationed there. Generals Kim and
Hong attacked and routed this outpost, returning to the fleet,
it is said, with 1000 heads. From this point they approached
the mainland, landing at several points for the purpose of
making a general advance into the country. The Japanese
however attacked them briskly and checked the advance, but
were themselves checked by a Koryu General, Pak, whom the
Mongols praised highh- for his valor.
It was a foregone conclusion that the allied Koryu and
Mongol forces must retire sooner or later. Forty thousand
men could do nothing on the Japanese mainland. So they
retired slowly back to their boats. Nature aided the Japanese,
for a storm arose which wrecked many of the boats and many
more were scattered, so that the total loss to the allied forces
was something over 13000. The scattered remnants of the
fleet rendezvoused as best they could at the harbor of Hap
and from there made their way back to Koryu. So ended the
first attempt to subdue the Land of the Rising Sun.
Meanwhile events were not at a standstill in the penin-

sula. The king went as far as P'yUng-j-ang to meet his bride.
Escorting her back to the capital he gave her a palace of her
MEDIEVAL KOREA. 221
own, fitted up according to her fancy. The records say that

she had sheep skins hanging in the doorways. This would
probably be in accord with Mongol ideas. The former Queen
was lowered to the position of second wife or concubine.
The Mongolizing tendency had now gone so far that the king
ordered the officials to adopt the Mongol coiffure. The order
was not obeyed until after long and heated debate, but at last
the conservatives v\ ere voted down and all submitted to the new
st}'le. At the same time the Mongol dress was also adopted.
An amusing incident is reported as having occurred
about this time. A courtier named Pa-gyu observed to the
king, "The male population of the country has been decimated
but there are still plenty of women. For this reason it is
that the Mongols take .so many of them. There is danger
that the pure Koryn stock will become vitiated by the inter-
mixture of wild blood. The king should let each man take
several wives and should remove the restrictions .under which
the sons of concubines labor." When the news of this came
to the ears of the women they were up in arms, as least the
married portion and each one read to her spouse such a lec-
;
ture that the subject was soon dropped as being too warm to
handle. When the king passed through the streets with
Pa-gyu in his retinue the women would point to the latter
and say "There goes the man who would make concubines of
us all."
In spite of the failure of the plan of invasion, the em-
peror could not believe that Japan was serious in daring to
oppose his will and so sent another envoy demanding that
the Japanese sovereign come to Peking and do obeisance.
We may well imagine with what ridicule this proposition must
have been received in the capital of the hardy inlanders.
Chapter VIll.
A Queen huntress. .. .general tax.... a jealous Queen. .. .tribute. .. .a

thrifty Queen. .. .lack of filial piety.... a termagant .... Mongol
influence at its zenith. . . .second invasion planned. . . .corrupt court
. . . .preparations for the invasion. . . .expedition sets sail. . . .difficul-
212 RoKl'A.N lllSlOkN.
ties. . . .terrible catastrophe. . . .survivors. . . .retreat . . .new prepaf--

ations. . . .the plan jfiven up. . . .corruption . . . .famine in China . . .
northern back.... a son's rebuke...

cannibals. .. .at last driven
Timur Khan makes changes. .king abdicates. .family difficulties . . . .
. .an abject king.

. . .new slave law. .king goes to Peking
. . . . . . .
Ch'ung-sun ascends the throne. .. .a disgusted courtier .. .a king-

less countr}-. .eunuchs elevated.
. . .reconstruction. king of Muk-
. . . .
den. . . .pander to the Mongol court. .king's father banished. . . . . .
silver coin.
The sporting proclivities of the Mongol qneen of Kori'u

were an object of wonder and disgust to the people, for she
was accustomed to accompany the king in his expeditions and
was as good a horseman as any in the rout. It may well be
imagined that the finances of the country weie in bad shape,
and it was found necessary to reconstruct the revenue laws
to meet the constantly rectirring deficit. For the first time
in the history a general tax was levied on all the people, high
and low alike. Hitherto taxes had been levied only on the
better cla.ss of people. This tax was called the hop'o which
means "hotise linen," for the tax was levied in linen cloth.
This shows that although coin circulated, barter was as yet
the main method of interchange of commodities.
The custom of dressing in white must be a fairly ancient
one for we learn that at this time the government ordered
the use of blue instead of white, as blue is the color that cor-
responds to east. The birth of a son to the king's Mongol
consort was the signal for great rejoicings and festivities.
Everyone offered congratulations, even the discarded queen-
It king paid some attention to this
is said that the
former queen and that aroused the fierce jealousy of the it
Mongol queen. She declared that she would write and com-
plain to the emperor that she was being ill treated. She was
dissuaded from this by the earnest entreaties of the officials.
At the same time a further concession was made to the Mon-
golizing tendency by changing the names of official grades to
those in use among the Mongols.
The emperor had not given up his plan of subduing Jap-
an, and for this purpose he began the preparation of boats
in the south of Korea, calling upon the Koreans to supply all
the requisites. But this was not the only use to which he
put his Koryu vassal, for he also demanded women and
MEDIEVAL KOREA. 223
pearls the former were taken from the men and the latter
;
from the women and both were sent to the Mongol court.
;
The Mongol queen of Koryu was a thrifty woman and

let no small scruples stand in the way of the procuring of pin-
money. She took a golden pagoda from one of the mon-
asteries and melted it down. The bullion found a ready
market. She also went into the ginseng raising businevSS on
her own account, taking people's fields by force and market-
ed the crop of ginseng in Nanking, where it brought a good
price. She thus turned an "honest" penny. But it all went
against the aristocratic tendencies of the king. That the
<jueen was not without a touch of superstition is shown by
the fact that she desisted from accompanying the king to the
grave of Wang-gon when told that the spirit of the founder
of thedj^nasty was a strong one and that if she went she might
be attacked by some dangerous disease.
When some one hinted to the queen that the former
queen was plotting against her life she promptly had her
seized and put to the torture, and it would have cost her her
life had not the officials interfered and w'on the inquisitors
over to clemency. But her oppression of the people went on

unchecked and she sequestered so much of their property that
hundreds of people were driven into actual mendicancy.
.Even when new^ of her mother's death reached her she stop-
ped feasting but a short time, to shed a few conventional
tears, and then resumed her revels. This was perhaps her
greatest offence in the eyes of the people of Koryu. But her
affection for her husband was very real for we learn that
when he was taken sick and she was told that it was on ac-
count of her lavish use of money, she stopped building, sent
away her falcons and restored a gold pagoda to the monastery
from which she had taken it. She had ideas of her own as to
the proper treatment of women by the sterner sex, for when
the king preceded her in one of the processions she turned
back and refused to go. The king went back to pacify her
but she struck him with a rod and gave him a round scolding.
She was meanwhile doing a stroke of business in sea-otter
skins. She kept a large number of men hunting these valu-
able animals, but when she found they were "squeezing" half
the catch she imprisoned the offenders.
224 '•Ô^ ^ •^-'^ I1I^'1(,KV.
IIwas not till 1279 that all tlie officials, liio;li and low,
military and civil, had adopted the Mongol coiffure and
dress. It was now that the Mongol itifluence was at its
zenith in the peninsula. In this year the whole royal family

made a journey to Peking and it was the signal for a grand
festival at that capital. It put an end once for all tojLhe sus-
picions entertained by the emperor relative to the loyalty of

the king of Koryu. The busybodies therefore found their
occupation gone. On their return the queen resumed build-
ing operations, seized over 300 of the people's houses and had
a thousand men at work erecting a palace.
Meanwhile what of the Mongol envoy who had been sent
to Japan with his daring demand that the Japanese sovereign
go to Peking and do obeisanca? He ha:l been promptly kill-
ed, as might have been anticipated. When the king sent
word to Peking that the emperor's envoy had been killed, an-
other invasion was immediately decided upon and the king ;
was charged with the duty of preparing 900 vessels to trans-

port a great army of invasion across the straits. The king
was hardly prepared for such an undertaking. He was
spending his time in revelry and debauchery. He called to
Song-do all the courtezans, sorceresses and female slaves and
had them join in singing obscene songs for the delectation of
his guests. His manner of life was in no sense worthy of his
position. It is not surprising therefore that famine found its
wa}' to Koryu the following year, and the emperor had to

give aid to the extent of 20,000 bags of rice.
The king wanted to lead the army of invasion, and so
the emperor called him to Peking to discuss the matter. But
Hong Ta-gu talked the emperor over and secured the post of
general-in-chief himself. He raised 40,000 regular troops
and another general raised 100,000 more among the vassal
tribes. The king advi.sed that onl}^ the men from the depen-
dent tribes be sent, but that their number be increased. To
this the emperor did not consent, and soon the king came back
to his capital where he went to work preparing the 900 boats,
15,000 sailors and 10,000 bags of rice, together with many
other things that would be needed. The emperor sent Hong
to superintend these preparations and the king, being thrown
completely into the shade, could do nothing but obey orders.
jr ^>/^^ !j
)V f
^•4!iaaBa>r.| ,
A^
\
MEDIEVAL KOREA. 22^
Hong was so obnoxious to the king that he requested the

emperor to remove him and let Gen. Kim Pang-gyxing super-
intend the work of preparation. To this consent was given.
It was in the next year, 1282, that all the troops rendez-
voused at Hap-p'o, now Ch'ang-wun, and prepared to embark.
The king went down from the capital to review the whole
array. There were 1000 boats in all. Of Koryu soldiers
there were 20,070, of Mongols there were 50,000. The sol-
diers from the dependent tribes, of which there were 100,000^
had not yet arrived. It is hard to say just who these 100,000
men were. The records say they were from Kang-nam but
they are also designated b}^ another character in the records
which would imply a different origin.
Then the whole flotilla sailed away to the conquest of
Japan. They made for Ta-myting Harbor where the first en^
gagement with the Japanese took place. At first the invaders
were victorious and 300 Japanese fell, but when the latter
were reinforced the Mongols drew back with great loss. The
allied forces then went into camp where it is said that 3000 of
the Mongols died of fever. Gen. Hong was very anxious
to retreat, but Gen. Kim said, "We started out with three
month's rations and we have as yet been out but one month.
We cannot go back now. When the 100,000 contingent ar-
rives we will attack the Japanese again." Soon the rein^
forcements came.
The invading armj^ now pulled itself together and sailed
for the mainland of Japan As they approached it a storm arose
.
from the west and all the boats made for the entrance of the
harbor together. As it happened the tide was running in
very strong and the boats were carried along irresistibl}' in
its grip. As the}' converged to a focus at the mouth of the
harbor a terrible catastrophe occurred. The boats were jam-
med in the ofiing and the bodies of men and the broken tim-
bers of the vessels were heaped together in a solid mass, so
that, the records tell us, a person could walk across from one
point of land to the other on the solid mass of wreckage.
The wrecked vessels contained the 100,000 men from the
dependent tribes, and all of them perished thus horribly, ex-
cepting a few who managed to get ashore. These afterwards
told their story as follows "We fled to the mountains and lay
:
.
226 KOKKAN IIISTORV.
hidden there two months, but the Japanese came out and at-
tacked us. Being in a starving condition, we surrendered,
and those of us who were in fair condition were made slaves
and the rest were butchered."
In that great catastrophe 8,000 Koryu soldiers perished,
but the remaining Koryu and Mongol forces, beholding the
miserable end of the main body of the invading army, turned
their prows homeward and furled their sails only when thej'
entered a Koyru harbor.
At first the emperor was determined to continue the at-
tempt to subdue the Japanese, and immediatelj'' sent and
ordered the king to prepare more boats and to furnish 3,000
pounds of a substance called in the records fa/c sot. The
character iak means a kind of wood from whose pulp paper is
made, and the character for sot means metal, especially such
as is used in making money. Some have conjectured that
this refers to paper money, others that it simply meant some
metal
A Kor5'u citizen, Yu Ju, advised the emperor to use only
Koryu troops and the men from Kang-nam in his next invas-
ion of Japan and to provide in advance 200,000 bags of rice in
the peninsula. The emperor thereupon ordered the king to
la)' aside 40,000 bags w'.th this end in view. The king
answered that if all his officials could get but ten thousand
bags, this greater number was surel}' out of the question.
So he was told to set aside as many
he could. as
The following 5'ear, 1283, changed the emperor's pur-
pose- He had time to hear the whole story of the sufferings
of his army in the last invasion ; the impossibility of squeez-
ing anything more out of Koryu and the delicate condition
of home affairs united in causing him to give up the project
of conquering Japan, and he countermanded the order for the
building of boats and the storing of grain.
The record of the next few years is hardly worth writing.
The royal family went to Peking with 1,200 men as escort
and remained there six months. Returning, they spent their
time in trampling down good rice-fields in the pleasures of
the chase and in seeking waj-s and means of making govern-
ment monopolies of various important commodities, especially
salt. On a single hunting expedition 1,500 soldiers accom-
MEDIEVAL KOREA. 227
panied the royal partj^ afield. The queen developed a strange

propensity for catching young women and sending them to
her people in Peking. A
law was promulgated that before a
young man married he must notify the government. This
was done for the purpose of finding out where marriageable
girls lived so that the}- could be the more easily seized and
sent to China. One official cut off his daughter's hair when
he found that she was to be sent to China. The king ban-
ished him for this and beat the girl severely. It is said
that these girls upon arriving in China became wives, not
concubines.
In 1289 a famine in China resulted in a demand for
100,000 bags of rice from Korj'u. The king was at his wits
end but by great exertion and self-sacrifice on the part of the
officials 60,000 bags were collected. They. were sent by boat,
but 6000 were destroyed in a storm and 300 men were lost.
But now in 1290 a new element of danger appeared in
the shape of the wild tribe of T'ap-dan across the northern
border who began to ravage the outlying Koryu towns.
When thty had penetrated the countiy as far as Kil-ju the
king sent an army against them, but more than 20,000 came
swarming down from the north and seized two districts in
Ham-gyung Piovince. They ate the flesh of men and
dried the flesh of women for future consumption. The Korjni
troops held them in check at first. The empeior sent 13,000
troops to reinforce the Kor^^D army. In spite of this, how-
ever, the king felt obliged to take refuge in Kang-wha for
fear of surprise. The following year the T'ap-dan savages
came as far south as Kyung-geui Province and all the officials
and many of the people fled before them. It was a literary man
of Wun-ju who was destined to be the first to bring them to
a halt. WHn Ch'ung-gap gathered about him all the strong
men of the neighborhood and drove back the van of the in-
vading force. Then the great body of the savage hcrde came
and surrounded the town. Wun killed the messengers they
sent demanding surrender, and sent back the heads as answer.
A desperate attack was made but the little garrison held firm
till b}' a lucky chance a rumor of some kind caused a panic
among the attacking forces and in the stampede that followed
everv man's sword was at his neighbor's throat. While this
2JS K0R1';AN uistoky.
was going on W'un and his fellowsmade a sudden sally and

captured the savage chief To Cha-do, and sixty of his attend-
ants were cut down. The rabble then took to their heels
and from that day never dared to attack any considerable
town. The spell of terror which had held the people of Ko-
ryil was now broken ai;d they found no more difficulty in
keeping these savages at arm's length. Ten thousand Mongol

troops arrived and began a campaign against these freebooters
and in Ch'ung-ch'Hng Province had a splendid victory over
them, leaving, it is said, a line of thirty // of dead as they
pursued the flying enemy. When the Mongol troops went

back home, their general told the emperor that the war had
destroyed the crops of Koryu and that 100,000 bags of rice
must be sent. The emperor consented, but when the rice
arrived the officials and men of influence divided the rice
among themselves, while the people went without.
All this time the crown prince w'as suffering a lively
feeling of disgust at the sporting propensities of h^.s father,
and now that he was about to return from Peking he wrote
his father a very sarcastic letter saying, "As all the public
money has been used up hunting tournaments you must
in
not lay an extra expense upon the treasury b}- coming out to
meet me." The king was ashamed and angry but went as
far as P'yung-ju to meet his son and took advantage of the
occasion to hunt along the way.
That Kublai Khan harbored no ill-will against the Japan-
ese on account of his failure to conquer them is shown by his
sending back to their country several Japanese whom the
Koreans had caught and carried to Peking. Two Koryu men
carried them back to Japan but the Japanese did not return
;
the courtesy, for the two Korya messengers were never seen
again.
The king and queen were both in China when the em-
peror Kublai died and thej^ took part in the funeral rites, al-
though the Mongol law forbade any outsider to participate in

them. Timur Khan succeeded Kublai. He apparently had
no intention of invading Japan, for of 100,000 bags of rice
which had been stored in Koryu for that purpose, he sent
50,000 to the north to relieve a famine-stricken district. He
also gave back to Korj-u the island of Quelpart which had
MEDIKVAL KOREA. 229
been in Mongol hands since the time when the Mongol and
Koryu had put down the rebellion. From this time
soldiers
dates the use of the name Che-ju, which means "District
across the water," and b}- which the island has ever since
been known.
The king had now completed his cycle of sixty-one years
and the soothsayers were appealed to to read the future. They
said evils were in store and he was advised to give amnesty
to all but capital criminals, repair the tambs of celebrated
men, give rice to the poor and remit three years' revenue.
But gra}^ hairs had not brought wisdom to the. king. His
time was spent in frivolity and sensuality. The crown
prince looked with unfriendly eye on these unseeml}' revels
and when, in the following year, 1297, ^'^^ mother, the Mon-
gol princess, died, he claimed that her death was due to one
of the favorite concubines, and as a consequence the suspect-
ed woman was killed. The prince had married a Mongol
princess in China and now at her summons he went back to
China. The old man, bereft of both wife and concubine,
wrote the emperor that he wished to surrender the reins of
power into the hands of his son. The emperor consented and
in the following year the prince was invested with the royal
insignia, while his father was honored with the title '"High
King." The new queen was a Mongol and as she came to
the Koryu capital a new palace was constructed for her. But
her royal husband saw fit to follow the example of his for-
bears and take to himself a concubine. The queen, by her
frequent exhibitions of jealousy, lost what little love her lord
had ever felt for her. She was not long in letting the state
of affairs be known at Peking and soon an imperial maiidatt;
arrived consigning the concubine and her father to prison.
Then another came remanding both to China. Then a high
monk came to mediate between the king and queen. This
proved ineffectual and the emperor commanded both king
and queen to appear before him in Peking. It was done and
the royal seals were put back into the hands of the aged king.
The prince and his unhappy queen w^re kept in China ten
3'ears.
The century beheld an old dotard on the
close of the
throne of Koryu, so incapable of performing the duties of his
2T,o K()Ki:an' nrsToKS'.
liigli office tliat the cmjitror was obliged to send a man to act
as viceroy wliile tlie old man spent his time trifling with
mountebanks and courtesans. The records state that he had
lost all semblance to a king.
The viceroy whom emperor had sent was named
the
\\'hal-yi Gil-sa, and one was to do awaj'
of his first proposals
with slavery; but objection was raised that then a slave
might become an oflficial and use his influence to wreak ven-
geance upon his former master. So a law was made that
only the eighth generation of a manumitted slave could hold
office.
In 1301 an envoy was sent to Peking to make the auda-

cious proposal that the crown prince's wife should be made
the wife of a Korean official named Chong. This was because
the Koryu officials believed she had been criminally intimate
with him were anxious to get the prince back on
atid the}'
the throne. An originated the scheme of having this
official
Chong take the prince's wife and ascend the throne himself,
but the emperor ordered him thrown into prison. When this
had been done the aged king sent an envoy pleading that the
prince be sent back to hini. As this was not granted the
king himself went to Peking where he lodged at first at his
son's house, but after a quarrel with him moved to the house
of the discarded princess, his daughter-in law. The emperor
tried to mediate between father and son but without effect.
Then he tried to send the old man back to Koryii but rather ;
than go back the aged king took medicine to make himself ill
and so incapable of travel. He was fearful that he would be
assassinated on the way by his son's orders.
The emperor died in 1308 and was succeeded by Guluk
Khan. This young man was the friend of the prince, and as
a consequence the old king was thrown into prison, his near-
est friends killed or banished and the young man was raised
to a high position under the Chinese government and his
friends, to the number of a hundred and eighty, were made
officials. But it was the old man that the emperor finally
sent back to Koryu to rule at the same time he making the
prince king of Mukden. Though so far awa}- from the capi-
tal of Korj'u the prince was the one who really ruled Koryii,
so the records say. The father soon died and the prince im-
1
MEDIKVAL KOREA. 23
mediatel}- proceeded to Song-do and assumed the throne in

this same jêar 1308. His posthumous title was Ch'ung-sfin.
He had been kept out of his own so long that he now
proceeded to make up for lost time, and vied with his father's
record in revelry and debaucherj*. It is said that a courtier
took an axe and went to the palace, where lie asked the king
to decapitate him as the sight of these excesses made him
hate life. The king was ashamed, though we are not told that
he mended his ways.
In his second year he revived the government salt mo-
nopoly and put the money into his private purse. Heretofore
it had been divided between certain monasteries and officials.
The Mongol empress made him furnish large quantities of

timber from Pak-tu Mountain, floating it down the Yalu. It
was used in the building of monasteries. The whole expense

was borne by the king. The latter was now spending most
of his time in Peking. The Koryu officials earnestl}- desired
him to come back to Song-do, but he refused. There was a
constant flow of eunuchs and courtesans from Koryu to Pe-

king and it \vould be difficult to imagine a more desperate
condition of affairs in the king-deser:ed country. How it
was being governed we do

know. It was probably
not
governing itself. The rural districts, which had been laid
waste by the Mongol armies and which had been descited
by their occupants, were probabl}' being gradualh^ occupied
again and the le.ss they heard of Song-do the better they
liked it.
In the third year of his reign the king killed his son l)e-
cause some busybodies told him that the young man was con-
spiring to drive him from the throne. This shows the depths
to which the court had sunk, when kings were not sure but
that their own sons were their worst enemies. Orders kept
coming from Peking to make certain eunuchs Princes. These
orders could not be disregarded. These eunuchs had doubt-
less been in Peking and were known to be devoted to Mongol
interests. All this time the king was in Peking where his
presence began to be something of a bore. The mother of
the Emperor urged him to go back to Korjni. He promised
to go in the following autumn, but when the time came he
changed his mind and abdicated in favor of his .second son.
2T,2 KOKICAN rriS'l\)KS'.
The new king, iiuinod To, postluniious title Cli'ung-suk,

Clinic to tlic tliroric in 1314. One was to take
of his first acts
a thorough census of the people. Unfortunately the result is.
not recorded. The revenue laws were also changed and a
new measurement of the fields was ordered with a view to a
more effective collection of the revenue. The king likewise
had ambitions along religious lines, for he sent 150 pounds of
silver to Nanking to purchase books and 10,800 were secured.
;
The emperor also gave 4,070 volumes. These were doubtless

Buddhist books and it is more than likely that many of the
books in the Sanscrit or Thibetan character, still found in the
monasteries in Korea, are cojiies of the works introduced into
Koryu during these times.
The king who had abdicated was sent back with his son,
tlioiigh he had abdicated solely for the purpose of being able
to live permanently in Peking. He spent his time in attend-
ing Buddhist festivals, but when he saw into what ruins the
palaces in Song-do had fallen he said, "If my father had feasted
less I should have had better palaces." He soon returned to
to China where he devoted himself to letters. The emperor
offered to make him his Prime Minister but he declined the
honor. He mourned over the lack of letters in Kor}^! and
came to realise that it was Buddhism what had proved the
curse of the dynasty. He accepted the post of King of Muk-
den and later became Prime Minister to the empeior.
The young king went to Peking in 131 7 to marry a
.Mongol Princess, and like his father was very loath to come
back. We infer that the position of king in Song-do was so
hedged about by priestcraft that was it much pleasanter for the
king to reside at the Chinese court. Koryu must have been
exceedingly poor after the desperate struggles she had been
through and life in Peking with his hand in the imperial ex-
chequer must have had its attractions.
At the end of a year however the king and his bride came
back to Song-do. The records say that in order to induce him
to come they had to bribe the soothsayers to tell him that if
he did not come he would be involved in war. As soon as he
arrived he began to search for unmarried women to send to
Peking. He had turned pander to the Mongol court. The
men of the upper classes hid their daughters and denied their
MEDIEVAL KOREA. 233
existence for fear they would be seized and sent to Peking.

He hiii'self put in practice the principles he had imbibed at
the Mongol court, and spent his da5'S in hunting and his
nights in high revelr5\
The king's father who had been made king of Mukden,
made a trip into southern China, or at least as south as far
Chul-gang and Po-ta San where he engaged in Buddhist wor-
ship. Two 3'ears later he asked permission to repeat the visit
and the emperor consented. But he was suddenly called back
to Peking and ordered to go straight to Koryu. He refused
and the emperor compelled him to cut his hair and to become
a monk. He was banished to T'o-bun or San-sa-gyul in the
extreme north. This was because one of the Peking eunuchs,
who had formerly been a Koryu man and hated the king, told
the emperor that the ex-king had on foot a scheme to raise a
revolt in China.
At this time there was silver money in Koryu in the form
but it was much adulter-
of little bottle-shaped pieces of silver,
ated by an alloy of copper The king gave thirty of these
bottles and the officials contributed a number more and with ;
them a silver image of Confucius was made, indicating a slight

reaction against Buddhism.
1322 the emperor, being deceived by the lying represent-
ations of the 'king's cousin who wished to secure the throne of
Korj'U, ordered the king to Peking. The
latter was glad to
go, but was obliged to get away secretly by night for fear of
being prevented by his officials. When he got to Peking the
emperor took awa}- his royal seal and ordered him to remain
there, which he doubtless was nothing loath to do. The of-
ficials of Koryu joined in a letter begging the emperor to send
him back, but without success, till in 1324 the emperor died
and his successor proclaimed a general amnesty, of which the
aged ex-king took advantage to return to Peking from his
place of banishment in the north. The king and Queen
returned to Koryu in the following j-ear. No sooner were
thej' settled in their palace again than they went on a pleasure
trip to the Han River but the trip ended disastrously for
;
while away on the journe)' the Queen was confined and died
in giving birth to a son. This shows to what extremes the
passion for the chase led the court.
2T,4 KOREAN IIISTOKV
Chapter IX.
Horril)le excesses. .a royal desperado. . .martial inipleitients proscrib-

. . .
ed ...another scapegrace. .. .general suflFering. .. .taxes increased

. .emperor furious.
. . .a general cleaning out. .the kings
. . .be- . . . .
ginning of the great Japanese depredations. .king supplanted. . . . . .
a memorial. .. .omens of the fall of the dynast}' ...Buddhism as-

cendent. .a traitor falls. .costly festival.
. .trouble in China. . . . . . . .
the rising jVIing power. .restiveness under the Mongol yoke. . .Yi
. . .
Whan-jo appears upon the stage .genealogy. .place of origin. . . . . . . .
Mongol adherents try to make trouble .... Mongol power opposed ....
coinage. .a new capital
. ..divination. .fii\st mention of founder . . . .
of present dynasty. .alarming Japanese raids. .."the mighty fal-

. . .
len". .a curious spectacle.

. . ."Red Head robbers". .they invade . . .
Korj'u. .a council.
. . .P'} "mg-)-ang taken .panic at the capital
. . . . .
"Red Heads" beaten. .. .king favors a Mongol pretender the

dreaded Japanese. .king removes to Han-yang.
. .
With the year 1329 begins a series of events that ahnost

baffles de.scription. The worst excesses of Rome in her
decline could not have shown more horrible scenes than those
which made the Koryii dynasty a by-word for succeeding
generations. The king's cousin, who was king of Mukden,
was always slandering him to the emperor, for he was itching
for the crown of Koryu himself. Meanwile the king was build-
"mountains" and pleasure-houses without end and his hunters
were his favorites by day and the courtezans his boon com-
panions by night. His son was in Peking learning the ways
of the Mongol court and preparing to prove as abandoned a
character as his father. In 1331, at the request of the king,
the Emperor made the young man king. The cares of office
seem to have interfered with his debaucheries. The prince's
name was Chung, posthumous title Ch'ung-hy6. He was
sent to Song-do and his father called to Peking. This was
well, for the young man hated his father intensely. No sooner
had he assumed the reins of power then he ran to ten times
the excess of riot that even his father had done. The whole
of hisnewly acquired power was applied to the gratification of
his depraved appetites and within a year so outrageous were
his excesses that the emperor had to recall him in disgrace to
Peking and send back the father to administer the govern-
MfiDlElVAt KOliEA. ^^^
liient. This added fuel to the son's hatred of his father.

The reinstated king continued his old courses and added
to his former record another desperate crime, in that he frc
quently stopped a marriage ceremonj^ and forcibly carried
away the bride to become a member of his harem. It was a
marvel that the people did not rise and drive such a villain
from the countr3\ When he made a trip to Peking in 1336
the emperor made him carry his son back to Koryu. He was
such a desperate scapegrace that Peking itself was not large
enough to hold him.
The following year the emperor promulgated a singula^
order and one whose cause it is difficult to imagine. It was to
the effect that all swords, bows and other martial implements
be put away from all Koryu houses and that no one be allow-
ed to ride a horse; but all must go afoot. This nia)'' have
been a precautionar}* measure to prevent the acquiring of skill
in the use of weapons or in horsemanship, so as to render less
probable the future use of such acquirements in an attack upon
China.
At last, in 1340, the king died and it looked as if the des-
perate character who for one short year had played fast and
loose with Koryu royalty would become king. A courtier.
Cho Chiik, surrounded the palace with soldiers with a view to
assassinating the young man who had not Vet received investi-
ture from the emperor, and at the same time a message was
sent to the deceased king's cousin, the king of Mukden, sum-
moning him to Song-do. The young Prince, bad as he was,
had a considerable following, and a desperate fight ensued in
which he was wounded in the shoulder. But Cho Chuk's forces
were routed and he himself caught and beheaded. The em-
peror learning of this through the Prince's enemies, called hittf
to Peking a"d took him to task for killing Cho Chuk, the friend
of the king of Muk-den but the facts soon came out, and the
;
Prince was exhonerated and sent back to Song-do, having

been invested with the royal insignia. Unlike his father and
grand-father, he did not marry a Mongol Princess but took as
his Queen Koryu woman. He likewise took a large num-
a
ber of concubines. Not content with this he had illicit com-
merce with two of his father's wives. The almost incredible
statement is made in the records that on one occasion, feign'
236 KOREAN lllSTOKV.
ing drunkiiness, he entered the harem of his dead father and

had the women seized and violated them. They tried to es-
cape to China but he prevented them from securing horses for
the purpose. His profligate life was the curse of the country.
Nothing was too horrible, too unnatural, too beastly for him
to do, if it afforded him amusement. He sent 20,000 pieces
of cloth together with gold and silver to purchase many things
of foreign manufacture, but what these were we are not in-
formed. One of his amusements was the throwing of wooden
balls at a mark but when this lost piquancy he substituted
men for the target and frequently engaged in this truly
humane pastime. General distress prevailed. Many died of
starvation and many ran away to distant places and many be-
came monks in order to escape the king's tyranny. Sons cut
off their hair and sold it in order to secure food for aged
parents. The prisons were'full to overflowing. Suicide was

a thing of daily occurence.
The king sent to Kang-neung to levy a tax on ginseng,
but as none could be found the mesvsenger levied on the well-
to-do gentlemen of the place and this was so successful that
the king widened the scope of his operations and made it as
hard to live in the country as at the capital. Everything
that could possibly be taxed was put on the roll of his exactions.
No form of industr}' but was crushed to the ground by his un-
mitigated greed. When amusements failed he tried all sorts
of experiments to awaken new sensations. He would go out
and beat the drum, sound of which the workmen were
to the
building the palace. This building had iron doors, windows
and roof. If the king's pander heard of a beautiful slave any-
where she was seized and brought to this palace which was
also her prison and where she spent her time in weaving in
company with many other women who had been similarl)^
'
'honored.
'
Often by night the king would wander about the

'
city and enter any man's house and violate any of its inmates.
When this all came to the ears of the emperor he was fur-
ious. An envo}^ was sent to Song-do with orders to bring the
wretch bound to Peking. The king came out to meet this
envoy but the Mongol raised his foot and gave the wretch a
kick that sent him sprawing on the ground. He was then
bound and locked up and after things had been put in some
MEDIEVAL KOREA. 237
sort of shape in the capital the king was carried awaj^ to Pek-
ing to answer to the emperor. Many of the king's intimates
were killed and many fled for their lives. A hundred and
twenty concubines were liberated and sent to their homes.
When the king was brought before the emperor the latter
exclaimed "So you call yourself a king. You were set over
the Korjû people but you tore off all their flesh. If your blood
should become food for all the dogs in the world justice would
still be unsatisfied. But I do not care to kill any man. I'
will send you to a place from which you will not soon return."
So he was placed on a bier, the symbol of humiliation, and sent
away to Ke-yang "twenty thousand // away," so the records
say. No man went with him save his bearers. They carried
him from village to village like a dead man. He died on the
journey at Ak-yang before reaching his place of exile. When
the people of Koryu heard of this there was general rejoicing;
and a proverb was made which runs, Aja mangoji. The Aya
refers to Ak-yang where he died and mangoji^ freely translated,
means "damned."
The heir to the throne of Koryu was a lad of eight years.
The emperor asked him, "Will you be like your father or like
your mother?" The lad replied, "L,ike my mother," and
thereupon he was proclaimed king of Koryii. His post-
humous title isCh'ung-mok. Orders were sent to Song-do
to discharge all the servants and officials of the late king, and
to put an end to all the evils which had been fastened upon
the people. The iron palace was turned into a school. The
examination laws were changed. Heretofore the examina-
tion had been simply with a view to ascertaining the can-
didate's knowledge of the classics. Now it was made to include
an exegesis of obscure passages and exercises in penmanship.
This was followed by an essay on "What is the most im-
portant question of the time." The emperor also ordered the
establishment of a new department, to be called the Bureau
of General Oversight.
The empress of China at this time seems to have been
a Koryu woman and her relatives, who abounded in the
Koryu capital, expected to have their own way in all matters.
This new department, however, arrested and imprisoned
man}- of them and a number died in consequence. The
j;^8" korkaN' nis-mRV.
empress therefore sent a swift messenger demanding the rea-

sons for this. The reasons seem to have been good, for the
matter was dropped. Of course the young king was not
of an age to guide the affairs of state in person. We are left
in ignorance as to >vhat form of regency administered the
government for him.
In 1348 the boy king died and the question as to succes-
sion arose. The king's younger brother Chi was in Koryii at
the time but Keni, the son of Ch'ung-suk, the twenty-
-^
seventh monarch of the line, WaS' in China. The Koryu

officials asked that Keui be made king, probably because he
age to assume the responsibilities of royalty \

tvas of a proper
but the emperor refused, and the following year, 1349, Chi
was made king at the age of twelve, posthumous title Ch'ung-
jong. Keui, the unsuccessful candidate, was married to a
Mongol princess, perhaps as a consolation for his disappoint-
fiieut.
With the year 1550 begins a series of Japanese depreda-

tions on the coasts of Koryfi which were destined to cover a
period of half a centurj- and which, in their wantonness and
brutality, remind U3 strong'ly of similar expeditions of the
Norse Vikings on the shores of western Europe. In the
second year of the young king these corsairs came, but were
driven off with a loss of 300 men. Soon, as if in revenge,
over 100 Japanese boats were beached on the shores of
KyiJng-'Sang Province ; the government rice Was seized and
tnany villages wantonly burned.
That same year a kingdom called Ul-lam sent an en\'oy
Ivith gifts to theking of Koryu.
In 135 1 again the Japanese corsairs came and ravaged
the islands off Chul4a Province,
The emperor, for some reason not stated, decided to
make Keui, king of Koryii. He was there-
his son-in-law,
fore proclaimed king at the Mongol court and started for
Song-do. This was the distinct wish of the KoryQ officials
and of course the boy upon the throne was helpless. He fled
to Kang-wha and the next year was killed by poison, but by
whose hand administered or at whose instigation is neither
known nor recorded. This new king's posthumous title is
Kong-min.
TM-EDIEYAL KOREA, 239
The Japanese cared for none of these changes but steadily

pursiied their ravages, gradually creeping up the western
coast.
A Koryu man, Yi Sak, who had studied profoundly and
had passed the civil examinations in China, now returned to
Koryu and memorialised the king in reference to five special
points to wit, (i) The necessity of having definite bound-
;
aries for the fields. (2) Defense again'^t the Japan- se corsairs.
(3) Making of implements of war. (4) The fostering of stud^'
and learning. (5) The evils of Buddhism.
All during this reign, so say the records, there were
signs and omens of the fall of the d\'nast3\ There were
earthquakes, eclipses and comets worms ate the leaves of the
;
pine trees in the capital, and as the pine tree was the emblem
of the dj-nast)' this was ominous red and black ants had war
;
among themselves a well in the capital became boiling hot

; ;
there was a shower of blood for man\' days a fog like red
;
fire hung over the land black spots were seen on the sun
; ;
there was a shower of white horse hair three inches long ;
hail fell of the size of a man's hand there was a tremendous

;
avalanche at Puk-san, near the present Seoul, These ex post

facto prophecies show the luxuriance of the oriental imagina-
tion.
In spite of the Coufucian tendency which had manifested
itselfBuddhism had no intention of letting go its hold on the
government, and we find that in his second year the king
took a Buddhist high priest as his teacher, and thus the
direction was given to his reign that tended to hasten it
toward its fall. He also conferred high positions upon
Buddhist monks and so alienated the good will of all the
other officials. This hostile feeling took definite shape when
Cho Il-si surrounded the palace with a band of soldiers, killed
many of the leaders of the part}' in power together with many
of the relatives of the Mongol empress, and announced him-
self prime minister. To screen himself he told the king that
it was not he who had caused the execution, but two other
men and he even went to the extreme of putting to death

;
two of his confiding friends in order to give color to this

statement. But Cho Il-si had overestimated his strength and
the king, b}^ secret negotiations, was soon able to decorate
240 KORKAN HISTORY,
the end of a pole with his head. Twelve of his accomplices

were also killed.
As the Mongol empress was a Koryu woman, the ma-
ternal grandmother of the crown prince of China was of
course a Koryu woman. She was living in state in Song-do
when her grandson came from Peking to make her a visit.
It is said that in the festivities which graced this unusual
occasion 5,100 pieces of silk were used in making artificial

flowers. Such a feast had never before been seen at the
capital of Koryu, however frequent they may have been at
Peking.
The records state that in 1355 there was a great rebellion
in China. We must remember that between the years 1341
and 1368 affairs were in a chaotic state in China. The last
Mongol emperor, Tohan Timur, came to the throne in 1333
and gave himself up to licentiousness and luxury. No atten-
tion was paid to the filling of offices according to the time-
honored law of literary merit, but the b'^'t positions weye
given to Mongols by pure favoritism. This caused wide-
spread dissatisfaction among the Chinese and fiom that tjme
the doom of the Mongol dynasty was sealed. In 1355 the
low-born but brilliant leader Chu Yuan-chang. at the head of
the insurreclionar}' army, crossed the Yang-tse river and
took Nanking. This was the great rebellion spoken of in
the Koryu annals and soon an envoy arrived from Peking
demanding aid in the shape of soldiers. Twenty-three thousand
men were sent on this forlorn hope. In 1356 a Mongol envoy
brought incense to be burned in all the Koryu monasteries,
doubtless with a view to securing supernatural aid against the
rising Ming power. At the same time great uneasiness was
again caused by raids of the Japanc se, which increased in f re-
queue}^ and extent. One gang of robbers alone carried out
of Kyiing-sang Province, at one time, 200 boat-loads of rice.
This year also saw the Ming forces pressing on toward
Peking and driving the Mongols back step by step. As the
fortunes of the Mongols waned the loyalty of Koryu waned
accordingly. For the mass of the Koryu people, the Mon-
gol 5"oke had never been less than galling, and they hailed
the signs of the times which pointed toward her over-
throw.
1
MEDIEVAL KOkEA. 24
This tendency to restlessness under the Mongol yoke

was shown when the Mongol envoy was carrying the incense
about the country to various monasteries. Everywhere he
treated the people like abject slaves and trampled on their
prejudices and rights. When he came to Chul-la Province
the governor promptly threw him into prison and put his son
to death. The Mongols in Peking were of course too busy
with their own troubles to attempt to chastise Koryu for this ;
and this very impunitv added impetus to the anti-Mongol

feeling.
In this same j'ear, 1356, we see the first rising of the
cloud that was soon to spread over the country and, breaking,
clean the land of the corruption which had so long been
festering at her core. This event was the coming to the capital
of the father of the man who founded the present dj'iiasty, on
the ruins of Koryu. This man was Yi Cha-ch'un whose
posthumous title, given after the founding of this dynasty,
was Whan- jo. As his son founded this dynast}' it will be fit-
ting to inquire briefly into his antecedents. His great-grand-
father was Yi An-sa, a Koryu official who died in 1274, and
who was afterwards given the title Mok-jo. His son was Yi
Hang-yi, born in Tuk-wun in Ham-gyung Province, who was
compelled by the Mongols to take office under them while
they held possession of the north. His posthumous title
is Ik-jo. His son was Yi Ch'un. born in Ham-heung
in Ham-kyiing Province, who held rank under Koryii be-
tween 1340 and 1345. His posthumous title is To-jo. His
son was Yi Cha-ch'un of whom we are now speaking. He
was born in 1315 and at the time of which we are writing he
was made prefect of his native place, Sang-sung, in Ham-
gyung Province. This part of Koryu had been held by the
Mongols during the whole period of their occupation of Ko-
ryu until their loosening grasp let it fall back into the hands
of Koryu and the king hastened to reorganise his govern-
ment there.
The relatives of the Mongol empress still nursed the
delusion that they could do as they pleased in Koryii. secure
in the possession of such powerful friends at Peking. But
they soon discovered their mistake, for their misdeeds met
the same punishment as did those of others. Infuriated at
242 KOKi:.\N IIISTORV.
this They thouo;ht this newlv

they planned an insurrection.
acquired Sang-sung would be the most likely to
district of
co-operate with them in this scheme so they opened negotia-
;
tions with its people. The king therefore summoned Yi

W'han-jo to Song-do and warned him against these traitors.
Foiled here, the empress' relatives ap])ealed to the country to
rise in defense of the Mongol supremacy, which was being
thus rudely flouted. They learned what Koryii thought of
Mongol supremacy when they were incontinently seized and
put to death and their property confiscated. The next step
was the sending back to China of the Mongol "resident."
This was followed by an expedition into trans- Yalu territory
which seized all the land there which formerly belonged
to Koryu. Fearing, however, that he was goi.'g a little too
fast, the king sent an envoy to Peking to tell the emperor
that the local governor of the north was responsible for these
reprisals and not the central Koryu government. Troops
were nevertheless stationed in each of these newly acquired
districts and fields were cultivated to provide for their main-
tenance.
Not long after this the important question of coinage
came up. We have already seen that the medium in Koryu
was bottle-shaped pieces, but as these were each a
little
pound weight they could be used only for large transac-

in
tions. Each one of them was worth a hundred pieces of
linen. It was decided to change to a system of regular coin-
age, and so the silver was coined 'nto "dollars" each worth
eight pieces of five-strand linen. It is probable that in all
small transactions barter was the common method of ex-

change although there may have been a metal medium of ex-
change as far back as the days of ancient Chosun, a thousand
years before Christ.
The question again came up as to the advisability of
moving the capital to Han-yang, the present Seoul. Enquiry
was made at the ancestral temple but what answer the spirits
made, if an^^ we are not told. All dishes and implements as
well as tile were made black because the peninsula is nearly
surrounded by water and black is the color that correspond^
to water according to Chinese and Korean notions. Black
was substituted for the prevailing color in dress which was at
MEDIKVAL KOREA. 243
that time blue-greeii, and men, wonirn and inonks all donned
the sable attire.
It was at length decided to change the capital to the
other site and palaces were ordered built there. They were,
so some say, probably outside the present south gate of Seoul.
It is said that in order to decide about the removal of the
capital the king had recourse to that form of divination
which consisted in making scrawls at random with a pen and
then examining them to see what Chinese characters the
marks most resembled. At first they did not favor a change,
but after several trials the favorable respon'^-i was obtained.
The year 1359 beheld a recurrence of the dreaded Japan-
ese incursions. At this time the robbers burned 300 Koryu
boats at Kak-san. An official, Yi Tal-jung, was sent to
govern the great north-eastern section of the land. He was
a friend of Yi Whan-jo, the prefect of Saug-sung. As he
approached that place his friend Yi Whan-jo came out to
meet him, accompanied by his son Yi Song-gye who was to
become the founder of the present dynasty, and whom we
shall designate by his posthumous title T'a-jo. When Yi
Whan-jo handed his friend a cup of wine he drank it stand-
ing, but when Yi T'a-jo handed him one, so the story runs,
he drank it on his knees. When the father demanded why
this greater deference was shown his son the guest replied,
"This boy is different from us," and, turning to the young
man, he continued. "When I have passed away you must
always befriend my descendants."
The Japanese raids had now reached such alarming
proportions that an extra wall was built about Song-do and
all the government granaries along the coast were moved far
inland to be out of the reach of piratical parties, who would
naturally hesitate to go far from their boats.
The breaking up of the Mongol power was foreshadowed
by the act of a certain Mongol district Ha-yang which, with
its garrison of 1,800 men, now came and enrolled itself under
the banner of Koryu. How had the mighty fallen Less !
than eight}' years before the world had trembled beneath the
hoof-beats of the "Golden Horde." This was followed by
the submission of a wild tribe in the north called Pang-guk-
chin. and a Mongol rebel sent a messenger with gifts to the
^44 K(>ki-;an fiistokv.
court of Koryn. Meanwhile tlic Jai)aiRSc were ravaging

the southern and western coasts without
or hindrance.
let
It was a curious spectacle,country eaten up by its own

a
excesses receiving humble deputations from former masters
and at the same time being ridden over rough-shod by gangs
of half-naked savages from the outlying islands of Japan.
There was one tribe in the north however, called th^
Horig-du-juk or "Red-Head Robbers," who threatened to
invade the country, but forces were sent to guaid against it.
In the case of the Japanese marauders the difficultywas to

know where they were going to strike next. There was mil-
itary power enough left in Koryii had it been possible to so
place the forces as to intercept or bring to action the robber
gangs. The Japanese had really begun to threaten Song-do
itself and the king wished to move the capital to Su-an in
\\'hang-ha Province. He went so far as to send a commis-
sioner to look over the site and report.
The king was not blessed wMth an heir, and in 1360 he
took a second wife, which was the cause of constant quarrel-
ling and bickering.
The "Red-Head Robbers" were led b}- Kwan Sun-sang
and P'a Tu-ban. They now took the city of Mukden and.
entering Liaotung, sent a letter to the king of Koryii saying
"We have now consolidated our power and intend to set up
the Sung dynasty again." The Mongols were thus beset on
both sides and were in desperate straits. Three thousand of
the "Red-Heads" crossed the northern border and carried
fire and sword into the frontier towns. A Mongol general,
deserting the banners of his waning clan, took service with
these people. His name was Mo Ko-gyung. He collected
40,000 men and crossed the Yalu. Eui-ju fell forthwith and
the prefect and a thousand men perished. Ch<'>ng-ju soon
fell and In-ju was invested, but a stubborn resi>tance was
here encountered. The prefect. An U, was the only prefect

in the north who was not afraid of the invaders. He made
ligh: of their power and by swift counter-marches and bril-
liant manoeuvers succeeded in making them fall back to
Chong-ju. In the mean time Gen. Yi An was sent north to
P'yung-yang to take charge of the army of defense. The tide
of fortune had turned again and the invaders were in full
MKDIKVAL KORHA. 245
niaich on P'3-iing-yang. A council of war was held at which it
appeared that all the generals were about equally frightened.

With a powerful force in hand and an easily defended town
to hold they still considered only how
make a retreat.
best to
Some were for burning everything behind them and retiring
to some point more easy of defense but Gen. Yi An thought
;
they had better leave a large store of provisions in the city,

for the enemy would pause and feed there until everything
was gone, and would give the Koryu army time to gain
this
needed reinforcements. This course would also appear so
foolish to the enemy that few preparations would be made
to meet the Koryu troops later. This plan was adopted and
the army retired into Wbang-ha Province and left the gates
of P'yung-yang open to the invaders. This caused the great-
est consternation in the capital, and every citizen was under
arms. The king immediately sent and deprived Gen. Yi An
of the ofhce which he had so grievously betrayed and put the
command into the hands of Gen. Yi Seung-gyung.
The invading host was now feasting in P'yung-yang and
the king and queen in Song-do were practicing horse-back
riding with the expectation that the}' would be obliged to leave
the capital. It was the beginning of winter and the cold was
intense. The Koryu soldiers died by hundreds and the people-
were being wantonly killed by foraging parties of the "Red
Heads." The records say that they left "heaps upon heaps"
of dead in their track.
As in duty bound the Koryu forces went north and en-
gaged the invaders at P'yiing-yang. At first the latter were
successful and a thousand Koryu troops were trampled under
the hoofs of the enemy's horses; but in the end the "Red
Heads" were defeated and, retreating northwards, were
hotly pursued as far as Ham-jung. There they were rein-
forced and attempted to make a new stand but the Koryu
;
troops, drunk with success, attacked them with such abandon

that they were obliged to build a palisade within which they
intrenched themselves. The Koryu generals surrounded this
stockade and, by a simultaneous assault of horse and foot, broke
through the barrier and put the occupants, numbering 20,000,
to the sword. The leader, Whang Chi-sun was taken alive.
A remnant fled to the Ynn-ju River where the ice broke be-
2^6 kori:ax hisT(trv.
tieath them and 2,000 perished. Tlie few survivors made a

desparate stand on a hill but were starved out and compelled
to continue their lliîU, in wliich hundreds more were cut

down along the road and at last, out of 40,000 men who had
;
come across the Yalu, just three hundred recrossed it and

were safe.
Hardly had this happened when seventy boat-loads of
these same "Red Heads" arrived at P'yung-ju and soon after
a hundred boat-loads more disembarked at Au-ak and scoured
the surrounding country. They were, however, soon put to
flight by Gen. Yi Pang-sil whom the king rewarded richly
for his services.
It was at this time that the king first received an envoy
from Chang Sa-sang, a pretender to the Mongol throne.
The l:ing made the first move toward breaking away from
the Mongol yoke by sending an envoy in return. The K<-)ryu
court evidentl)' was in great doubt as to just how matters
were going to turu out in the struggle that was under way in
China. By favoring these advances on the part of a Mongol,
whether of the imperial family or not, it is probable that the
king lost the good-wuU of the Mings who, as we shall see,
looked with satisfaction upon the overthrow of Koryu and
the founding of the present dynasty
The alarming increase both in the frequency and the
violence of the Japanese incursions gave scope for the devel-
opment of the military genius of Gen. Yi Whan-jo, the father
of the founder of this dynasty. He was appointed general
of the west to guard against the freebooters. The people of
Song-do were in dismaj' over the proximit}' of the dreaded
Japanese and over the defeat of all the armies sent to put
them down. Many civil officials took part in the martial pre-
parations and even took the field in defense of their country.
The Japanese were now penetrating Kyung-geui Province.
In this year, 1360, the}' landed on Kang-wha, killed three
hundred men and stole 40,000 bags of rice. So many men
were in mourning that the king was obliged to curtail the
period of mourning from three years to only a few days.
The palace in Han-yang had uow been completed and the
king removed to that place, apparently because it was further
from the sea shore and more difficult of access by the Japanese.
MEDIEVAL KOREA. 247
Chapter. X.
An unnecessary warning. .. ."Smoke-house Soldiers". .. .Yi Whan-jo

dies. . . .Yi T'5-jo takes his place .new invasion by "Red Heads"
. .
....Song-do evacuated .... the enemy revel in the capital. .. .can-

nibals. .plans for defense.
. . .the "Red Heads." badly beaten. . . . . .
Gen. Yi distinguishes himself ... .the monster Kim Yong....Gen.

Yi brings Nap-t'ap-chul to terms. .Ouelpart revolts. ."tax with- . . . .
out reason". .the Mongols proclaim a new king for Kor\'u.

. . .a . .
bold envoy. .a faithful eunuch.

. . .Kim Yong destroj-ed .Mon- . . . .
gol invasion. .order restored.. .Gen. Yi drives back the Mongols

. . .
....Japanese advances ...a conscientious official,. .. .the Japanese

creep nearer to Song-do .king inconsolable .he meets Sin-don
. . . .
. .who becomes his favorite.

. . .king's oath to Sin-don .disgrace . . . . .
ful practices. . . .an heir to the throne. . . .Sin-don's policy. . . .Japan-

ese swarm along the coast ...Sin-don the "Tiger" ... .he chides
the king.
With the opening of the year 1361 Yi Whan-jo was ap-

pointed general of all the forces in the north and north-east.
This was done against the advice of one of the officials who
told the King that as Gen. Yi was from the north-east it was
dangerous to appoint him general over the forces there, for
untoward events were likely to happen. The king turned a
deaf ear to this warning, which indeed was unnecessary, for
the king had no more loyal subject that Yi Whan-jo. The-
king, having feasted the new appointee, sent him on his mis-
sion and himself returned to Song-do.
Ere long came reports of new and terrible ravages by the
Japanese along the southern coast, especially at Nam-ha, Ko-
sfmg, Ko-je and Ul-ju, while at Fusan they stole a large
number of Korean boats. A garrison had been stationed in
the sou<"h to be used in just such emergencies, but it had
been used for so mau}^ different things that it could not be
concentrated upon an\' given point so levies were made on ;
the common people. These levies went under the name of

Yun-ho-gun, or "Smoke-house Soldiers" because from every
house where smoke was seen arising a man was requisitioned.
At the same time the governor of Chtil-la Province advised
the establishment of a horse relay system, but the suggestion
was not acted upon.
24S KOKi:.\N HISTORY.
At king lost the services of Gan. Yi Wh.in-

this lime the
jo who His son, Yi Sung-gye, better known
died at his post.
by his title Yi T'it-jo. stepped into his father's place. At the
very beginning of his martial career an opportunity presented
itself him to perform a signal service for the king. A
for
certain Pak luii deemed that the time was ripe for an in-
surrection and he began to take steps in that direction, but
the king sent the young general, Yi T'S-jo, against him and
tlie little bhze was promptly stamped out. As a consequence
the young man was confirmed in the position of military
governor of the north and east, and under his command was
placed a large body of trdops.
And now there burst upon the country another storm of
fireand blood. The "Red Heads" had been gaining ground
rapidly and were now ready to take their revenge for the
terrible reverses they had suffered during the previous in-
vasion. They crossed the Yalu 200,000 strong undc the
leadership of generals Pan- sung Sa-yu and Kwan Sung-sang.
The king promptly sent Gen. Yi Pang-sil against them and
hastened to swell army to as high
the a point as possible,
The officials and monks and other people of means brought
horses or provisions, while the walls of Song-do were guarded
with jealous care.
In the very first engagement the Koryu army was crum-
pled up like paper and one of the leading generals was killed.
The "Red Heads" sent a letter to the king saying "We have
ten million men and there is no escape for you except in
prompt surrender." It seemed true, for the invading army
swept like a cyclone though the north, and in Song-do panic

reigned. Flight seemed imperative. The women and child-
ren belonging to the royal household were sent away first and
the king was about to follow, when the defeated Gtn. Yi
Pang-sil came hurrying in and implored the king not to run
away but to rally the people about him and stand the siege.
The king went to the center of the city, "Big Bell Street,"
and submitted the question to the people, asking whether
thev would rally round him. Just two men responded. This
settled the matter and the king and queen, each on horse-
back, rode out the south gate, while behind them came a
weeping crowd of old men, women and children. Such was
MEDIEVAL KOREA 249
the confusion that parents lost their children and families

were scattered. The king's escort consisted of only ten men.
When he arrived at the Im-jin river he sent messengers in
all directions summoning all loyal soldiers to rally round him.
The northern savages swept down upon the devoted city,
sat down in its palaces and gave themselves up to every form
of excess. They feasted upon the cattle and horses, hanging
their hides upon the city wall and pouring water over them
and letting it congeal, thus preventing the citizens from
making their escape from the city clandestinely.
The king in his flight carried terror with him, for the
people thought the enemy would be in hot pursuit so they ;
scattered in This displeased the king so

every direction.
much that when he arrived at the capital of Ch'ung-ch'ung
Province he imprisoned the governor. From that point he
hurried southward as far as Pak-ju, now An-dong, in Kyung-
sang Province
Day by day the horrible orgies of the savages in Song-do
increased in barbarity. It is said that they cooked and
ate little children and that they cut off the breasts of women
and fed on them.
In the midst of these vicissitudes the king appointed
Choug Se-un as general -in-chief of all the Koryu forces. He
was a wise and loyal man and was ever thinking of wavs and
means of checkmating the invaders. He advised the king to
send out a general letter encouraging the people and calling
all the soldiers to rally to the defense of the country. The
officialswere also encouraged and made to feel that their
utmost endeavors must be put forth in the good cause. The
generals were all exhorted to do their best and were threat-
ened with death in case they proved unfaithful. So the
campaign was op.-ned. The savages had looted all the
towns about Song-do and had taken Wun-ju and killed its
prefect. They also wênt north to An-byun in Ham-gyQng
Province where the people pretended to surrender, but, hav-
ing gotten their conquerors intoxicated, they fell upon and
killed them. The same tactics were tried in Kang-wha with
equal success.
Gen. Chong Se-un now appeared before Song-do with
200,000 troops. These figures must surely be an exaggera-
250 KOKHAN IIISTl^KV.
tioii forwe can hardl}- suppose Kor\ u able at thai lime to put
that number of men in the field. Snow and rain added to the
difficulties of the situation. A spy returned and said that
the troops of the enemj' were massed inside the South Gate
and that if a picked bodj' of men could gain entrance some-
where and attack them from behind they could be easily over-
come. At the dead of night a picked body of horsemen gained
admittance somewhere in the rear of the city and fell with
fur}- upon the garrison. At the same time the main body
advanced to attack the South Gate. The savages, not know-
ing the size of the attacking force and being surprised from
behind were thrown into confusion and attempted to run
away. Gen. Yi T'a-jo distinguishad himself by pursuing
and capturing Kwan Sun-sang the leader of the hostile force.
In this stampede the routed savages trod on and killed each
other by hundreds. In the center of Song-do the dead were
piled in heaps. It is said, though it must be an exaggera-
tion, that 100,000 men perished miserably on that night. As
a result of this battle several Mongol seals which the savages
had taken in previous fights with the imperial armies, were
recovered.
Some of the generals advised that remnant of the
a
enemy be spared so the Sung-in and T'an-hyung gates were
;
thrown open and Pa Tu-ban and his remaining followers

hastened out and made for the Yalu River.
It is related that during the fight on that eventful night
a body of Koryu troops collided with a company of the enemy
and a melee ensued near the East Gate, where the soldiers
trod on each other. Gen. Yi T'a-jo was there and was
stabbed in the back with a spear. Finding himself in
extremely narrow quarters he drew his sword and, hewing a
path through the enemy, leaped the wall, horse and all, for
he was in the saddle. The spectators thought he was a
spirit. A volume might be filled with the stories of the
wonderful achievements of this man, but most of them are
figments of the imagination, invented at a later period to
add lustre to the name of the founder of the dynasty.
The capable leader Gen. Chong Se-un, met the fate
which has been the curse of Korean history from the begin-
ning to the present time. Kim Youg-an, a jealous official,
MEr)lKVAL KOREA. 2^1
fofged a royal order for his execution and sent it to Gen. An
U who promptly carried it out. When the king learned of

this he thought it was an incipient revolution but soon the
other generals joined in a letter to His Majesty saying that it
had been done because the murdered man was a traitor. The
king accepted this as true and rewarded the murderers.
The fortress of Sang-sQng near the Tu-nian River had
long been under Mongol control and was governed by a
Koryu renegade Cho Whi and afterwards by his descendants
as a hereditary fief. Now when Koryu once more assumed
control, Cho So-siing, the then chief of this anomalous set-
tlement, fled to Mukden where he joined the banners of a wild
tribe under the lead of Nap-t'ap-chul, and proposed to them
to make a raid into Koryu. This they did, crossing the Yalu
and ravaging as far as Puk-ch'ung and Hong-wun. This
pronii=;ed to become a serious matter, but the difficulty of the
situation for Koryn was increased tenfold by a fresh invasion
of the south by Japanese. The king was on his way back to
Song-do when news of these two disasters reached him.
Things looked desperate, but to add to the hopelessness of the
situation the same Kim Yong-an who had murdered Gen.
Chong now compelled the king to kill Gen. An U on the
ground that it was he who had killed Gen Chong. The
monster then proceeded to killed his own brother, and in-
duced the king to put to death generals Yi Pang-sil and Kim
Teuk-pa, two of the best surviving generals. It is a wonder
that Gen. Yi T'3-jo was spared. Song-do had been so rough-
ly handled that the king feared the historical records would be
lost or destroyed ; so he now sent men to look them up and
put them in a place of safety.
The wild Nap-t'ap-chul having been so successful in their
first venture, now once more entered Koryu territory and as
the general sent against them was not able to check their ad-
vance Gen. Yi T'a-jo was appointed to this place. The en-
emy was encamped in Hong-wun in Ham-gyung Province.
Gen. Yi attacked them there and louted them with a loss of
i,ooo men. Near Ham-hung they made a stand and defended
themselves desperately, but he soon had them in full flight
once more. Taking 600 picked cavalrymen he pursu edthem
to Ch'a-ryTing Pass and secured another victory. Onl}^ one
J5' KOKICAX IIISTOKV.
of the enemy fought well. This man fought aways in front

of Gen. Yi. The latter feigned flight to draw him on and
then suddenly turning attacked his jnirsuer and laid him low
with an arrow from his unerring bow. The women who
followed the camp of the invading army canii out and taunt-
ed the men saying ''You have overcome everyone but these
Koryn people; them you cannot conquer. You had bet-
ter retreat and make for home." The enemy called a truce
and told Gen. Yi that they had come not to attack Koryu but
the "Red Heads." This was a mere ruse to save time. Geu.
Yi knew this and drawing an arrow to the head shot one of
the leaders of the enemy through the body. At last he
gave orders to his archers to shoot the horses from under
the enemy. This decided the battle and the Nap-t'al-chul sued
for peace. In recognition of these services the king appoint-
ed him general of all the forces iu the north. The genera^
then proceeded to annihilate all the colonies and settlements
of the obnoxious Nap-t'ap-chul throughout the entire north,
and having placed them where they belonged, showed them
that their anly hope was in making a lasting treaty with Ko-
ryu. This they were quite willing to do.
As the king came slowly north toward the capital the
officials urged that Song-do was too small for the capital and
too near the sea to be well protected from the Japanese

corsairs. They therefore urged him to remain for a time at
Ch'ung-ju, and he gave consent.
And now, strange to relate, Quelpart, at the instigation
and under the leadership of Ho-dok-ko Pul-wha. who had
been stationed there three years before to take charge of the
horse-breeding industry, revolted from the sway of Koryu
and became at least nomiuall)' a part of the Yuan em-
pire.
In order to reward the soldiers who had done such good
work in the north the king levied a special tax on the people
which the}' gave with such poor grace that they called it the
"tax without reason."
In 1362 the emperor of China, led to it by the empress,
whose seditious relatives had forfeited their lives in KoryO,
proclaimed one Hye, called Prince Tok-heung, a relative of
the king, as king in his place. But Koryu well knew that
IMEDTKVAL KOREA. 253
tlie old time power of the Mongols was gone and so prepared
to resist the order.
Earh" in 1363 the king at last re-entered his deserted cap-
ital. A strong force was sent north to guard against the pre-
tender and an envoy was sent to Peking to ask why there
were two kings for Koryu. The emperor replied that the
newly appointed one was the right one and that he must be
received in Koryu. To this the envoy replied "Though you
kill me and smear my blood upon my clothes I will not ae-
<:ompany the pretender back to Koryu." The emperor praised

the envoy's bravery and did not insist upon the demand.
A Koryu official named Kim Yong-an, whose evil deeds
we have alread}^ related, now desired to kill the king and
bring in the pretender. A eunuch, An To-jok, knew of the
plot and on th^ appointed night personated the king and was
killed by the assassin's hand. The plotter was forthwith
seized, drawn and quartered and his limbs were sent through-
out the land as a warning to other malcontents. The emper-
or w-as urged to send the pretender as a prisoner to Koryu
but of course he refused. Not only so, but he also ordered
the king to send the royal seals to Peking. The king refused
and began preparations for defense against a possible inva-
sion.
He did not have to wait long, for with the opening of the
year 1364 a Mongol army 10,000 strong crossed the Yalu and
besieged Eui-ju, In the fight at that point the Koryu forces
were completely routed, though not till after great valor had
been shown by Gen. An U-gyung against overwhelming odds.
The Koryu forces retreated in disorder to An-ju. Panic
prevailed among all the people of that section for they
thought the horrors of the former Mongol invasion were
about to be repeated.
The king sent Gen. Ch'oe Vung with a considerable
force to An-ju where he made all his generals swear to stand
by the colors to the last. He executed a number of fugitives
as an example to the rest and soon succeeded in restoring
some semblance of order in the camp. Gen. Yi T'a-jo was
ordered with 1,000 soldiers from the northeast province to
An-ju. Also generals Yi Sun, U Che, and Pak Ch'un were
ordered to the same point, and the army thus consolidated
254 KOKKAX IllJ^TOkV
assumed large proportions, but tlie men were miserably dressed

and fed, and the death rate was high. Dc-sertions were of
frequent occurence.
Gen. Vi TTi-jo's influence in the northeast is proved by
the connnotion that followed when he left. The remnant of
the Yu-jin tribe, led by Sam Seun and Sam Ka seized the
whole of this northeast and the people were longing for the
return of Gen. Yi. These two Sams were cousins of Gen. Yi
and they had fled beyond the northern border and joined the
wild Yu-jin folk.
The combination of the generals gave great confidence
and when the battle was joined at Ch("»ng-ju the
to the troops
Mongol forces were badly defeated. A Mongol general's
bodv was taken and sent all about that section to encourage
the people and make them believe their troubles were near an
end. Gen. Yi blamed the other generals for not following
up their advantage and they became angry and said "If you
are so brave, you had better try it yourself." So the very
next day he led the army out and surrounded the Mongol
forces at Su-ju near the sea,, where another glorious victory
was won. That night the remnant of the Mongols fled back
to the Yalu. Gen. Yi gave chase and it is said that only
seventeen of the Mongol army got back in safety across that
Rubicon of Korea. This done, Gen. Yi returned to his
northeast province and drove back to their haunts the wild
tribe who had taken advantage of his absence.
Gen. Yi T'a-jo was steadily' rising in favor although like
Wang-gon he wisely stayed as far as possible from his royal,
master. The king now conferred upon him the title of Mil-
jik-sa which means "The Messenger who Restores Confidence
and Firmness,"
The Japanese had not ceased their incursions. Only a
year had passed since 200 boat loads had ravaged the south-
ern coast and now a like number swept the island of Kal-do'
in the south, so that from many a district no revenue rice
was forthcoming. It is to be feared that this was the princi-
pal cause of uneasiness in Song-do —-the loss of revenue.^
Troops were sent and a fleet of eighty war boats to guard the
coast and to covoy the revenue junks, but these unexpected-
ly fell in with a Japanese fleet and were all lost. This disas-
Medieval korea. 255
ter caused a panicamong the people of Kang-wha and Kyo-

dong Island. The governor of Chul-la Province came north-
ward with troops guarding the revenue but he too met Jap-
anese and lost all the rice and half his men.
This same year 1364 a Mongol official told the emperor
that the king of Koryii ought to be allowed to retain his
position; and the emperor listened to him. The renegade
Ch'oe Yu was sent back to KoryO. where he was imprisoned
and executed. The Koryu envoy Yi Kong-su also returned
from Peking. A very neat story is told of him. As he was
pu'-suing his way across a wide plain which seemed to have
no inhabitants he was obliged to feed his animals with the
standing grain. When he was preparing to resume his way
he took a bolt of linen and wrote upon it "The price of
grain," and left it among the standing barley. His attend-
ants said, "But the owner of the grain will never get it.
Someone will steal it." The envoy replied, "That is not
my affair. I will have done my duty." The king wished
the emperor to send the would-be king to Koryu but to
this consent was not given.
The Japanese crept nearer and nearer to Song-do with
every new expedition. They went into the temple to the
dead and carried away a picture of the king. It was with
great difficulty that they were dislodged and driven awa}-.
In 1365 when the queen was confined the king ordered
the monks to worship on every mountain top and at every
monastery to ensure a safe delivery, but all to no avail. She
died in giving birth to the child and the king was incon-
solable. Treasure was poured out like water to make the
funeral the most imposing that had ever been seen in Koryu,
For three 3'ears following the king ate no meat.
It was in this year that the king had that singular dream
which led to such disastrous results. He dreamed that some-

one attempted to stab him, but a monk sprang forward
and by intervening saved his life. The face of this monk
remained stamped on his memory. Soon after this he met a
monk. Sin-don, whose was the same as that of the monk
face
who had saved his life in the dream.He was the son of a
slave in Ok-ch'On Monastery and he was looked down upon
and despised by the other Monks. The king took this Sin-
^56 KOKICAN HISTOKV.
doll to himself, raised liim to and lavishecf

hij^^li position
upon him wealth and honors. As a was a
fact this Sin- ion
most nnprincipled, licentious and crafty man, but always
when in the presence of the kin^ he assumed the sedate
demeanor of the philosopher and for many a year completely
hoodwinked his royal master. The other officials expostulat-
ed in vain. In vain did thej' urge that this monk was
a beast in human shape. The king considered him well-nigh
inspired. He believed that it was jealousy that prompted
their antagonism and rather enjoyed getting an outsider in
and showing them that oflfice and honors did not always go
by inheritance. This new favorite .soon began to urge the
banishment of this or that official and the king always
complied. On this account the feeling against him rose to
such a pitch that the king was obliged to send him awa\' for
a time lest he should be killed. He remained in this retreat
until the king had put to death some of his worst enemies.
At last the king sent and recalled him but the crafty man ;
answered "I cannot go back. It is not right that I should

hold office." When the king reiterated his pressing invitation
the monk replied "I am afraid that you will listen to my
enemies." To this the king made answer 'Tswear by the sun,
the moon, the stars, heaven and earth that I will listen to no
one but you." So the w'ily man came back and from that
day completely dominated the king. He exaggerated the
faults of his enemies and so gradually supplanted them with
his creatures. It is claimed of him that he built a dark vault-
like room where he indulged in almost incredible excesses.
He gave out that he could cure barrenness, and by his evil
practices brought down upon himself the maledictions of
the whole people. The king alone would believe no ill of
him. He said he was the greatest prodigy in the world.
At this time the Mongol empire was on the verge of its
fall and Kor5'U envoys found it impossible to force their way
through to Peking and so were compelled to desist. It is a

noteworthy fact that though Koryu hated the Mongols she
nevertheless held fast to them till the very last moment.
At this time it happened that the king was without an
heir and both he and the court were anxious about the succes-
sion.
MKDIEVAL KOREA. 257
The records say that he was so anxious to have a son

that he committed an act almost if not quite unparalleled in
the history of any land, civilized or savage. Hav'mg become
prematurely old by his terrible excesses, he introduced a
number of young men into the palace and gave them the
eiitre into the queen's apartments, hoping thereby that his
hopes might be realised. In this he was disappointed. One

day while passing an hour in the apartments of his favorite,
Sin-don, he noticed there a new-born babe, the son of one of
Sin-don's concubines. He seemed pleased with the child
and Sin-don asked him to adopt it as his own. The king
laughed but did not seem averse to the proposition. Return-
ing to the palace he summoned the officials and told them
that for some time he had been frequenting the apartments of
Sin-don and that he had gotten a son b}' one of the women
there. He knew well enough that if he proposed to adopt
Sin-don's son the opposition would be overwhelming, so he
took this means of carrying out the plan. Of course it is
impossible to verify the truth of this statement. It may
have been a fabrication of the historians of the following
dynasty in order to justify the founder of the new dynasty
in overthrowing Koryu. The annals of the Ming dynasty
say that it was the king's son and not Sin-don's.
In 1366 the opposition to the favorite increased in inten-
sity and the king was almost buried beneath petitions for his
banishment or death. These the king answered by banish-
ing or killing the senders and by this means the open opposi-
tion was put an end to. The wily monk knew that he needed
more than the king's favor in order to maintain his position
of honor, and so he began to cake away the fields and other
property of high oflScials and distribute them among the people
in order to curry favor with them. This brought from the
officials a new and fiercer protest and they told the king that
these acts would make his reign a subject of ridicule to future

generations. While this did not move the king to active
steps against Sin-don it caused a coolness to spring up be-
tween them. The favorite saw that he had been going too
far and he tried to smooth the matter over by returning
the property that had been sequestered. At the same time
he secured the liberation of many slaves. Here, too, he was
25S KC1K1':AX HlSl'dKV.
these acts would make liis rjign a subject of ridicule to future

generations. While this ditl not move the king to active
steps against Sin-don it caused a coolness to spring up be-
tween them.
time the Japanese were busy at the work of
All this
pillage and destruction. They took possession of an island
near Kang-wha with the intention of fortifying it and mak-
ing of it a permanent rendezvous. They landed wherever
they pleased and committed the most horrible excesses with
impunity. The Koryii troops were in bad condition. They
had no uniforms and their arms were of the poorest kind and
mostly out of order. They dared not attack the Japanese
(jven when there was good hope of success. The generals
showêd the king the ways and means of holding the freeboot-
ers in check but he would not follow their advice, probably
on account of the expense. He paid dearly for his economy
in the end.
of the king could not be brought to treat
The mother
vSindon with respect. When the king expostulated with her
and told her that the favorite; was the pillar of the state she
declared that he 'was a low-born adventurer and that she
would not treat him as her equal. From that time she in-
curred the deadly enmity of the favorite who used every
means in his power to influence the king against her. He
became suspicious of everyone who held any high position
and caused many of the highest oflficials to be put to death.
He was commonly "The Tiger." The depth of the
called
king's infatuation was shown when in this same year he went
to a monastery to give thanks to Buddha for the cessation of
famine, which he ascribed to his having taken Sindon as
counsellor. It is also shown in the impunity with which Sin-
don took the king to task in public for cert in things that
displeased him. The favorite was playing with fire. The
people sent to the king repeatedly asking if the rumors of the
favorite's drunkenness and debaucheries were correct. But
the king's eyes had not yet been opened to the true state of
affairs and these petitioners were severely punished.

MEDIKVAL KOREA. 259
Chapter XI.
Sin-don's pride. . . .INIongol Emperor's plan of escape to Koryu . . .Mon-

gol Empire .Japanese envoy snubbed.
falls. .an imperial letter
. . . .
from the Ming court. .ill treatment of Japanese envoy bears fruit
. .
....more trouble in Ouelpart. .. .census and revenue. .. .Gen. Yi

promoted. Koryu adopts Ming dress and coiffure
. . . Gen. Yi makes .
a campaign across the Yalu ..the Japanese come north of the

capital .... Sin-don is overthrown .... popular belief regarding him
. .trouble from three sources at the same time.
. . .a Mongol mes- . .
senger. .the Japanese burn Han-yang.

. . .a new favorite. .alaugh- . . . .
ing-stcck. .Choag Mong-ju an envoy to Nanking. .. .plans for a

. .
navy. useless arm}'.

. . . .Ming Emperor demands horses. .Ouelpart . . . .
rebels defeated ...king assassinated. .. .Ming Emperor refuses to

ratify the succe.^^sion .... Mongols favored at the KoryQ court...
a supernatural proof. .Japanese repulsed. .Japanese deny their . . . .
responsibility for the action of corsairs.
The year 1367 saw no diminution of the S3'mptoms that

proclaimed the deep-seated disease that was eating at the
vitals of Koryu. Sin-don even dared to flout the emperor by
scornfully casting aside an imperial missive containing a
notification of his elevation to an honorary position. The
king continued to abase himself by performing menial duties
in Buddhistic ceremonies at his favorite monastery. Sin-don
added to his other claims the power of geomancy and said the
king must move the capital to P'yuug-yang. He was sent
to look over the site with a view to a removal thither, but a
storm of hail frightened him out of the project. Returning
to Song-do he refused to see the king for four days, urging as
his excuse the fatigue of the journey. His encroachments
continued to such a point that at last he took no care to appear
before the king in the proper court dress but came in the
ordinary dress of the Koryu gentleman, and he ordered the
historians not to mention the fact in the annals.
The Mongol horse-breeders still ruffled it in high style
on the island of Quelpart where they even saw fit to drive
out the prefect sent by the king. For this reason an expedi-
tion was fitted out against them and they were soon brought to
terms. They however appealed to the emperor. As it
26o KOKJCAX IlISTOKV.
happened the Moug'ol emperor was at tlii>; time in desperate

straitsand foresaw the impossibility of long holding Peking
against the Ming forces. He therefore formed the plan of
escaping to the island of Quelpart and there finding asy-
lum. For this purpose he sent large store of treasure
and of other necessaries to this place. At the same time he
sent an envoy to the court at Song-do relinquishing all claim
to the island. In this way he apparently hoped to gain the
good will of Koryu, of which he feared he would soon stand
in ueed. The king, not knowing the emj)eror's design,
feared that this was a device by which to raise trouble and he
hastened to send an envoy declaring that the expeditions to
Quelpart were not in reference to the Mongols there bu';
in order to dislodge a band of Ja]>anese freebooters. The
former prefects had always treated the people of Quelpart
harshly and had exacted large sums from them on any and
every pretext but the prefect now sent was determined to
;
show the people a differcmt kind of rule. He even carried

jars of water from the mainland rather than drink the water
of Quelpart. So at least the records affirm. Naturally the
people idolized him.
The 3'ear 136S opened, the 3'ear which beheld the demoli-
tion of the Mongol empire. had risen less than a century
It
before and had increased with marvelous rapidity until it

threatened the whole eastern hemisphere. Its decadence had
been as rapid and as terrible as its rise. The Mongols were
peculiarly unfit to resist the seductions of the more refined
which they encountered.
civilizations The Ming forces
drove the Mongol court from Peking and the dethroned
emperor betook himself northward into the desert to the
town of Sa-mak.
This year also witnessed the arrival of a frisndh- embassy
from Japan bearing gifts to the king. Here was KoryTi's
great opportunity to secure the cooperation of the Japanese
government in the work of putting down the pirates who
were harrying the shores of thepeninsula. Proper treatment
of this envoy and a little diplomacy would have saved Korvu
untold suffering, but the low-born but all-powerful favorite.
Sin-don, took advantage of the occasion to make an exhibi-
tion of his own importance and he snubbed the envo}- so
;> '-'.^^^^f^'-^-'Vf^J
""*^-
— 1
MEDIEVAL KOREA. 26
effectually that the latter immediatel}^ returned to Japan.

The foolish favorite went so far as to withhold proper food
from him and his suite, and addressed them in low forms
of speech. The same 3'ear, at his instigation, the whole
system of national examinations was done awa}^ with.
Earl)^ in 1369 the first envoy, Siil Sa, from the Ming court
arrived in Song-do. He was the bearer of an imperial letter
which read as follow :
"After the Sung d^^nasty lost its power, a hundred years

passed by without its recovering from the blow, but heaven
hated the drunkenness and licentiousness of the Mongols and
now after eighteen years of war the fruition of our labors has
been reached. At first we entered the Mongol army and
there beheld the evils of the Mongol reign. Then with
heaven's help we went to the west, to Han-ju and overcame
its king Chin U-ryang. Then we raised the standard of re-
volt against the Mongols. In the east we overcame the rebel
Chang Sa-si'mg and in the south the Min-w61 kingdom. In
the north the Ho- in fell before us and now all the people of
China call us emperor. The name of our dynast}' is Ming
and the name of this auspicious year is Hong-mu. We call
upon you now as in duty bound to render allegiance to
us. In times past you were verj^ intimate with us for
it was your desire to better the condition of j-our people
thereby."
Such was the importance of this embassy that the king
went out in person to meet it. Splendid gifts were offered
which, however, the envoy declined.
In accordance with the summons contained in this letter
the king formally put away the Mongol calendar and assumed
that of the Mings instead. An envoy was immediately sent
to the Ming court and perform the
to offer congratulations
duties of a vassal. The emperor responded gracioush- by
sending back to Koryu all citizens of that kingdom who had
been held in semi-durance by the Mongols.
The criminal neglect of opportunity' in driving away the
friendly Japaneseenvoy now began to bear its bitter fruit.
Many Japanese had from time to time settled })eacefuHy in
southern Koryu and the king had given them a place to live at
Nam-ha in Kyung-sang Province. The}' now broke their oath
262 koki-:ax histokv.
of fealty to the governii^L-nt, rose in opt.Mi revolt and b^gân

ravaging the country right and left.
As the emperor of the Mongols had ilcd away north and
his scheme for taking refuge in Quelpart had come to naught
>ve would suppose the Mongol horse-breeders in that island
would act with (considerable circumspection but on the other
;
hand they kept up a continual disturbance, revolting and

surrendering again in quick succession much to the annoy
ance of the central government.
In the latter part of the year 1369 the government again
took a census of the arable land of the peninsula in order to
make a re-estimate of the revenue to be received. This in-
dicates that there had been a certain degree of prosperity in
spite of all untoward circumstances and that the margin of
cultivation had moved at least a little way up the hill-sides,
and that waste land had been reclaimed. It is only by in-
ferences from chance statements like this that we get an
occasicnal imperfect glimpse of the condition of the common
people. Oriental histories have not been written with re-
ference to thecommon people.
The king had now handed over to Sin-don the whole
care of public business and he was virtually the ruler of the
land. Gen. Yi T'a-jo had shown his wisdom in staying as
far as possible from the capital and in not crossing the path
of the dangerous favorite. He was now appointed general-
in-chief of all the north-eastern territory and at the same
time Gen. Yi Im-in was appointed to a similar position in the
north-west. There was some fear lest fugitive Mongols
might cross the border and seek refuge in Koryu territory.
The chief business of the army there was to guard all the
approaches and see to it that such fugitives were strictly
excluded. In the following year, 1370, Gen. Yi T'a-jo even
crossed the Yalu, probably in the vicinity of the present
ham-su, into what was then Yu-jin territory, and took 2000
bullocks and 100 horses, but gave them all to the people to be
used in cultivating the fields.
Now that the Ming dynasty was firmly established the
emperor turned his attention to Korea. He began by in-
vesting the king anew with the insignia of royalty and
presenting him with a complete outfit of clothes of the style
MKDIVAL KOREA. 263
of the Ming dynasty. He also gave musical instruments and

the Ming calendar. The important law was promulgated that
after a man had passed the civil examinations in Koryu he
should go to Nanking and there undergo further examina-
tion. The king received all the emperor's gfts and com-
mands with complacency and soon the Ming dress was adopt-
ed throughout by the official class and more gradually by the
common people. It is the style of dress in vogue in Korea
today, whereas the Chinese themselves adopted later the

dress of their Manchu conquerers. In this respect the
Koreans today are raall}' more Chinese that the Chinese them-
selves.
With the opening of 1371 Gen. Yi led an army across
the Yalu and attacked Ol-ja Fortress. The whole territory
between the Yalu and the Great Wall was at this time held
b\- the Ya-jin people or by offshoots of the Mongol power.
The Ming emperor had as yet made no attempt to take it and
therefore this expedition of Koryd's was not looked upon as
an act of bad faith by China. Just before the attack on Ol-ja
began, there came over to the Koryu forces a general who,
formerly a Koryu citizen, had long been in the Mongol
service. His name was Yi In-bok. Gen. Yi sent him to
Song-do where the king elevated him to a high position. A
bridge had been thrown across the Yalu and the army had
crossed in safety, but a tremendous thunder storm threw
the army into confusion, for they feared it was a warning
voice from a deity who was angered by this invasion of trans-
Yalu terri';ory. With great presence of mind one of the
leaders shouted that it was a good sign for it meant that the
heavenl}' dragon was shaking things up a bit as a presage of
their victory. Their fears were tlius allayed and the attack
upon the fortress was successful. G mi. Yi then led his
forces toward the Liao Fortress but cautiously left all the
camp baggage three days in the rear and advanced, with seven
days rations in hand. The advance guard of 3000 reached the
fortress and began the assault before the main body came up.
When the garrison saw the full army approach they were in
despair but their commander was determined to uiake a fight.
As he stood on the wall and in person refused Gen. Yi's
terms it is said that the latter drew his bow and let flv an
264 KOKKAX IIISTORV.
arrow which sped so true that it struck off tlie conunaiuler's

hehuct, whereupou Geu. Yi shouted, "If you do not surrend-
er I will hit your face next time." The commander there-
upon surrendered. So Gen. Yi took tlie place and having-
dismantled it and burned all the supplies, started on the re-
turn march. Provisions ran low, and it was found necessary
to kill the beasts of burden. They were in some danger from
the detachments of the enemy who hung upon their rear but
they were kept at a respectful distance by an ingenious strat-
agem of Gen. Yi's, for wherever he made a camp he compelled
the soldiers to make elaborate preparations even to the extent of
erecting separate cattle sheds and wâter closets. Ths enemy
finding these in the desertedcamps deemed that the army
must be in fine and so dared not attack them.
condition
Thus the whole army got safely back to An-ju.
As the Japanese pirates, emboldened by the impunity
with which they could ravage Korea, now came even north of
the capital and attacked Ha-ju the capital of Whang-ha
Province, and also burned forty Koryu boats, Gen. Yi was
detailed to go and drive them away, which he speedih'
did.
The royal favorite was now nearing the catastrophe
toward which his criminall}^ corrupt course inevitably led.
He was well known to all but the king whom he had in-
fatuated. But now he began to see that the end was not far
off. He knew that soon the king too would discover his
knaver3\ For this cause he determined to use the little
power he had left in an attempt to overthrow the government.
What the plan was we are not told but it was nipped in the
bud, for the king discovered it and arrested some of his ac-
complices and by means of torture learned the whole truth
about the man whom he had before considered too good for
this world. The revulsion of feeling was complete. He
first baiJshed Sin-don to Su-wvin and then at the urgent
advice of the whole court sent an executioner to make way
with him. The messenger him in
of death bore a letter with
which the king said, "I promised never to move against you
but I never anticipated such actions as those of which you
have been guilty. You have (i) rebelled, (2) you have num-
erous children, though a monk and unmarried, (3) you have
MEDIKVAL KOREA. 265
built yourself a palace in my capital. These things I did not

agree to." So Sin-don and his two sons perished.
It is said of Sin-don that he was. mortalh" afraid of hunt-
ing-dogs and that in his feasts he insisted upon having the

flesh of black fowls and white horses to eat. For these rea-
sons the people said that he was not a man but a fox in dis-
guise for Korean lore affirms that if any animal drinks of
;
water that has lain for twenty 3'ears in a human skull it will
have the power to assume at will any form of man or
beast. But the peculiar condition is added that if a hunting-
dc g looks such a man in the face he will be compelled to le-
sume his original shape.
With the opening of 1372 troubles multiplied. Nap
T'ap-chul, a Mongol chieftain at large, together with Ko-
gan, led a mixed army of Mongol and Yu-jin adventurers
across the Yalu and began to harry the northern border.
Gen. Chi Yun was sent to put down the presumptuous rob-
bers. At the same time the Quelpart horse-breeders again
revolted and when the king, at the command of the emperor,
sent a man to bring horses as tribute to China the insurrec-
tionists put him to death. But the common people of Quel-
part formed a sort of militia and put down the insurrection
themselves. The Japanese also made trouble, for they now
began again to ravage the eastern coast, and struck as high
north as An-byun, and Ham-ju, now Ham-heung. They
also carried on operations at Nam-han near Seoul, but in
both instances were driven off.
It is said that at this time the king was given over to
sodomy and that he had a "school" of boys at the palace to
cater to his unnatural passions. The people were deeply
indignant and talk ran very high, but the person of the king
was sacred, and his acts were not to be accounted for so he
;
went his evil way unchecked, each step bringing him nearer
the overthrow of the d\'nast3' which was now not far away.
Late in the 3'ear the king sent a present of fifty horses
to the Ming empercr.
No sooner had the spring of 1373 opened than the rem-
nant of the Mongols in the north sent to the king and said
"We are about to raise a mighty force to overthrow the
Ming empire, and you must cooperate with us in this
:j66 KtiKKAX IlfSTORV.
work." The iiKsseiii^jor who brouj^ht this unwulconTe snm-

nions was promptly clapptd into prison, Imt hiter at the
advic;^ of the courtiers he was liberal jd and sent back home.
It wonld be well-nigh impossible to describe each succes-
sive expedition of the Japanese to the shores of KoryTt. but

at this time one of unusual importance occurred. The ma-
rauders ascended the Han River in their small boats and
made a swift attack on Han-yang' the site of the present
capital of Korea. Before leaving the}' burned it to the
ground. The slaughter was terrific and the whole country
and especially the capital was thrown into a state of unusual
solicitude. The Japanese, loaded down with boot}-, made
their waj' to the island of Kyo-dong just outside the island
of Kang-wha, and proceeded to kill and plunder there.
The boy whom the king had called his son but who was in
realityan illegitimate son of Sin-don, was named Mo-ri-no, but
now as he had gained his majority he was given the name of
U and the rank of Kang-neung-gun, oi "Prince who is near
to the king." As Sin-don was dead the king made Kim
Heung-gynng his favorite and pander. Gen. Kill Sang was
put in charge of the defensive operations against the Japan-
ese but as he failed to cashier one of his lieutenants who had
suffered defeat at the hands of the Japanese the testy king
took off his unoffending head. Gen. Ch'oe Yung was then
put in charge and order;;d to fit out a fleet to oppose the
marauders. He was at the same time made criminal judge,
but he committed so mmy lulicrjas mistakes and made such
a travesty of justice that he became a general laughing
stock.
As the Ming capital was at Nanking the sending of
envoys was a difficult matter, for they were obliged to go by
boat, and in those days, and with the craft at their command,
anything but coastwis- sailing was exceedingly dangerous.
So when the Koryil envoy Cho:ig Mong-ju, one of the few
great men of the Koryu dynast}', arrived at the emperor's
court, the latter ordered that thereafter envoys should come
but once in three years. In reply to this the king said that
if desired the envoy could be sent overland but this the
;
emperor forbade because of the danger from the remnants of

the Mongol power.
TNIEDIEVAL KOREA. 267
The year 1374 now came in.

eventful Gen. Yi Hyun
told the king that without a navy Koryu would never be
able to cope with Japanese pirates. He showed the king a
plan for a navy which he had drawn up. His majesty was
pleased with it and ordered it carried out, but the general
affirmed that a navy never could be made out of landsmen
and that a certain number of islanders should be selected and
taught naval tactics for five j-ears. In older to do this he
urged that a large part of the useless army be disbanded.
To all of this the royal assent was given. The quality of the
army may be judged from the action of the troops sent south
to Kyung-sang Province to oppose a band of Japanese. They
ravaged and looted as badly as the Japanese themselves. And
when at last the two forces did meet the Koryu troops were
routed with a loss of 5,000 men. Meanwhile the Japanese
were working their will in Whang- ha Province, north and
west of the capital, and as to the details of it even the annals
give up in despair and say the details were so harrowing that
it was impossible them.
to describe
The emperor China was determined to obtain 2,000 of
of
the celebrated horses bred on the island of Quelpart and after
repeated demands the king sent to that island to procure
them. The Mongol horse-breeders still had the business in
hand and were led by four men who said, "We are Mongols,
why should we furnish the Ming emperor with horses?'" So
they gave only 300 animals. The emperor in.sisted upon
having the full 2, coo arid the king reluctantly proceeded to
extremities. A fleet of 300 boats was fitted out and 25,000
men were carried across the straits. On the way a gale of
wind was encountered and many of the boats were swamped,
but the following morning the survivors, still a large number,
arrived at Myfing-wni, or "Bright Moon," Harbor where
they found 3,000 men drawn up to opi")Ose their landing.
When the battle was joined the eiiemy was di;feat;d and
chased thirty // but they again rallied in the southern part of
the island at Ho-do where they made a stand. There th.-y
were surrounded and compillcii to surrjnd:;r. Tat leader,
T'ap-chi was cut in two at the waist and many others commit-
ted suicide. Several hundreds others who refiis:;d tj sur-
render were cut down. To th^ credit of the o.fijjrs who led
26S KOKKA.X IIISTOKV.
the expedition be it said that wherever they went tlie peO[)Ie

were proteeted and lawless acts were strictl)- forbidden.
The king had now readied the moment of his fate. Tlie
blood of many innocent men was on his hands and he was
destined to a violent death himself. He was stabbed by one
of his most trusted eunuchs \vhile in a drunken sleep. The
king's mother was the first to discover the crime and with
great presence of mind she concealed the fact and hastily
summoning two of tlie courtiers consulted with them as to
the best means of discovering the murderer. As it happened
the eunuch was detected by the blood with which his clothes
were stained. Put to the torture he confessed the crime
and indicated his accomplice. The cause of his act was as
follows. One of the king's concubines was with child. When
the eunuch informed the king the latter was very glad and
asked who the father might be. Tne eunuch replied that
one Hong Mun, one of the king's favorites, was the father.
The king said that he would bring about the death of this
Hong so that no one should ever know that the child was not
a genuine prince. The eunuch knew that this meant his
own death too, for he also was privy to the fact. So he
hastened to Hong Mun and they together matured the plan
for the assassination.
U, the supposed son of the king, new ascended the
throne. His posthumous title is Sin-u. An envo}* wâs sent
to Nanking to announce the fact, but the emperor refused to
ratify his accession to the throne. The reason may have
been because he was not satisfied as to the manner of the late
king's demise, or it may be that someone had intimated to
him that the successor was and now
of doubtful legitimacy ;
to add to the dfficulties of the situation the Ming envoy on

his way home with 200 tribute horses was waylaid b\- Korean
renegades who stole the horses and escaped to the far north.
When new^s of this reached Nanking the Korean envoy there
hastened to make good his escape.
A conference was now held at the Koryu capital and as
the breach with the Ming power seemed beyond remedy it
was decided to make advances to the Mongols who still
lingered in the north ; but at the earnest desire of Cho.ig

Mong-ju this decision was reversed and an envoy was sent to
MEDIEVAL KOREA. 269
Nanking to expliin matters as best he could. The eunuch

and bis accomplice who had killed the king were now ex-
ecuted and notice of the fact was sent to the Chinese court.
There was great dissatisfaction among the Koryu officials
for they all knew that the king was a mere usurper and it
was again suggested that approaches be made to the Mongols.
About this time also a Mongol envoy came demanding to
know whose son the present king was. They wanted to put
the king of Mukden on the throne, as he was of course
favorable to the Mongols. A great and acrimonious dispute
now arose between the Mongol and Ming factions in the
Koryii court. But the Mongol sympathizers carried the da}'.
This, however, came to nothing for when news came that
the king of Mukden and many Koryu renegades were advanc-
ing in force on the Kor3'u frontier to take by force what the
officials had decided to give unasked, there was a great re-
vulsion of feeling and troops were sent to hold them in check.

This was in 1376, and while this was in progress the Japanese
were carrying fire and sword thrugh the south without let or
hindrance.
Pan-ya the r;al mother of the king came forward and
claimed her position as such, but another of the former king's
concubines, Han, had always passed as the boy's mother and
she was now loath to give up the advantages which the
position afforded. For and
this reason she secured the arrest
imprisonment of Pan-yu. It was decided that she must die
and she was carried to the water's edge and was about to be
thrown in when she exclaimed, "When I die one of the
palace gates will fall as a sign of my innocence and the truth
of my claim." The story runs that when she sank beneath
the water this came true and all knew, too late, that she was
indeed the mother of the king.
The Japanese now made their appearance again in Ch'ung-
ChTing Province and took the town of Kong-ju. The Ko-
rean forces under Gen. Pak In-gye were there routed but not
till their leader had been thrown from his horse and killed.
Tlien an army under Gen. Ch'ou YHng met them at Hong-

san. The general rushed forward ahead of his men to attack
the marauders and was wounded by an arrow in the mouth
but he did not retire from the fight. The result was a orlorious
270 KOKI'iAX IlISTOKW
victory for the KoryTi for>.X'S. The Japan'jsc wjre almost

annihilated.
Some time before tliis the kiu.^' had sent an envôy Na
Henng-yn to Japan to ask the interference of the Japanese
Government against the pirates, and the reply was now brought
by the hand of a Japanese monk Yang Yn. It said. "The
pirates all live in western Japan in a place called Kn-ju and
they are rebels against us and have been for twenty \-ears.
So we are not at fault because of the harm they have done
you. We are about to send an expedition against them and
if we take Ku-ju we swear that we will put an end to the
pirac}'." But the pirates in the meantime ravaged Kang-
wha and large portions of Chul-la Province.
Chapter XH.
A Mougol proposal ..."The Revellers" ...friends with the Mongols

. . . Yi takes up arms against the Japanese.
.Gen. .victorious. . . . .
envoys to and from Japan .gun-powder defeat turned into vic-

. . .
tory by Gen. Yi. .fire arrows.

. .vacillation.
. .prophecy. Japan
. . . . . .
helps Koryu. .jealousies.

. . a reckless king Gen. Yi's.strategem
. . . .
a triumphal return
. . the emperor loses patience
. . a coast
guard .... stone fights. .. .heavy tribute .... the capital moved ...
Japanese repelled .lukewarm Koryu. .a disgraceful act
. . . Gen. . .
Yi victorious in the north the emperor angry. ..Japan sends back

. . .
Koryu captives .... a skillful diplomat. .. .fine sarcasm ..-.. a grave

error. .. .victor}' in the northeast. .. .untold excesses ..."Old Cat"
. . . .tribute rejected.
Toward the close of 1377 the Mongol chieftain In-puk-

wQn sent the king a letter saying, "Let us join forces and
attack the Ming powder." At the same time he sent back all
the Koryu people who had been taken captive at various

times. The king's answer was a truly diplomatic one. He
said,"I will do so if you will first send the king of Mukden to
me, bound hand and foot." We need hardly say that this
request was not granted.
The next attack of the Japanese extended
all along the
southern coast. The general who had been placed in the

south to guard against them spent his time feasting with
1
:\IKDIEVAL KOREA. 27
courtezans and he and his officers were commonly known as

'The Revellers." Fighting was not at all in their inten-
tions. \A'hen the king learned of this he banished the
general to a distant island. Affairs at the capital were not
goingwell. Officials were so numerous that the people again
made use of the term "Smoke House Officials," for there were
so man}^ that nearly ever}^ house in the capital furnished one.
They tampered with the list of appointments and without the
king's knowledge slipped in the names of their friends. So
the people in contempt called it the "vSecret List."
The coquetting with the Mongols brought forth fruit
when early in 1378 they invested the king of Koryu and he
adopted the Mongol name of the year. It is said that this
caused great delight among the Mongols and that they now
thought that with the help of Koryu they would be able to
again establish their power in China.
After the Japanese had ravaged to their hearts' content
in Ch'ung-ch'Hng Province and had killed 1000 men on
Kang-wha and had burned fifty boats, the king did what he
ought to have done long before, namely, appointed Gen. Yi
T'a-jo as General-in -chief of the Kor3û forces. He took
hold of the matter in earnest and summoned a great number
of monks to aid in the making of boats for coast defence.
The pirates now were ravaging the east and south and were
advancing on Song-do. The king wanted to run away but
was dissuaded. The Japanese were strongest in Kyuug-sang
Province. Gen Yi's first encounter with them was at Chi-
ri Mountain in Chul-la Province and he there secured a great
victory, demonstrating what has always been true, that
under good leadership Koreans make excellent soldiers. When
the Koryu troops had advanced within 200 paces of the en-
(uny a burly Japanese was seen leaping and showing himself
off before his fellows. Gen. Yi took a cross-bow and at the
first shot laid the fellow low. The remainder of the Japanese
fled up the mountain and took their stand in a solid mass
which the records say resembled a hedge-hog; bat G.n. Vi
soon found a wa}- to penetrate this phalanx and the pirates
were slaughtered almost to man. But Gen. Yi could not be
everywhere at once and in the meantime Kang-wha again
suffered. Gen. Yi was next seen fighting in Whang-ha Prov-
272 K()R]':.\N IIISTOKV.
ince at Ha-ju. where he burned tlie Japanese out from be-

hind wooden defenses and slauglitered them witliout quarter.
The Japanese Government had not been able as yet to
put down the pirates, but now an envoy. Sin Hong, a monk,
came with gifts dechiring that the government
was not a
party to it was
the expeditions of the freebooters and that
very diflficult to overcome them. And so the work went on,
now on one coast of the country and now on another. Th.e
king sent an envoy to the Japanese Shogun, P'a-ga-da, to
ask his interference, but the shogun imprisoned the envoy
and near!}' starved him to death and then sent him back.
The king wanted to send another, but the courtiers were all
afraid. They all hated the wise and learned Ch'hig Mong-ju
and told the king to send him. He was quite willing to go
and, arriving at the palace of the shogun, he spoke out
fearlessl}^ and rehearsed the friendly relations that had ex-
isted between the two countries, and created a very good im-
pression. He was popular both with the shogun him-
ver}'
self and with the Japanese courtiers and when he returned
to Koryii the shogun sent a general, Chu Mang-in, as escort
and also 200 Koreans who had at some previous time been
taken captive. The shogun also so far complied with the
king's request as to break up the piratical settlements on the
Sam-do or "Three islands."
A uian named Im Sun-mu had learned among the Mon-
gols the art of making gunpowder and a bureau was now
formed to attend to its manufacture but as yet there were no
firearms.
With the opening of 1379 things looked blacker than
ever. The Japanese were swarming in Ch'ung-ch'dng Pro-
vince and on Kang-wha. The king was in mortal fear and
had the walls of Song-do carefully guarded. Gen. Ch'oe
Yung was sent to hold them in check. The Japanese knew
that no one but he stood between them and Song-do', so they
attacked him fiercely and soon put him to flight but in the
;
very nick of time Gen. Yi T'a-jo came up with his cavalry,

turned the retreating forces about and attacked the enemy so
fiercely that defeat wâs turned into a splendid victory. A
messenger arrived breathless at the gate of Song-do saying
that Gen. Ch'oe had been defeated.

MEDIEVAL KOREA, 273
All was iiistautly in turmoil ; the kiug had all his valu-
ables packed and was ready moment's warning.
to flee at a
But lo another messenger followed hard upon the heels of the
!
first announcing that Gen. Yi had turned the tide of battle
and had wrested victory from the teeth of the enemy.

The good will of the Japanese government was shown
when a prefect in western Japan sent sixty soldiers under
the command of a monk, Sin Hong, to aid in the putting
down of the corsairs. They made some attempts to check
their lawless countrymen but soon found that they had
undertaken more than they had bargained for, and so re-
turned to Japan. As the pirates were ravaging the west
coast as far north as P'yiing-3'ang, the king sent against
them Generals Na Se and Sim Tuk-pu who had been suc-
cessful before. By the use of fire-arrows they succeeded in
burning several of the enemy's boats at Chin-p'o and of
course had the fellows at their mercy, for they had no nisans
of escape.
It is evident the king did not know his own mind in re-
lation to Chinese suzerainty. Now
he favored the Mongols
and now the Mings. A year or so before this he had adopted
the Mongol name of the 3'ear but now he turns about and
adopts the Ming name again. It was this vacillation, this
playing fast and loose with his obligations, that alienated the
good-will of the Ming emperor and made him look with
complacency upon the disolution of the Koryfi dynasty.
Late in the autumn of 1379 the Japanese were again in
dangerous proximity to the capital and the king wanted to
move to a safer place. The geomancers' book of prophecies
indicated Puk-so San as "A narrow place and good for a king
to live in," but the courtiers opposed it, saying that there was
no large river flowing near by, on which the government rice
could be brought by boat to the capital. So it was given up.
There was a Mongol general named Ko-ga-no who had
become independent of the main body of the Mongols and had
set up a separate government on his own responsibilit}- in
Liao-tung. He was wavering between natural ties on the
one hand, which bound him to the Mongols, and the dictates
of common sense on the other, which indicated the rising
fortunes of the Ming. He chose a middle course by com-
^74 KOREAN HISTORY.
ing with his 40,000 men and asking the privilege of join-
ing Kor\-u. The records do not say whether permission
was given or we may easil}' believe it was.
not. but
In 13S0 theJapanese government sent iSo soldiers un-
der the command of Gen. Pak Ki3-sa to aid in driving the
pirates out of Koryu. In the midst of these dangers from
freebooters, jealousy was undermining the government at
Song-do. Gen. Yi T'S-jo had a friend named Gen. Yang
Pak-yun who now under false charges, enviously made by
officials near the king, was banished and then killed. It was
wonderful that the fame of Gen. Yi did not bring about his
murder.
The Ming emperor thought, and rightly, that the king
was a very fickle individual and sent a letter asking him why
it was that he had no settled policy but did everything as the
impulse of the moment led. The king's reply is not recorded

but that he did not take to heart the admonitions of the
emperor is quite evident, for he plunged into greater excesses
than ever. His ill-timed hunting expeditions, his drunken-
ness and debauchery were the scandal of the country. The
people thought he ought to be hunting Japanese pirates
rather than wild boar and deer. Even while the Japan-
ese were ravaging Ch'ung-chTmg Province the king was
trampling down the people's rice-fields in the pursuit of
game. He stole the people's cattle and horses whenever he
needed them and if he chanced to see a good looking girl
anywhere he took means to possess himself of her person by
fair means or foul. He was indeed the son of Sin-don both
by blood and by disposition.
This year the ravages of the freebooters exceeded any-
thing that had been known before. The southern provinces
were honeycombed by them. Generals Pa Keuk-yum and
Chong Chi were sent against them but without result. A. last
the Japanese laughingly asserted that they soon woul<l be in
the city of Song-do. They might have gone there if Gen. Yi
had not been sent in person to direct the campaign against
them. Hastening south he rallied around him all the avail-
able troops and came to Un-bong in Chul-la province. He
ascended Chong San which lay six miles from the camp of the
enemy. From this point he perceived that there were two
MEDIEVAL KOREA. 275
roads leading to this camp one broad and easy and the
;
other narrow and rough. With great sagacity he judged that

the Japanese would take the narrow road, hoping to make a
counter march on him. So he sent a considerable force by
the broad road but selected a band of trusty men to form an
ambush on the narrow one. The Japanese acted precisely as
he had foreseen. When they learned that the Koryu army
was approaching thej^ hastened away by the narrow road and
so fell ambush, where they were severely handled.
into the
Fifty of their number were
left dead. The remainder sought
safety in the mountains but were soon brought to bay.
The whole Koryii army was called up and the attack upon
the Japanese position was begun. It was necessary to attack
up a steep incline and Gen. Yi had two horses shot out from
under him, and an arrow pierced his leg but he drew it out ;
and continued the fight. Among the enemy was a man stronger
and larger than the rest. He stood spear in hand and danced
about, urging on his comrades. He was encased in armor
and on his head was a copper helmet. There was uo opening
for an arrow to enter so Gen. Yi said to his lieutenant, Yi
;
Tu-ran, "Make ready an arrow and when I strike off his

helmet do you aim at his face." Gen. Yi took careful aim
and struck off the man's helmet and swift behind his arrow
flew that of his lieutenant which laid the fellow low. This
demoralized the enemy and they were soon hewn down. It
is said that for days the stream near by ran rfed with blood.
As the result of this victor}' 1600 horses were taken and a

large amount of spoil, including implements of war.
When the victorious general returned to Song-do he was
given a triumphal entry and fifty ounces of gold and other
gifts were distributed among the generals who assisted him.
It is said that, from that time on, whenever the news came
that a Japanese band had disembarked on the southern coast
the first word that was spoken was, "Where is Gen. Yi
T'a-jo?"
The long-suffering emperor at last tired of the eratic
course of the Koryu king and decided to bring a little pres-
sure to bear upon him in order to bring him to his senses.
He ordered the king to send him each j'ear a thousand horses,
a hundred pounds of gold, five thousand ounces of silver and
2~6 KOREAN HISTORY.
five thousand pieces of cotton clotli. This was beyond the

means of the king, but he succeeded in sendino three hundred
ounces of gold, a thousand ounces of silver, four hundred and
fifty horses and four thousand five hundred pieces of cotton.
This large amount of tribute was delivered into the hands of

the governor of Liao-tung to be sent to the imperial court,
but the governor declared that as the tax was a penal one
and not merely for tribute he could not accept less than the
full amount required. So he drove the envoy away.
In 1382 the government adopted a new policy in the
matter of coast defense. In all the larger seaport towns
generals were stationed in charge of considerable bodies of
troops and in the smaller towns garrisons of proportional
strength. The constant coming and going of these troops
was a terrible drain upon the resources of the people but
there was no help for it. The piratical raids of the Japanese
had now become so frequent that no attempt was made to
keep a record of them. It would have been easier for the
people to bear had the king showed any of the characteristics
of manhood, but his feasts and revels saw no abatement.
Frequently he was so intoxicated that he fell from his horse
while hunting. He peopled the palace with dancing-girls
and it may be said of him as it was of Nero that he "fiddled
while Rome was burning. " As the king rode forth to hunt
with falcon on wrist the eunuchs rode behind him singing
ribald Mongol songs. When other pleasures cloyed he in-
vented a sort of mock battle in which stones were used as
missiles. It is believed by many that this was the begin-
ning of the popular "stone-fight," which is such a unique
custom of Korea today. Once he amused himself by pretend-
ing that he was going to bury one of his officials alive behind
the palace, and he hugely enjoyed the poor fellow's shrieks
and struggles. He made this same ofi&cial put up his hat as
a target, than which hardly anything could be a greater
disgrace, for the hat in Korea is the badge of citizenship and
is held in such esteem that no one will attend to the duties of
nature without taking off his hat and laying it aside.

Being hard pressed by the emperor in the matter of tribute
it is said that in 1383 he sent to the Ming court a hundred
pounds of gold, ten thousand ounces of silver, ten thousand

MEDIEVAL KOREA. 277
pieces of linen and a thousand horses. The records say the

emperor refused to take it, for it fell short of his demands.
It is probable that this means not that it was sent back but
that the emperor refused to give a receipt in full of all
demands.
In this same year, 1383, the capital was again moved to
Han-yaug. The reasons alleged were that so many misfor-
tunes overtook the dynasty that it seemed as if the site of the
capital must be unpropitious. It was also said that wild

animals entered the city, which was a bad sign. The water
in the wells had boiled, fish fought with each other, and a
number of other fictions were invented, all of which made it
necessary to move the capital. It was effected, however, in
the face of great opposition. Meanwhile the Japanese were
working their will in the south, for Gen, Yi was in the north
repelling an attack by the Yu-jin forces.
In spite of the sending of tribute to the Ming court, Ko-
ryu was on good terms with the Mongols. In 1384 the
Mongol chief Nap-t'ap-chul came with gifts to the king and
frequent envoys were exchanged. Koryu was neither hot
nor cold but lukewarm and for this reason it was that the
Mings finally spewed her out of their mouth. The capricious
king now moved back to Song-do and the courtiers were put
to no end of trouble and expense. When they returned to
Song-do with the king they burned all their houses in Han-
yang so as to make it impossible to return.
One of the most disgraceful acts of this king was his at-
tempt to possess himself of his father's wife, or concubine.
Meeting her one day he commented on her beauty and said
she was more beautiful than any of his wives. He tried to
force his way into her apartments at night but in some way
his plan was frustrated. When one of the courtiers took him
to task for his irregularities he tried to shoot him through
with an arrow.
Gen. Yi t'a-jo was having a lively time in the north with
the Yu-jin people. Their general was Ho-bal-do. His hel-
met was four pounds in weight. He wore a suit of red armor
and he rode a black horse. Riding forth from the ranks he
shouted insulting words to Gen. Yi and dared him to single
combat. The latter accepted the gage and soon the two were
2~S KORKAN HISTORY.
at work striking blows that no ordinary man could withstand.

Neither could gain the advantage until by a lucky chance the
horse of Gen. Ho stumbled, and before the rider could recover
himself Gen. Yi had an arrow in his neck. But the helmet
saved him from a serious wound. Then Gen. Yi shot his
horse under him. At sight of this Gen. Ho's soldiers rushed
up, as did also those of Gen. Yi, and the fight became general.
The result was an overwhelming victory for Koryu. These
flattering statements about the founder of the present dynas-
ty are probably, in many cases, the result of hero-worship
but the reader has the privilege of discounting them at
discretion.
The Ming court knew all about Koryu's coquetting with
the Mongols and sent a severe letter warning her that the
consequences of this would be disastrous. The king was
frightened and sent an envoy in haste to the Ming court to
"make it right," but the emperor cast him into prison and
sent demanding five years' tribute at once. We may well be-
lieve that thisdemand was not complied with.
That there were two opinions in Japan as regards Koryu
is shown by the fact that immediately after that government
sent back 200 Koryu citizens, who had been carried away
captive, a sanguinary expedition landed on the coast of Kang-
wun Province near the town of Kang-neung and ravaged
right away north as far as Nang-ch'un.
The king, in partial compliance with the emperor's
demands sent, in the spring of 1385, 2000 horses to China.
It was the faithful Choug Mong-ju who accompanied this
peace offering, and when he arrived in Nanking the emperor
saw by the date of his commission that he had come in
extreme haste. This mollified his resentment to such an
extent that he gave the envoy a favorable hearing and that
careful and judicious man made such good use of the oppor-
tunity that friendly intercourse was again established be-
tween China and her wayward vassal.
The state of affairs in Koryu was now beyond descrip-
tion. The kwaga^ a literary degree of some importance, was
frequently conferred upon infants still in their mothers'
arms. The people, with fine sarcasm, called this the "Pink
Baby-powder Degree." The king was struggling to pa}' up
MEDIEVAL KOREA. 279
his arrears of tribute, but he could not secure the requisite

number of horses. In lieu of these he sent large quantities
of silver and cloth. The pendulum had now swung to the
other extreme and a Mongol envoy was denied audience with
the king.
In 1386, the year following the above events, the Ming
emperor formally recognized the king of Koryii. This event
was hailed with the greatest delight by the court. But it did
not have the effect of awakening the king to the dignity of
his position for he gave freer rein to his passions than ever.
He seized the daughter of one of his officials and made her his
concubine although she was already aflSanced to another.
This is a most grave offense in the east, for a girl affianced is
considered already the same as married.
It is a relief to turn from this picture and see what Gen.
Yi was doing to free his country from Japanese pirates. He
was in the northeast when a band of these men landed in his
vicinity, near the mouth of the Tu-man River. When they
found t"hatGen. Yi was near by they wanted to make their
escape but he forced them into a position where they either
had to fight or surrender. He informed them that immediate
surrender was the only thing that could save them. They
agreed to his terms but when they had thus been thrown off
their guard he fell upon them and the slaughter was so great
that it is said the plain was filled with the dead bodies. The
records make no attempt to conceal or palliate this act of bad
faith on the part of this great general. It was not an age
when nice distinctions were made. The Japanese were not
waging a regular warfare against the Koryu government but
were killing helpless women and children and burning their
houses. Their one aim was plunder and this put them out-
side the pale of whatever code of military honor prevailed.
The king's vagaries now took a new turn. Like Har-
oun al Raschid he went forth at night and roamed the streets
in disguise accompanied by concubines and eunuchs. Crimes
that cannot be described and which would have brought in-
stant death upon a common citizen were committed with
impunity. No man's honor was safe. Not only so, but
other evil-minded people masquerading at night and in dis-
guise committed like indescribable outrages under the cover
2So KORKAX HISTORY.
if the king's name. In hunting expeditions the king

his
rode forth preceeded by of harlots and concubines
a host
dressed in male attire and wherever he went the people lost
their horses and cattle and whatever else the royal escort
took a fancy to.
The continual trouble in Quelpart arising out of the

horse-breeding business grew so annoying that the king final-
ly sentGen. Yi Hang with instructions to bring away every
horse and to do away entirely with the business. This was
done and from that day Quelpart had peace,
Kim Yu the envoy to Nanking was closely questioned by
the emperor as to the cause of the late king's death and he
told that potentate that it was done by Yi In-im, which indeed
was true ; but to the question as to whose son the king might
be he returned an evasive answer. As a result of his frank-
ness in telling who murdered former king he was ban-
the
ished, for Yi In-im was all-powerful at court. The sentence
of banishment meant death for he was sent to a distant place of
banishment as such a break-neck pace that no man could live
through it. He died of fatigue on the way as was intended.
This Yi In-im and his following held the reins of power at
the capital and they sold all offices and took bribes from all
criminals. They thus succeeded in defeating the ends of
justice and the people "gnashed their teeth" at him. He
caused the death of so many good men that he earned the
popular soubriquet of "Old Cat."
The year 1387 was signalized by a closer union between
Koryii and her suzerain. The Ming emperor sent 5000
pieces of silk to purchase horses but when the animals ar-
rived at his capital they were such a sorry lot that he re-
jected them and charged the king with bad faith. The Ko-
ryu officials all adopted the dress and the manners of the
Ming court. This they had done before but had dropped
them again when they turned back to the Mongols. From
that time on until the present day the clothes of the Korean
have followed the fashions of the Ming dynast}-.
MKDIEVAL KOKEA. 28 I
Chapter XIII.
King determines to invade Liao-tung.

unwise. .the emperor's . . .^vh3• . .
letter and the answer. .Gen. Yi's argument.. . .preparations. . . . . .
royal threat. .Gen. Yi marches northward.

. . the troops appealed . .
to. .. .the Rubicon of Korea. .. an omen. .. .advance toward Song-

do . . Gen. Vi's hands.
.the capital in .popular song. .Gen. Yi's . . . .
demands attempted assassination ...king banished. .. .a new

..
king, .reforms.
. . .the "Red Grave". .envo}- to China
. . Koryu . . . .
takes the offensive against the Japanese .the emperor's offer. a . . .
real Wang upon the throne .the banished kings executed. .un- . . . .
successful plot. .Gen. Yi opposes the Buddhists

. . .capital moved . .
to Han-yang .people desire Gen. Yi to be made king.

. . .he is re- . .
luctant .. his son active. .. .Chiing Mong-ju assassinated. .. .all en-

emies silenced. . . .the king's oath. . . .the king abdicates in favor of
Gen. Yi T'a-jo.
Koryu was now whirling in the outer circles of the mael-

strom that was destined to engulf her. So long as the king
revelled and hunted only and did not interfere with outside
affairs he was endured as an necessary evil but now in the
opening of the year 13SS he determined upon an invasion of
Liao-tung, a plan so utterly foolhardy as to become the laugh-
ing-stock of reasonable men. It was an insane idea. The
constant inroads of the Japanese demanded the presence of
all the government troops, for the sending of any of them
out of the country would be the signal for the Japanese to
pour in afresh and with impunity. In the second place the
king could not hope to cope with the great Ming power that
had just arisen and was now in the first blush of its power.
The kingdom of Koryu was essentially bound to the Mongols
and she pursued her destiny to the bitter end. In the third
place the Ming power had now obtained a firm foothold in
Liao-tung and an invasion there would look much like a plan
to finally attack that empire itself. In the fourth place the
finances of the country were utterly' di.sorganised and the un-
usual taxes that would be required to carrj- out the plan would
take awaj'all popular enthusiasm for it and desertions would
decimate the army. But in spite of all these drawbacks the

stubborn king held to his point and as a preliminarj- measure
2S2 KOREAN HISTORy.
built a wall about Han-yaiig where he sent all the women
and children for safety. By this act he acknowledged the
extreme hazard of the venture. It is not unlikely that he
was so tired of all other forms of amusement that he
decided to plunge into war in order to make sport for himself.
The emperor seems to have been aware of the plan for he
now sent an envoy to announce to the Koryu court that "All
land north of Ch'ul-lyung belongs to the Mongols, and I am
about to erect a palisade fence between j'ou and them."
When this envoy arrived at Song-do the king feigned illness
and would not see him. A letter was sent in reply saying
"We own beyond the Ch'til-lyHng as far as Sang-sung, so we
trust it will please you not to erect a barrier there." ..He
then called in all the troops from the provinces in prepara-
tion for the invasion. His ostensible reason was a great
hunting expedition in P'yung-an Province for he knew the
people would rise in revolt if they knew the real purpose.
The Japanese were wasting the south, the people were faint-
ing under new exactions to cover the expense of the repairs
at Han-yang and it is said the very planting of crops was
dispensed with, so disheartened were the people.
Having made Ch'oe Yung general-in-chief of the ex-
pedition, the king accompanied the army north to Pong-ju,
now Pong-san. Gen. Ch'oe never divulged the fact that this
was an army of invasion but told all the troops that they
must be strong and brave and ready for an}- work that might
be given them to do. Gen. Yi T'a-jo was made lieutenant-
general in connection with Gen. Ch'oe. He made a powerful
plea against the war and the main points of his argument are
preserved to us. His objections were (i) It is bad for a
small country to attack a powerful one. (2) It is bad to
make a campaign in summer when the heavy rains flood the
country, rendering the transporting of troops almost impos-
sible and decimating them with disease. (3) It is bad to
drain off all the soldiers from th^ country when the Japan-
ese are so constant in their ravages. (4) The heat and

moisture of summer will spoil the bows and make them
break easily. To all these objections the king replied that
having come thus far the plan must be carried out. Gen. Yi
hazarded his neck by demurring still asserting that it would
;
MEDIEVAL KOREA. 283
mean the overthrow of the kingdom. The king in rage

exclaimed '*The next man that advises against this war will
lose his head." This was an end of the debate and as the
council of war dispersed the officers saw Gen. Yi weeping,
and to their questions he answered "It means the destruction
of Koryu."
The Yalu was quickl}- bridged and Gen. Yi in company
with one other general started north from P'yung-yang with
38,600 troopj--, 21,000 of whom were mounted. At the same
time the king discarded the Ming calendar, dress and coiffure.
The Mongol clothes were again adopted and the hair cut.
The Japanese l:nowing that the troops had gone north, en-
tered the open door thus invitingly left ajar and seized fort}*
districts.
But we must follow the fortunes of the expedition that
was to attack the empire of the Mings. When Gen. Yi arrived
at the Yalu his plans were not laid as to what he should do.
For one thing, he intended to make no invasion of China.
So he crossed over to Wi-ha island, in the mouth of the Yalu,
and there made his camp. Hundreds of his troops deserted
and went back home- Some of these the king siezed and
beheaded ;but it did not stop the defection. From that
island a general. Hong In-ju, made a dash into Liao-tung
territory and was highly complimented by the king in con-
sequence. But Gen. Yi remaind impassive. He sent a letter
to the king imploring him to listen to reason and recall the
army, urging history, the flooded condition of the country
and the Japanese reasons for it. But the king was stubborn.
Rumor said that Gen. Yi had fled but when another general
was sent to ascertain whether this were true or false he was
found at his post. The two generals wept together over the
hopeless condition of affairs. At last they summoned the
soldiers. "If we stay here we will all be swept away by the
rsiing flood. The king will not listen to reason. What can
we do to prevent the destruction of all the people of Koryu ?
Shall we go back to P'yiing-yang, depose the general-in-chief,
Ch'oe, who urges on this unholy war against the Mings?"
The soldiers shouted out acclamations of glad assent. Noth-
ing could please them better.
As Gen. Yi T'a-jo mounted his white steed and with his
.
2S4 KORKAN HISTORY.
red bow and white arrows stood motionless U]ioii a mound of

earth watehing his soldiers recross the Yalu to the KoryTi
side against the mandate of their king and his, we see a new
Caesar watching his army cross the Rubicon, an army as
passionately devoted to their leader as the Roman legions
ever were to Caesar. And Caesar suffers in the comparison,
for he went back not to restore the integrity of the state and
prevent the waste of human life, but rather to carry out to its
tragic end a personal ambition. We have seen how once and
again Yi T'a-jo had plead with tlie king and had risked even
his life to prevent this mounmeiital folly ;and we shall see
how he used his power not for personal ends but with loyalty
to his king, until circumstances thrust him upon the throne.
The records say that no sooner had Gen. Yi followed his
army across the stream than a mighty wave, fed by mount-
ain streams, came rolling down the valley and swept clean
over the island he had just left. The people looked upon this
as an omen and a sign of heaven's favor, and they made a
song whose refrain runs "The son of wood will become
king." This refers to the Chinese character for Gen. Yi's
name. It is the union of the two characters "wood" and
"son." The whole army then took up its march toward
Song-do. A magistrate in the nortli sent a hasty message to
the king saying that the army was in full march back toward
the capital. The king was at this time in Song-ch'i'in, nortli
of P'yQng-j-ang. He knew many of the generals were op-
posed to the war and thought that they would obey him
better if he were near by, and so had come thus for north.
Hearing this startling news he immediately dispatched
Gen. Ch'oe Yu-gyung with whatever force he had, to oppose
the march of the rebellous Gen. Yi. The associate of the
latter urged him to push forward with all speed and seize the
person of the king, but he was no traitor, and he replied "If
we hurry forward and encounter our countymen many will fall
If anyone lays a finger on the king I will have no mercy on
him. If a single citizen of Koryu is injured in any way I
will never forgive the culprit." So Gen. Yi came south-

ward slowly, hunting along the way in order to give the king
time to get back to Song-do in a leisurely manner as becomes
a king. At last the king arrived at his capital and the re-
MEDIEVAL KOREA. 285
calcitrant aruiy came following slowl}'. The people along

the way hailed them as the saviors of the nation and gave
them all manner of provisions and supplies, so that they
lacked for nothing.
When Gen. Yi T'a-jo reached the neighborhood of Song-
'do he sent a letter to the king saying, "As General-in-chief
Ch'oe-yung does not care for the welfare of the people he
must die. Send him to me for execution." But Gen. Ch'oe
did not intend to give up without a struggle, however hope-
less his case might be so he took what troops were left and
;
manned the walls of Song-do. It wâs a desperate move, for

all saw what the end must be. Hundreds of soldiers who had
deserted now flocked again to the standards of Gen. Yi.
When the attack came off. Gen. Yi stormed the South
Gate and Gen. Yu Man-su the West Gate, and soon an
entrance was effected. It is said that after entering the city
the first attack upon the royal forces was made by Gen. Yu
alone and that he was driven back. When this was told Gen.
Yi he seemed not to care but sat on his horse and let it crop
the grass along the path. After a time he partook of some
food and them leisurely arose, drew up his forces and in full
view of them all took a shot at a small pine that stood a
hundred paces away. The arrow cut it sheer off and the
soldiers hailed it as a sign of victory, for was not the pine the
symbol of Koryu ? So they marched on the palace. The old
men and boys mounted the city walls and cheered the attack-
ing forces. Gen. Yi did not lead the attack in person and
his lieutenant was beaten back by the royal forces under
Gen. Ch'oe. Gen. Yi thereupon took in his hand a yellow
flag, crossed the Son-juk bridge and ascended South Moun-
tain from which point he obtained a full view of the interior

of the palace. He saw that Gen. Ch'oe and the king, with a
band of soldiers, had taken refuge in the palace garden.
Descending the mountain he led his troops straight through
every obstacle, entered the palace and surrounded the royal
party. Gen. Ch'oe was ordered to come out and surrender
but as there was no response the garden gate was burst open
and th^ king was discovered holding the hand of Gen. Ch'oe.
As there was no longer hope of rescue the king, weeping,
handed over the loyal general to the soldiers of Gen. Yi.
2S6 KORKAX HISTORY.
He stepped forward and said "I had no intention of proceed-

ing to these extremes. Init to fight the Ming power is out of
the (juestion. It is not only useless but suicidal to attempt
such a thing. I have come back to the capital in this manner
because there was no other way open to me, because it was a

traitorous act to attack our suzerain, and because the people
of Koryu were suflering in consequence of the withdrawal of
protection." Gen. Ch'oe was then banished to Ko-yang and
Gen. Yi, as he sent him away, wept and said "Go in peace."
The records say that long before this the evil-minded Yi
In-im had foretold to Gen. Ch'oe that one day Gen. Yi T'a-jo
would become king, but at the time Gen. Ch'oe laughed at
it. Now he was forced to grant that the prophecy had been a
true one. A popular song was composed at this time, whose
refrain states that
"Outside the wall of P'yung-yang there is a red light,

Outside the wall of An-ju a snake.
Between them conies and goes a soldier, Yi.
May he help us."
When Gen. Ch'oe had thus been disposed of, Gen. Yi
turned to the king and said "It was impossible to carr}' out
the plan of conquest. The only thing left was to come back,
banish the man who gave such bad advice and make a new
start. We must now be firm in our allegience to the l\Iing
emperor, and we must change back to the Ming costume."
The emperor, hearing of the threatened invasion, had
sent a powerful armj' into Liao-tung, but now that the in-
vaders had retired he recalled the troops.
We can easily imagine how the king, who had never
been balked of his w\\\, hated Gen. Yi. The moment an op-
portunity occurred he called about him eighty of his most
trusted eunuchs, armed them with swords and sent them to
kill the obnoxious dictator. But they found him so well
guarded that the attempt proved abortive.
It will be remembered that this king was the son of Sin-
don and was therefore not of the royal stock. So now the
courtier Yun So-juug told Gen. Yi that they ought to find
some blood relative of the Wang family, the genuine royal
stock, and put him on the throne. To this the dictator
assented. As a first move all arms were removed from the
MEDIEVAL KOREA. 287
palace. The king was left helpless. Ke was ordered to send

away one of his concubines who had formerly been a monk's
slave but he replied "If she goes I go." The generals went
in a body to the palace and advised the king to leave the
capital and Kang-wha. This was a
retire into private life in
polite way he was banished. He plead to be
of saying that
allowed to wait till the next day as it was now well along
toward night. And so this evil king took his concubines,
which he had always cherished more than the kingdom, and
passed off the stage of histoy. He it was who most of all,
excepting only his father, helped to bring about the fall of
the dynasty.
Gen. Yi now, in 1388, was determined to put upon the
throne a lineal descendant of the Wang family, but Cho Min-
su with whom he had before conferred about the matter
desired to put Chang, the adopted son of the banished king,
on the throne. Gen. Yi demurred, but when he learned that
the celebrated scholar Yi Sak had favored this plan he acqui-
esced. The young king wantedto give Gen. Yi high official
position but hewas not anxious to receive it and it was only
by strong pressure that he was induced to take it. So the
records say, but we must remember in all this account that
hero wôrship and desire to show the deeds of the founder of
the new dynasty in the best light have probably colored
many of the facts which occurred at this time.
As this king was never acknowledged by the emperor
nor invested with the royal insignia, his name is dropped
from the list of the kings of Koryu. Neither he nor his
fosteT--father were given the regular posthumous title, but
were known, the father as Sin-u and the son as Sin Chang.
An envoy was dispatched to Nanking telling of the
banishment of the king and the appointment of his successor.
Cho Min-su who had been instrumental in putting this new
king on the throne was not so modest as the records try
to make us believe Gen. Yi was. He now held almost un-
limited power. It spoiled him as it has spoiled many another
good man, and he gave way to luxury and ere long had to be
banished, a victim of his own excesses.
Reform now became the order of the day. First they
changed the unjust and shameful manner of appointing
28S KOKKAX HISTORV.
officials that had prcvailt-d under the banished kin<j;. The

laws respecting the division of fields was changed, making
the people more safe in the possession of their property. The
defenses of the south were also looked to, for Gen. Clinng Chi
went south with a powerful force and scored a signal victory
over the corsairs at Nam-wun. Gen. Yi T'a-jo was now^
general-in-chief of all His first act was to
the royal forces.
have the banished king sent further away, to the town of
Y6-heung and at the same time the banished Gen. Ch'oe
;
Yung was executed. The old man died without fear, at the
age of seventy. He was not a man who had given himself
over to luxury and he had manj' good qualities, but he was
unlettered and stubborn and his crime in desiring to attack
China brought him to his death. The records say that when
he died he said "If I am a true man no grass will grow on
my grave," and the Koreans say that his grave in Ko-yang
is bare to this day and is called in consequence "The Red
Grave."
The emperor's suspicions had been again roused by the
new change of face on the part of Koryu. The celebrated
scholar Yi Sak stepped forward and offered to goto the emperor's
court and smooth things over. Gen. Yi praised him highly
for this act of condescension and he was sent as envoy. He
took w'ith him Gen. Yi's fifth son who is known posthumous-
ly by his title T'a-jong. He was destined to become the third
king of the new dynast)-. He was taken to China by Yi Sak
because the latter feared that Gen. Yi might usurp the throne
while he was gone and the son would then be a sort of host-
age for good behavior on the part of the father. The two
great men of Koryu, when it fell, were Chong Mong-ju and
this Yi Sak. The}' were both men of education and ex-
perience and were both warm partizans of the Koryu dy-
nasty. They were loyal to her even through all the disgust-
ing scenes herein described, but their great mistake was their
adherence to the Mongol power w-hen it had plainly retired
from active participation in the affairs of Asia. Yi Sak now
sought the court of China not so much with a view to help-
ing KoryQ as to find means to get Gen. Yi into trouble.
But to his chagrin the emperor never gave him an opportuni-
ty to say what he desired to saj- about the great dictator.
MEDIEVAL KOREA. 289
The questions the emperor asked gave no opportunity to

mention the topic nearest his heart. His chagrin was so
great that when he got back to Koryu he spoke slightingly
of the emperor, to the great displeasure of the court. The
king himself desired to go to Nanking and do obeisance to
the emperor but was forbidden by the latter.
The year 1389 beheld some interesting and important
events. In the first place Gen. Yi decided to take the offen-
sive against the Japanese so a hundred boats were fitted out.
;
The expedition arrived first at Tsushima where three hund-

red of the enemy's boats were burned as well as many
houses ; and more than a hundred prisoners were brought
away. Secondly, the emperor, being asked to let the king go
to Nanking and do obeisance, replied, "This having a preten-
der on the throne of Koryu is all wrong. If you will put a
real descendant of the royal family on the throne you need

not send another envoy to my court for twenty years if you
do not wish." Gen Yi, to show his good will, sent a mes-
senger to the banished king and gave him a feast on his
birthday. The king of the Loo Choo Islands sent an envoy
to Song-do with gifts, declaring his allegiance to Koryu. At
the same time he sent back some Koryu captives who had
fallen into his hands. Gen. Yi came to the conclusion that
if the dynasty was to continue, a lineal descendant of the royal
family must be put at the head of affairs. At this time Gen.

Yi was of course the actuating spirit in the government and
at his desire the young king, who had been on the throne but
a year and who had not been formally recognised by the
emperor, w'as sent away to Kang-wha and the seventh de-
scendant of the seventeenth king of the line was elevated to
the seat of royalty. His name was Yo and his posthumous
title Kong-yang. He was forty-five years old. This move
on the part of Gen. Yi was doubtless on account of the
pronounced views of the emperor. A busybody nam id Kang
Si told the newly appointed king that Gen. Yi did this not be-
cause he cared for the Wang dynasty but because he feared
the Mings. When
Gen. Yi learned of this the man's banish-
ment was demanded but not insisted upon One of the first
.
acts of the new sovereign was to banish Yi Sak and Cho

Min-su who had insisted upon putting the parvenu Chang
290 KOREAN HISTORY.
upon tlie throne. An envoy was also dispatched to China

announcing that at last a genuine Wang was now on the
throne of Koryu.
The officials urged that the two banished kings be killed
butwhen the matter was referred to Gen. Yi he advised a
more lenient policy, saying, "They have been banished and
they can do no more harm. There is no sense in shedding use-
less blood." But the king replied, "They killed many good
men and they deserve to die ;" so executioners were sent and
the two men were executed at their places of banishment.
It is said that the wife of the elder of the two took the dead
body her lord in her arms and said, as she wept, "This is
of
all my it was he who advised the invasion
father's fault, for
of China." The records say that for ten days she ate
nothing and slept with the corpse in her arms. She also
begged rice and with it sacrificed before the dead body of the
king.
In 1390 a dangerous conspiracy was gotten up with the
view to assassinating Gen. Yi, but it was discovered in time
and many men were killed in consequence and many more
were put to the torture. Yi Sak and Cho Min-su were in
some way implicated in this attempt though they were in
banishment. It was advised to put them to death but after
torture they were sent back to prison. The emperor in some
way had the impression that Gen. Yi was persecuting these
two men because thej' had prevented his invasion of China.
Cho was executed but when the executioner approached the
cell of Yi Sak, so the records say, a terrific clap of thunder
was heard and a flood of water swept away part of the town
in which he was imprisoned. For this reason the king dared
not kill him but granted him freedom instead.
Under the supervision of Gen. Yi a war-office was estab-
lished and a system of conscription which secured a rotation
of military duty. The king, true to the instincts of his
family, was a strong adherent of Buddhism and now proceeded
to take a monk as his teacher. The whole official class
decided that this must not be, and the monk was forthwith
expelled from the palace. In spite of the suffering it entailed
upon the people the king decided to move the capital again to
Han-yang and it was done, but no sooner was the court trans-
MEDIEVAL KOEA. 29I
ferred to that place than the king, with characteristic Wang

went back to Song-do. The law was promulgated
fickleness,
that women must not go to visit Buddhist monasteries. This
was without doubt because the looseness of the morals of the
inmates rendered it unsafe for respectable women to go to them.
The people throughout the land looked to Gen. Yi as
their protector andwas the almost universal wish that he
it
should become king. His friends tried to bring this about

but they were always thwarted by the aged Chong Mong-ju,
the only great man who now clung to the expiring dynasty.
He was a man of perfect integrity and was held in much
esteem by Gen. Yi himself though they differed in politics.
Chong Mong-ju realy believed it necessary for the preserva-
tion of the state that Gen. Yi be put out of the way and he
was always seeking means for accomplishing this end.
When the crown prince came back from Nanking, whith-
er he had gone as envoy, Gen. Yi went out to meet him. He
went as far as Whang- ju where he suffered a severe fall from
his horse which for a time quite disabled him. This was
Chong Mong-ju 's opportunity. He hastened to have many
of Gen. Yi's friends put out of the way. He had them ac-
cused to the king and six of the strongest partisans of the
general were banished. Gen. Yi was at Ha-ju at the time
and his son T'a-jong hastened to him and imparted the start-
ling news. The old man did not seem to care very much, but
the son whose energy and spirit were equal to anj'thing and
who foresaw that prompt action at this juncture meant life or
death to all the family, had the aged general carried on the
backs of men back to vSong-do. When he arrived, attempts
were being made to have the six banished men put to death,
but the coming of the great dictator put a stop to this.
T'a-jong urged that something must be done immediately to
save the family name, but the father did not wish to proceed
to extremities. The brunt of the whole business fell upon
T'a-jong and he saw that if his father was to become king
someone must push him on to the throne. The first step
must be the removal of Chong mong-ju. Nothing could be
done until that was accomplished.
Gen. Yi's nephew turned traitor to him and informed
Chong Mong-ju that there was danger. About this time Gen.
—
2<)2 KOKKAN JIISTOKV,
Vi iâx-e a dinner to the and Ch'lnoj Moug-ju was in-

officials
vited. The go and, by watching the face of
latter decided to
his host, determine whether the report was true. When T'jI-
jong saw Chong Mong-jii come to the banquet he knew the
time had come to malte the master move. Five strong men
were placed in hiding beside Son-juk bridge which Ch nig
had to cross in going home. There they fell upon him and
murdered him with stones, upon the bridge. Today that
bridge is one of the sacred relics of the kingdom and
is enclosed by a railing. On the central stone is seen a
large brown blotch which turns to a dull red when it rains.
This is believed to be the blood of the faithful Chong Mong-ju
which still remains a mute reproach to his murderers.
This dastardly deed having been committed, T'a-jong
conferred with his uncle, Wha, and they sent Gen. Yi's eldest
living son, who is known by his posthumous title of Chong-
jong, to the king, to demand the recall of the banished friends
of the general. The king was in no condition to refuse and
the men came back.
Gen. Yi mourned sincerely for the death of Ch<"»ng Mong-
ju for he held him to be a loyal and faithful man, but his son
saw to it that the friends of the murdered man were prompt-
ly banished. Kven the two sons of the king who had sided
with the enemies of Gen. Yi were banished. Gen. Yi was
asked to put some of the friends of Chong Mong-ju to death
but he sternly refused and woald not even have them beaten.
Yi Sak was again banished to a more distant point, the pro-
pert}' of Chong Mong-ju was confiscated and so at last all op-
position was effectually silenced.
The energetic T'a-jong next proceeded to have the king
make an agreement or treaty of lasting friendship with his
father. The officials opposed it on the ground that it was not
in keeping with the royal office to swear an oath to a subject,
but the king who had doubtless been well schooled by the
young intriguer agreed to it. Gen. Yi was very loath to go
and receive this honor at the king's hand and it was at last
decided that the king should not attend the function in person
but should do it by deputy. The oath was as follows ;
"If it had not been for you I never could have become
king. Your goodness and faithfulness are never to be
MKDIEVAL KOREA. 293
forgotten. Heaveu and earth witness to it from genera-

tion to generation. Let us abjure all harm to each other.
If 1 ever forget this promise let this oath witness to my
perfidy."
But soon the king began to see the ludicrousness of
his position. His sons had been banished, himself without a
particle of power and the voice of the people clamoring to
have Gen. Yi made king. The pressure was too great, and
one day the unhapp}' king handed over the seals of office
to the great dictator Gen. Yi T'a-jo and the Wang dynasty
was at an end. The king retired to private life, first to
Wun-ju, then to Kan-Sung and finally to San-ch'uk where he
died three years after abdicating. The dynasty had lasted
four hundred and seventy-five years in all.
END OF PART 11.

PART III.
MODERN KOREA.
1392=1897.
.
PART THREE.
MODERN KOREA.
Chapter I.
Keginniiig of the new kingdom. .name Cho-sun adopted. .prophecies

. . .- .
....a man hunt.... a royal dream .... the wall of Seoul built. ..
capital moved. .. .diplomacy in the north. .. .Buddhism. .. .three
ports set aside for the Japanese. .plot discovered. .back to Song-
. . . .
do.... king T'a-jo retires. blow to f eudalism

.. .death ChiJng- . . . .
jong abdicates. .T'a-jong's sweeping reforms. .. .copper type....

.
sorcerers' and geomancers' books burned. .. .T'a-jong's claims to

greatness. . .Se-jong reigns.
. .his habits.. .literary work
. .Jap- . . . .
anese islands attacked. .gradual suppression of Buddhism.

. . .trials . .
for capital offenses. .numerous reforms.

. . .wild tribe punished. i.
. . .
the far north colonised .... Japanese settlement in the south ....
origin of Korean alphabet .. .king Mun-jong dies from over-devo-
tion to Confucian principles.
It was on the sixteenth day of the seventh moon of the

year 1392 that Gen. Yi ascended the throne of Koryu, now
no longer Koryu. He was an old man, far past the age
when he could hope to superintend in person the vigorous
"house-cleaning" that the condition of things demanded.
He called about him all the officials whom he knew to be
personally loyal to himself and placed them in positions of
trust and authority. .Those who had contributed to his rise
were rewarded, and a tablet was erected in the capital telling
of their merits. He liberated many w^ho had been imprisoned
because of their opposition to the Wang kings and recalled
many who had been banished.
It was not long before a message came from the emperor
saying, "A man can become king only by the decree of

Heaven. How is it then that the people of Sam-han have
296 MODKRN KORKA.
made Yi king?." In reply the king hastened to send an

envoy to explain matters and to ask the emperor whether he
would prefer to have the new kingdom called Cho-sun,
"Morning Freshness " or Wha-ryflng, "Peaceful Harmony."
The emperor probably thought there was a great deal more
morning freshness than peaceful harmony in the peninsula ;
at any rate he ordered the former name to be adopted. It

was the doubtful loyalty of the Wang kings to the Chinese
throne that made easy for king T'a-jo to smoothe over the
it
displeasure of the emperor. The seals of the Koryu kings

were then delivered over to China and new seals received for
the new dj'nasty.
According to unwritten law, with the beginning of a
new dj-nasty a new must be founded, and king T'a-jo
capital
began to look about for a new site. At first he determined
to build his capital at Kye-ryung Mountain in Ch'ung-ch'ung
Province, and he went so far as to begin work on it but it ;
was found that in the days of Sil-la a celebrated priest, To-sun,

had prophesied that in the days to come Yi would found a
capital at Han-yang, and one of the Kor3'u kings had planted
many plum trees at that place and as fast as they matured
had them mutilated, hoping thus to harm the fortunes of the
Yi family for the Chinese character for Yi is the same as
;
that for plum. Tradition also says that the king had a dream
in which a spirit came and told him that Kye-rs-ung San was
reserved for the capital of a future kingdom which should be
founded by a member of the Chong family. Two commis-
sioners were thereupon sent to Han-yang to make surveys
for a palace site. It is said that a monk, Mu-hak, met them
at Ha-yang and told them that the palace should face toward
Pa-gak Mountain and Mong-myuk Mountain (the present
Nam-san,) but they persisted in making it face the south.
*'Very well" the monk replied, "If you do not listen to my
advice you will have cause to remember it two hundred years
from now." His words were unheeded but precisely two
hundred years later, in the year 1592, the Japanese hordes
of Hideyoshi landed on the shores of southern Korea. This
is sample of Korean ex post facto prophecy.
a fair
The courtiers urged the king to destroy the remaining
relatives of the last Koryu kings that there might be no
MODF:rX KOREA. 297
danger of an attempt at revolt. The royal consent was given

and a considerable number of those unfortunates were put in
a boat, taken out to sea and abandoned, their boat being first
scuttled. The king thought better of this, however, before
it had gone far and ordered this man-hunt to be stopped.
As the emperor still seemed to entertain suspicions con-

cerning the new kingdom the king was fain to send his eldest
son as envoy to the Chinese court where he carefully
explained the whole situation to the satisfaction of his
suzerain.
An interesting prophecy is said to have been current at
the time. The king dreamed that he saw a hen swallow a
silk-worm. No one could explain the meaning of the dream
more imaginitive than discreet averred
until at last an official
that meant that Kye-ry Hug would swallow Cham-du. Kye
it
means "hen"' and Cham-du means "silk- worm's head." But

Kye-ryong was the site of the future capital of the next
kingdom according to prophecy, while "silk-worm's head"
is the name of one of the spurs of Nam-san in Seoul. So the
interpretation was that the new dynasty would fall before
another founded at Kye-ryong, by Ch<'>ng. The poor fellow
paid for this bright forecast with his life.
Cho Chin was charged with the work of building the wall
of the new capital. To this end, in the spring of 139 [.119, coo
men were brought from the provinces of P'yung-an and
Whang-ha and they worked steadily for two months. In the
autumn 89,000 men came from Kang-wiin, Chul-la and Kyfiiig-
sang Provinces and finished it in a month more. The whole
circuit of the wall was 9.975 double paces. At five feet to
the double pace this would give us about nine and a half miles.
its was pierced by eight gates, the South
present length. It
Gate, or Suk-nye-mun, the East Gate or Heung-in-mun.
the West Gate, or Ton-eui-mun, the Little West Gate, or
So-eui-mun, the North-east Gate, or Cliang-eui-mun, the
Water Mouth Gate, or Kwang-heui-mun, also called the
Su-gu-mun, and finally the Suk-chang-mun,
a private gate
at the north by which the king may pass in time of danger to
the mountain fortress of Puk-han. At the same time a law
was made that dead bodies could be carried out of the city onlv
by way of the Little West or the Water Mouth Gates. Neither
298 KdKKAN HISTOKV.
of these "dead men's gates" were roofed at first but were

simph' arches.
Iimnediately upon the conipletio'i of tlie wall the court
was moved from Song-do to the new capital and the new
palace was named the Kyung-bok Palace. By this time the
news of the founding of a new dynasty had spread, and
euvoj's came from Japan, the Liu-kiu Islands and from the
southern kingdom of Sam-na. It will be remembered that
the Mongols had absorbed a portion of the northern territory

of Korea, especiallj' in Ham-gyiing Province. This had
nevsr come again| fnllj^ under Ko-r3'U control, so that now
the new kingdom extended only as far north as Ma-ch'un
Pass. Between that and the Tu-man River lived people of
the Yu-jin tribe. The king sent Yi Tu-ran to give them a
friendly introduction to the newh^ founded kingdom of Cho-
sun, and he was so good a diplomat that soon he was able to
form that whole region into semi-independent district and
9.
in course of time it naturally became incorporated into Cho-

sun. The Koryu dynasty left a heavy legacy of priest-craft
that was not at all to the liking of the new king. The monks
had far more power with the people than seemed consistent
with good government. Monasteries were constantly in pro-
cess of erection and their inmates arrogated to themselves
large powers that they did not by right possess. Monks were
not mendicants then as they are today. Each monastery had
its complement of slaves to do all menial work and the law
that declared that the grandson of a slave should be free was a

dead letter. The first of a long list of restrictions upon the
priesthood was a restatement and an enforcement of this
salutary law which made hereditary serfdom inipossible.
Before his accession to the throne he had succeeded in
putting down the Japanese pirates, at least for the time. He
now placed high military and naval officials at all the great
Southern ports, who off ered the people still further protection-
He Yiim-p'o and
also set aside the three ports of Ch'e-p'o,
Pu-san-p'o (Fusan) as places where Japanese envoys and
trading parties might be entertained At these places he
built houses for the accommodation of such guests.
King T'a-jo had a numerous family. By his first Queen,
Han, he had six sons, of whom the second and the fifth later
MODERN KOREA. 299
became Kings of Cho-siin, with the posthumous titles of

Ch<ing-jong and T'a-jong respectively. By his second Queen,
Kang, he had two sons, both of whom aspired to the crown
but without hope. They were named Pang-sQk and Pang-
bon. Their ambition led them astray, for now in the sixth
year of the reign they conspired to kill their two rival half-
brothers and so prepare the way for their own elevation.
They secured the services of two assassins who made the
attempt, but being foiled they lost their heads. It was well
known that the two princes were at the bottom of the plot,
and the king, knowing that even he could not protect them
from justice, advised them to make good their escape. They
fled but were caught just outside the West Gate and put to
death.
The courtiers were all homesick for Song-do and the king
himself probably missed many of the comforts which he
had there enjoyed. Merchants had not as yet come in large
numbers to the new capital and the number of houses was
comparatively small. It must be noticed that with the
change of dj'uasty it was taken for granted that the citizens
of the old capital wêre loyal to the fallen dynasty and so
the people of Song-do were not allowed to move to Seoul
in large numbers. That city was reserved as the residence
of the friends of the new regime. Song-do has ever been
considered less loyal than any other city in the country and
the rule has been that no native of that city could hold an
important office under the present government. But at first,
the new capital was hardly as pleasant a place to live as the
old, and so the king gave the word and the whole court
moved back there for a time.
We are told that king T'a-jo was heartily tired of the
constant strife among his sons as to who should be the suc-
cessor and he decided to resign the office and retire to his
native Ham-heung. His choice of a successor fell upon his
oldest living son. Prince Yong-an, better known by his pos-
thumous title Chong-jong Kong-jung Ta-wang. The arm}-
and the people all desired that his fifth son. Prince Chfhig-an,
who is generally known as T'a-jong, who had been so active
'n helping his father to the throne and who was as energetic
and enterprising as his brother was slow, should become theri
300 KoK AN
!•: } n s'r(T k v .
ruler. When they heanl tliat they could not have their will
there was an angry demonstration at tlie palace. This led the
retiring king to advise that after Choiig-jong had ruled a
while he had better resign in favor of his brother, the
people's choice.
King Chnng-jong's first act was a statesman-like one. He
commanded the disbanding of the feudal retainers of all
the officials. A few who rebelled at this as an encroachment
upon their rights were promptly banished, and the rest
submitted. Thus the death blow was struck at feudalism in
the peninsula. It never gained the foothold here that it had
in Japan, for it was thus nipped in the bud. The weakness
of the fallen dynast\'had been that one or more of the officials
had gathered about their persons such large retinues that
they succeeded in overawing the king and making him a
mere puppet. But this was not to be a feature of the new
regime, for King Chong-jong by this one decree effectually
stamped it out.
The retired king seemed to be determined not to be
disturbed in his well-earned rest, for when his sons sent and
begged him to come back to the capital and aid the govern-
ment by his advice, he answered by putting the messen-
ger to death. Later, however, he relented and returned
to Seoul.
T'ii-jo's third son. Prince Pang, was jealous because his
younger brother had been selected to succeed king Ch hig-jong,
and so he determined to have him put out of the way. To
this end he conspired with one Pak-po, but the plot wâs dis-
covered, Pak Po was killed and the prince banished to T'o-
san iu Whang-hi Province. T'a-jong himself, the prospect-
ive king, seen s to have chafed at the delay, for we are told
that King Choiig-jong's Queen noticed his moody looks and
advised her lord to abdicate in his favor without delay, before
harm came of vSo King Chong-jong called his brother and
it.
handed over him the seals of office and himself retired to

to
private life with the title Sang-wang, or "Great king."
It was in the centennial j'ear 1400 that T'a-jong, whose
full posthumous title is T'a-jong Kong-jung T'a-wang, en-

tered upon the royal office. He was a man of indomitable will,
untiring energy and read}' resource. It was he who really
5
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MODERN KORKA. 30I
entered upon the work of reform in earnest. T'ajo had been

too old and C'rong-jong had lacked the energy. The year
1401 gave him an opportunity to begin these reforms.
The
land wa^ suffering from famine, and the king said, "Why is
so much grain wasted in the making of wnne? Let it cease
for the present." When he found that the people would not
obey he said, "It is myself have not desisted from
because I
the use of wine. Let no more wme be served in the palace

for the present." It is said that this practical appeal was
successful and the people also desisted. From the earliest

times it had been the custom for the monks to congregate
and pray for the cessation of drought, but now by one sweep
of his pen the king added another limitation to the
preroga-
tive.-^ of the monks by forbidding the observance of the custom.
Large tracts of land were also taken from the monasteries and
given back to the people. The king hung a great bell in the
palace gate and made proclamation that anyone who failed to
have a grievance righted by the proper tribunals might ap-
peal directly to the throne, and whoever struck thedrutn
was
given instant audience. This privilege was seldom abused
for it soon became known that if a man did not have
right
clearly on his side his rash appeal to the king brought severe
punishment.
Formany decade letters had languished in the peninsula,
a
and now with a view to their revival the king ordered the
casting of copper types and provided that, as fast as new-
characters were found in the leading Chinese works, they
should immediatelv cast and added to the font.
be The
authenticity of this stat-.ment cannot be called in question. It
is attested by all the great historical works b^th public and

private. The methol us- was such that the types were
of
practically indestructible and large numbers exist and are in

active use to this day. So far as the evidence goes these
were the first metal type ever made, though xylography had
been known since the very earliest time.
In 1406 the emperor sent an envoy asking that a copper
Buddha on the island of Quelpart be brought to Seoul for the
king to do obeisance to it, and that it then be forwarded to
China. king, however, refused to bow before it. During
The
this same year the law was promulgated forbidding the im-
302 KOKI'AX HISTOKV.
]Tisoniiient of criniin ;!-; for loiij? p^riols of tiiiu. It also be-

V.eld tha execution of all the brothers of the yu.'en. We are
not told the reason of t';iis but we may suniiise that it was be-
cause they had been implicated in seditions proceedings.
In 1409 the Japanese, Wdn-do-jin. was sent to the Ko-
rean court to present the respects of the Japanese sovereign.
The kings of Koryu had set aside large tracts of land in
W'liang-ha Province fur hunting purposes. These by order
of king T'a-jong were now restored to the people and they
were ordered to cultivate them. In 413 the land suffered
1
from a severe drought and the courtiers all advised that the
monks and the femaU- ex )rcists and fortuue-tellers be called
upon to pray for rain but the king replied, "Buddhism is an
;
empty religion and the exorcists and fortune-tellers are a

'vorthless lot. If I were onh' a better ruler Heaven would
not refuse us rain." He thereupon ordered all the sorceres-

ses, fortune-tellers, exorcists and geomancers tj deliver up
the books of their craft to the government and a great fire
was made with them in front of the palace.
King T':1-jong's great sorrow was his son the Crown
Prince, Yang-yvmg. This young man was dissolute and
worthless. He would not pursue the studies prescribed by
his tutors but spent his time in hunting, gambling and in less
reputable pursuits. The people cried out against him and
made it known that it was not their will that he should reign
over them. The father saw the justice of the complaint and
the young man was banished toKwang-ju and the fourth son,
Prince Ch'ung-nyring, was proclaimed heir to the throne.
King T'a-jong retired in 1419 in favor of this son
Ch'ung-nyiing who is known by the posthumous title Se-jong
Chang-hun Ta-wang.
T'a-jong had been a radical reformer and worked a rev-
olution in Korean life similar ta that which Cromwell effected
in England. His greatness is exhibited in three ways, (i)
He was the first king who dared to break away utterly from
customs whose only sanction was their antiquity. (2) He was
wise enough not to force all these radical reforms at once, but
spread them over a period of nearly two decades. (3) He rec-
ognised that a king is the servant of the people. It may be
in place here to call attention to a peculiar custom of the east.

MODERN KOREA. 303
We refer to the custom of surrendering the throne to a suc-

cessor before one's death. The benefits of this custom are
soon cited. The retiring sovereign becomes the tutor of the
incoming one. The young ruler has the benefit of his prac-
tical suggestions and of his immense influence. He thus
does away with much danger of revolution or rebellion
of the
which so often accompanies a change or rulers. If the new
king proves inefficient or otherwise unsatisfactory it is pos-
sible, through the father's influence, to effect a change. In
other words the young ruler is on trial and he undergoes a
probation that is salutary for him and for the people as well.
It also helps greatly in perpetuating a policy, for in such a
case the father, knowing that his son is to assume the reins of
government while he still lives, takes greater pains to initiate
him into the secrets of government and in forming in his
mind settled principles which, while they may not always
perpetuate the same policy, at least ensure an eas\' gradation
from one policy to another. This perhaps was the crowning
feat of T'Ji-jong's greatness. He knew enough to stop while
his success was and spend some years in teaching
at its height
his successor how to achieve even a greater success. Let us
see how these principles worked in the case of this new king.
The young king began in a modest way b}- consulting
with his father in regard to all matters of importance. The
retired king had taken up his quarters in the "Lotus Pond
District" where he was at all times accessible to the young
king and where he took cognizance of much of the public
business. The new ruler was characterized by great even-
ness of temper, great astuteness and untiring diligence. He
is said to have risen each morning at dawn.
He ordered the iiâking of musical instruments, including

metal drums and triangles. Under his supervision a clypse-
hydra was made and a work on astronomy was published. It
is said that own hand he prepared works on "The

with his
five rules of conduct," "The duties of King, Father and
Husband," "Good Government and Peace," and a work on
military tactics. The custom of collec';ing rare flowers and
plants and growing them in the palace enclosure was done
away and it was decreed that no more of the public money
should be squandered in that way. He built a little straw
304 KOKKAN HISTOkV.
thatched cottaoje beside the palace and coiniielled the officials
to attend him there in council. He put a stop to the evil

practice of letting concubines and eunuchs meddle with state
affairs, for when one of his concubines aske him to give one
1
of her relatives official position he proni]itly banisheil her from

the palace.
In the second year of his reign, [420, the king showed
his partiality for literature and literary pursuits by founding
a college to which he invited thirteen of the finest scholars
that the kingdom could furnish, and there they gave them-
selves up to the pursuit
of letters. In the early summer the
dreaded Japanese again began their ravages on the coasts of
Korea. Landing at Pi-in, Ch'ung-cliTing Province, the>-
easily overcame the and marched northward along
local forces
the coast into Whang-ha Province. They there informed the
Korean generals that they did not want to ravage Korea but
that they were seeking a way into China. They lacked
provisions and promised to go immediately if the Koreans
would give them enough rice for their sustenance, until they
should cross tlie border into China. Forty bags of rice were
given to them, but when the king learned of it he was dis-
pleased and said, "When they return we must destroy them."
The southern provinces were put into a state of defense and
Gen. Yi Chong-mu was put at the head of a punitive expedi-
tion. It is said that a fleet of 227 war vessels and an army of
107.285 men rendezvoused at Ma-san Harbor. They were

provided with two month's rations. This powerful flotilla
sailed away and soon reached the island of Tsushima. There
it burned 129 Japanese boats and 1939 houses. Over a
hundred Japanese were killed, twenty-one prisoners were
taken and 131 Chinese and eight Korean captives were lib-
erated. The fleet then sailed toward Japan and arrived at
Ni-ro harbor. There, the records say, they lost 120 men and
so abandoned the enterprise. This is good evidence' that the
numbers of the army are overestimated, for a loss of a
hundred and twenty men from such an immense force would
not have caused an abandonment of the expedition.
The emperor sent a messenger asking for the four jewels
that are supposed to come from the bodies of good monks
when thev are incinerated.
MODERN KOREA. 3O5
These were said to be kept at Heung-ch'un monastery

at Song-do. King Se-jong replied that there wereno such
jewels in the peninsula. He ordered the discontinuance of
the custom of building monasteries at the gravies of kings,
and the people were commanded not to pray to Buddha in be-
half of the king. The great expense incurred in providing
for the huge stone that covered the sarcophagus of a king
made him change the custom and it was decreed that thereafter
four smaller ones should be used instead of the one gi eat one.
One of his most statesmanlike acts was to decree that every
man charged with a capital offense should have three trials
and that detailed accounts of each of these should be furnished
for the royal inspection. Following out the polic\- of a gradual
suppression of Buddhism, he interdicted the observance of the
festival called the To-ak.
In the fourth year of his reign, his father died. It is said
that at the time of his death there was a severe drought, and
on his deathbed he said, " When Idle I will go and ask Heaven
to send rain," and the story goes that on the very day he died
the welcome rain came. To this day it is said that it is sure
to rain on the tenth day of the fifth moon, and this is called
the "T'a-jong rain." We see that under that father's tutelage
he had continued the policy of reform, but what he had done
was only the beginning. The law was made that if a prefect
died the prefects along the road should furnish transport for
his body up to the capital. The eunuchs were enjoined not to
interfere in an}- wa}' with the affairs of state. The term of
office of the country prefects was lengthened, owing to the ex-
pense entailed upon the people by frequent changes. It was
made a crime to delay the interment of a corpse simply because

the geomancers could not find an auspicious spot for the burial,
a.ndall geomaucers' books were ordered burned. Every adult
male was required to carry on his person a wooden tag bearing
his name. This was for the purpose of identification to pre-
vent the evasion of taxes and of military service. It is but
right to say that this law was never strictly carried out. Korea
has always suffered from the existence of armies on paper.
The king edited a book on agriculture telling in what districts
and in what kinds of soil different species of grains and vege-
tables would thrive best. He paid attention to penal laws as
Jô6 KOREAN HISTORY.
well. Beating- was to be administered on the legs rather 'dioij!

ou the back; no murderers were to be bound in prison who
were under fifteen years or over seventy; no prisoner under
ten or over eighty was to suffer under the rod ;even the king's
relatives, if guilty of crime, were not to be exempt from punish-
ment.
These important reforms occupied the attention of the king
up to the year 1432, the fourteenth of his reign, but now the
border wars in the north claimed his attention. At this time
the wild tribes across the Ya-lu were known under the collec-
tive name of Ya-in. These savages wei'e ravaging back and
forth across the border, now successful and now defeated.
King Se-jong decided that the peace of the north was worth the
outlay of some life and treasure; so, early in the year 1433 an
expedition under Gen. Ch'oeYuu-dok crossed the Ya-lu in six
divisions, each consisting of a thousand men or more. These
had agreed to make a common attack on Ta-ram-no, the strong-
hold of the robbers, ou the nineteenth of the fourth moon.
This was successfully done with the result that 176 of the
enemy were left dead, and 236 captives and 270 head of cattle
were taken. All of this was at the cost of just four men.
The northern portion of Ham-gyang province was as yet
but sparsely settled, and reports came in that the Ming people
were coming in great numbers and settling there so the king
;
felt it necessary to do something to assert his rights. A great

scheme for colonization was made and people from the south-
ern part of the province were sent north to occupy the land.
But there were two powerful Yu-jin chiefs across the Tu-man
river who were constantly crossing and harrying the people
along that border line. These were Ol-yang-t'ap and Hol-ja-
on. It was not until the year 1436 that they were really silenc-
ed and then only after repeated and overwhelming victories

on the part of the Korean forces. During the.se years thou-
sands of people from the southern provinces were brought
north by the government and given land in this border coun-
try.
About this time a Japanese named Chung Seung was
Daimyoof Tsushima. He sent fifty boats across to the Korean
shore and the trade relations were revived which we may feel
sure had been sadly interrupted by the long period of piratical
MODERN KOREA. 507
raids. The government made these people a present of 200

bags of rice and beans. Sixty "houses" of people also came
from that island and asked to be allowed to live in the three
ports, Ch'ep'o, Yiim-p'o and Pu-san-p'o. The king gave his
assent and from that time until about the present day, with
onl}'temporary intermissions, the Japanese have resided in
one or other of these three places, although Pu-san (Fusan)
has always been the most important of them. In the year
1443 the custom of giving the Daimyo of Tsushima a bonus of
200 bags of grain a year was instituted. The number of trad-
ing boats that could come was strictly limited by the Korean
govern ument to fifty, but in extreme cases where sudden
ueed arose through piratical raids or other cause the number
could be increased. This custom continued without interrup-
tion until 15 10.
The most striking feat that King Se-jong accomplished
and the one that had the most far-reaching and lasting effect
upon the people was the invention of a pure phonetic alphabet.
This alphabet scarcely has its equal in the world for simplicity
and phonetic power. He was not the first one to see the vast
disadvantage under which the people labored in being obliged
to ma.ste^ the Chinese character before being able to read. We
will remember that in the days of Sil-la the scholar Sul-choug
had invented a rough way of indicating the grammatical end-
ings in a Chinese text by inserting certain diacritical marks,
but this had of course been very cumbersome and only the
ajuns or "clerks" were acquainted with it. Another similar
attempt had been made near the end of the Koryu dynasty
but it too had proved a failure so far as general use by the
people was concerned. King Se-jong was the first man to dare
to face the difiiculty and overcome it by the use not of modifi-
cations of the Chinese characters but by an entirely new and
different system, a phonetic alphabet. It can scarcely be said
that he had the genius of a Cadmus, for he probably knew of
the existence of phonetic alphabets, but when we remember
that the Chinese character is considered in a sense sacred and
thatit had been in use in the peninsula exclusively for more
than two thousand years we can place him but little lower
than the great Phoenician.
Korean histories are almost a unit in affirming that the al-
3o8 K(iki;ax iiistokv.
pliabct is tlrawii fiom the Siiisorit ;nnl from tlic anci^Mit seal
character of Cliina. Where then did Kinjj^ vSe-jong have ac-
cess to the S-iiiscrit ? Some have aroûed that his envoys came
in contact with it at the court of theIvmperor at Nanking.
This is possible but it is extreineiy unlikely that they gained
such a knowledge of it in this way to mike it of use in evolv-
ing their own alphabet. On the oth^r iiand it is well known
that the monasteries of Korea were filled with books written
in the Sanscrit or the Thibetan (which is an ofTshoot of the
Sanscrit) character. It isbelieved by some that Buddhism
was entirely crushed in the ver}' first years of the dynasty,
but this is a great blunder. Buddhism had begun to wane,
but long after the end of King Se-jong's reign it was ^till the
predominant religion in Korea." Most of the officials, follow-
ing the lead of royalty, had given it up, but the masses were
as good Buddhists as ever. The probabilities are therefore
overwhelming that when the histories refer to the Sanscrit
they rnean the Sanscrit contained in these Buddhist books and
which had been a common feature of Korean religious life for
centuries.
Comparison reveals the fact that the Korean consonants are
mere simplifications of the Sanscrit consonants. On the other
hand there are no similarities between the Korean and San-
scrit vowels. King Se-jong's genius lay in his recognition of
the fact that the vowel lies at the basis of articulate speech, and
in this he was in advance of every other purely Asiatic al-
phabet. PZath syllable was made up of the "mother and child"
the mother being the vowel and the child being the consonant.
If we examine the ancient seal character of China with a view
to ascertaining the source from which the Koreans drew their

symbols for the vowels we shall find at a glance that they
consist in the simplest strokes of those ideographs. Every
Korean vowel is found among the simpler radicals of
the Chinese. What more need be added to prove that the
statements of the Korean histories are correct?
In this work the king made use of the two distinguished
scholars Sin Suk-ju and Sung Sam-mun. Thirteen times the
latter was sent with others to Liao-tung to consult with a cele-
brated Chinese scholar Whang Ch'an, who was in banishment
in that place. For the prosecution of this literary plan and
.
MODERN KOREA. 309
t'-e work growing out of it the king erected a separate build-

ing in the palace enclosure. There he caused to be compiled
and printed the dictionary of the Korean language in the new
alphabet which was called the 6-i-mun. This celebrated
dictionary is called the Hun-min Chong-eum.
King Se-jong died in 1450 and was succeeded by his son
Hyun whose posthumous title is Mun-jong Kong-sun Ta-
wang. His brief reign of two years is a good sample of what
Confucianism will do for a man if carried to excess Upon
his father's dâth he refused to be comforted and neglected the
necessary precautions for preserving his health. Long nights
he lay out in the cold thinking that by so doing he was show-
ing respect for the memory of his father. Such excesses join-
ed with the lack of a proper diet soon made it clear that his
health was permanently undermined. This was a source of
great anxiet}' to the officials and to the people, for the heir to
the throne was a young boy, and the king's brother, Prince
Su-yang, was a powerful and ambitious man. The king
himself entertained grave fears for his son and shortly before
he died he called together the leading officials and made them
solemnly promise to uphold the boy through every vicissitude.
Then he turned to the wall and died.
Chapter II.
Tan-jong becomes king.... "The Tiger" .. .conspirac}' .. .king's un-

cle virtual ruler ... sericulture encouraged .... king abdicates. . .
people mourn .king banished. .a royal captive's song.

. . .king . . . .
strangled the usurper's dream.

. .character of the new king.
. . . . . .
reforms. .trouble with the emperor.

. . .policy in the north more . . . .
refoms .... official history of the land ...medicine .hostilit}' to . .
Buddhism. .king's concern for the people

. . .army cared for. . .
literary work .... a standing Buddha .... a voluminous work . . .
dangerous rebellion in the north. .emperor pleased .king retires . . . .
..Great Bell hung.

. . .The Pyo-sin .a new king .foreign rela-
. . . . . .
tions .Buddhists driven from Seoul.

. . .examinations .convents . . . .
broken up .war against Buddhism. . .a termagant.

. .apro.sperous . . . .
land ...law against the marriage of widows .. .military operations

in the north. .. .celebrated history written. .. .king reproved. .. .a
foe to Buddhism. . . .reform in music.
3IO KOKHAN HISTORY.
It was in 1452 that kini: Muii-joiig died and his little son
Hong-wi ascended the throne. The title of the latter is Tan-
joug Koug-eui TS-\vang, and of all the kings of Korea, whether
of this dynasty or of any other, his fate is the most calculated
to excite the pity of the reader.
His uncle, Prince Su-yang, was a bold, unscrupulous
man with whom natural affection did not affect the balance by
a feather weight. He was at the head of a powerful faction
and was only the jealous vigilance of the Prime Minister,
it
Kim Chong-so, that the boy ever came to the throne at all.
The people said that "The Tiger" must be killed before the
boy could come to his rights. Prince Su-yang saw that the
people were with the young prince to a man and he knew
that he must brush from his path these powerful friends of
the young king before he ever could come to the throne him-
self. To this end he conspired with Kwuu Nam, Han Myong-
whe and some thirty others. The Prime Minister was the
first was the most strenuous supporter
object of attack for he
of the king. Su-yang, in company with one Im Un,
Prince
armed with iron bludgeons, went to the house of the Prime
Minister and there the former feigned to have lost one of the
wings from his palace hat and asked the Minister to lend him
one for the day. The Minister could not refuse and sent his
little son to bring one, but ere the lad returned the father was
laid dead by a blow from the bludgeon in the hands of Im Un.

The prince then hastened to the palace and old the boy-king
that the Prime Minister had been conspiring against the
government and so it had been necessary to put him to death.
Boy though he was, King Tan- jong saw straight through this
falsehood and his first words were, "I beg of you to spare my
life." From that moment all power slipped from the hands of
the king and the Prince Uncle was virtual ruler of the land.
Placing heavy guards at the palace gates, he sent messengers
summoning the king's best friends, and as soon as they
appeared they were cut down. In this manner Whang Po-in,
Cho Keuk-gwan, Yi Yang, Yun Cho-gong and Min Si were
killed. Besides these many others were banished, so that
soon the court was deprived of almost every supporter of the
king except the aged Sung Sam-mun who was such a vener-
able man and held in such esteem by the whole nation that
MODERN KOREA. 311
even this bold prince did not dare to lay hands on him. This
done, Prince Su-yang began to center in himself all the high
offices of the realm and became an autocrat, dispensing offices
and regulating the affairs of the country according to his
own ideas. Yi Cheung-ok, the governor of Ham-gyung Prov-
ince, was a strong supporter of the king and so, though far
from the scene of this intrigue, emissaries were sent who
murdered him in cold blood.
The only important act of this short and unfortunate
reign was the encouragement given to sericulture. The
young king sent large numbers of silk worms to various
districts and rewarded those who did well with them and
punished those who made a failure of it.
All the time the wily prince had been urging upon the
king the necessity of abdicating in his favor. We know not
what threats and cajolery were used, but true it is that early
in 1456, after all the other uncles of the king had been ban-
ished to distant parts to get them away from the person of
the king, that unhappy boy, as yet but fifteen 3'ears old,
bereft of every friend he had ever known, hedged in by the
threats of his unnatural uncle, finally called the officials to a
council and repeated the lesson he had been undoubtedly
taught. "I am too 3ôung to govern the realm rightly and I
desire to put the reins of government into the hands of my

uncle. Prince Su-yang." As in duty bound they all went
through the formality of demurring at this but the king was
firm and ordered the seals to be handed to the prince.
Among these officials there were two who looked with dis-
favor upon this. They were Pak P'ang-yun and Sung Sam-
muu. The former stepped forward as if to give the seals to
the prince, but when they were once in his hands he made a
dash for the door and tried to throw himself into a lotus pond.
Sling Sam-mun caught him by the garments and whispered
in his ear, "Wait, all this will be righted, but we must live
to see it done." So the young king Tan-jong stepped down
from the throne. The usurper is known by his posthumous
title Se-jo Hye-jang Ta-wang.
After King Tan-jong had abdicated he was held under

strict surveillance in the palace and was practically a prisoner.
It is said the people congregated at the Great Bell in the ceu-
31^ kokI':ax history.
ter of the city ami wailed over this fnlfilliiR-iit of their worst
fears.
Rut the (lethroned kiiiuf was not left eutin^lv without
help. Six of the ollicials conspired to assassinate the usurper
at a dinner given to a Chinese envoy, but someone betrayed
them to him and they were seized, tortured with red-hot irons,
decapitated and dismembered. Tiiese six men were Pak
P'ang-yun, Sung vSam-mun, Vi Ga, Ha Wi ji, Yu Sung-w'un
and Yu Kung-bu. Their wives, parents and children per-
ished with them.
Chong
— new
In-ji, one of the king's creatures, memorial-
ized the throne as follows :
"All this difficulty arose about
the ex-king. He .should therefore be put to death." This
was rather more than the king dared to do but the unfortu-
nate boy was banished to Yong-wul in Kang-wun Province.
His brother Yu was alô banished at the same time. The
banished king lived beside a mountain stream and is said to
have sung this plaintive song to it :
A long, long road, a long good-bye.

I know not w'hich way to turn.
I sit beside the stream and its waters, like me, mourn.
And together we weep, without ceasing.
At last when the time seemed ripe, another of Tan- Jong's
uncles memorialized the throne urging that the banished boy
be put to death so that there might be no morecause for con-
spiracy' on the part of any of the ofl5cials. With apparent re-
luctance the king gave orders that Gen. Wang Pang-yun
be detailed to go and administer poison to the boy. When
that ofticial arrived at the place of banishment his hardihood
failed him and in.stead of giving the boy the poison he prostrat-
ed himself before him. The ex-king exclaimed, "What
brings you here ? " but before answer could be given a man nam-
ed Kong Sang came up behind the banished king and
strangled him with a cord. The story runs that as the murder-
er turned to leave the room blood burst from his ears, eyes, nose
and mouth and that he fell dead beside the body of his victim.
The few palace women who remained in the suite of the
banished king threw themselves into the stream and perish-
ed. Th,e body of the young king would have remained un-
buried had not a man named Om Heung-do taken pity on the
KOREAN HISTORY. 313
murdered boy and buried him in Tong-eul-ji. The night the

boy was murdered the usurper dreamed that the dead mother
of his victim came from the grave, and, standing beside his
couch, pronounced the following malediction; "You have
stolen the throne and killed my son. Your's too shall die."
It is said that when he awoke he found that the prophecy had
already been fulfilled. He therefore dug up the bones of this
prophetess of evil and scattered them upon the water of the
river.
Tradition says that the next seven magistrati;s who were
appointed to the district where this foul murder was perpetrat-
ed died on the very night of their arrival. The eighth made
it his first duty to go to the grave of the murdered king and
sacrifice before it and write an elegy upon him. From that
time there was no more trouble.
In spite of the way in which King Se-jo obtained the throne
he is not held in ill repute amotig the people of Korea. The
unpardonable crime which attended his usurpation of the
throne augured ill for the reign, but the truth is there have
been few kings of the dynasty who have done so much for the
advaucfment of the interests of the people as this same Se-
jo. Tradition says that when a bjy ht was looked upon
with wonder because of his skill with the bow, and he used to
climb the mountaius blin Ifold where others dar-d not follow
with open eyes. One story tells how onc2, when h^ went to
China with the embassy, eight elephants that stojd before the
palace gate knelt as he approached, thus foretelling his fu-
ture greatness. He was a temperate man and hated luxury
and effeminacy. He would not use gold upon his table and
when his little son asked for a silver cup it was refused him.
He took up the policy of reform at ths very point where
his father, King Se-jong, had laid it down five years before.
He of the Liu
established pleasant relations with the people
Kiu islands and by treating their
of the wild northern tribes,
envôys with special attention. Those who were obstinately
unfriendly he crushed with a heavy hand. Among the latter
was an able chieftain, Yi nian-su, who had formerly lived in
Seoul and had married a Korean woman but later had fled
back to the Yu-in tribes and raised the standard of revolt.
The Korean generals were in some trepidation on this account
314 K()ki:an' histokv.
but (len. Sin Suk-ju inarched against liiin and soon drove
liiniback to his retreat.
\\y giving rank to a man of the Keuni-jii trib^ in Man-
churia without the previous permission of the Kmperor the
king came near getting into serious trouble with his suzerain,
but as it was a first offense it was overlooked. The Kmperor
sent word however that a repetition of the offense would bring
down upon the king serious trouble.
The power of the central government was but weakly
felt along the northern border an so the king pvd special
1
attention to that p:>rtion of the country, fou.iding prefectures

all along the north-eastern border. It was doubtless because
of this active policy that the .Yfi-jin tribe came the following
Year and swore allegiance to Cho-sTm. Among the reforms
which were during the early part of this reign the
effected
following suflSce to show the energy and wisdom of this king
Se-jo. Fruit trees were planted in the palace enclosure so
that the people might noc be burdened with the duty of
providing the king's table with fruit. Mulberry trees were
planted in all available places in the grounds of the different
government offices, and even in the palace, where the^ queen
engaged in weaving, together with the palace women. Dress
reform was carried on to the extent of shortening the skirts
of women's dresses so that they could be more easilj' dis-
tinguished from m-n in the street. A

was founded for
school
the study of the Chinese vernacular. The criminal court was
ordered to present the king each month with a written ac-
count of its proceedings. The king saw in person every of-
ficial who came up to Seoul from the country on business. A
hospital was founded for the dispensing of medicine for in-
digestion.
These were but the beginning of his reforms. He punish-
ed at one time ovei a hundred prefects who had been oppress-
ing the people. The sown with grain
palace iuclosure was
when there was prospect of scarcity. In this reign we find
the first reference to the Kuk-cho Po-gam or the official annals
of the dynasty. The great bell which hangs in the center
of the city of Seoul today was cist in his reign and hung at
first outside t'ae South Gate. A medical government bureau
was founded and medical works were published. The king
MODERN KOREA. 3(5
was activel)' interested in military matters and called together

all the soldiers who could wield a bow
of 120 pounds weight.
This was with a view to the invasion of the territory of the
troublesome wild tribes of the north. A census of the people;
was taken for the purpose of making army estimates, and dur-
ing the whole reign the soldiers were practiced in sham fights
both in the palace enclosure and outside the city walls. His
attitude toward Buddhism was one of distinct hostilit}'. One
of his earliest edicts was that no monk should attend or pray
at a funeral. He invented the use of the split bamboo as a
sign between himself and the general upon the field. He kept
half and the general kept the other half and if it was necessary
to send a messenger he would take the piece of wood, which,
if it fitted the piece in the hands of the receiver of the mes-
sage, showed that the messenger was properly accredited. He

seems to have been much concerned for the welfare of the
people for we find that in the fourth year of his reign he caus-
ed the publication of a book on weaving and had it extensive-
ly distributed among the people, together with another on
military matters arid another still on wcmen's manners.
King Se-jo was the first of the descendants of the great
Ta-jo to observe carefully the precept laid down b}- the
—
founder of the dynasty namely, to take good care of the army;
this is evinced by the fact that at one tine he distributed large
quantities of medicine among the soldiers on the northen bor-
der and made generous gifts of land to the troops, thus foster-
ing the militar}' spirit among the people. As a result we see
them successful on every side. The
Ol-yang-hap was
tribe of
destroyed, the tribes of [-man-ju. 01-jok-heup and Yan-ba
a-gan came and swore allegiance.
In his fifth jêaar he codified the laws and published
them. He also extended his medical work and published a
book on veterinary surger}', and he published works on
astronomj', geolog}-, music, writing, the signs of the times,
agriculture, live-stock, foreign relations and arithmetic. In
other words this versatile man was actively interested in
military, political, .social, scientific and artistic matters and
caused books to be written about these subjects for the en-
lightenment of the people.
It is said that in 1465 he caused the erection of a monas-
3l6 KClKi:.\N IlISTdKV.
tery in Seoul InU he niacin the Uuddha a standiii}^: one rather

tlian a sitting one. Evidently he had little faith in the in-
anity of the sleepy sitting Buddha, who with folded hands let
the years slip by unheeded. He wanted samething more
lifelike. So he set the Buddha on his legs. This image was
carried through the streets at periodic intervals accompanied
by a crowd of musicians xnd monks. A Japanese envoy was
horrified at what he called sacrilege and foretold that it could
not endure. He was right, not because the Buddha had
gotten on its feet but because the people of Korea had begun
to cast off the shackles of Buddhism and, following in the
wake of the court, were learning to take advantage of their
emancipation. This making of a stmding Buddha and the
occasional festivals seem to have been more by way of sport
than through any serious intentions on the king and this in
itself accounts for the speedy downfall of the custom. Its
novelty, which was all it had to recommend it, soon wore oiT.
in 1467 he ordered the twô monks Sin Mi and Chuk Hnn

to cut wooden blocks for a bjok to bt called tha Ta-jang-
gvilng. The love of exaggeration in the Korean tempera-
ment finds play in the statement that this book contained
8,888,900 pages. The historian evidently did not have his
abacus at hand, for he continues by saying that each of the
fifty volumes contained 7,078 pages, while the above figure
would require 167,778 pages to the volume.

The last year of King Se-jo's reign, 146S, witnessed a
serious disturbance in Ham-gyang Province. A man named
Yi Si-a gathered about him a strong body of soldiers and sent
word to Seoul that it was simply with a view to defending
his district from the incursions of the northern barbarians.
The provincial general wênt in person to investigate, but he
was murdered by the followers of Yi Si-a who were aided by a
courtezan who occupied the general's room with him and who
at dead of night opened the windov and gave ingress to the
revolutionists. A messenger, Sul Kydng-sin was then sent
to Seoul to say that the general had been killed because he
had been conspiring against the king. At the same time the
king was asked to make Yi Si-a the general of the northeast.
This man told the king that the three Prime Ministers were
implicated in the plot against him. The king was suspicious
MODERN KOREA. 317
but did not dare to let matters progress without investigation.

He put the Prime Ministersin prison and at the same time
raised a large army togo and oppose the too ambitious Yi.
Generals Yi Chun, Cho Suk-mun and Hu Chung were put in
charge. The last of these three was one of the great soldiers
of Korea. Tradition saj^s that he was of gigantic stature,
that he ate a bag of rice a da}- and drank wine by the bucket-
ful. A doughty man indeed, at least by the trencher. But
his feats on the battlefield were commensurate with his gas-
tronomic prowess for we are told that the sight of his face
struck fear into the stoutest enemy.
This army found the enemy before Ham-heung whose
governor the}' had killed. The royal forces soon had the
enemy on the run and at last brought them to bay on Man-
nyang Mountain which projects into the sea and is impreg-
nable from the land side. The royal forces took boat and
stormed it from the sea while part of the force engaged the
enem}' from the landward side. The head of Yi Si-a was
taken and forwarded to Seoul. In this fight it is said that
Gen. Hu Chung found his swôrd too small, so throwing it
aside he tore up by tlie roots a pine tree twelve inches in
girth (?) and swept all before him with this titanic weapon.
Of course the king then set free the three Prime Ministers and
confessed his mistake.
The emperor called upon Korea to help in the castigation
of the Keum-ju tribe beyond the Ya-lu, so the king sent a
larg^ force and accomplished it without the help of Chinese
arms. Having destroyed the tribe the Korean general cut a
broad space on the side of a gieat pine and there inscribed
the fact of the victor3\ The emperor was highly pleased and
sent handsome presents to the generals engaged.
This same year the king resigned in favor of his son and
retired to a separate palace to prosecute a line of study in
which he was greatly interested, namely the art of estimating
distances by the eye, a subject of importance to all military
engineers and one in which Napoleon Bonaparte is said to
have been an adept. But before the end of the year he
died.
His successor. Prince Ha-yang, is known by his posthu-
mous title Ye-jong Yang-do Tji-wang. He was so young at
^îS k()K}-;an iiisTokv.
the time that his inoth^^r act^d as regent. During the single
year 1469 that this king reigned the Great Bell was brought
into the city and hung at the central spot called Chong-no or
"Bell Street." He also made the law that the palace gates
should never be opened at night unless the one .so order-
ing showed the royal signet or token, called the su-o/W.
This was a round piece of ivory half an inch thick and three
inches in diameter with the word sioi-jnii on one side and the
king's private mark on the other. To it are appended straps
of deer skin and it is used when the king wishes to accredit
a man to a certain work. The mere showing of this is
accepted as the royal command. It is commonly called also

W\^ pyo-sin "The Sign to be Believed."
This reign saw the division of the city into north, east,
south, west and central districts. It also saw the promulga-
tion of the Kyung-guk Ta-jun or "The Great Laws for Gov-

erning the Country." The sj'stem had been inaugurated at
the beginning of the dynasty but now for the first time it was
difinitely adopted and written out in full for the guidance of
the official classes. It dealt with the minute divisions of
communities, each having an overseer.

This same year 1469 the young king died and his mother
calling the Ministers together, nominated to the throne Priuce-
Cha-san the cousin of the deceased king. As he was only
thirteen years old the Queen Mother acted as regent during
the first years of his reign. He posthumous title is Sung-
jong Kang-jung Ta-wang.
Under the regency of the Qneen Mother the first act was
the abrogation of the law requiring the people to wear the
ho-pa or wooden identification tag, which King T'a-jong had
promulgated. It had become a mere matter of form and was
found quite useless for the purpose intended, namely a
preventative against the evasion of the taxes.
This reign was marked by increased activit}' in the field
of foreign relations. First an envoy came from Quelpart with
a gift of pearls. Another came from the town of Ku-ju Si-so
in the province of Kwan-su (Japan) and still another, Chong
Sling-hong from the town of Wun-jung on the islands of
Tsushima. One embassy from the Liu Kin Islands came
with a gift of monkeys. The Japanese on the island of Sal-
MODERN KOREA. 319
ma sent an envoy who presented îfts of red pepper, incense

and white silk. He asked for Buddhist books but was re-
fused. Envo\'S came also from the northern tribes swearing
allegiance to Chosun.
In 1472 all the sorceresses, fortune-tellers and Buddhist
monks were driven from Seoul and and forbidden to enter it
again. In the following year an envo}^ from Japan

arrived
saying "When Se-jo was king I painted his portrait and car-
ried it to Japan, but at night a great light would stream from
the picture's face. So I brought it back and have left it at
Che-p'o in Chul-la Province." The king immediately sent
word to the governor to build an altar and burn the pic-
ture thereon, as it had been defiled by being carried to
Japan."
Special attention was given by Kiiig Sung-jong to the
matter of government examinations. He sent to the provin-
ces and commanded the governors to hold prelim inary ex-
aminations ai:d to send the successful men up to Seoul to
attend the grand examinations held on the third day of the
third moon and the ninth of the ninth moon. Three men
were to be sent up from each of the provi-ices except Kyving-
sang, Chnl-la and Ch'ung-ch'ung Provinces from which five
each were allowed to come. This shows that then as toda\-
the largest part of the popalatiD-.i of Korea was in the
south.
An important change was effected in the matter of crim -
jnnl procedure. The king commanded thit all men of schol-

arly rank who offended against the laws should be arraigned
not before the comm.on tribunal of justice but before the
college of scholars. Thus another barrier was built up be-
tween the common people and the nobilit3^ King STrig-jong
was also a jjatron of letters, for besides publishing a work
called Che-wang Mvung-gan or "The King's clear Mirror,''
and the O-ye-eui or "Five Rules of CDuduet." He also built
a library and collected in it all the different books that could
be found. He was the determined foe of Buddhism and, hav-
ing driven out the monks, he now proceeded against the Bud-
dhist convents in Seoul. He broke them up and made them
remove to the country. There were twenty-three of these
convents in Seoul at the time.
320 KOkKAN HiSTOkV.
The Queen Mother retired from the regency in 1477 and

the kino-, assuming his full authority, continued the work of
demolishing Buddhistic influence. He sequestered a monastery
at Yong-san and made a scho,)l of it, after throwing out the
image of Buddha. He seems to have been also a moral re-
former, for he made a law against dancing-girls and com-
manded that boys be taught to dance and to take the place of
those unfortunate women. It had been the custom on the
king's birth-da}' to have prayers offered in Buddhist temples

for the safety and peace of the kingdom, but now this was
abrogated, for the king said, "What does Buddha know? It
is a worthless custom and must be stopped." More than this,

he compelled the monks in the country to refund to a ii'an
large sums of money which had been paid for prayers which
were intended to ward ofT harm from the man's son. The
boy died and the father sued the monks for breach of contract,
and the king upheld the claim.
In 147S the queen died and a concubine named Ynn
was raised to the position of royal consort. This was des-
tined to bring dire disaster to the realm. She was a woman
of jealous disposition and violent temper and her hatred of
the other concubines led her into trouble. On one occasion
her passions overcame her and in an angrj' altercation with
the king she scratched his face severeh'. The king desired
to treat her offense leniently but he was overruled by the of-
ficials and the woman was driven from the palace. She had
one son who is commonly known bj' his posthumous title
Prince Yun-san. When the disgraced woman was dying she
charged this son to avenge her disgrace, when he should come
to the throne for he was the heir apparent.
;
The reign saw man}' reforms of a social character. It

was decreed that grave-plots must not be allowed to interfere
with the making of fields. This indicates that during the
years of prosperity the population had been rapidly increasing
and that it was found necessary to increase the area of arable
land in like proportion. The people were reaping the reward
of many }'ears of peace and good government. Nothing
could show more plainly the relation between King Sung-jong
and the people than the custom he inaugurated of helping
those to marry who were too poor to do so.
;
MODERN KORKA. 32 I
The onl)'books he caused to be published were four

on marriage, funerals, ancestor worship and "On Reach-
ing Manhood." He seems to have been an ardent Con-
fucianist for among other things he ordered that widows
should not be allowed to re-marry. This striking feature
of Korean life dates from the days of this king. Before
this there had been a certain amount of sentiment against
the practice but it had bên common even among ladies
of the higher classes up to this time. His refusal to give
books to the Japanese envoys would also lead us to believe
that he was an active Confucianist.
All these jêars we hear of no dealings with China on the
part of Cho-sun, but at this point we are told that the wild
tribe of Yu-jin was harrassing the people of northern China
and the Emperor sent a message to Korea calling upon her to
combine with China in an attack upon this obnoxious tribe.
The military policy of his predecessors now stood the King in
good stead, for he was able to put a strong army in the field
immediate!}' and the tribe of Vij-jin was speedily chastised.
The Emperor was highly pleased and sent the King a present
of silk, gold thread and cotton cloth.
In the latter years of his reign the King had the Kuk-cho
Po-gam written up to date, and he successfully withstood an
invasion of the wild tribes of the north. One of his last acts
was to order that all impurit}' and obscenity should be dropped
from the songs and poems.
In 1482 the King built two forts on the Ya-lu near the
town of Kang-gye because of threatened outbreaks of tribes
living on the further side. In 14S4 he built the Ch'ang-
gyung Palace east of what is now known as the "Old Palace."
In this same year the great historical work called the Tong-
guk T'ong-gam or "Complete Mirror of the Eastern King-
dom," probably the most celebrated of Korean histories, was
published. Itbrought the annals of the peninsula down to
the beginning of the present dynasty. Its author was Sii Sa-
ga, better known by his pseudonj-m Su Ko-gan. He was a
thorough master of Korean history.
A little glimpse of this King's disposition is given in a
memorial addressed to him in 14S6 when, after a certain royal
tomb had been struck by lightning he, in terror, asked his
^22 IvOKKAN' inSTOkV.
officials to mention his fanlls that he niii^ht mend thcni and so

ward ofi" the judi^nient of Ileavon. One official brought four
charges against him. (i) Love of money; (2) Tlie selling
of offices; (3) Cruel beating of criminals; (4) Unwilling-
ness to be reproved. Two years later he ordered a remeasure-
nient of the fields in Ham-gyung Province as he believed there
Was much taxable property there that was yielding no revenue.
The year 1489 was marked by a terrible scourge of cholera
and one of the officials advised that the King pray to Buddha
to stop it. The King promptly banished him. This man
apparently thought that because the King's mother was an
ardent Buddhist this advice would not meet with punishment.
But in this case even filial dut)^ did not stand in the way of
stern opposition to Buddhism. Soon a still more striking ex-
ample was given. The Queen Mother had a Buddha made
and placed in a monastery outside the East Gate, called
Chong-ok-wun. A man named Yi Pyuk, passing by, asked
what they were doing with the image and when he learned
that the Queen Mother had ordered it set up he struck it and
broke it in pieces. He finished the good work by burning the
fragments. It can be imagined how angry the Queen Mother
was and liow she urged the King to destroy the contumacious
subject, but in reply the King said "Instead of death he de-
serves a gift", and there the matter dropped.
In 1490 one Kwtin Chu memorialized the throne declaring
that the musical instruments in use were those made by the
corrupt Sin-don and that they were destructive of good man-
ners. At his ad\-ice the instruments were destroyed and others
were made. The style of music also was changed and it be-
came purer and more serious. At this time the instrument of
war called the so-u/, a kind of catapult, was invented.
The years 149 and 1492 were occupied in border wars in
1
Ham-gyUug province, Gen. Hu Chung at last succeeding in

clearing the northern borders of the enemy. The King died
in 1494.
Chapter HI.
Cousternation upon the accession of Prince Yiin-san .his character.

. . . . . .
avenges his mother's disgrace .. .reigu of terror. .. .conoubines of

3
MODERN KOREA. 323
former Kiug killed ...sporting proclivities. .. .noble women dis-

honored. .. .carnival of crime. .. .plot against the King ...prisons
opened. ... King banished ...royal proclamation. .. .a sad parting
. .abuses corrected.
. . revolt of Japanese residents in the south
. . .
. .diplomatic relations with Japan severed.

. . reforms. .nione\- . . . . .
for army made from Buddhist image. .. .literature. .. .mistake in

a Chinese history. .puritan simplicity.
. . .color of clothes.
. . .mili. . .
tar}' activity. .Japanese pirates captured.

. . .the first compass . . . . .
caste.... a Korean-Chinese dictionary. .. .an extreme Confucianist

....a dangerous regenc}'. .evil advisers ...good men nmrdered
. .
. .Japanese return to the southern ports.

. . .omens. ... a Bviddhist
. .
regent .. .conscription. .. .invasions north and south .. .signal vic-

tory over the Japanese .rebellion. . .
It was Korea had the misfortune to com

in 1494 that
under the baneful rule of Prince Yun-san. x^s we have seen,
he was the son of the discarded Queen. He inherited her evil
disposition and he had sworn to her that he would avenge the
stigma that had been cast upon her name. He was twenty
years old when the load of empire was placed upon his un-
worthy shoulders.
No sooner had his accession been ratified by the Enperor
than the Prime Minister resigned his position and hastened
away to his country home. When asked his reason for such
precipitation he replied, "I,ook at the pupU of his eye; with
such a King it is difficult to keep the head on the shoulders.
So I have come to the country." Many tales are told il-
lustrative of his character. Some time before the last King's
death, while he was walking in the palace grounds with his
sou, a tame deer had come and rubbed its nose on his arm.
The youth in wanton cruelty had brutally kicked the animal
and was sharply reprimanded for it by his father. Now that
he had become King he sent for the harmless beast and drove
a spear through it with his own hand. Beholding this vin-
dictive act, and rightly gauging the evil mind that lay behind
it, a high official, Pak Yong, immediately left the court and
retired to the country. The next act of this King was to be-
head his old tutor, Cho Chi-su, whom he had learned to hate
when a boy, because the faithful instructor had tried to curb
his wild excesses.
The year 1496 began with a demand for more revenue
from Chul-la Province, and a consequent remeasurement of
the land under cultivation. It is said that his mother, dying.
3^4 KOKKAN HISTC)KV.
had left u napkin, ilyctl with her blood, and had said, "When
my son becomes King, givt; this to him and tell him not to
forget his avenge my death." In pursuance of this
vow to
injunction the young King now gathered together all the men
in any way connected with the banishment and death of his
mother, all those who recorded the facts, all the messengers
who carried the hateful commands. In all there were several
hundred people. These he decapitated and dismembered.
He also dug up the bodies of those who had been implicated
but had died in the interval, broke their bones in pieces and
flung them into the river or ground them to powder and
scattered them to the winds. The King wanted to have his
mother's picture hung in the ancestral temple and when he
proposed it all but three, who said,
the officials assented to it
"She was a criminal and died a felon's death her picture can-;
not hang in the ancestral hall." The King

rage ordered
in a
their instant execution. Their families like wise perished and

their houses were razed to the ground.
We have seen that Kim Chong-jik, the Prime Minister,
had fled to the country. His enemies now accused him to the
King asserting that he had said that, as King Se-jo had killed
King Tan-jong, how could the son of the former become King.
This story was believed and Kim and many of his friends
were seized and beheaded. This was the signal for an exodus
of the better class of the people from the city. The schools
were all closed and a deadly silence reigned for the most part.
No one knew who was to be taken next. As the years pass-
ed the reign of terror did not abate. Debaucher y, oppression
and theft were the daily practices of the court and the people
were ground to the very lowest point. So much so, in fact,
that in 1504 the people printed placards in the native character
declaring the baseness of the King, and posted them through-
out the city. "These must be the friends of the people whom
I have banished" said the King. So he brought them back
from exile and beheaded, poisoned or beat them all' to death.
The people of the eight provinces besought the King to do
awa\- with the native script which had brought such disaster.
Two concubines of the deceased King were still living
and when they were accused to the King of ha\ing brought
about his mother's death, he sent for them and killed them
MODERN KOREA. 325
on the spot. For this he was blamed by the widow of the

dead King so the wretch went into her apartments, ran at
;
her and butted her with his head, knocking her to the ground.
She said they might kill her if they wished she did not care.
;
Having stolen the beautiful wife of Whang Yun-hun the King

could not induce her to smile upon him. So he said, "It is
because her husband is still living." He therefore sent and

had the man killed.
The King placed dancing girls in all the 369 prefectures
of the country and reserved three hundred of the fairest for
the palace. For these he built sumptuous pavilions and a
hospital for their treatment when ill. A special office was
erected for the care of the dogs, falcons, nets and other in-
struments of the chase. The royal stabl es were in Chong-
dong where the United States Legation now stands. Agents
were sent into all the provinces to hunt for fair women and
swift horses. Others were sent to wring from the people spe-
cial taxes. The King thought the officials were blaming him
behind his back, so he gave each of them a wooden tag on
which was written, "The mouth is the avenue to misery. The
tongue is a sword which may pierce the body. Watch the
mouth and guard well the tongue; soshalt thou dwell in safety."
He changed the Confucian temple into a play-house, drove
out all the students from the dormitories and put diviners and
sorceresses in their places. When his grandmother died he
did not assume mourning, but as two of the officials dared to
do so he killed them. He wiped out the three districts of
Ko-yang. P'a-ju and Yang-ju to make a hunting ground, and
forbade anyone to settle there. Those who disobeyed were
killed. This hunting park was then stocked with all manner
of wild beasts. He stole the people's boats to use in sport on
the palace ponds and restricted the people to the use of a
single ferry-boat on the river. This lessened the traffic to
such an extent that the people of Seoul suffered severely and

many inn-keepers were ruined. An aged eunuch remonstrat-
ed, but the King caught up a bow and shor him through.
He taxed tlie people of the south a bolt of cotton a head, and
they paid it only by taking the cotton out of their clothes and
weaving it. He invited the wives of the courtiers to a feast
and had each of them wear upon the breast the name of her
3j6 K()ki;an iiisTOKV.
luisbaiul. Of these lie dislioiiDicd whom lie wouUl and gave

the husbands ofticial position. His uncle's wife was enticed
into his net, in consequence of which she committed suicide.
vûch were a few of the acts of this depraved monarch.
W'e need not multiply tletails of his execrable career. It was
one long carnival of murder, lust and oppression. The peo-

]ile were simply the instrument by which the spendthrift
King could fill his coffers.
It was ill the twelfth year of his reign, 1506, that the
]>eople wer^ brought to the limit of their patience. Three
men. Song Heui-an. Pak Wuu-joug and Yu Sun-jong, con-
ferred together and agreed that unless there was a change
the destruction of the kingdom was inevitable. They de-
termined to drive the corrupt King from the throne and put
in his place Prince Chin-sung, the second son of King Song-
jong. One dark night they met at the Hun-yun-wun, near
the East Gate, with a number of others w^ho had been let into
the dangerous secret. Not a light was to be seen, and they
prepared to act. With a small band of picked soldiers whom
they knew to be faithful they formed a Hue in front of the
palace. The two Prime Ministers came out and joined them
and soon a crowd of people gathered. Powerful men with
irou bars soou forced au entrance and six of the King's
favorites were seized and beheaded. As a next move the pris-
ons were allopened and crowds of innocent people were
liberated. They thirsted for revenge and, finding weapons
as best they could, joined the revolutionists. It soon appeared
that there was to be no resistance for even the King's friends
were aghast at his enormities. The revolutionists proceeded
to the Kyoug-bok Palace where the King's step-mother lived,
the one whom he had treated so brutally, and said to her,
"The King is a wild debauchee. The people are scattered.
The ancestral temple has been desecrated. The people desire
'
to make your son King." She modestly replied, "How can

my son become King? The King's son is old enough to
assume the crown." At this there was a general cry of dis-
sent and all demanded that she comply and let her son become
King. At last she consented and the youth was brought out.
The assembled multitude bowed before him and swore fealty
to him. They then crowned him and brought him to the
"
MODERN KOREA. 327
palace. The deposed King was banished with his son to

Kvo-dong Island. The honorary' posthumous title was never
conferred upon him but he is known as YGn-san-ju, or "Lord
of Yun-san.
Throughout the country there was universal holida}'.
Tlie first proclamation of this new King who is known b\' his
posthnnious title Chung- jong Kong-eui Ta-wang, gave the
keynote of his reign. 'The most important thing in any coun-
'
try is the common people. If the people prosper the country

prospers, they suffer the country suffers. The late King
if
was cruel and lawless, and so by the people's will I have be-
come King. I have ordered the discontinuance of the evil
customs that have prevailed and I shall do all in my power
for the people. Let everyone rejoice."
But a sad event marred the happiness of the new King.
His queen's father had been on intimate terms with the
deposed King and had been killed upon the day of his banish-
ment. The officials therefore insisted that the Queen be put
away and that another be selected. She was innocent of any
crime, and the King said, "She is the wife of my youth and I
connot put her away." But the}' insisted until finally he was
forced to comply and he tearfully parted from her.
One of his first acts was to do away with the "Dog and
Falcon Bureau" which had in charge the implements of the
chase. He abolished the "Woman Bureau" which looked
after He gave
the procuring of concubines for the King.
back owners many houses that they had been despoil-
to their
^d of. He revived the law by which a written report of the
proceedings of the criminal court should be submitted to him
every ten days.
Years before this in the days of King Sn-jong Japanese
had been permitted to settle in the three harbors, namely
Ch'e-p'o Yiim-p'o and Pu-san-p'o. Thej'- were now having
a difficult time. The prefects were oppressing them sadly,
forcing them to work without wages and stealing their fish
or game. This they could not endure; so two of their num-
ber. Ko-jo-mo and Ko-su-jang passed over to the islands of
Tsushima and raised an expedition against the oppressive pre-
fects. Two hundred boat loads of them crossed the straits
and fell upon Fusan, killed its prefect, attacked Cli'e Harbor
3jS K(>ui-;.\.\ iiis'rouv.
ami look its prefect alive. Tliey carried fire and sword into
all that region. Tliey ravatêd ih.- iirefectiires of UiiiJ^-chTni
and Tenig-uA. The King sent a stronj; force by land and sea
who cut ofl" the retreat of the invaders and then ;«ttacked them.
Three thousand were soon ])Ut //o/s dt' (O/u/hi/ and many hun-
dreds were chased into the sea where they were drowned.
From this time, 1512, until 1572 diplomatic relations with
Japan were practically suspended, though an occasional envoy
came. A small number of Japanese boats were however al-
lowed to come to the three harbois for the purpos- of trade.
Access to the court was strictly denied them.
Kinq; Chung-jong was as active in matters of reform as
had be in his fither or grandfather. He put an end to the
cruel custom of houghing robbers. He limited the number
of blows that couli be administered in the cro.ss-e.K imi 1 itioa
of criminals. Hi
published 2940 volumes of the Sam-gang-
haug-sil and circulated them among the people as well as an-
other work on filial piity. He made a foundling asylum, or
made
at least Vm support of abandon id c'lildr .-a.
provision for
The custom punishing by striking the legs with short,
of
thick clubs was done away, for this process was almost sure
to shatter the bone.
In the seventh year of his reign, 15 12, he turned his at-
tention to the army and sent out an edict that arms should
all be put good order and should be ready for use at an in-
in
stant's warning. We are not told whether this was because
of any expedition that he was contemplating or any hostile
invasion that he feared. Whichever it was it was unrealized,
for the army under his rule engaged in no offensive or defensive
warfare. It was probably with a view simply of carrying out
the policy so wisely begun by his ancestors of keeping the

army good order. He sent down to the town of Kyong-ju
in
in the province of Kyung-sang, which had once been the site
of the capital of Sil-la, and brought up a great copper Buddha
and broke it up in order to use the metal in making new
arms for the soldiers. It was the common belief that if any-
one prayed to this image barren i-'ess might be cured. The
people cried out against its being broken up, but the King
said "Do not fear. I will take the blame." Nothing could
show us more clearly the position that Buddhism held at this
MODERN KOREA. 32^
time Ithad reached its low water mark in Korea, and

while can scarcely be said to have strengthened its position
it
up to the present time, it is very doubtful whether an emer-

gency could arise so great as to induce a King of Korea in
these days to break up an image of Buddha.
The reign of this king was marked by severe disturbances
at different times. In his thirteenth year, 151 8, there were
severe earthquake shocks extefiding over a period of four
days and causing much and property.
loss of life
During his reign literature was on the increase. He
ordered the publication of various books and established a
headquarters for books at Seoul, a sort of central depot or
depository. The only relations that he had with outside
countries was the reception of a Japanese envoy who brought
a gift of mirrors. The}^ w-ere considered very valuable.
In 151S a historical work came from China in which it
was asserted that king T'a-jo was not the son of Whang-jo
but of Yi Im-iu, a traitor, and that he had founded the new
kingdom as a result of treacher}'. The king sent an envoy
immediately to the court of China asking that the mistake be
corrected. The Emperor replied that it would be done in the
next edition.
The king's teacher, Cho Kwang-jo, called "The Con-
fucius of Korea," told his master that Buddhism and sorcery
were alike useless and urged him to do away with the head-
quarters of the diviners and sorcerers. It was done and the
teacher was given the title of "Guardian of Public Morals."
We are told that this reign was the golden age of Korean
morals. The people revolting from the excesses of the
deposed king took on a puritan simplicity. Men and women
walked on opposite sides of the street. If any article was
dropped in the road no one would touch it, but would leave
it for the ow-ner to recover. No one had to lock his doors at
night. When the wild Ya-in of the north ravaged the border
and one advised that a force be sent disguised as laborers to
chastise them, the king decided that it was beneath his
dignity to have recourse to trickery, and so sent the troops
openly. The important decennial examination called the
Hyun-yang-gwa was now established.
At this time white clothes were not largely worn. That
330 KOUKAN IllSTdRN'.
custom ilid not como in till about iSoc. Blue, red and Mack
predominated. The kinj:^ now estahlislied the custom of
wearing very light blue at the time of ancestral worship.
This reign saw some notable advances along certain lines,
Iknvs were made which were shot by putting the feet against
tlie bow and drawing the string with both hands. They
were to be used by women in defending walls while the men
might be away. A small powerful bow was made whic'i shot
metal arrows called "iieedle arrows." They carried four
times as far as the ordinary bow, and an arrow from one of
them would penetrate three men. A kind of bomb was also
invented. It was probably projected from a catapult of some
kind. A spring trap was made whose arrow weighed a

a hundred and twenty pounds.
In 152 1 a Japanese So I-jon sent an envoy named Song-
gong Pu-su-choa with a curious gift of three stones that re-
sembled mirrors. The king, however, declined to accept them.
The following year a Japanese named Teung Wun-jung went
to the Chinese district of Yung-p'a and ravaged, and on his
way home landed with his booty on the coast of Whang-hft
Province in Korea. He was there captured by a Korean and
his whole company were sent to China much to the delight
of the Emperor.
In 1524 P'yiing-yang was decimated by the cholera. It
is said that there were 7700 deaths. The following year the
envoy to Nanking, Yi Sun, brought back with him the first
compass ever seen in Korea. In 1532 a royal concubine
desired to have her son become king instead of the Crown
Prince, In order to accomplish the destruction of the latter
she took a dead rat, wrote his name on its bell}^ and put it
under the Prince's room. This is a common way of attempt-
ing to do an enemy to death by witchery. She was discovered
in the act and she and her son were put to death. Some
three years later a great mock naval battle was fought on the
river and the king went out and witnessed it.
The year 1536 beheld an important event in the bringing
of the official history of the dynast}- up to date. In the next
year an important law was made, the one which commanded
that the people of the upper class should be distinguished from
the lower class by a difference in the clothes. Heretofore
MODERN KOREA. 331
the st^'le bad been the same for both classes, but from this
time on the lower class was not allowed to wear the long
flowing sleeves which until recent years have distinguished
the Korean gentleman.
In 1 541 Chu Se-bung a noted scholar of Kyung-sang
Province founded a school at P'ung-geui in honor of a noted
sage An Yu who had lived there during the Koryu dynasty.
In digging the foundations he had found a bar of copper of
three hundred pounds weight. With the profits of the sale he
bought books for the school library.
The recorded act of this monarch casts into the shade
last
all his other work and tells us more by implication about the
condition of the people than any other words could do. That
act was the making of the Ok-pyun or Korean-Chinese dic-
tionary, arranged in "the order of the Chinese radicals. This

important publication shows first a great advance all along
the line of literature. The demand for such a work argues
a constant pressure along literary lines that finally made
it an absolute necessity. In the second place it showed that
the native character, whatever may be said to the contrary,
had taken a firm hold upon the people and had begun to
A standard for transliterating
bring forth substantial fruit.
Chinese characters was demanded and the demand could have
sprung from nothing less than a large and constant u.se of
the native character. The publication of this work marks an
era in the literary life of the peninsula. It fixed the native
character firml}- upon the people and made it a factor that
can neither be ignored nor evaded. The Chinese character
is still a favorite in Korea but it will go out before the native
phonetic character as surely as the Latin tongue went out

from England before the English.
It was in 1544 that King Chung- jong closed his long
and eventful career. Forty years upon the throne had seen
the country lifted out of the mire into which it had been
trodden by his predecessor, and brought to the highest point
of morals, of literature and of general culture that it has ever
reached. He was succeeded by his sou Yi-ho who is known by
his posthumus title In-jong Yung-jimg Ta-wang.
The career of this monarch affords another illustration of
what Confucianism in its extremer moods can do. When his
T,T^2 KtlKICAN iriSTOKV.
father died he fasted six ilays and bjcainj so weak that he

could hardly stand even with the aid of a staff. He con-
tinned to refuse suflficient food and nionrned Cv>ntiiuially for
his father. lie would sit on the b.ire gronml all night l')ng
even in winter, asking" Heaven to kill him or else give hin»
back his father. He refused medicine saying that his trouble
was one that drugs could not reach. Seeing that his end was
approaching he asked that his half brother Prince Kyon-wtin
be made king after him. When he died the whole land re-
sounded with wailing. It is said that in a single day the
news travelled by the sound of wailing caught up from
village to village, even to the limits of the kingdom. The
new king is called Mj-ung-jor.g Kong-hon Tii-wang,
This king at his accession was a lad twelve years ola
and consequently the regenc}' devolved upon his mother,
'^his was most unfortunate for she was a wholl}' unscrupulous
woman and ere the king was old enough to assume the duties
of his higlioffice inflicted serious injuries upon the state.
She had a brother, Yun Wun-hyilng, who was her equal in
daring and intrigue. Yun Im the uncle of the deceased king
Iii-jong was holdin.g office at this time. He was a faithful
and honest man. Being the brother of the late king's mother
he formed a natural as w^ll us moral antithesis to the brother
cf the new king's mother. Yun Wun-hyruig had a younger
brother Yun Wun-no who was his equal in chicanery. They
could not but be enemies and so the elder banished the
younger to Ha-nam in the south.
From the time when King Chung-jong died the two rival
leaders Yun Wnn-hyang and Yun Im, the trickster and the
statesman, had been wooing fortune for the premiership.
The people called Yun Im the "Big Yun" and Yun Wun-
hyung the "Little Yun." The people
are not seldom the
best judges of their rulers.During the short reign of King
In-jong the friends of Yun Im had been in power and they
had sedulously kept all evil-minded men, including Yun
Wun-hyung, out of office. For this reason it was that when
the latter came into power he found himself at the head of a
crowd of malcontents who thirsted first for the sweets of
office and secondly for the sweets of revenge. Before King
In-jong died "Little Yun" had poisoned the mind of the in-
MODERN KOREA. 333
coming king's mother against "Big Yun" by asserting that

he and his friends were conspiring to prevent the accession
of her son. The Queen Mother, as soon as she came to the
regenc}^ sent word to "Little Yun" to put "Big Yun" and
his associates to death. He
called the Chief of Police
and gave orders but that careful individual said
to that effect
that the men he was ordered to kill were honest men and that
he would have nothing to do with it. "Little Yun" then
sought audience with the bo.v king and urged the matter, the
Queen Mother adding her voice to his arguments. The
courtiers said that it was mere heresay and so long as the
new king had ascended the throne without any attempt at
sedition the matter ought to be dropped whereupon the ;
Queen Mother flew into a passion and screamed, "Do you

want my son to sit here and be murdered? I will have those
men killed like snakes in the fire." She then ordered the
courtiers to retire, and the bowl of poison was sent to "Big
Yun" and his friends. A relative of the king, whom the
Regent believed they intended to make king instead of her
son, fled to Sfi-gwang Monastery and hid in a cave behind it,
but he was tracked down and seized. They brought him to
Seoul and killed him by searing his body all over with red
hot irons. "Little Yun" was now the royal favorite, or at
least the Regent's favorite, and the men who h-ad opposed
the appointment of himself and his friends to official position
were banished right and left or else killed.
We will remember that the Japanese settlers had been
driven from the three southern ports during the reign of
King Chung-jong. An envoy now came
saying that the Jap-
anese settlers were not to blame for that uprising but that it
was done by a band of ruffians from the islands, and they
asked to be allowed to resume the old friendly relations.
Consent was given but on condition that twice a year tribute
should be brought to Fusan from Tsushima. The Japanese
who headed this embassy was called So-i Jon-sa. This oc-
curred in the year 1548. The same year saw the fam.ms
books Kang-mok Chun-p'yung and Sok-kang-mok, dealing
with Chinese history, and the military works Pal-myu;ig
Kang-eui, and Mu-gyung Ch'ong-yo copied in Korea and dis-
seminated throughout the countrv. These are among the
;,34 K()Ri-:.\x iiisToKV,
best known works in Korea to;lay. The common people

execrated the favorite Yuii WTin-kyung and chafed under
the regency of the Queen Mother. They went so far as to
]ût out posters stating tliat "We are ruled by a woman, and
her creatures are fattening off the revenues of the land. It
means the destruction of the kingdom." So farfrom learn-

ing a lesson from this, the Regent said, "It is because we did
not make thorough work with the followers of 'Big Yun'."
She therefore seized and killed above seventy more of them,
allgood and honest men.
It is generally believed that the hardships endured by
the people during this reign, because of famines, pestilences
and other calamities, were a forerunner of the terrible
cataclysm that swept over the land during the following
reign, Japanese invasion. These calamities had
in the great
begun in the year of the reign when a pestilence
very first
swept the province of Ham-gyting. The same year an

enormous mass of rock became detached from the side of Sam-
gak mountain back of Seoul and fell with such a tremendous
crash that it was heard and felt in all the adjourning prefec-
tures. This was followed by disastrous floods in various parts
of the country whereb}- thousands of people perished and vast
amounts of property were destroj-ed. In the city of P'5'ung-
yang alone 720 houses fell and 209 lives were lost.
It was in 1550 that and astronomical instument was
made, called the Sun-gi-ok-hyung or "Heaven Measure."

We are not told the exact nature of the instrument, but it
implies a considerable degree of intellectual activity and an

inclination toward scientific pursuits that is rare in Korea.
The Queen Mother, as seems to have been common with
women of high degree in Korea, became a confirmed Buddhist.
This tendency became so strong that in 1552 she had a law
made requiring government sanction for a man to enter the
priesthood, and special examinations were also required. A
monk named Po U, an unscrupulous but capable u:an, exer-
cised immense influence at the palace. The courtiers besought
the king to drive himaway but as j'et the Regent was too strong.
The following year the custom of filling the ranks of the
arm}- by conscription was inaugurated. All men over fifteen
years of age were supposed.to give two or three years' service.
MODERN KOREA. 335
But it was not The militar}' spirit has never been

a success.
really strong in Korea since the downfall of ancient Ko-kury u.
The profession of arms has always been looked down upon as
an inferior calling and so long as a living could be gained
some other waj- the army has been shunned. The law of con-
scription was soon modified so that the payment of a modest
sum, three hundred and fifty cash a year, bought exemption
from service- Later the sum was raised to 10,000 cash and
even to 20,000 in some cases, but this included alarge"squeeze"
on the part of the officials.
The Queen Mother's power came to an end in 1554 vv'hen
the king reached his twenty-first year. From that point
matters began to mend. The ex-Regent and her minions
lost a large part of their power, but other difficulties came up
which took the place of those which were thus overcome.
The wild tribe of Kol-gan-bul crossed the northern border
and harried the border towns. When sixty of them had been
caught and beheaded the remainder retired. A Japanese
marauding band, returning from the coast of China laden
with booty, landed on the Korean coast and were theie cap-
tured and sent to Nanking. The next 3'ear seventy boat-loads
of Japanese landed on the Chul-la coast and killed several
prefects but the governor called about him a band of soldiers
and routed the invaders. A hundred and twent}' Japanese
were killed and all their arms were captured.
One of the most signal victories the Koreans ever scored
over the pirates occurred in 1556. A thousand or more of
these unwelcome neighbors landed at Tal-yang in Chul-la
Province and besieged the town. Government troops were
sent against them but were driven back with great loss. The
0-ran, Ma-do and Ka-ri harbor forts were besieged and taken
and the towns of Cbang-heung and Kang-jin were swept by
the remorseless foe. Kim Pin the admiral of Chul-la Prov-
ince, and the prefect of Kwang-ju were both badly defeated
in their attempts to check this hostile advance.
Yi Yun-gyiing, the prefect of Chun-ju raised a force of
2000 men and marched toward the sât of war. An ex-
perienced general warned him that he could do nothing but
he replied "Then let my head pay the price." He gave a
written promise that if any of his men deserted he would for-
T,T,6 KOKI'IAN IIISTOKV.
iL'il liis life, so great was liis '•ourukucc in llic (Hiality of liis
soldiers. PusliiiiL;; rapitlly foiwaid In.' Inst encountered the
Japanese where he threw up breastworks. He
at Hyans;-_i^\o
was to have been reinforced by his brother but the hitter sent,
warning him that it was a hopeless case and urging him to
retreat. He replied by decapitating the messenger and attack-
ing the enemy single-handed. He warned his men that the
first one to retreat would lose his head.
The leader of the Japanese rode a powerful white horse

and bore in his hand a yellow flag, and he kept beating his
sword against the flagstaff with terrible clamor. Gen. Yi
began the attack not by shooting at the Japanese themselves
but by shooting fire arrows into their camp and among their
baggage. When this was seen to be well ablaze he ordered a
charge and singling out the conspicuous Japanese leader soon
laid him low with one of the famous "needle arrows." The
enemy was soon in full retreat but their progress was stopped
by a high ledge of rocks and there they were brought to
bay. It is said that 1800 Japanese perished at this point.
This is but another sample of what Korean soldiery can do
when properly led. The brilliant young leader was made
governor of the province. The Japanese who escaped made
tlieir way across the straits into the island of Quelpart,
where they demanded arms of the prefect, for they had cast away
theirs in their precipitate flight. Instead of complying the
prefect attacked them, brandishing an enormous battle-club.
The victory was complete and the plain was strewed with the
dead bodies of the foe.
When the king heard of these victories he praised the
troops and remitted all the revenue from the prefectures
where the Japanese had created the disturbance,
A serious rebellion occupied public attention in the 3êar
1563. A butcher of Yang-ju named Im Ko-jung gathered
about him a band of desperate highwaymen and began toplunder
and burn in that and the neighboring prefectures. Government
troops chased them into Ku-wul Mountains where they were
tracked with difficulty owing to the fact that they wore their
shoes reversed in order to deceive their pursuers. But the army
surrounded the whole mountain and, gradually \vorking their
way up, at last brought the offenders to bay and cut them down.
.
MODKRN KOREA. 337
In 1566 the Queen Mother died, and no sooner was it an-

nounced than the monk who had been such a favorite with
her was banished to Quelpart and there beaten to death.
This done, the oflScials demanded the death of Yun Wun-
h3'ung. The King refused to kill his uncle but deprived him
of all official position and drove him away from the capital.
Chapter IV.
King Sun- Jo takes the throne... a memorab.le reign ... .reforms. ..
northern invasion ... .a prophecy., .mourning costume. .. .rise of

the political parties. .part}- strife. .literature.
. ..border war. .. . . . . ,
condition of affairs in Korea. .charge of effeminacy untrue. .con-

. . . .
dition of Japan. .Japanese envo)-.

. . .Hideyoshi his demands re- . . . .
fused. .second envoy ... .delay ...Korea's condition acceded to

..
. . . .renegades executed ... conspiracy a coward envoy. .Hide- . . . .
yoshi's ultimatum ... Korea refuses .. .Tairano. .. .the King's ans-

wer to Hideyoshi the King informs the Emperor. .preparations . .
for war. . . .generals conmiissioned .the army of invasion.

. . .lands .
on Korean soil. . . .Japanese firearms . . the cowardly provincial gen-

eral. . . .the fall of Tong-nu . . .a faithful defender . . .cowardly oflS-
cer3. . . .the Japanese move northward. . . .a martinet.
In 1568, as King Myting-jong lay d}'ing, his Queen sum-

moned the officials to consult about the succession but ere they
arrived the King expired. They asked her to nominate a

successor and she named Prince H3-sung a jôuth of seven-
teen, second cousin to the deceased King. He is known by
his posthumous title vSun-jo So-gyung 7'a-wang. The Queen
who nominated liiui acted as regent until he should reach his
majority.
perhaps the most memorable of any in this
This reign is
dynasty, for in occurred the great Japanese invasion which

it
brought the land to the verge of destruction and which has

ever since colored the Korean conception of the Japanese.
The first years of the reign were spent in correcting the
abuses brought about by "L,ittle Yun" and in removing from
office all who had been connected in any way with him
those
The whole kingdom was canvassed for wise and scholaily men
Co put in the places of those who had been removed. Books
;^3S KORlsAX HISTORY.
intended for the iustniclion ami elevation of the jno-ile were

pnblished ami distribnted far and wide.
The wild Va-in across the Va-ln were crossing that river
and taking possession of fields in Kt)rea proper, near the town
oi Kang-gye. The King sent a force nnder Gen. Kim Tong-
ynng to dislodge them. The intrnders were chased across
the river and into a narrow defile where they tnrned on their
puTsners. Taken thus by surprise the Korean forces were
thrown into confusion and were put to flight, but not till after
their general had fallen. A second expedition chased the
intruders to their villages, and burned them out.
In the following year the Prime Minister Yi Chuu-gyung
died, but before he expired he gave voice to a prophecy
which has become historic. He said :
—
"Since I have begun
to examine men's minds I find that opposing factions will
arise and that in their train great evils will follow. The
king should studiously avoid showing favoritism to either of
these factions. The first symptom of the rise of such factions
should be met with stern resistance."
In the year 1572, the relations with the Japanese whereas
follows: —Since the seventh year of King Chong-jong, when
the Japanese in llie three ports revolted, there had been little
communication between the two countries, but a few Japanese
had been allowed to live in the three settlements by sufferance.
But now the Japanese sent a friendly message asking that
the old relations be resumed. The prefect of Fusan added
his influence in favour of granting the request, and the
Japanese were allowed to resume operations at Fusan alone,
three li below the prefecture, which means about half way
down the bay from the present village of Fusan. From that
time the former relations seem to have been renewed, but no
envoi's went from Korea to Ja] an. It was decreed by the
Korean government that should a Japanese land anj'where

upon the coast except at Fusan he should be dealt with as a
pirate. Oi^cials were set to watch the Japanese and see to
it that they did not overstep the strict regulations.
It had not been customar}' for the people to assume
mourning on the death of a royal personage, but when the
Queen Regent died in 1575 the custom was begun, and each
citizen wore a white hat, belt, and shoes.
ODKRX KOREA. 339
This year, 1575, was signalized b}- another event of far-

reaching importance and one which exerted a powerful in-
fluence over all subsequent Korean historj-. It was the
At first there Mere
formation of the great political parties.
only two. but soon thej' which are known as
split into four,
the No-ron, So-ron, Nam-in, and Puk-in. These mean "The

Old Men's Party." "The Young Men's Prty." "The South-
erners," and "The Northerners." These terms are not at
all descriptive of the composition of the various parties but
arose from trivial circumstances. These parties have never
represented any principles whatever. They have never had
any "platforms," but have been, and are, simply political
clans each bent upon securing the royal favour and the offices
and emoluments that go therewith. The story of their rise
shows how frivolous were the causes which called them
into being, and the remainder of these annals will show how
they have cursed the country.
During the pr.lmy days of the odious "lyittlc Yun" of the
preceding reign, a man by the name of Sim Eni-gyum hap-

pening to see a blanket in the reception room of the universal-
ly hated favorite, asked to whom it belonged. When he was
told that belonged to one Kim Hyo-wuu, h:- exclaimed "He
it
is called a good man, but if so how can he sleep in the house
of such a man as Little Yun." So he opposed this Kim

with all his might and was opposed b}' him in like manner.
The matter grew into a family feud and kept on i:',cre;)sing
until at the time of which we are writing two hosliie ci.aus
had arisen, the one called Su-in or "Westerners," because
their leader lived in the western part of Seoul. The otl:er was
at first calledTong-in or "Easterners," perhaps because their
leader lived in the eastern part of the cit5\ The two men
through whom the quarrel first arose had now left the field of
active politics and the Su-in and Tong-in parties were led re-
spectively by Pak Sun and Hu Yup. It is said that from
this time impartiality in the distribution of offices \v'as a thing
unknown in Korea. A Su-in would help a Su-in and a Tong-
in would help a Tong-in, right or wrong.
The long fight was immediatel}^ begun. A slave in
Whang-ha province was accused of murder and was held in
prison -waiting- the decision of Pak Sun, the leader of the party
34*-^ K(H<lv.\N iiisroKV.
in power. He did not believe the man guilty and delay followed.
Hu Vup, the leader of the opposition, took advantage of this
ami accused his rival of neglect of duty. Then followed a
running fire of charge and counter-charge between the leaders
and between their piilisans. The Tong-iu, or So-ron as it
soon came to be c.dletl. won in this first encounter and two
of the opposing f.iction were banished. The Prime Minister
urged that this fight was utterly useless and would cause
endless trouble. The king, agreed and determined to stamp
out the cause of the disturbance; so he banished the two men
Kim and vSiui who had originated the factious. Tliis had no
effect liowever upon the now thoroughly organized parties and
affairs kept going from bad to worse.
In 1579 I'ak In-gul said to the king, "All the people have
taken sides in this senseless war and even though a man be a
there arc plenty who will defend him.
criniiiial This means
the ultimate desl.ruction of the kingdom, and the King should
act as peacemaker between the factions." Others urged the
a-
same point bjfore the, lang, but they were unaware that it
was beyond the power of any king to lay the evil spirit of
factional strife. In the fifteenth year of his reign the king
threw himself into the cause of literature. He believed that
neglect of the classics was the cause of the factional strife in
hie kingdom. He ordered the publication of the "Religion
in the Mind," "Picture of the Good and Evil Will," and
"The Legacy of Kim Si-seup." He called together a large
congress of scholars, and in company with them threw him-
self into the study of the classics.
The year 1583 beheld a fierce invasion on the part of the
northern savages under Pon-ho. The prefecture of Kyong-
.
wun. in Ham-gyung
Province, was taken by them, but Sil-
Yip, the prefect of On-sung, went to its succour, and after
a desperate fight before the town, broke the back of the inva-
sion, drove the marauders back across the Tu-man and burn-
ed their villages.
A novel method was adopted for raising recruits for the
army on the broder. A law was made that sons of concubines,
who had always been excluded from official position, might
again become eligible by giving a certain amount of rice or by
going themsfclve.-i and giving three years' time to bordtr guard
1
MODERN KOREA. 34
duty along the Ya-lu or Tu-man. Two chieftains, Yul Po-ri

and Yi T'ang-ga, advanced b)' separate roads upon K}'ong-
siing with 10,000 mounted followers, but the little garrison of
100 men fought so stubbornly that the siege was raised and
the two chieftains marched on to attack Pang-wuu, Fortun-
ately government troops arrived just in time to drive the in-
vaders back.
The Minister of War was working faithfully for -arding
troops as fast as they could bs gotten ready, but tht îpposi-
tionmade charges against him on the ground of the neglect of
some trifling technicality and he forthwith laid down his
portfolioand retired in disgust. When the king asked the
Prime Minister about it, that careful individual, fearing to
compromise himself, would give no definite answer and the
king consequently said, "If ray Prime Minister will not tell
me the facts in the case it is time he retired," so he too lost
footing and fell from royal favor.
Having reached now the threshold of the great Japanese
invasion of Korea it will be necessary for us to pause and
examine the state of affairs in Japan and institute a com-
parison between that countrj'^ and Korea in order to discover
if possible the causes of Japan's early success and subsequent
defeat.
Korea and Japan may be said to have been at two op-
posite poles. Beginning with Korea, we notice, first, that
her relations with the Ming dynast}" were eminently peaceful.
Unlike the Mongols of an earlier date and the Manchus of a
later date the Mings did not have their origin in the north,
and therefore were brought less into contact with Korea
along her northern border. They belonged to central China
and were not a horde of brutal pillagers as were the Mongols
and Manchus. Hence it was that so long as Korea- was
friendly and held her own way quietly the Ming emperors
concerned themselves very little about her. To this day
Korea looks back to the Ming dynasty as her true patron
and realizes that the Manchu supremacy is an alien one.
Korea had been strongly unified by the statesmanship of the
first kings of the Cho-sun dynasty, the present one, and had
been ruled so well as a general thing that there was no sense

of insecurity and no particular fear from the outside except
34- KOKliAN UlSTdKV.
such as aroê from the occasional irruption of a northern tribe

or a piratical raid of a few boatloads of Japanese. The only
need of a stamlintj army was to tûard herself from such at-
tacks. The arts of peace flourished, the country was peace-
ful, there is little reas(.)n to was sunken, as
believe that she
many have averred, into shameful effeminacy.
a state of
In fact there is much to indicate the opposite, for almost up
to the very year in which the invasion occurred the policy of
reform instituted by king Se-jong was adhered to and the
rulers, however un warlike they may have been, surely did
much for the sake of literature, art and public morals. You
will scarcely find in the annals of history that the kings who
ruled during times of great public degeneracy, when luxury
sapped the vital power of the nation, spent their time in giv-
ing to the people treatises oa moral, scientific, social and
literary topics as these kings unquestionably did even up to
the day when the Japanese cataclysm swept the country. It
had not been a hundred years since an uuwortb}^ king had

been driven from the throne b}' his disgusted people and been
refused the posthumous title. That king was succeeded by
one who made the land even puritanic in the severity of its
morals, who fostered the arts and sciences as hardly any
otjer had done and who crowned his work b}- publishing the
Ok-pyiin, which marked an era in the literary life of the
people. He had been followed in turn by a king wdio
continued the work of progress aud among other things
caused the construction of a complicated astronomical in-
strument. The following reign was the one in which the
invasion occurred. No candid reader can believe that the
country was steeped in such absolute degeneracy as the
Japanese annalists would have us believe, and which other
writers who had not access to the Korean annals Iia\e de-
scribed. But some may saj' that the good w'ork of Korean
-
kings does not necessarily argue a good people. This again

is a mistake, for there could scarcely be found a people that
has taken their cue more directly from the court than have
the Korean people. When the kings have been lax the
people have followed the example anjd when the kings have
been true men the people have been brought back to honest
living. The refutation of this calumny then needs but a
MODERN KOREA. 343
careful perusal of the Korean annals ; not those which have

been written under government sanction and are therefore
unreliable but those which, like these, have been drawn from
the private and popular histories of the dynasty and are
presumabl)^ reliable. For centuries Korea had been at peace,
except for insignificant uprisings on the border, and the arts
of peace had gradually taken the place of martial prowess.
A man is not an object of contempt simply because h^ is not
a warrior. If he is, then let us go back to the peat-smoke of
our ancestral hovels.
Having shown reason for Korea's inability to
this
hold the the Japanese in check to have been a false one it
will be necessar}' to account for it in some other way. This
can easily be done. The reason was three-fold. In the first
place the Korean people, having no use for a large standing
army, had not been trained in large numbers to military life.
Secondly the Japanese were armed with firearms while the
Koreans had absolutely none. The first firearm that was
ever seen in Korea was given the king by a Ja;->inese envoy
just at the outbreak of the invasion, as we shall see. This
alone would account for Korea's inability to cope with the
islanders. In the third place the rise of the political parties
had brought in a spirit of jealousy which made it impossible
for any man to reach celebrit}' without calling down upon
himself tlie hatred of the opposing party and his consequent
ruin. This we deem the main cause of Korea's weakness.

The following pages will show whether this view is upheld
by facts or not. It was the mutual jealousies of opposing par-
ties that proved the bane of the land and not the supineness
and effeminacy of the people.
We must now glance at Japan and see of what stuff the
invaders were made. Unlike the Korean people, the Japan-
ese had never been welded into a homogeneous mass. Feu-
dalism was the most marked feature of Japanese life. It has
been but thirty jêars since Japan became a unit. It was

feudalism and its consequent spirit of liberty (for feudalism
is liberty in embryo) that made possible Japan's phenomenal
development during the past three decades. Her feudalism

is therefore not to be decried, but one of its necessar}' evils
was a state of almost continual civil war. For two centuries
;,44 KOREAN' TIT?TORV.
prccediii.i^ the invasion of Korea Jajxin had been one great

battlelk-ld. War was the great occu])alion of the people.
While Korea liatl been bnsy producing Japan had been busy
destroying and when at last Hideyoslii, the great Shogun,
found himself the virtual ruler of a temporarily quiet king-
dom he had on hand an enormous army which must either be
given occupation or must be disbanded. The latter he dared
not do and the former he could not do without finding a field
a field of operation abroad. But we are anticipating.
It is well known governnent of Japan was not
that the
administered by the emperor in person but by an official called
the Taiko, or Kwau-bnk as the Koreans say. For about two
centuries this office had been in the hands of a family named
Wiin. Hideyoshi had been a retainer in the family of the
Taiko. Being a l-.old and successful fighter he won his way
to a generalship and from this pount of vantage killed the
Tajko and assumed that title himself. It had been the dream
of his life to strike at Cliina. He had tried it once unsucces-
sfully by boat, attacking her at Chul-gang. He now changed
his plan and decid'_d to make Korea a stepping stone to the
conquest of. the Ming empire. His initial move was based
on his statement "Year after year our envoys have gone to
Korea but they never send one in return."
In pursuance of this policy a Japanese envoy named
Yasuhiro appeared at the Korean court in 1587 bearing a
harshly worded and insulting letter demanding that the king
send and envoy to Japan. The only norice taken of this
demand was a polite note in which the king stated that as the
journey by sea was a long one and the Koreans were not good
sailors he would have to be excused from complying with the
demand. Wen Yasuhiro placed this missive in the hands of
his master he was promptly ordered into the hands of the
executioner.
The opening of the year 158S found Korea still suffering
from outbreaks of the far norther border and Gen. Yi II took
a small force of men, crossed the Tu-rian River on the ice
and attacked the Chin-do tribe. Being successful in this ha
took 2000 men, crossed the same river at four different points
simultaueosly and attacked the Si-jun tribe by night, burning
200 houses and killing 300 people.
MOUKKX KCJKKA. 345
111 the spring of this j'ear tht:re arrived from Japan a sec-
ond envoy, or rather three envoj^s, Yoshitoshi, Tairano

Tsuginobu and a monk Gensho. Of these Yoshitoshi was
the chief. He is described by the Koreans as being a young
man, but coarse and violent and of such a fierce nature that
the other members of his suite dared come into his presence
only on their knees. They dared not look him in the face.
Yoshitoshi and his suite were comfortably quartered at the
Toug-p'uiig-gwati near the present Japanese settlement in
Seoul, and having renewed the demand that Korea send an
envoy to Japan, he waited month after month hoping that
the king would accede to the demand and fearing to go back
without success lest he should meet the same fate that
Yasuhiro the former envoy had suffered.
At last the king announced that he would send an envoy
to Japan on one condition, namely that the Japanese govern-
ment seize and send back to Korea a number of Korean re-
negades who, under the leadership of one Sa Wha-dong, had
run away to Japan and had since led marauding bands of
Japanese against the southern seaboard of Korea. To this
condition the Japanese envoy gladly consented and Tairano
was despatched to Japan to carry it out. But it was not till
the seventh moon of the following year, 1589, that the pirate
Sa Wha-dong and three Japanese freebooters together with
certain other Koreans were brought back from Japan and
delivered up to justice. With them came a letter from the
Japanese government saying "We are not responsible for the
evil deeds of these men. The Korean Sa Wha-dong is the
cause of this trouble so we send them all to you and you
;
must mete out to them such punishment as you see fit." The
culprits were immediately decapitated outside the West Gate.
This seems to have thawed somewhat the reserve of the king
and Yoshitoshi was called to the palace for the first time,
where he was presented by the king with a handsome steed
while he in turn gave the king a peacock and some firearms,
the first that had ever been seen in Korea.
Late in the year a dangerous conspiracy was discovered,
the prime mover being Chong Yo-rip of Chul-la Province.
He had arranged a plan by which he and several friends of
his in Whang-ha Province should rise simultaneously and
;,.|(> KnKi:.\.\ 11 ij- 1 (IK^ .
DVcrlhrnu ihr i;.)\'-niiiKiil. A cerlaiii iiiunk in Kii wfil

luouiilain in \\'li,ui.u-lii» rrovince disco\'erccl that a certain
man, Cho Ku, was workini; dilii^L-ntly anionj^ the people,
taking nanKs. SLiulini; nnnierous letters and in other ways
aetin)^ in a snspicious He believed the man was a
manner.
traitor and An-ak to be on the lookout.
told the prefect of
The latter arrested the man and examined him. It was then
elicited that a widespread rebellion was being gjtten up.
When the news was told the king secretly he called together his
t)tlicials and asked "What st)rt of a man is this Chung Vo-rip?"
vSome said they didnot know but tlie Prime Minister said
that he was a good scholar and an examplary man. The
king them threw upon the floor the letter telling about the
plot and exclaimed "Read that and see what sort of a man
he is."
The traitor Chong had gotten wind of the discovery and
had fled with his son to Chi-nan Mountain in ChHl-la Pro-
vince but he was ptirsued and" surrounded. Rather than be
taken he cut his own throat and expired. His son and his
nephew were taken back to Seoul and executed. The nephew
under torture affirmed that the Prime Minister and a large
number of other officials were privj' to the plot. This wâs the
more easily believed because the Prime Minister had insisted
that Chong was a good man. So he and two others were
banished. It is affirmed on good authority that the Prime
Minister and the other who suffered were innocent of the
charge, and that it was simply one of the deplorable results
of party jealousy and strife. We here have a striking in-
stance of the cause of Korea's weakness.
All momentous events in Korea are believed to be fore-
told in some way. It is said that in this year 15S9 a good
man named Cho Ho.i went to the monastery at Kom-san and

wlieii rice was set bcifore eats with me
him said "Wnoever
will dienext year, for the Japanese are coming with 200,000
men. Those here who do not eat with me will live." Three
only are said to have taken up the challenge and eaten
with him.
In the third moon of the foilov\ing year 1590 the king
redeemed his promise by sending to Japan three envoys,
Whang Yuu-gil, Kim Sung-il and Ho Sung. They were ac-
îonKR^ kokka. 347
conipatiied by the Japanese envoy who had waited a year for

thcni. Whang Yunn-gil was cliief of the Korean embassy,
but he was a weak, timid man who liardly dared speak when
a Japanese addressed liim. The other members of the em-
bassy realizing how how snch action would bring Korea into
contempt at the Japanese conit, tried to stir him up and
make him. speak out fearless!}-, but to no avail. After wast-
ing a year at the Japanese court the embassy returned, ac-
companied by Tairano who was charged with an important mis
sion to the king but the minute this embassy landed at Tong-
.1n W'l,ang Yun-gil the cowardly envoy sent a letter post haste
'o Seoul saying that war with Japan was certain. When they
all arrived at Seoul the king called them into audience and
questioned them about their experiences in Japan. His first

questioi! was "Did 3'ou see Hideyoshi ? How did he look-'"
Whang replied "His eyes flashed fire. He is a fearsome man."
but Kim Sung il said "There is nothing fearsome about him.
His eyes are like rats' eyes."
The important letter of which Tairano was the bearer
was now handed to the King and it lay bare the mind of Hide-
yoshi. It read as follows :
—
"Our country consists of si.xty-six kingdom'^. They all
revolted from the Emperor but for four years I fought them
and succeeded in bringing them
all to their knees until even
the remote islands lay mastered in my hand. Wheti my

mother conceived me it was by a beam of sunlight that enter-
ed her bosom in a drîam. After my birth a fortune teller
said that all the land the sun shone on would be mine when I
became a man, and that my fame would spread beyond the four
seas. I have never fought without conquering and when I
strike I always win. Man cannot outlive his hundred years,
so why should I sit chafing on this island? I will make a
leap and land in China and lay my laws upon her. I shall go
by way of Korea and if your soldiers will join me in this in-

vasion you will have shown your neighborly spirit. I am de-
termined that my name shall pervade the three kingdoms."

At a feast given in honor of the Japanese embass}-, Hyun
So, the Japanese monk who seems to have accompanied
Tairano to the Korean court, whispered to Whang Vun-gil
and said, "The reason why Hideyoshi wants to attack China
"
îN KOT;l-:.\N IIISTOKV.
is beacnsc the iMiijêror refuses to receivt a Japanese envoy.

If Korea leaves us but a clear road to China we will ask no-
thiui:; else. No trooj^s need be i:;iven. " To tliis Wliaui^ re-
plied. "That can never our Mother Conntr> and

be. China is
we cannot so dtsert lier as to îve a road to an invadin;jj

army." The nioi.k rvlurntd to the attack but this time from
ancnher standpoint. "Long: ago the iMcn.iiol hordes desired
to invade Japan and yon gave them a road through Korta for
th;>.t purpose. Xow when we seek revenge you should do the
same by us." This was considered too preposterous a thing
to be even discussed and the luatter suddenly dropped and the
Japanese envoys started straight back to their own country.
It was this envo\- Tairano who while on his wax np from
Fusan insulted the aged governor of TS-gu by sa\ ing, "b'or
ten years I have followed w.ir and thus n)\ beard is gray; why
should you grow old ?" Also calling for a Korean spear he
.said, "Your spears are tot) long." meaning that only cowards
u>«e long spears. He it was also who threw the basket of
oranges to the dancing girls and. when they scrambled for them,
uttered his ironical criticistn. "Your nation is doomed. You
have no manners.
When this embas.sy went back to Japan he carried an
answer to Hideyoshi's letter, in which the King .said: —
"Two letters have already passed between us and the
matter has been sufficiently di>cussed. What talk is tliis of
our joijiing you against China ? From the e'^rliest times we
have followed law and right. From within and from without
all If you have desired to send
lauds are subject to China.
your envoys to China how much more should we. When
We have been fortunate China has rejoiced and when we have
been unfortunate she has helped us. The relations which
Nubsist between ns are those of ])arent and child. This \ on
well know. Cni; we desert both emperor and parent and join
with you? You doutlbess will be angry at this and it is be-
cause you hav;i not been admitted to the court of China.
Why is it that \on are not willing to admit the
su/.f^rainty of
the emperor instead of harboring such hostile intents against
him? This truly passes our comprehension."
The emperor hearing a rumor of a Korean Japanese
alliance sent and enquired about it but tlw king replied
s
.
:\U1I)KUN' KOKKA. 349
through an einuy lelling the facts of the case exactly as

they l.ad occurred. It was well understood in Korea that
an invasion was all but inevitable and active preparations
were going on all the year in view of this contingency.
Three able men were sent as the governors of Kyung-sang.
Chulla and Ch'ung-ch'nng Provinces respectively, namely
Kim Su. Yi Kwang. and Yun Sung-gak. They were so ener-
getic in repairing fortresses and accumulating arms that the
people complained loudly. Someone told the king that Yi
Sun-sin, a man as yet unknown, had in him the making of
the greatest general in the world, and for this rea.son the
king made him admiral of all the naval forces of the kingdom.
Chapter V.
The army of invasion . . .lands on Korean soil . . . .Japanese fire-arms. . .
fall Fusan
of ...a cowardly provincial ".overnor ...the fall of
Tong-na a . faithful defender . . .cowardly officers the Japan-
ese move northward. .. .a martinet. .. .braver soldiers than leaders
... .the news reaches Seoul .. the three roads guarded .. .a comi-
cal predicament ... a good .shot... Cho-rynng (Pass) left un-
defended. .. .an army disbands for lack of leaders. .. .Gen. Yi 11'
fiasco Ger Sil Yip wants to fight in the plain
. .
reconnoiter- . .
iiig .the Korean army in a trap

.
.overwhelming defeat. . .
We have now arrived at the year 1592 A. D. the two

hundredth anniversary of the founding of the dynasty, the
year that was destined to .see the country swept by the Japan-
ese hordes. The Koreans call it the Ini-jim year and the
mere pronunciation of that word today brings up in the Ko-
rean's mind thetalesof horror and suffering which his Another
told him when a boy, and which have determined the whole
attitude of the Korean mind toward Japan.
Before spring opened king took an inventory of all
the
the arms that were available, and apointed Gen. Sil Yip to
the command of the forces in Kang-Wun and Ham-gynng
Provinces, and Gen. Yi II to the command of those in the
south. In the third moon the officials worshiped at the tomb
of King T':l-jo the founder of the dynasty. Korean tradition

.'^5<"' KnklW iiisroKV.
says lliat wailinos wt-rc lu-ani ])r()ccv(iin>? from this tonih tor
thrrt- or four days ]>recc'cliii^ the huidinj^; of the Japanese.

Hideyi^shi had ijjtteii toiêther an enormous force from
all i)arts i)\ llu- kiiii^doui ami the (.xpedition reiide/'AOUsed at
the islands of Iki. The\- were led b\ thirty-six generals, the

jj:eneral-inehief heiny; Hideyi.
As to the nundiers in the in\'adinj; army the Korean ac-
onnt ajiriisho Well with the Japanese that there can be little
doubt of its correctness. The Korean accounts say that the

regular army consited of 160, ouo men, that there was a
"boily-guard" of So, 000 men, perliaps meaning the personal
bodyguard of and that there were :500 heavy
Hideyoshi,
armeii caxalrv. This says
nothing about a reserve force of
<io,ixx^ men which is mentioned by .some .lUthorities, and from
this we conclude that these did not come with the. main army
hut waited and came later as reinforcements. The best Japan-
ese accounts make the total 250,000 while :he Korean records
say 241.500. Hither of these numbers is approxin;ately cor-
rect, but the Japanese accourts divide the estimate different-
ly, saying that the main army was 150,000 while Hideyoshi's
]>er.sonal command was 100,000. But this discrepancy is of

cxTUrse unessential.
.\s to armament we find that this army was provided
with 5000 battle axes, 100,000 long swords, 100,000 spears,
100,000 short swords, 500.000 daggers, 300,000 firearms large
and stnall, and that there were in the whole army 50,000
horses.
The flotilla which brought this immense army to the
shores of Korea consisted of between three and four thousand
boats. This gives us an intimation as to the capacity of the
l)oats used
in those days. According to this enumeration
each boat carried sixty men. They were probably undecked,
or at most but partially decked, boats of about forty or fifty
feet in length by ten in breadth.
We whole fieet did
learn from Japanese sources that the
not weigh anchor from Iki at the same time. Kato, who
was in command of one division of the army, managed
to give the rest of the fleet the slip and was away wnth hi.s
command by night, while his rival Konishi was compelled to
wait several davs longer at anchor because of adverse winds.
MODKKN KUKKA. 351
These two men, Kato and Konishi fignre so prominently in

the first years of the war that a word of description is neces-
sary. Kato was an old warrior who had fought for many
3'ears beside the great commander. He was an ardent Bud-
dhist and a firm btliever in the old regime. Konishi on
the other hand was a young and brilliant general who had
gained his place not so much by long and faithful service
as by his uncommon skill in military affairs. He was a con-
vert to Roman Catholicism, having been baptized by the Por-
tugese missionaries in 15S4, He seems to have been a per-
sonal favorite with the great Taiko. It is in the Korean ac-
counts that we find the statement that Hideyi was made the
General-in-chief of all the army of invasion. From the Japan-
ese accounts which naturally would be supposed to be more re-
liable in this matter it would seem that Kato and Konishi
divided between them the honor of supreme command. But we
must remember that Hideyoshi was an old soldier and well
acquainted with the natural jealousies that spring up between
officers in an army, and it is almost inconceivable that he
should have put this army in joint command of two men
whom he must have known to be bitter enemies and who
would doubtless work at cross purposes in the peninsula.
We incline therefore to the opinion that the Koreans were
right and that there was a nominal head in the person of
Hideyi, but it is quite true that the brunt of the work fell
upon the two rivals, Kato and Konishi.
When day broke on the morning of the thirteenth of the
fourth moon of 1592 a dense fog rested on the sea and hid
from the eyes of the Koreans the vast fleet that was working
across the straits. Curiously enough, the commander of the
Korean forces in Fusan happened to be hunting that day on
Deer Island at the entrance to the harbor. He was the first
to descry the invading host. Hastening back to the fortifica-
tions he prepared for the worst. Before many hours had
passed the Japanese ho.st had lauded, surrounded the fort and
poured in upon its doomed defenders such a destructive fire that
it is said the bullets fell like rain. Tlie garrison fought till their
arrows were gone and then fell at their post, not one escaping.
It would be difficult to overestimate the immense advan-
tage which the Japanese enjoyed in the pos.session of firearms,

;,5- Ki)KI-.\N 1I1SI\'KV
a Weapon with wliicii ilic Koreans were not ac(juaiiited and

tt> wliosr naUital licsli iKli\ einss as a in.acliinf of war must be
aciileil the terroi whioli it natnrally inspired. It was Corte/.
and th(. MexKin oxerajâin. (inl\ in somewhat lesser dejj;ree.

What seemed Japanese and what lias passed down ii:
to tile
history as ei)\»ardiee can scarei.-l\ hj c.dled b\' S(j strong a term
when we consiil jr that bows and arrows were pitted against
tnnskets and men who were trained in their nse.
Without delay th.e invaders marched aronnd the bay to
the ancient city of Tong-nfi, the remains of whose ancient
fortress still greet the eye and interest the imagination of the
traveller. Its prefect. Song vSang-h\ iln. hnrriedly gathered
all the town-people and what soldiers he could find. Gen. Yi
Kak, the connnander of all the forces in the province, was ap-
jiroaching from the north bnt, hearing of the fate of the
;
garrison of Fusan, he halted abruptly and said "As commander

of all the provincial forces I must not risk my life in actual
battle but must stand outside where I can direct affairs."
So he turned about and put six miles between his precious
person and the beleagured town of Tong-na, encamping at So-
san. The next day the Japanese completed the investment
of the town and prepared to storm the fortress. The brave
prefect took up his position in the upper storey of the great
gate of the fortress where, in accordance with the Korean
custom, he baat upon a great drum and urged on his soldiers
in the fight. For eight hours the gallant defenders fought
before the enemy effected an entrance over their dead bodies.
Seeing that all was lost, the prefect called for his official robes
and seated himself in state in the upper gateway The ruthless .
Japanese rushed in and seized him by his garments and at-

tempted to make him bow before them, but the first one re-
ceived such a kick in the stomach thai he rolled over on the
floor. An instant latter the prefect was struck down by their
swords. Just before the enemy entered he had bitten his
finger till the blood came and with it he wrote on his fan
"The duty of a subject to his King comes before that of a son
to his father, so here I die without seeing you again." This
he delivered to a trusty ser\ ant to give to his father. To his
trust)' friend, Sin Yu-go, he said, "There is no need of your
staying here to die, luake good your escape while you can."
MO])KKN' KOKICA. 353
But Siti have enjoyed pleasures with you

replied, "I
and now I prefer towith you."
suffer So the two died to-
g'ether. The Japanese general in command was so impressed
with the bravery of this prefect Song Sang-hyiin that he had
his body decently buried and erected over his grave a wooden
monument on which he wrote "A IvOyal Subject," an epitaph
than which none could be more grateful to a true Korean gen-
tleman. Tradition, which delights to embelish such accounts,
avers that for two years a red light could be seen glimmering
at night above the gate where this man met his end.
When Gen. Yi Kak, the cautious, and Gen. Pak Hong
who was with him, heard of the fall of Tong-na, they took to
their heels and consequently their forces did likewise. And
here it should be noted that cowardice evinced itself almost
exclusively in the generals and other officers. We shall find
that in almost every instance the soldiers stood by their of-
ficers to the last man.
As the forces of the Japanese moved northward the pre-
fects fled to right and left. The governor of the province,
Kim Su, hearing of the battle at Tong-na, advanced toward
that place with all the forces at his command, but his deter-
mination seems to have wavered, perhaps on account of the
growing rumors of the prowess of the Japanese for before he ;
came in sight of the invading army he turned to the west and

south, alarming all the prefects as he went ;and so it is said
that this whole portion of the province was practically de-
populated.
When the Japanese arrived at Yung-san they found it
empty. They swarmed over Chak-wun Pass like ants and

filled the plain beyond. Pak Chin the prefect of Mi-ryang
burned all the provisions and arms and fled to the mountains.
Not so with SoYi-wun the prefect of Kim-ha. He stayed in-
side his forPess and defied the invaders. The latter could not
effect an entrance until they went and cut down a large field
of barley in the neighborhood, which they tied in bundles
and heaped against the wall till thj' were able to scale it.
Having done his best and failed the prefect made good his
escape. U Pok-yong, prefect of Yong-gung, as in duty
bound, called in his retainers and started to join the banner
of his chief, Yi Kak, whose whereabouts at that time was
-^^ KOKIAN Ills lOKV.
r.illK-r micxTlain, .is wr havi.- alrcaily Sft-ii. nurini; a liall for
dinner Iwo hnnurcii soltlirrs troiii Ihc town of lla \an.>; passed
thiMu on Ihcir way lo join tlic t'orc(.s ot ilif governor. U
I'ok-yoni; sceins lo lia\f had so larj^c an c)i)iiii<)ii ol hiinsjlf
thai lie was cnrai;cd bccansc thest; soldic^rs diil not ili .Mioiint
when thoy passed him. Tliey were of course ignorant of his

rank, but he liad them all sji/.ed and e.\ecuted and sent a note
to the iôvernor spying that he had destroyed a baud of two
hnjidred robbers. l'"or this meritorious service he was el-
evated to the rank of ilistrict-general.
.\kan while Cieii. Vi Kak, the i)rovincial general, was fly-
in;,^ from place to place in nu)inentar\- fear of encountering

the eneinw His troops were disgusted at this, for they had
made some rude guns that would throw pebbles and they
thought if tliey could liave a fair chance at the Japanese they
could give them a whipping.
On the seventeenth, four days after the landing of the
Japanese, the startling news reached Seoul. The city was
thrown into a sort of panic. The ministers hastened to the
palace to consult about ways and means for defense. Yi II
was the highest actual field officer in the country. He was
of the third militar>' rank but the two above him were simply
the minister and vice-minister of war and always stayed with
the king. Gen Yi II may then be said to have been the Gen.
eral-in-chief of all the armies of Korea at the time.
There were three main roads leading up from the south
to tlie capital, any one of which might be chosen by the Japanese.
The most direct of these was the central one leading over
the mountain chain at the celebrated Cho-rynng (Pass). An-
other to the east crossed the mountains at Chuk-nyiing (Pass)
and a third to the west led through the center of Ch'ung-
-ch' Dug province. To guard these three approaches the king
ordered Gen. Yi II to go south by the middle road and sta-
tion a garrison at Cho-ryiing, the most important strategic
point in the Japanese line of march. Gen. Pyun Keui vi'as
to be stationed in charge of this garrison. The eastern road
was tc be guarded by Gen. Yu Keuk-nyang
and Pyiin Eunf-
song was made prefect of the important southern town of
Kying-ju. All these men were ordered to stare for their re-
spective posts immediately. At a late hour of that same day
Came the news of lie fall of Fusan, for someone from the
summit of a neio;hljoring hill had seen the red banners of the
Japanese swarming over the walls into the doomed town.
These generals who had beeri ordered to start in such hot
liaste were practically without forces. When the military
rolls were lookd up it was found that the army was mostly on
yiaper and that a large majority of the men were either "sick"
or were "in mourning." So the whole force that Gen. Yi I'
could muster amounted to just three hundred men. Even
these could not be mustered at an hour's notice, and so in
order to obey the king's command, the unfortunate general
had to start off alone, trusting that this pitiful handful of
men wold follow him. The sight of the General-in-chief of
the armies of Korea starting out alone to meet the mighty
Tirmy of invasion would be comical were it not so pathetic.
Of course the intr ntion was to gather troops as he went, and we
shall s'ee that he did succeed in getting together at least the
semblance of an army.
The Prime Minister V\i Lung-nyong was made Minister
of War and charged with the duty of gathering a competent
force to cope with the dreaded Japanese. Sil Yip was also
Tippointcd Vice-mitiister of War. He seems to have been
specialh' trusted by the king for the latter gave him a splendid
sword and sent him south with the injunction to kill anyone
who should prove unfaithful, even though it be Gen. Yi II him-
self. Here \ce see another grievous mistake, in thus giving a
man an indepeTident command over the head of the General-in-
chief. It well illustrates a defect that has brought disaster to
many an army — namel}' the confusing of authority. As vSil
Yip came out from this audience with the king he slipped on
the stone steps and his court hat fell from his head. The at-
tendants looked upon this with dismay for it was considered an
omen of ill-success. The general went south only eight)- li
and stopped at Yong-in,
Kim Sung-il whom we will remember as the man who ac-
companied the cowardly envoy Whang
Yun-gil to Japan and
who had so severely censured him for his craven conduct,
was now made commander of all the forces in the western part
of Kyfing-sang Province. He started for his post immediate-
ly and in a few days arrived at the important town of Chin-ju,
35<' K()Ui:a\ insroKN'.
jusl as Uk' J;i]);incsc \vci\' a])pi():ichiiii;. Ilis escort IiaJ bj-
conic sonicwhuc scattered, hut lie was not K^>'HK' to take a

liackwanl step even to save his life. )isinountiiis< he seated
1
himself in the (^flicial chair haviui; with him only a corporal

and a do/en soldiers. It was a common custom for the Jap-
anese to wear hideous masks for the purpose of terrifying the
Koreans. On this occasion, when the van of the Japanese
army entered the town it was led by a burly fellow wearing
an extremely large and extremely ugly mask. The corporal
strung his 1k)w and let lly a shaft which j>ierce:l the mask
and laid its weaierlow. His followers beat a hasty retreat
supposing that no one would be shooting arrows about like
that unless <^here was a considerable force of soldiers in the
immediate vicinity. We are
not told as to the fate of the bold
general. In this part of the province the prefects seem to
have been made of better stuff than those further south, for
they sent to each other urging the necessity of standing at
their posts and offering whatever resistance they could to the
advance of the enemy.
By this time Gen. Vi II had collected a considerable force,
had crossed the great Cho-ryung (Pass) and was stationed at
Sung-ju, in the very path of the invading army. It did not
take long to measure his calibre, for no .sooner did the rumor
of the approach of the Japanese reach him than he turned
and fled up the pass. This was bad enough, but his next act
was little less than traitorous he made no attempt to block
;
the pass, even thotig"h a mere handful of men could have

held it against thousands It was his one great opportunity
to distinguish himself and that he did not improve it speaks

as poorly for his generalship as it does for his patrotism.
Meanwhile an equally reprehensible event was happen-
ing in the south. Governor Kim Su, who had turned aside
from meeting the enemy had sent letters to all the prefects
ordering them to have soldiers from all the districts rendez-
vous at Ta-gu and await in camp the arrival of generals from
Seoul. The order was obeyed and a large force was con-
gregated at the appointed place; but day after day passed
and no generals came. The Japane.se were sweeping north-
ward and would soon be upon them. Under the circum-
stances it should cause little surprise that the camp l)roke up.
MODKRIN' KOREA, 3:;-
each mail retufaiiig to his own district. This is but one of

many cases which go to show that in almost ever}^ instance
the biame rested not on the soldiers but on the generals and
other officers. The soldiers were alwaj-s willing to go where
the generals would lead them.
When Gen. Yi II fled in panic over Cho-r\-ung and left
it undefended his followers naturally objected to remaining
under the command of a man who was not only no cd n-
mander but was a coward to boot. So at last the doughty
general found himself stranded in the town of Sang-ju with-
out a soldier at his back. He had hoped to find some troops
there under the co:nmand of the prefect, KuHn Chong^gib
When he found that there were none he flew into a rage md
was about to decapitate the prefect, but let him off on (Condi-
tion that he find some troops immediately. This the poor
fellow tried to do, but as the whole population was a farming
one not a man could be found who had ever borne arms or
who knew anything about fighting. Nevertheless, to save
his head, he got together some nine hundred raw recruits.
At this juncture a messenger came post haste from Ka-ryung
saying that the Japanese were coming and were already rear.
Gen. Yi replied : "You lie, this is only a scheme to get me
to leave, so that I will not levy any more troops here. Off
with his head." So ol? it came. That very night the Japan-
encamped at Chang-ch'un-li a few miles away, but Gen. Yi
knew nothing about it, as he had no pickets out. The next
morning Japanese scouts were seen on the opposite bank of
the river reconnoitering. The Koreans saw these scouts but
as one man had been beheaded for telling of the approach of
the Japanese no one dared to tell the general, and it was not
till he heard the firing of guns that he became aware of the
proximity of the foe. Then he rushed out and formed up
his little garrison as best he could behind the fortifications.
Ere long his attention was called to several columns of smoke
arising from the town. He sent some of his aides to discover
the cause but they fell into the hands of the Japanese and
were immediately cut down. When Gen. Yi learned of this
he was genuinely alarmed, and iiis anxiety was added to by
seeing two long files of Japanese deploying to right and left
and rapidly inclosing him and his forces. There was only
35^ KOUIvAN lIlS'lN^kV.
uiK- thiiio t.) (It). Moluiliiii;- his slccd lie tkd l)y tlic only
Way tluit was not alrtady blocked. Jkin^ hotly ptirsued he
rilardut'id his horse and the i;rcater part of his clothinj^ and
lUd into tlunioutaii's wlure he inana<:iX(l lotludc his i)nrsUers.
In a day or so he appeared at the town of Mnn-j::ynnj^ where
lie wrote n letter teliins: of his defeat and sent it to Seonl.
Hearin.y; that C'.en. Sil Viji was al Clrnni^-ju he hastened to

that point and joined him.
("ien. vSil Vip had some time since arrived at his jiost in
Ch'uniLi-in and had prosecuted his work vi collectinjj soldiers

with such zeal that he had mustered a force of some eight
thousand men. It was his intention to push straight for Cho.
rynns:"".' the key to the whole situation, but when he heard of

the fllifht and defeat of C.en. Vi II he fell back to his stront^
)H-»sitii 11 in Ch'nno;-iu. One of his lieutenants, Kim Yu-mul,
expostulated with him and said, "We cannot cope with them
except in such a place as Cho-ryung where the roughness of
the land will be of material aid to us," but the general replied,
"No. they are infantry and we are cavalry. If we can once
get them into the plain we can use our battle-flails on them
with deadly effect." One of this captains told him that the
Japanese had already crossed the Cho-ryuug, and that night
he left the camp secretly and went en a long tour of inspec-
tion in order to ascertain whether this was true. When he
came back he ordered the instant execution of the captain.
This midnight expedition speaks well for his courage and
bis lovalty.
A few days after the fugitive general, Yi II, joined the
forces of Gen. Sil Yip, the Japanese forces approached. In
order to carry out his pet scheme of fighting the Japanese in
an open plain where his soldiers could make good use of their
battle-flails. Gen. Sil selected a spot that seemed to him most
suitable. It was a great amphitheater made by high mountains.
Along the other side, like the chord of an arc. flowed the
river T'an-geum da. The only approaches to this plain were
two narrow passages at either end where the mountains came
down to the river bank. In this death trap, then. Gen. Sil
drew up his entire command and awaited the coming of the
invaders. It is easy to imagine the glee with which the Jap-
anese saw this anangement, for it meant the extermination
Ml)DI':kX ICIJKHA. 359
of the only army that lay between theiu and Seoul. Strong
detachments were sent to block the passage- at the ends of the
plain while the main body scaled the mountains and came
down upon the doctmed army as if from the sky. The speais
and swords of the descending legions flushed like fire while
the roar of the musketry made the very earth to tremble.
Tlie result was an almost instantaneous stampede. The Ko-
reans made for the twô narrow exits but found them heavily
guarded by the Japanese. They were now literally between
"the devil and the deep blue sea," for they had the appalling
spectacle of the hideously masked Japanese on the one hand
and the deep waters of the river on tue other. The whole
army was driven into the rivet or mercilessly cut down by
the svvoids of the Japanese. Gen. Sil Yip himself made a
brave stand and killed with his own hand seventeen of the
enemy before he fell. Out of the whole army only a handful
escaped, and among them we are almost sorry to say was the
coward Yi II who managed to get across the river.
Chapter VI.
News of defeat reaches Seoul panic divided councils lack of

troops .. .general exjdus .. .indescribable coafusion ... straw shoes
at a premium ... Princes sent away... the king leaves vSeoul ...
Yi Haug-bok attends the Queen ...riotous citizens .. .slaves burn
the deeds palaces in flames. .. .royal part}' dwindles ...drench-
ing rain .the king goes without dinner
. . .welcome relief .Jap- . . . .
anese approach Seoul the race between Kato and Kouishi .... no
. .
resistance... the Han left undefended ...an empty victory...

Hideyi's quarters ...the Japanese in Seoul the king orders the
Im-jin River guarded. . . .the king enters P'yung-yang. . . .a coward
. . . .the Im-jin guarded. . . .the Japanese impetus checked.
Meanwhile the city of Seoul was waiting breathless for

news of a victory by Gen. vSil Yip. The terrors of the horde of
half-savage soldiers from the islands of Japan had passed from
mouth to mouth and all, from the king to the humblest coolie,
knew that Gen. Sil Yip alone stood between them and that
dreaded ho.-t. One morning a naked soldier was seen ap-
proaching the South Gate on a run. He bore the marks of
3ô K»)Ki:\N iiisroKV.
bulk- and as he p;iss-d und .-r the i^rc it arch of the gate a
liundred hands were strecheil out to greet liim and a hundred
voices demanded news of <:he battle. He cried. "I am one of tlie
followers of Sil Vip and I cotne to tell the city that yesterday
lie fell at the haiul of the Japanese. I have escaped with my
life and I am come to tell you that flight is your only hope."
The people were fearfully agitated. The evil news spread
from mouth to mouth and a great wailing arose from the

multitude that thronged the streets.
It was the last day of the fourth moon and that night the
king, not knowing at what moment the enemy might be

thundering at his gates, took up his quarters in a secluded
part of the palace, "The Old Palace" as it and

is now called,
githered about him all his courtiers and and held a

oiificers
great council. The only question was, "Where shall be go?"

Yi San-ha the Minister of War said "The Court should
remove to Pyung yang." but Yi Hang-bok, an official who
was destined to figure prominently in the war, said, "It will
not be enough to go to P'yung-j'ang. We must send and ask
aid of China." On the other hand Kim Kwi-yung and a
host of other officials said, "No, the king should stay right
here and defend his capital." The king himself, after listen-
ing to that had to be said, agreed with the majority that it
all
would be best to stay and defend the city. He said, "The an-
cestral temple with all the tablets of my illustrious ancestors is
here. How can I go and leave them ? Let the Minister of War
immediately detail troops to man the walls." But it was just
here that difficulty arose and it showed clearly w'hy the
Minister of War had counselled flight. Tne city wall has
thirty thousand battlement has three
battlements and each
embrasures, but in the whole city there were only seven
thousand troops. This was not a tenth part the number that
would be required to man the walls. This lack of soldiers
was due to the fact that in the long centuries of peace it had
bocome customary for the govennent to receive a money
equivalent in place of military service. As a result only the
very poorest of the poor were enrolled in the army, and the
service consequently suffered. This bad custom, while it
argues corrupt practices among the officials, does not prove
the absence of courage or faithfulness among the people, and
I
MODERN KOREA. 36
we shall fiud that the people were as a rule true lo their duty
when they were properly led.
To add to the difficulty of the situation, on that very
night there was an overwhelming exodus of the people.
High and and poor, young and old, thronged out of
low, rich
the city by every gate antl made for some place of fancied
safety in the country. The very warders of the gates fled
and left them wide open. The great bell at Chong-no re-
mained silent that night for lack of someone to ring it. Very
many took refuge in the palace enclosure and men and wom-
en, horses and cattle and goods of all kinds were mixed to-
gether in indescribable confusion. Wailing and shouting
and crying on all sides added to the confusion. The king
could do nothing to quiet the disturbance, so he sat down in
his private apartments attended by two eunuchs. Meanwhile
the lawless element among the people was trying to make
capital out of the confusion, and all night long the palace
was being looted by these vicious characters, while palace
women fled half naked and screaming with terror from room
to room.
The king's relatives all gathered at his doors and begged
with te^rs and imprecations that he would not go and leave
them. An order went forth from the palace that all the
straw shoes and sandals that could be found should be
brovight in. When the officials saw these they said to the
king "This if flight was
great pile of .straw shoes looks as
being prepared for. We had better take them and burn
them all and then shut the city gatss so that the people
cannot escape and leave the place undefended." This advice
was probably not followed, for by this time the king himself
began to see that flight would be the only possible plan,
and it was probably at his order that the shoes had been
prepared.
Minister Yu SQng-nyuug said, "L,et us send the two
Princes to the provinces where they will be safe and let the
different governors be instructed to collect troops and send
them on This seemed sound advice and
as fast as possible."
the king's oldest son, by a concubine, for the Queen had
borne no sons, was sent to the province of Ham-gyung, and
Prince Sun-wha went into Kang-wun Province.
,V>J KOKI-AN IIISroKV.
W'litMi iiij^ht cauK- the kin,v;. ulio saw that it was useless
t(i attempt to hold the city, sent to the keeper of the Ances-
tral Temple ami ordered him to s.iid tlie ancjstral tablets on
toward l"vrm^-\ anij. All nii^lil loni; the preparations for
tlepartnre Were pnshed and jnsl at da\-l)reak the king called
for his horse and. nunmling, rtxle ont the New Ciate attended
by liis personal foUowini;. a host of the officials and a crowd
of terrified citi/.ns wiio well knew that his going meant
perfect anaroln-. The Oneen was making her escape
aided in
b\- Vi Hang-bok who under cover darkness led her by
of th-i
the light of a torch to the palace gate. vShe asked his name
and being told she snid, "I hav'ê to thank \on, and I am sorry
to have put you to this trouble." It is said that he had all
along felt sure the Japanese would enter vSeoul and that he
had sat for days in his house refusing food and drink. At the
end of that time he roused himself and called for food. Hav-
ing eaten he prepared for a long journey and then went to
the palace. One of his favorite concubines tollowed him and
asked what they were to do at home, but he did not answer.
She plucked him by the sleeve but he drew his sword and cut
the sleeve off leaving it in her hands. He felt that his first
duty was at the palace. We
have seen that he did good work
there in looking after the welfare of the Queen. He secured
her a chair at the palace gate and they joined the royal caval-
cade on its way northward.
As the kingand his es_-ort passed through "Peking Pass"
day was breaking in the east and a last look at the city show-
ed it to be on fire in many places. The populace had thrown
off all restraint and had looted the treasure houses and the
store houses. In one of the latter were kept all the deeds of
the government slaves. Each slave was deeded property,
the same as real estate, and the deeds of the government slaves
were deposited in the Chang-yowun. At that time there was
nominally no lower middle class at all. Society was composed
of theupper cla.ss and their retainers. Almost every man in
the lower stratum of .society was nominally the slave of some
nobleman though in man\- places it was a nominal serfdom
only. At the same time the master had the right to sell them
at will and they were in duty bound to assume mourning at his
death. It was this class of people, then, that arose and burned
the store-honse which contained the deeds and thereby secured
liberty. Another building contained deeds of all private
slaves. This too Wf^s made an objecii\-e poiut the moment
the restraint of government was taken off. They also saw
the royal gianary in flames where the rice, cloth and money
were stored. The king's private treasure house inside the
palace grounds was also burning. The Kyiuig-bok Palace, the
Chang-duk Palace and the Chang-gyung Palace were all in
flames. It must have been a depressing sight to the king and
his court but there was no time to waste in mourning over

the desolation in Seoul. No one knew at what moment the
enemy might a]ipear over the southern hills ; and so the royal
party pressed on toward the north. When they arrived at
Snk-ta-ri in the district of Ko-yang it was raining furiously
and by the time they arrived at Pyfik-je-ytSk the entire party
were dripping wet.
Up to this point the cavalcade had kept together very
Well but there were many among them who had not intended
to keep on with the royal party and there were probably many
more whose good intentions were so dampened by the elements
that they gave it up. From this point on the royal escort
was much reduced. The king here dismounted, entered a
hostelry and sat down and began to beat upon the ground
with his whip and to weep. As the Ministers gathered
around him he said, "What shall we do in this terrible haste?"
Yi Hang-bok answered, *'Wheu we get to Eui-ju, if we find
it impossible to stop there we must push on into China and
seek aid from the Emperor." The king was pleased with this
and said, "That is just what I want to do." But Yu Sung-
•nyung said, "Not so, for if the king leaves Korean soil the
dynasty will be at an end and Korea will be lost. The
soldiers of Hara-gyrmg Province are still to be heard from and
those from Kang-wiin Province as well so there is no call for
;
such talk as this about leaving Korean soil." He likewise

administered a sharp reproof to Yi Hang-bok who confessed
himself to have been too hasty.
After a short rest they took the road again, ever goaded
on by the dread of pursuit, and as they passed He-eum-uyung
the rain caine down again in torrents. The palace womer.
were riding horses that were small and weak and they could
364 KOKKAN HISTOKV.
go hut slowly. The riders went along with their hands over
their faces, weeping and wailing loudly. By the time they
reached the Iin-jin River it was dark, and a more wretched
company can hardly be imagined. The horses were up to
their kness in mud and were wellnigh exhaUf^ted. All were
nearly famished. It was pitch}' dark and the party had be-
come scattered. The case looked about as hopeless as it well

could but Vi Hang-bok was a man of tremendous energy,
;
and he realised the gravity of the situation. So halting the

cavalcade he dismounted and managed after great exertions
to collect the entire party once more. It was so dark that it
was impossible to think of crossing the river by ferry, until

someone thought of the happy plan of setting fire to some of
the buildings on the bluff beside the stream. By this baleful
light the sorry and bedraggled multitude somehow effected a
crossing and from that point on the fear of pursuit was great-
ly lessened. By this time food and rest had become impera-
tive both for man and beast. Those who had been accustomed
to no greater hardship than lolling on divans in palaces found
a ride of thirty miles in the mud and rain, without rest or
nourishment, a severe test. When the cavalcade came at
midnight to the hostlery of Tong-pa-yuk in the prefecture of
P'a-ju the}' found that the prefect Hu-jiu and the prefect of
Chang-dan, Kn Hyo-yun, had provided an excellent supper
for the king and the Ministers, but before these worthies
could get apartments provided for them, the
settled in the
grooms and and others, rendered desperate by hunger,
coolies
rushed into the kitchen to find what had been provided for
them, and finding that they had been forgotton they began to
help themselves to the food that had been prepared for the
royal table. An attempt was made to stop them but they were
in no mood to be stopped, The result was that the king and
his Ministers went hungry. His Majesty asked for a cup of
wine but none could be found. He asked for a cup of tea but
that too had disappeared. One of the servants of the party
happened to have a cake of Chinese sugar tucked under his
head-band. This he drew out and it was dissolved in some
warm water and formed the repast of the king that night.
In the morning when it became time to resume the
journey it was found to the dismay of all that the coolies had
MODEKX KORKA. 3^5
decamped and left the royal party high and dry. But even
while they were discussing this sorry plight the governor of
Whang-ha province and the prefect of S6-heung appeared on
the scene with two hundred soldiers and fifty or sixty horses.
They had come expressly to escort the king northward, and
truly they came in the very nick of time. They had with
them a few measures of barley and this was doled out to the
hungry people. As .soon as possible a .start was made and at
noon they arrived at Cho-hyun-ch'an forty li from Sang-do
where they found plenty of food, as the governor had ordered
it to be prepared. This was the secotid day of the fifth
moon. That night they entered the welcome gates of Song-do,
which, almost exactly two centuries before, had witnessed the
overthrow of the Koryii dynasty. This was the first time the
royal party could really breathe freely, for they could be easi-
ly warned of the approach of the enemy, now that soldiers
were on the lookout. So it was decided that they should rest
a day at this place.
The king came out and seated himself in the upper story
of the South Gate and all the people gathered before him. He
said to them "Now that this war is upon us, if there is any-
thing that you would saj', say on." Without hesitation they
replied, "This war has been caused by Yi Sau-han (one of the
Ministers), and by Kim Kong-yang," (the father of a favorite
concubine). The people were very angry with them. They
also said, "You should recall the Minister Chong." This
man had been banished because of factional rivalry. To the
latter proposition the king readily assented, glad probably to
find some way to please the populace.
It was on this day, the third of the fifth moon, that the
Japanese entered Seoul.
It will be neces.sary for us to pause here and note the
method of the Japanese approach to the' capital. A glance at
the map Korea shows that there are three great highway.s
of
leading up from Fusan to Seoul. One is the main or middle
road leading by Yang-san, Mi-ryang, Ch'ung-do, TS-gu and
soon up the valley of the Nak-tong River, over the great Cho-
ryuug (Pass). The division led by Konishi came up the pen-
insula at double-quick by this road. It was before this division
that Gen. Yi II had fled. A second road is to the east of
r/>^> KOUl'AN lllSTnuV.
Ih.s, pi\>C(.'(.-dino- by \v;i\- of Clio:! ji'n uiii;, I'l-san, Ky("ing;-ju,

Vi.ns^jin. Sil-yHns. Kniiwi, I'i-uii mikI M luvnynnj^. Kato
K'cl the ilivisioit wiiic'h took Ihis road, htit liis l\)rLH s joined
those of Koiiishi below and the two crossed it to-
Clio-ryiliig
!S:ether. The forces oi both Kato and Konishi were in the
\iattle which witi;essed the massacre of .Sil Vip's forcrS in the
</// tfr wliich we have described.
S(i(- After this battle the two
rival leaders again sejiarated and hastened toward vSeoul by
different routes. Konislii kept tin by the main road by way
of Ch"k-san, Vonoj-in. crossino^ the Han River just below
Han-of;ino; and entering the city by the South (jate. Kato
took a more easterly road and came via Yii-jn and Vang-
geun crossing the Han seventy li al)ove, at Yang-jin. But a
third division under Kuroda and other generals had branched
viff to the west at the very start. They proceeded by way of
Kim-ha and U-do and then, leaving Kyung-sang Province
they crossed over to Chi-reand Kim-san in Chul-la Provin :e.
Then crossing the CU'u-p'ung Pass they entered Ch'ung-
ch'iing Province and then made for Seoul by way of Vong-
dong, Ch'ung-ju and so up by the main road.
The reason for the different divisions taking difTerent
Routes may have been because of the necessity of obtaining
forage, but it was also in part due to the jealousy which ex-
isted between Kato and Konishi, for each of these men was
disirous of getting to Seoul before the other.
This great tripple army uiet with no real resistance on its
way to Seoul. The country was utterly unprepared for war,
thi principal lack biiiig in competent leaders rather than in
number of troops. It was the first quick, sharp stroke on the
part of the Japanese which seems to have paralysed the Koreans.
The banners of the great host of the invaders spread out over a
thousand li and at intervals of twenty or thirty li they built
fortifications from which they signalled to each other at night.
The only aggressive move on the part of the Koreans up to thi.s
time w\as the effort of Captain Wun Ho to prevent or at least
delay the passage of the Han by Kato's forces, at Vang-jin, by
destroying all the boats. But the Japanese were not delayed
long b\' this, for the neighboring hill-sides furnished them with
logs for rafts on which they soon crossed and hastened on to
anticipate the troops of Koji-ishi in the occupation of Seoul.
MODKKX KOKKA. 36-7
It was on the fourth dayof the fifth moon that the eager
forces of Konishi swept down to the banks of the Han River
opposite the town of Hangaug. This river is a real barrier
to an army unprepared with pontoon or other boats and the
Japanese troops might have been held in check for some con-
siderable time. But the whole mike-up of the Japanese
warrior was calculated to inspire terror, and no sooner did
this countless horde show itself on the opposite shore than
Gen. Kim Myung-wun, who had be;;u put in charge of the
river defenses, came to the conclusion that he would have
more than a mere river between himself and that gruesome
array. He therefore threw all his engines of defense into the
Han and fled with aU his following to the Im-jin river, the
next natural barrier between the Japanese and the king. At
first thought this flight of Gen. Kim would seem to be an act
of pure cowardice, but when we remember that he had only a

few hundred men under him while on the opposite bank a
hundred thousand men were clamoring for a passage across,
we cannot wonder that he found it necessary to retreat. He
did it in proper style by first destroying his military engines
lest they should fall into the hands of the enemy.
The king before leaving Seoul placed Gen.Yi Yaug-
wun in change of the city and its defenses, but when he learn-
ed of the flight of Gen. Kim from the river he rightly judged
that the citv could not he held by any such force as was at
his command so he in turn beat a retreat and went north to
;
the town of Yang-ju. The result was that when the Japanese
succeeded in crossing the river and pushed on to the gates of
Seoul they found only an undefended and half depopulated
city ofwhich to take inglorious possession. It is said that
only a few hours elapsed after the entry of Konishi's forces
befere those of Kato hastened in from the east, disappointed
and chagrined tb find that they had been beaten in the race ;
but they were probably consoled by the fact that long before
the goal had been reached the prize had taken wing.
Hideyi, the General-in-chief of the Japanese forces^ took
up his quarters in the Ancestral Temple from which the
tablets of the royal line had been removed. This was looked
upon by the Koreans as an act of .sacrilege and qiieer tales are
told of how during that first night, while the burning of the
3(>S KOKl-lAN lUSruKV.
cit\- \v;is >j[oiiig on, a Japanese soldier would drop dead every few
miiiiitcs williont visible cause. It is for this reason, as some
say, thai Hidcyi Nam-py?î-gung, known as
removed to the
the place where Chinese embassies have been lodged, and now
the site of the Imperial Altar.
Before many days had elapsed the people found out that
the coming of the Japanese did not mean universal slaughter
as they had supposed, and gradually they returned to their
homes in the city. They reopened their shops and so long as
they attended to their own affairs they were unmolested by
the Japanese. Indeed they adapted themselves readily to the
new order of things and drove a lucrative trade with the in-
vaders. The latter were strict in the watch of the city and no
one could go out or come in without showing a passport. When
the Japanese had exhausted the supplies in Seoul they pushed
out into the country and laid the surrounding villages under
contribution, Koreans were even found who would tell them
where they could go with the hope of finding booty, and acted
as guides to them. Among the more loyal citizens a plot was
gotten up to assassinate the guard, but it was betrayed to the
eneui)' and the plotters were seized aud burned to death after
indescribable tortures. In is said so many perished iu that
holocaust that their collected bones made a huge mound.
When Gen. Kim Myung-wuu fled from the defenses of
the Han and came to the Im-jin he immediately sent a letter
to the kingSong-do telling him of the arrival of the Japan-
at
ese, his own and the entry of the Japanese into Seoul,
retreat
The king did not censure him, for retreat was the only way
open to him so a messenger was dispatched ordering him to
;
make haste and get together as many soldiers of Kyung-geui

and Whang-h^ Provinces as possible and make a firm stand
at the Im-jin River. Gen. Sin Kil was sent to aid iu this
work. No sooner were these orders given than the royal
party resumed their journey northward in haste, and at night
they reached the village of Keum-gyo in Keuin-ch'iin dis-
trict. Here the escort of the king bivouacked
iu the open air.
It was discovered with dismay that the ancestral tablets had
been overlooked in the haste attendant upon the departure
from Song-do. So one of the king's relatives started back
after them and succeeded in bringing the precious relics on.
MODEKN KOKKA, 36^
On the seventh of the moon the royal party crossed the

Ta-dong River and entered the gates of P'yung-yang. Here
there was food and drink in plenty and all the other luxuries
of life. For the first time since the flight began the king en-
joyed a season of real rest. The royal cortege was escorted
into the city by the governor, Song Wiin-siu, who came out
with three thousand troops and met him on the way.
Two days later a messenger was seen approaching at a
rapid pace. He was swiftly ferried across the river and hur-
ried into the king's presence where he said, "Yi Yang-wun,
the defender of vSeoul has fled, and the city is in the pos-
session of the enemy." The king exclaimed, "This is bad news
indeed, we must appoint someone whose work it shall be to
continually attempt to He thereupon
retake the capital."
appointed Gen. Yu Hong arduous and dangerous posi-
to that
tion. He was to go with three thousand men and do what he
could to stop the progress of the Japanese and if possible re-
gain control of the capital. Gen. Yu received the appoint-
ment with the worst possible grace. After the headlong
flight with all its hardships and privations, to be told that he
must go back with three thousand men and meet what he
supposed was a blood-thirsty horde of savages was too much
for his patriotism so he sta\'ed in his rooms and sulked.
;
Two days passed and still he did not start. The king called
him up and said, "How is it that you let the time slip by like
this when you ought to be on the way to Seoul with troops?"
The mighty warrior replied, "I fear Your Majesty will have
to excuse me from this duty as I am suffering from a boil on
my leg." One of the courtiers, Yi Han-guk took him to task
saying, "How is it that after receiving such favors at the hand
of the king you shrink from this duty ? You are a coward
and are afraid to go. You are like a sulky dancing-girl who
refuses either to dance or sing. You are not only not brave
but you are not even clever. Do you suppose you can impose
on His Majesty with any such story as this about a boil on your
leg ?" The king was immensely pleased with this well merited
rebuke and laughed long and loud at the discomfitted general,
but finally said, "Well, then, since our doughty Gen. Yu
cannot go let Gen. Han Eung-in go instead." The next
day Gen. Han started south with 5000 troops picked from
.
370 K<)Ki:.\N uisroKV.
tlic iiortlK'i 11 biHlicr ûaal, ami good time he arrived at

in
the banks of tlie Iin-jin River, midway between vSong-do and

Seoul. This was the great strategic position that must be
held at any cost. It was the key to the north, the gate-
way to W'hangha Province and to P'yiing-an Province
beyond
Now that the king and the court were in comparative
safety, an attempt was made to bring together the loose ends
of things and make some sort of headway against the Jajjan-
ese. Gen. Yi Hang-bok who had so gallantly escorted the
Queen from the palace, the night of the exodus from Seoul
was made Minister of War. A council was called to discuss
the demands made by the people of Song-do in reference to
the punishment of certain officials whom they had accused.
The result was that Yi San-ha was banished to P'yiing-ha but
the king refused to punish the father of his favorite con-
cubine.
Wenotice that the military prowess of the Japanese,
their thorough equipment and their martial spirit took Korea
by surprise. It ciused a universal panic, and fjr the first few
weeks it was impossible to get the soldiers to stand up and
fight the enemy, to say nothing of the generals. The troops
and the generals were nniturally suspicious of each other and
neither seemed to have any faith in the courage or loyalty of
the other. But now the time had come when the impetuous
sweep of the Japanese was stopped, for the time being, by their
occupation of Seoul. The fall of the capital was looked upon
by the king and the people as a great calamity, but in reality
it was the ver\' thing that saved the king from the necessity
of crossing the border and perhaps it saved Peking itself. If
the Japanese had kept up that impetuous, ovevwhelming rush
with which they came up from Fusan to Seoul, and, instead
of stopping at the capital, had pushed straight for the Yalu
River they would have swept everything before them and
would have been knocking at the gates of Naking before the
sleepy celestials knew that Hideyoshi dreamed of paying back
in kind the haughty summons of Kublai Khan four hundred
years before. The stop at Seoul gave the Korean forces a
breathing space and a;i opportunity to get into shape to do
better work than they had done. The people came to see that
1
MODKRX KOREA. 37
instead of painted devils, as they had at first appeai'ed, the

Japanese were flesh and blood like themselves and the terror
which their fierce aspect at first inspired gradually wore off
and in-so-far lessened the discrepancy between the two com-
batants. On the side of the Japanese there was only one
favorable factor, their tremendous fighting power in battle.
There they had it all their own way. But on the other hand
they were in a thickly populated and hostile country, prac-
tically cut off from their base of supplies and dependent en-
tirely upon forage for their sustenance. Under these circum-
stances their position was sure to become worse rather than
better and the real strength of the Koreans was sure to show
itself. If a Korean regiment was swept off in battle there
were millions from which to recruit, while everj' Japanese
who fell caused just so much irreparable injur)'' to the invad-
ing army. We was the abandonment of the
shall see that it
*
'double quick" that eventually drove the Japanese back
across the straits.
Chapter VIl.
Mutual jealousies . . .first Koreau victory successful general executed

. . .another general executed
.people disgusted . . .operations in . .
the south ...troops mass in Kong-ju. .. .unfortunate engagement

... .troops scattered ...naval engagement iu the .south under Ad-
miral Yi Sun-sin a great Japanese defeat Japanese army cut . . .
offfrom reinforcements .the tortoise boat.. .another naval victory

. . .
.... and another .... naval campaign closes .... Admiral Yi is

decorated. the fall of Yung-wQn Fortress.
. . .Japanese checked at . .
the Im-jin River. .they seemingly prepare to retreat.

. .
.jealousies . .
among the Koreans ...divided counsels. .. .Koreans cross and at-

tack ...defeated ...Korean army retreats the Japanese cross
....Japanese jealousies .... the}' separate. ..the news of defeat
reaches the king a trifling Korean victory a great council
the king decides to go to Ham-heung.
The wretched party strife among the Koreans was the

Cause of their weakness. No sooner did a capable man arise
than he became the target for the hatred and jealousy of a
h undred rivals, and no trickery or subterfuge was left untried
whereby to have him degraded and disgraced. A particular
^-2 KnUV \\ tl tS'l'dfv'V.
incident will illustrate this. CUn. Sin Kak had been asso-
ciated with Gen. Kim Myrin.ir-wnn in Han

the defenses of the
River, but when Gen. Kim fled after throwing into the river
the engines of defense, there was nothing to do but fall hack.
Gen. Sin retreated to a place of safety but immediately began
collecting troops from Kvung-geui Province, and he was also
joined by a contingent from Ham-gyung Province, While
them scoured the sur-
the Jap-anese held Seoul, large bands of
rounding country for booty. One bands was trying
of these
to make its way across the hills to Ka-p'yung and Ch'nn-
ch'un, and had gotten as far as the Kye Pass in the town of
Vang-ju when they found themselves face to face with the
troops of Gen. Sin Kak. A fierce fight tcx)k place, in which
the Japanese, who were probably largely outnumbered, were
severely defeated, leaving sixty heads in the hands of the
Koreans. This promised to be the beginning of a series of
such little engagements in which the Japanese army wovild be
gradually weakened without being able to draw the Koreans
into a large general engagement the more so because the
;
Japanese wêre dependent upon forage for their supplies.

But note the sequel. While all Kyung-geui was ringing
with the praises of the successful general and the people were
beginning to see that all was not yet lost, a swift messenger
was on his way southward from P'yung-yang bearing a sword
and a letter ordering the instant execution of the traitor Sin
Kak. The alleged reason for this was as follows When Gtn, :
Kim from the defenses of the Han, in order to cover his

fled
infamy, he wrote a letter to the king accusing Gen. Sin Kak
of having deserted him in his hour of need. Gen, Yu Hong
also recognised Gen. Sin as a powerful rival and so added his
prayers to those of Gen. Kim that the traitor Sin be killed.
The king knew no better than to comply with this request,
preferred as was by two of his leading generals, and the
it
message of death was sent. But before the day was done came
the news of the defeat of the Japanese by the forces under
this same Sin Kak. The condemned "traitor" had stood up
before a Japanese force and had taken sixty heads. The king
was filled with remorse and a swift messenger was .sent to stay
the hand of the executioner. He took the road an hour after
the denth messenger and arrived at the camp of (ien. Sin
:\f(if)f:k\ ivOKKA. ,^7.';
Kak an hour after tliat loval man had bowed his head to the
axe of his royal master. Who knows but the feet of the
second messenger had been made hea\'v by the gold of Sin
Kak's rivals? History is silent as to this but the suspicion is
inevitable. This wanton act was looked tipon by the people
with horror and detestation, who saw their first successful
champioti cut down in the very hour of his success.
But another sword, this time of pure ju.sMce. was also
prepared for Gen. Yi Kak who had fled from before the Japan-
ese at Tong;-n^. He made his appearance at the Im-jin
River, doubtless thinking himself safe from criticism, but in
thishe was mistaken, for as he was the one who first set the
example of cowardice, he was arrested and put to death.
And now as the Japanese are revelling in Seoul and the
king is resting in P'yring-yang and the Korean generals are
busy massing troops at the Im-jin to dispute the passage of
the Japanese, let us turn southward and witness some of the
events that are transpiring there, for we must not think that
the provinces of Chul-la and Ch'ung-ch'ung are at peace all
this time.
When tl:e Japanese aimy .separated .soon after 'eaving
Tong-nJ! one army division uiider Kuroda swept like a whirl-
wind westward across the north-western corner of Chnl-la
Province and through the entire length of Ch'ung-chnng
Province on its way to vSeoul. Vi Kxvang the governor of
Chni-la got together .some 8000 men and hastened north to
Kong-ju the capital of Ch'ung-ch'iing Province. Finding
there that the king had fled from Seoul, he gave up all hope
of effecting anything and, turning about, made for the south
again. But on the way he was met by Pak Kwang-on who
upbraided him severely, urging that if the king had fled
northward all the more need of keeping on and offering him
whatever support was possible. The governor humbly con-
fessed that he had been hasty in his action, and turned about
and went back to Kong-ju where he joined the forces of the
governors of C'ung-ch'Qng and Kynng-.sang Provinces who
had arrived at that place. There were also Gen. Yi Ok, the
military governor of Ch'ung-ch'Qng, and (ien. Kwak YTuig,
the military governor of Chfil-la. Eâch of the provinces had
both a civil and a militarv governor- These three civil and
two military ^ôx't'inors iiK'l, llu-n, in Koiij^j-jii and joiiu'd
forces. It is Ci)imnoiil\- r.'jiortvd llvil they had Ijetweeii them

IOO.IKX-) men. hut ]ir()b:il)ly ahont half that fiuûre wuuld be
iieartT Ihe Iriith. Tln'V fornud a iâllaiil arra\- with their
Uaiintiiij^ banners, ami the )v.'i»))k" ol" the adjoining districts
canvrhtnp arms and c:une and joined what seemed to them an
invincible host..\ Japanese force was fonnd to bj i'.itrenched
\>n Pnk-dn innn Monntain and (rovernor Vi Kwanj^ was for
niakin'^ an immediate attack, but one of his aides said. "We

nre now so near Seoul there is no use in turnin<y asidt to at-
tack so small a force. We had better push on to the defense
of the Im-jin River." P'^k Kwano^-tin who had upbraided
the governor for retiring also said. "The road is very narrow
which leads up to this position of the Japanese and the woods
are very dense. We had better be cautious." Kînp^ op-
posed thus the second time was more than his temper could
tndure, so the governor ordered P-lk bound and w?iipped.
The latter thinking that was an imputation on his bravery,
it
after receiving a severe beating, seized his weapons and rush-

ed headling up the slope and attacked the Japanese. Many
followed and the engagement became general. From morn-
ing till noon it continued but the Japanese could not be driven
out of their strong position in the woods. The Koreans be-
gan to lose in the battle and finally the Japanese, creeping
down toward the Koreans in the underbrush and grass, sud-
denly rushed out upon them and cut them down by scores.
Pak and several other notable men fell in the fight, but
the main body of the Korean troops under Governor Yi
Kwang moved on to Kwang-gyo Mountain near the town
of Su-wnn, only eighty li from Seoul. Expecting that the
da}' would be a busy one, Governor Yi had his soldiers fed
very earh"^ in the morning and when day broke, sure enough,
there was the Japanese force ready to engage hira, and every
few moments one or other of the Japanese braves would rush
out froin the lines, brandish his weapons and challenge the
Koreans to come out and fight. So Gen. Sin Ik of the prov-
ince of Ch'ung-ch'ung advanced with his force and engaged
the enemy\ In a few moments the superiority of the Japan-
ese arms became evident. The panic-stricken Koreans fled
before then: like sheep before wolves. After an hour's time
MODKRX KOKKA. 375
this considerable army which was to have succored the king

was thoroughly' scattered, but it is probable that many of the
soldiers figured later in the defense of the Im-jin River.
At the same time events were happening further south
which were far more creditable to the Korean arms and
which were the forerunner of the final expulsion of the
Japanese from the peninsula.
A fleet of Japanese boats, bringing as is supposed the re-
serve of 60,000 men, arrived off the island of Ka-dok on the
coast of Kyung-sang Province. At that time Admiral Wrai
K\un had charge of all matters along the coast of that pro-
vince. When he saw this vast fleet of ships his heart sank and
without more ado he prepared to scuttle his ships and flee by
land, but fortunately there was good advice at hand, for one
of his staff said, "Do not abandon all hope at once but send
and ask Yi Sun-sin the Admiral of Chr.l-la to come and aid
3'ou." A swift messenger was sent and the missive was
placed in the hands of Admiral Yi. One of his staff said
"No, let him guard his own coast and we will look after
ours. Why should we go and help him ?" But Admiral Yi
said, "Is not Kyung-sang Province as much the country of
our king as Chul-la? How can we refuse to go to his aid ?"
So eighty boats were gotten ready in haste and sailed away
CO the island of Han-san where the two admirals met and joined
forces. The whole fleet sailed out of harbor together and
made for the island of Ok-po where the hostile fleet was moored.
As soon as the enemy hove in sight Admiral Yi Sun-sin made
directh' for them and soon was grappling them. The Ko-
reans had the advantage of the wind at their backs for they
shot fire arrow's among the boats of the Japanese and soon had
twenty-six of them in flames. It is said the sea was covered
with the wreckage and with struggling human forms. So

the remaining ships of the enemy turned about and crowded
on all sail in flight, but Admiral Yi gave chase and cut down
man}'- more and scattered the rest so that the expedition was
an entire f_iilure. This was the first of this great admiral's
successes and it illustrates the fact that the Korean warrior
was not a coward when well led. The Japanese armies in Ko-
rea were thus cut off from their source of supply and rein-
forcement and thus a tremendous blow was dealt them. This
^7'' Kt)K);.\\ msroKV.
victDry may be said to liave been the tltcisivc point in the war.
It is jirobable that the soldiers in tlie Japanese army had
been aeenslonied to short thoui^h sanguinary campaigns and
bad spent the inler\al< ol' leisure at home. Hut now tliis
vast arniN was ([uite cut oiY from their home and were amon^'
stransie sc^Mies. It cannot be wondered at theretore that
after a lime discontent arose in spite of all successes, a dis-
content which, combined with other causcs, finally drove
thein back to Japan.
Tradition says that about this time Admiral Yi had a
dream which a robed man appeared and cried, "The Japan-
in
ese are coming. "' He arose, assembled his fleet and sailed
forth as far as the town of No-ryang where he found a large
fleet of the enemy. He used the same tactics as before, burn-
ing twelve of them and chasing the rest away. The main
reason for his unparalleled successes on the sea was the pos-
se.s.sion of a peculiar war vessel of his own invention and con-
struction. It was called the Kwi-san or "Tortoise Boat,"

from its resembbmce to that animal. There is no doubt that
the tortoise furiiished the model for the boat. Its greatest
peculiarity was a curved deck of iron plates like the back of
a tortoise, which completely sheltered the fighters and rowers
beneath. In front was a hideous crested head, erect, with
wide open mouth through which arrows and other missiles
could be discharged. There was another opening in the rear
and six on either side for the same purpose. On top of the
curved deck there was a narrow walk from stem to stern and
another across the middle from side to side, but every other
part of the back bristled with iron pikes so that an enemy
who should endeavor to board her would find himself im-
mediately impaled upon a score of spear-heads. This deck
being of iron, rendered the ship impervious to fire arrows
and so the occupants could go into action with as much
security as one of our modern battle ships could 'go into
engagement with the wooden war vessels of a century ago.
In addition to this, she was built for speed and could easily
overtake anything afloat. This made her doubly formidable,
for even flight could not avail the enemy. She usually did
more execution after the flight commenced than before, for
she could overtake and ram tlieiu one by one, probably better
MODKRX KOREA. 377
than she handle them when drawn up in line of battle.

cop.ld
It is said that ribs of this remarkable ship lie in the
the
sand today in the village of Ko-sQug on the coast of Kyung-
sang Province. They are believed to have been seen there by
Lieut. Geo, C. Foulk, U. S. N., in 1884. The people. of the
town have an annual festival, when they launch a fleet of boats
and sail about the harbor in honor of the great Yi Sun-sin
and his "Tortoise Boat."
In the engagement last described- the Japanese in their
flight were so terrified by this craft, which; pursued them

and sank them one by one, that they stamped: their feet
and cried out that it was more than of human work-
manship. And indeed it was almost more than the hu- ;
man of that century, for it anticipated by nearly :three hun-

dred years the iron-clad war ship. Id this battle Admiral Yi
was. wounded in the shoulder but tn,ade -uo sign. He urged
on his. men to the very last and .finally when they drew off, ,
wear}' of slaughter, he bared his shoulder and ordered the

bullet to be cut out.
Having thus brilliantly begun, and perhaps fearing lest,
if he should delay, some jealous rival miglit induce the king
to take off his head, he pushed straight on to Tang-hang
Harbor where he encountered another fleet, among which
was an immense three-decked ship on which sat the admiral
of the fleet, clad in silk and wearing a golden head-piece,
The intrepid Yi made with his tortoise
straight for this craft
boat and wheii near it one of his best marksmen
called to
to let fly a shaft at the man in silks. The arrow flew
straight to its mark and pierced the man's throat. Seeing the
fall of their chief, the whole fleet showed their rudders and
made off as fast as they could go, but with the usual result.
The next day saw Admiral Yi in Pyuk-hang Harbor where
he lay at anchor while he sent out ships to reconnoitre and
find out the position of the enemy. If anything was seen of
the foe, guns were to be fired as a signal. Ere long the signal
shot was heard far out at sea. The fleet put out in two long
divergent lines "like a fish-trap," as the Koreans say, and
soon on the horizon twenty-six hulls appeared rising and
sinking on the swell. As they neared they entered the two
lines of the Korean fleet and were surrounded. As the re-
^^yS KoKiCAN iirsroKW
suit of this flight every one of the Japanese boats was luinied
and two hundred heads were taken as trophies. Tliis r.an.irk-
able naval canipaig;n closed witii the destrnclion of a few re-
niainin.i; Japanese boats that were overtaken near Yong-deunt^
Harbor.
The reputation of Admiral Vi Sun-sin spread over the
whole south and his praises were one very lip. His followers
would go anywhere with him and scarcely seemed to know
wha*; fear was. Soon the report of these splendid victo-
ries came to the ears of the king, and though Admiral Yi was
not without detractors at court the king conferred upon him
a lofty title.
In the fifth moon the Japanese resumed active operations

in the north and east. A powerful force were sent to the pro-
vince of Kang-wun which was straightway overrun. The
governor, Kim
Che-gap, hastily collected all the soldiers that
could be found, together with arms and ammunition, and went
to the almost impregnable fortress of Yi'mg-wun. The na-
tural defenses of this placewere unexcelled by any in Korea.
On three sides the approach was almost precipitous and a
handful of men could hold an army at bay. Here the gover-
nor collected provisions in abundance and dug a well. Stones
were piled on the top of the wall to be thrown down upon
anyone who should attempt to scale the height. The Japan-
ese recognised the strength of the position and tried to get
the governor to surrender wdthout a struggle. A letter was
sent up the steep slope and handed over the wall. It said
"You are doomed. Even if you hold out for two months you
will then be taken. You must come out and surrender at
once." The only answer was the headless trunk of the Jap-
anese messenger, rolled down the precipice before the eyes of
the invading army. The next da}^ the assault began. The
besiegers swarmed up the sides of the slope, so that, to
use the Korean figure, was clothed with
the mountain-side
them. The garrison though only 5000 strong found no dif-
ficulty in dri\ing them l)ack. That night the Koreans,
wearied by the labors of the day and deeming it impossible
that the Japanese should try to attack at night up those steep
slopes, failed to set a guard and in the early morning, before
;
light, a little band of the enemy worked its way uji the face
MODKKN KORKA. 379
of the precipice until they reached the base of the Wall. A

few stones were displaced until a small aperture was made
and the little band effected an entrance. They rushed into
the camp with a terrific yell cutting down the half-awakened
and vvholh'^ terrified garrison. The gates were thrown open
and in an hour the victory was complete. Gov. Kim Che-gap
refused to do obeisance and was cut down.
And now all eyes were turned toward the Im-jin River
where the king and the people fondly hoped to be able to stop
tlie invading host. Troops had been coming continually and
massing on the northern bank of the siream at the point
where the main road from Seoul to P'yuiig-yang crosses it by
ferry. Its great strategic importance was due to the fact
that it was the onl}- good place for a large force to cross. The
troops massed here were nominally under the command of
Gen. Kim Myung-wiin who had so promptly deserted the
defenses of the Han, upon the arrival of the Japanese. The
Koreans had everything in their favor. The southern bank
where the Japanese must embark is a high blufif pierced only
by a narrow gully which would allow of only a few hundred
approaching the immediate brink of the water at once and
consequently the army would have to cross little by little.
The opposite bank, on the other hand, is a long flat stretch of
sand, an ideal place for drawing up a defensive force, and
every boat-load of the enemy would be the mark for a thousand
arrows.
The Korean forces were numerous enough, they were
brave enough and their leaders were individually capable
enough but note the sequel. All the boats had been brought
;
over to the Korean side and so, when the Japanese arrived
on the southern bank and looked down the high bluff upon
the assembled hosts of the Koreans and marked the difficulty
of embarkation, the swiftness of the ^current and the utter
absence of boats or craft of any kind, they found themselves
for the first time completely checked. An hour's resistance
was all they had ever met before, but here was evidently a
serious obstacle.
For ten long days these great armies sat facing each
other across the waters of the Im-jin. They were ten days
of exultation for the Koreans and every day that passed
3So Koki':a.\ iifsToRS'.
raised the courage, or rather the self-confidence, of the Kore-

ans, who was nature and not thjy who hjld tlie
forgot that it
foL- in check. They not dream for an instant that the

did
Japanese were about to make them the instruments of tlieir
own destruction. When the eleventh morning brok^; some-
thing was seen to be going on among the Japanese, a great
running about and the carrying of bundles from placc; to
place. In a short time the reason became apparent. The
Japanese had given up further advance and were preparing
to retreat toward Seoul. Smoke and flame showed that they
were burning their carap and soon the whole force was seen
to be on the move back toward the south. To imagine the
revulsion of feeling in the nîuds of the Koreans we should
have to realize the deep humiliation to wliich they had been
subjected, the heaps of slain they had seen, the losses in pro-
perty, in homes, in relatives, in friends which they had sus-
tained at the hands of the ruthless invaders. Instead of be-
ing pursued they were to pursue. They would dog the foot-
steps of the retreating army, cut off the stragglers, worry the
life out of the "dwarfs," as they called the Japanese, and
finally give them afarewêll kick as they left the port of

Fusau on their ignominious homeward flight. Such must
have been the common thought and purpose of the Koreans,
and the thirst for revenge was simply unbearable. And here
again comes to the front the fatal weakness of the Koreans,
We have before remarked that the rise of the political parties
lay at the bottom of the failure of the Korean arms against
the Japanese. It has already been illustrated in the case of
Gen. Sin Kak who was executed through jealousy on the
ver\^ day of his great victory. Here again it is to become ap-
parent. While Gen. Kim Myung-sun was nominally iii
charge of the defenses of the Im-jin he was far from being in
full command of the troops massed there. A number of
other generals were there and each held his own troops in
hand and each wished to distinguish hin)self and so step over
the heads of the rest into the good graces of the king. This
would mean preferment and wealth. There was absolutely
no supreme command, there was no common plan, there was
nothing but mutual jealousy and suspicion. A young gener-
al, Sin Kil-i, who knew nothing of war, was sure that the
MODKKX KORKA. 381
enemy had decamped, and he wanted to cross immediately iu

pursuit. But thiswas so manifestly absurd that even the
common soldiers cried out, "You had better examine carefully
and see whether the enemy has actnal'y gone." For answer
the young general had a few heads struck oEf, which shows
he was something of a disciplinarian if nothing more. Then
Gen, Yu Keuk-yang expostulated with the young man, warn-
ing him that it was surely a trick to lure them across, but the
young fellow drew his sword and made a lunge at the old
general and charged him with cowardice. This no one could
endure, so the aged general said. "Coward, am I ? Well I
speak only for the good of my king but I will be the first to
;
cross and fall into this trap, and when you see me fall you will
know that ni}' advice was sound." So calling his soldiers he
ordered them into the boats and, throwing all caution to
the winds and forgetting the best interests of his king for a
petty vindication of his own bravery, he dashed across the
river and up the heights. The young Sin Kil-i could do no
less than follow, and when he had gained the heights beyond
he found the words of the aged general true. A short
distance away a half dozen naked Japanese were dancing on
the border of a wood, but when the Koreans rushed at them
a countless muliitude of Japanese who had lain concealed in
the wood poured out, and in an instant the Koreans were sur-
rounded. The aged general having thus proved his claim to
bravery, or rather foolhardiness, sat down and said, "Now
has come the time for me to die." And die he did. It was
only of himself that he thought, and it was this all-pervading
selfishness, bred of party strife, that neutralised every good
quality in the Korean army. It was not because they were
not brave nor because luxurj' had sapped the vitality of the
noble classes but it was because no one would work with any-
one else. It was because they saw in war nothing but the
chance of personal advancement. And so each one deplored
the successes and rejoiced in the failures of every other.
When the old general fell, the Koreans found themselves
again, as in the battle in which Gen. Sin Yip fell, between
the Japanese and the river. Back they rushed only to find
that some of the boats had drifted away and others, being
overcrowded, had sunk. Hundreds were driven into the
^^î K(>Ki:.\X lllSTnuV.
water while others, iireferrinj;- a soldier's death, presented

their necks to the swords of the Japanese.
Hut even yet all was not lost. A little wis loni and care
niii^ht still have left the ilay unwon by the Japanese. They
had a few boats, to be sure, but not enough to be of any use in
the face of the still large Korean force on the opposite bank.
lUit here occurred the greatest mistake of all. The generals
on the northern bank, witnessing the terrible slaughter of
their confreres, and not stopping to reckon the chances still re-
maining of successful defense, raonuted their horses and gave
themselves to flight. This was not only cowardice. It was
thoughtlessness, carelessness in large part, and if there had

been one man in command of the whole defensive force
who could witness the loss of a large fraction of his force
without losing his head, the Japanese would still have been
as far from the northern bank as ever. The moment the
soldiers saw the flight of their generals they raised a derisive
sliout, "The generals are running away," and forthwith
they followed the example, as they had a perfect right
to do.
The Japanese leaders seeing the defenses of the river
broken up by their successful strategem, immediately crossed
with their entire force which Korean accounts reckon at
about a quarter of a million. The Korean accounts tell us but
little about the rivalry of the two Japanese leaders, Kato and
Konishi, but among the Japanese it was notorious. It wâs
impossible for them to march together for any length of time.

It was this rivalry wdiich had made them take different roads
to Seoul and it was now necessary for them to part again.
This jealousy was another of the potent causes of the final
failure of the Japanese. Had these two men worked together
they could have marched straight on to the walls of Nanking
without meeting an enemy worthy of their steel. As it
was they separated and scattered over the country, dis-
sipating their power and thus frustrating the design of
—
Hideyoshi the conquest of China, They cast lots as to their
routes and fortune favored the 5'ounger man, Konishi, who
drew as his lot the straight path north where glory lay if
anywhere. Kato had to be content wîth a dash into the
province of Ham-gyung in the northeast. Another general,
..
.
MODHKN KORKA. 383
Knroda, led a fotce into the western pirt of Whang-hJi Pro-

vince. All this took place in the fifth moon.
The king was resting scciire in P'yiing-yaug. trusting
in the defense of the Im-jin River, a m-ssenger rushed when
in breathless, announcing that the Im-jin had been deserted
and that the invaders were coming north bj' leaps and bounds.
The town was thrown into a panic of fright and, as the Ko-
reans truly put it, "No man had any cjlor in his face." Gen ,
Yi II came hurrying in from the seat of war disguised as a

coolie and wearing rough straw shoes. The king put him in
command of the forces guarding the fords of the Ta-dong
River which flows by the walls of P'yung-yang.
We must note in passing a trifling success on the part of
Captain Wan-ho who had been in charge of the ferry across
the Han at Y6-ju. He had bien called away into Kang-wun
Province but returned just in time to form an auibush at Yo-
ju and spring out upon a company of Japanese whom he
routed, securing some fifty heads. The "Koreans say that
from that time the Japanese avoided the Y6-ju ferry.
Chapter VIII.
A great council .. .the king decides to move to Ham-heung the

news China ...the king finds difficulty in leaving P'yung-j-ang
in
... .a parley in the channel of the Ta-dong the king leaves the
city. .the Koreans reveal the position of the ford.
. . .the Japanese . .
enter P'yung-yang. .the Crown Prince goes to Kang-wun Province

. .
. .the king pushes north

. . .Koreans in despair.
. . .the indefatiga- . .
ble Yu Sung-nyong ... Song Ta-up brings the queen to the king. . .
Kato pushes into Hani-gyung Province. .fight at the granaries. . . . .
Korean reverses .a Korean betrays the two Princes.

. . .a traito^ . .
punished .brave defenders of Yun-an.

. . .the king goes to Eui-ju . .
conclave in the south. .. .'"General of the Red Robe" ... .his

prowess. ..he retires ...disaster at Kom-san. .. .a long chase. ..
Japanese defeated at Keum-nyung.
On the second day of the sixth moon the king called a

great council to discuss the advisability of his staying longer
in P'yung-yang or of moving further north. One said, "If
someone is left to guard this city it will be well for the king
3!^4 KOKlvXN lllsroRY.
to ir.ovf north." but aiu)llicr said, " r\Tiiitr.yano^ is a natural

fortress. \\"e liave lo.côo soldiers and plenty of provisions.
If the kint; goes a step from here it will mean the destruction
of the dynasty." Anollur voice urged a different course;
"We have now lost lialf the kingdom. Only this province
and that of Ham-g>i'ing remain to us. In the latter there are
soldiers and provisions in abundance and the king had better
Inul there a retreat." All applauded this advice excepting
Yun Tu-su who said, "No, this will not do. The Japanese
will snrel\- visit that Hatn-heung is not nearly
province too.
so easy of defense as P'yrmg-yang. If the king is to leave
this place there are just three courses open to him. First,
he can retire to Yung-bynn in this province and call about
him the border guard. If he cannot hold that place he can
go to Hui-ju on the border and ask speedy help from China.
If necessary he can go up the Yalu to Kang-gye, still on Ko-
rean soil. And if worse comes to worst he can cross into

Chinese territory and find asylum at Kwan-jun-bo although
it is sure that he could hold out for a few months at Kang-
gye before this would be necessary. I know all about Ham-
heung. Its walls are of great extent but they are not high
and open to attack from every side. Besides if he re-
it is
treats northward from that place he will find nothing but

savage tribes. Here he must stay." But all cried out as
with one voice that the king must go to Ham-heung. Gen.
\'i Hang-bok insisted upon the neccessity of going north to
the Y'alu and imploring aid from China even if it became
necessary for the king to find asylum on Chinese soil. But
in spite of all this advice the king on the sixth of the month
sent the queen on toward Ham-heung and gave orders to
Y'uti To-su to hold P'yung-yang against the Japanese. His
Majesty came out and seated himself in the Ta-dong summer-
house and addiessed the people saying, "I am about to start
for Ham-heung but I shall leave the Crown Prince here and
you must all aid him lojâlly." At this the people raised a
great outcry. It looked as if they would all follow the king
from the city. They did not want the Prince to stay, they
wanted the king.
By this time the rumors of these things had gone ahead
into L,iao-tung.
MOIJHKN KORKA. 3S5
The form which the news assiuned across the border

was that the king had fl-d north to P'ydng-yang, but that it was
only H blind, as the Japanese and Koreans had formed
an agreement to invade China together and the king had
made a pretense of flight so as to keep the Chinese un-
suspecting until the Japanese should reach the Yalu. This
report caused a great deal of anxiety in the Chinese capital
and the Emp-ror sent Gen. In Se-duk, who was stationed in
Liao-tung, to investigate. He immediately set out for P'yung-
yang, and on his arrival sought an audience with the king.
It was granted, and the general, having learned the exact
state of affairs, started post haste back toward Nanking to
report t(j the Emperor.
On the eighth day of the sixth moon the van of the
Japanese army arrived on the southern bank of the Ta-dong
River opposite P'yung-yang, but there were no boats and no
way of crossing ; went into camp to await the arrival
so they
of the main body army.
of the No Chik was ordered by the
king to take the Ancestral tablets and start north. The people
were enraged at this, for they thought it would mean the
immediate pillage of the city by the Japanese, and consequent
hardships and dangers for themselves. So the crowd armed
itself with clubs and stones a.nd as the tablets were being carried
out of the gate they struck the bearers down and loudly in-
sulted No Chik, who was in charge. They cried "In times
of peace you are ready enough to steal the
government
revenues, and it is have
for this reason that all these troubles
arisen. You call upon us to protect the city and then you run
away yourself when danger approaches." Lashing themselves
into a fury by their own words, they threw off their clothes
and prepared to strike down every man who should try to
escape from the city. Meanwhile the old people and children
besieged the palace with their prayers, saying, "We are all
here to i)rotect the city, and if the king leaves it will be the
same as handing us over to slaughter." In the eagerness of
their importunity they even pressed into the outer court
yard and were stopped only by the statement that the king
was not about to leave, Yu Sung-nyong came out and sat
before the crowd and addressing an old man said, "You say
that you desire to protect the city and the king's person
-So K OK KAN" IIISTOKV.
ami you say wlII, hut how is it that you so far forget your
duty as to couk- in tliis hoUl uianner into the king's apart-
ments and raise lliis disturbance?" The people, partly be-
cause it seemed evident tlie king was not about to leave, re-
turned to their homes.
That night the Japanese caught a Korean and sent him
across the river with a letter to the king, in which they said
"We wish to meet Yi Tfik-hyi'mg and have a parley with
him." This seemed to be a prc»per thing to do, so Yi entered
a small boat and was sculled out to the middle of the river where
he met Konishi. Without wasting any words in mere formal-
ities the latter said. "The cause of all this trouble is that
Korea would not give a safe conduct to our envoys to Nan-

king, but if you will now give us an open road into China all
the trouble for you will be at an end." To this Yi replied,
"If you will send tliis army back to Japan we can confer
about the matter, but we will listen to nothing so long as you
are on Korean soil.' Konishi continued, "We have no desire
to harm you. We have wished such a conference as this be-
fore, but have not had a single opportunity until today."
But the only answer the Korean made was, "Turn about and
take 3'our troops back to Japan," The Japanese general
thereupon lost his temper and cried, "Our soldiers always go
ahead, and they know nothing about going backwards."
And so the conference was was broken up, each returning to
hisown side of the stream.
The next day the king succeeded in getting away from
the city and made his way towards Yung-byun, generals Yun
Tu-su, Kim Myung-wun and Yi Wun-ik being left to guard
the city and oppose the passage of the enemy. The Japanese
camped beside the Ta-dong and waited, as they had waited
beside the Im-jin, "for something to turn up." They did
not have to wait as long as they did beside the Im-jin. The
Korefin generals. Kim Myung-wun and Yun Tu-su were not
without courage and skill,and they conceived the scheme of
crossing the river at night at the fords of Neung-na-do a
little above the city and falling upon the enemy with a picked
body of troops. It would be difficult to disprove that in the

face of such odds and such a vast disparity in equipment this
plan showed the highest courage not only in the generals but
MODKRN KORKA. 387
in the conimon soldiers. The fact that the attempt failed

and failed disastrously^ may reflect upon the judgment of the
leaders but it can never impeach their bravery. The fording
of the river, always a and slow operation at night,
difficult
consumed more had been anticipated and by
time than
the time the devoted men reached the Japanese outposts
it was already dawn. They were now in a desperate
situation. There was nothing to do but to retreat, but the
retreat was itself a cause of disaster, for it revealed to the foe
the position of the fords and thus it happened that a miscal-
;
culation as to time made the Koreans the instrument of their

own destruction, even as they had been at the Ini-jin.
The Japanese now knew that they had everything their
own way. After a hearty breakfast they shouldered their
arms and made for the ford. They swarmed across in such
crowds that the defenders were driven back before they had
shot a dozen arrows. The two Korean generals, making a
virtue of necessity, opened the Ta-dong Gate on the river
side of the town and told the people to escape for their lives.
The soldiers threw all their heavier arms into the pond called
P'ung-wiil-su and fled by way of the Po-dong Gate. The
Japanese did not pursue, but took quiet possession of the town
and settled down. Here again they made a grand mistake.
Their only hope lay in pushing on at full speed into China,
for ever, now the force that was to crush them was being-
collected, and every day of dela\' was lessening their chances
of success.
The king was at Pak-chTm when the news of the fall of
P'ynng-yang reached him, and he was in feveri.^h haste to get
on to Eui-ju, saying that if worst came to worst he would
cross into Chinese territory. But he added, "As I am told
that by leaving Korean soil I shall abdicate my royal right
I wish the Crown Prince, in care of Gen. Ch'oe Heung-wrni,
to go to Yi-ch'iin in Kang-wun Province and there gather

about him an army and hold the fortress as long as he can."
This order was immediately carried out and the Prince started
for Kang-wun Province, while the king pushed on northward
to Ka-san. He arrived at that place in the middle of the
night. It was pitchy dark and there were no lights and the
rain was falling: in torrents. The roval escort had dwindled
•^S.S KdKKAX HISTOKV.
lo less than twenty men. Here the report was received tlmt
a Chinese force was to cross tlie Vain, ami so the kinj? stopped
at Kasan waitinj^ their appro ich. Vn Siliig-nyong was
hnrrying from town to town trying to get together provisions
for the Chinese army that was coming to Korea's aid, bnt as
fast ashe got them together the people rose in revolt aiul stole
them Some days pa.ssed and still the expected army did not
all.
appear, so Vi Tfik-hyflng was de-^patched as envoy to China

to solicitfrom the Kmperor, and His Majesty called
aid
together hiscourt and said. "If necessary I shall
little
cross the Ya-lu and find asylnm on Chinese soil. If so,
which of you will go with me?" For some mon)ents th'^re

was a dead silence and then Yi Hang lx>k. the same who had
aided the in her flight from the palace, spoke up and
Queen
%-d, "I go with you." The truth of the matter is that
will
when the king left P'yrmg-yang the courtiers all gave up
the kingdom for lost and were ready to desert the king the
moment there was a more favorable opening.
With tremendous toil Yu Sung-nyong succeeded in get-
ting some provisions together and transported them all to
Chong-jn, but when he arrived at that place he found a crowd
of people assembled in front of the royal granary armed with
clubs. He charged the mob and scattered it, caught eight of
the leaders and beheided them on theHe then went to
spot.
Kwak-san and secured further supplies, and also at Kwi sting,
and held the m in readiness for the Chinese army when it should
ap[)ear.
We will remember that the king had fully determined to
go across into Ham-gynng Province, but at the last moment
he had been dissuaded because of the difficulties that might
arise if he were compelled to retreat further still. Being
now urged to go on to Eai-ju he replied, "Yes, I must do so,
but what about the queen whom I sent forward into Ham-
gyung Province?" The brave Prefect of Un-san made
answer, "I will go and bring her to Your Majesty." So he set
out across the country to find the qucen, and all the records
tell us is that he brought her faithfully to him at Pak-
ch'un. This short mention does this brave man scant justice,
for even in these days a journey across the northern part of
the peninsula is an arduous undertaking especially in summer.
MODFkX KOK: A. 3^9
But not only so he was to find a queen, beset perhaps by

;
enemies, and bring her safely across that wilderness to the

kino^, who by
that time might be far across the Chinese border,
\vhile thecountry behind him swarmed with a half-sivage
enemy. This prefect, whose name is Song Ta-dp, must ha\-e
been a brave, energetic, tactful man whose will was as strong
as his patriotism was deep.
The Japanese were now settled in P'ynng-yang and
as they were destined to remain there soni^ tiaie it may
be well for us to leave them there and follow the fortunes of
Kato, who, as we will remember, had branched off eastwar i
into Ham-gyuiig Province after casting lots. He pushed

on rapidly across the country toward Wi'm-siu, but as he
was not on one of the main thoroughfares of the country he
found it difficult to keep to the road so he captured a Ko-;
rean and forced hitn Arriving at the town

to act as guide.
of Kok-san in the eastern Whang-h:1 Province they
part of
crossed the mountains by the No-ri-hyrin Pass and pushed on
until they struck the Seoul-Wi'msan road not far from the
latter place.
Gei'.. Han Keuk-snng was in charge of the government
farces in Ham-gyi'ing Province. He advanced immediately
toengage the Japm.ese, and a fierce fight took place at the
government storehouses at Ha-jong, At first the Japanese had
decidedly the worst of it but at last they retired to the shelter
of the granariesand birricaded themselves behind bags of rice
from which position they poured a destructive fire up)n the
Korean troops who were drawn up four deep, and who therefore
suffered the more severely. Not being able to dislodge th e
'
enemy the Koreans decided to withdraw and fortify the passes^
both in front and behind the Japanese, suppo.sing thit in
this way they would be entrapped. The Japanese l.arned of
this and when night came they knew they must make a bold
strike for liberty. So they scaled the mountains in the dark-
ness and succeeded incompletely surrounding the defenders
of one of the pas.ses. When morning came there was a heavy
fog and the Koreans were utterly unsuspicious of danger.
Suddenly the surrounding party of Japanese opened fire on
them and it took but a few moments to have them on the
run. It came on to rain ana the roads were heavy with mud.
3')0 KOkl'W" IIKTOKV.
The Korca:is \vlu> \v<.rc (.iitirely unused to sucli a ]ir()ldii!e;efl
striin, fell i-xluiusti-d way and WL-re butchered by

alontj the
the pursuiiio; cueiiiw Ctvu. llau made his escape to KyiliiiJ^-
sHiio; but was there captured by the Japanese. Th- governor
of the ])rovince. to ih.' disijust of the people, tied and liid
aniouij tile hills, biu the po])Ulace arose and dragged him out
and forced him to resume his duties. Gm. Yi Hon also fled
northward toward Kap-san. and the people consequently
seized him and took off his head. It was hard work for
generals in that province, for they had the Jap.ine.se on the
one hand and the people on the other. The people of the north
are made of sterner stuff than those of the south and the
punishment they meted out to these cravens is a good indica-
tion of their quality.
While these events were happening the two princes who
had taken refuge in this province fled northward and stopped
not till they reached the border town of Whe-ryung on the
Tu-man River. As it proved, this was the worst thing they
could have done, for the aj/ni or constable of that district was
either in the pay of the Japanese or was so terrified by their
approach that he was willing to go to any extreme to gain
their favor. So he seized the two young princes ar.d carried
thein to the Japanese camp. The latter received them gladly,
tmbound then^ placed them in their midst and carried them
wherever they went. They were a prize worth watching.
To the traitor, Kuk Ryiing-iu, who had betrayed the two
princes, they gave a position equivalent to the governorship
of the province, and he was formally installed in that ofiice.
But justice soon overtook him. A loyal general, Cluing Mun-
bii, in the northern part of the province, arranged a plan to
effect the capture of the traitor. But in son:e way the news
;got out and the pseudo-governor sent and seized Gen. Chnng.
ntending to take his head off the next morning but during ;
the night another loyal man named Sin Se-jun, gathered a

band of men, armed them as best he could and addressed them
thus "Our district has become disloyal through the treachery
:
of this villain. If we do not hasten to make it right we will

all have to suffer for it in the end. If you do not agree with
tiie, take your swords and strike me down." They answered
as one man, "We will listen to vou and obev vou." Thev
MOnKKX KORHA. 391
immediately sallied out, broke into the governor's house and

beat him to death. The Japanese knew that it was Gen.
Chong who had originated the plot and they searched for him
everywhere, but he hid in private houses in different places
and so they failed to apprehend him.
Chi Tal-wun of Ky ting-sang gathered a band of men and
tried to make liead Japanese but not being a
against the
soldier he could mak- but little impression so Gen. Chîng ;
was hunted up and put in command. There were only two

hundred soldiers in all, but soon they were joined by tlie
prefects of Choug-sung and Kyung-wnn and their contingents,
and the little army made its headquarters at Kyung-
sfing.
As the Japanese were overrunning the country, many
events of interest happened, many episodt'.s that history will
probably never record, scenes of cruelty and rapine that are
perhaps better left undiscovered but a few of the more im-
;
portant of these events are necessary to a correct understand-

ing of the way in which the Koreans met their fate at the
hands of the invaders.
When the Koreans fled from Seoul a high official by the
name of Yi Chong-iim fled to the walled town on Yun-an in
Whang-ha Province Its prefect had fled, and when a Japan-
ese force of 3000 men under Nagamasa approached, the people
besought this Yi to take chirge of the defense of the town.
He consented and made proclamation, "The Japanese are all
about us and we are in jeapordy of our lives. All that wish
to live must now run away and the rest of us will remain and
die together." To this they replied with one voice, "How
can we our leader die alone?" The next day the Japanese
let
arrived and invested the town, but on attempting to storm

it they were met by buckets of boiling water thrown wond
on their heads. They drew off, but renewed the attack at

night. This time they were met by piles of burning straw
which again drove them back. Again they came on, this
time with broad planks over their heads to protect them from
the novel weapons of the Koreans, but these were not proof
against the huge stones which the defenders threw down
pen them. The fight lasted three days and finally theu
Japanese withdrew after burning their dead.
3Q2 !:()Ki:\N iiisroKY.
Ill tliL- seventh moon the king moved northw.ird to Eui-ju.

l?ut wo imist turn again to the south to witness another
l(\val attempt to stem the tide of invasion. In the province
of Chul-la there w^re iikmi wli longed to take up arms in
)
defense of their homes, but all the regular troops had been
drafted a\va\- northward and noiiiing could be done on regular
lines. So Ko Kx'uig-myung and Kim Ch'fin-il of that pro-
vince and Kwak Clul-u and Choiig lu-hong of KyOng-sang Pro-
vince held a conference to devise ways and means for pros-
ecuting a geurilla campaign. These men had all been con-
nected with tlie army at some previous time and were not ut-
terly lacking in knowledge of military affairs, Kwak ChS-u
was in the prime of lite and w.is appointed leader- Gather-
ing the people of the countryside to a great conclave, head-
dressed them thus, "The whole country is being overrun by
the Japanese and soon we will become their prey. Among
our young men there must be many hundreds who are able
to bear arms. If we take our stand at Chong-jin on the
river we shall be able to prevent the Japanese from crossing

and they will thus be held in check." This brave leader
then turned his whole patrimony into ready money and spent
it in equipping his little army, which amounted to 5000 men.
A Japanese general attempted to enter this portiou of the

province but was met all along the line of the river by a
determined soldiery, and was not able to affect a crossing.
The Korean leader Kwak has bacaine famous in Korean
story for his valiant deeds. He is said to have worn a fiery
red cloak and he was dubbed Hong-eui Ta-jang or "General
of the Red Robe." His particular skill lay in rapid changes of
base and he appeared now at one point and now at another
with such bewildering rapidity that he earned the reputation
of being able to transport himself by magic to incredible
distances in a moment of time. These reports he did not
contradict. The Japanese came to dread his approach and
the report that he was near, or a glimpse of the flaring red robe
was enough to send them scurrying off. From his central
camp he sent out spies in all directions vvho kept him in-
formed of every move of the enemy, and whenever the Japan-
ese encamped the Koreans gathered on the surrounding hills
at night, each carrying a framework that supported five
MODKKN KORKA. 393
torches, and so the Japanese suppjsed they were surrounded

by great numbers of Koreans, and anxiety kept them always
awake. The best of the Korean soldiers were detailed to
watch mountain passes and look for opportunities to cut ofT
small bodies of the enemy's forces. Traps of various kinds
were set. into which they occasionally fell, and they were so
harrassed and worried that at last they were compelled to
withdraw entirely from the three districts of Eui-ryQng,
Sam-ga and Hyup-chiin, and quiet was restored.
But this useful man's career was cut short in a manner
similar to that in which Gen. Yi Kak's had been. We will
remember, after the Japanese had taken Tong-na and were
sweeping northward, that Kim Su, the governor of K5'ring-
sang Province, not daring to meet them, turned to the wêst
and fled from their path. It was just about this time that
the "General of the Red Robe" was having his victories
over the Japanese that had pressed westward after the fall of
Tong-na. When this successful leader heard of the craven
flight of Gov. Kim Su he was filled with scorn and with
righteous indignation. He considered the cowardly governor
to be worse than the Japanese themselves. He sent the
governor a message naming seven valid reasons why he
deserved execution. Kim Su replied, "As for you, you area
robber yourself." and he also sent a letter to the king charg-
ing Gen. Kwak with disloyalty. At the same time Gen. Kwak
sent a letter to the king saying, "Gov. Kim ran away from
his post of duty, and when I upbraided him for it he called me
a robber. I have killed many of the 'rats' but as I have been
called a robber T herewith lay down my arms and retire."
Despatching this letter to the king. Gen. Kwak dismissed all
his followers aud retired to a hermitage of Pi-p'a Mountain
in Kyung-sang Province and "lived upon pine leaves for
food." So the records say. Thereafter, though offered the
governorship of Ham-gyilng or Chul-la province he refused
to come out of his retreat. He changed his name to Mang
U-dang or. "House of Lost Passions," and he thus acquired
great sanctity. Here is another instance in which the king
lost an able leader through mere wanton caprice. Wounded

pride made the famous leader forget country, king, kindred,
—
honor all.
304 KOKKAN IIISTOkV.
Another atteniiU was ukuI-j by Ko Kyunj^-myutijc, a

native of Chanjj-heun^ m Chul-la Province. Hearing that
the kin.-: had fled to P'yung-yang he, together with Yii
fanu-no. gathered a hirge force at Tani-yang. vSending
over the province he succeeded in getting together
lett.;rs all
6000 men. and made the central camp at Yuu-sau. The king,
being informed of this, sent a gracious letter giving his
sanction and urging the faithful men to do all in their power
for tlie people and the country. Gen. Kwak Nyung was also
sent from tlic north to cooperate with this army in their loyal
attempts.
Hearing that the Japanese had arrived at Kom-san. the
Korean forces advanced against them, but, for some reason
not stated, when they appeared before the town their number
had dwindled to eight hundred. Whether ^he rest had run
away or whether a small detachment was deemed sufficient is
not known, but at any rate a blunder had been committed,
and when the Japanese saw the smallness of the attacking
party they sallied out and soon scattered the Korean forces
under Gen. Kwak Nyung. The other troops, seeing this,
also took to their heels, but Geu. Ko would not run away,
though urged to do so by bis lieutenants. He
told them to
make good their escape, but that he would remain and meet
his fate. So they all stood and fought it out to the bitter end
and fell side by side. Gen. Ko's son, learning of his father's
death burned for revenge and so he collected a band of sol-
diers in the south, which he named "The Baud that Seeks
Revenge."
A more successful attempt was made b>' Chong In-hong
of Hyun-p'ung in Kyung-sang Province. He was joined by
Kim Myou, Pak Song, Kwak Chun, Kwak II and Son In-gap.
These men organized a force and drove the Japanese out of

Mu-gye and burned their supplies. Hearing that the enemy
had fled toward Cho-gye and knowing that a river intervened,
they gave chase. The Japanese came to the river but could
find no boats to cross. They speut so much time looking
for a ford that when at last they found one and were starting
to cross, the pursuers came up. The ford was a bad one,
the bottom being composed of soft sand, something like
quick-sand. Soon the horses and men were floundering
MODFRN KOREA. 395
about in mid-stream. Chono^ and his men, who knew the ford,
rushed in upon them, while so entingled, and cut them
down by hundreds. Those that escaped fled towards Song-
ju,but one of Chdug's lieutenants took a thousand men and
gave chase. Pressed beN'ond endurance the Japanese turned
and came on to fight. One huge fellow on a magnificent
charger came dashing out ahead of the rest, brandishing his
sword and yelling at tlje top of his voice. A hideous gilt
mask added to the picturesqueness of his appearance, but it
did not frighten the pursuers. Their leader aimed at the
horse's legs and soon he came crashing ground, where
to the
he was speedily despatched. The other Japanese thereupon
turned and resumed their flight. Japanese troops who were
in force in Song-ju and Ko-ryung came out to intercept the
pursuers, but Chong and his men formed an ambush and
springing suddetily upon the Japanese threw them into con-
fusion and chased them as far as Pyul Pass. In this flight
the Japanese threw away their baggage, weapons and all
superfluous clothing. Chong and his men chased them six
miles and then turned back.
The adventure of this nature which we shall mention
last
is that of Kim Ch'un-il a man of Na-ju in Chul-la Province.
Hearing of the king's flight he sat down and wept, but sud-
denly springing up he exclaimed, "I might far better be
trying to aid my sovereign than sit here bewailing his misfor-
tune." In company with his friends Song Che-min and Yang
San-do, he got together a goodly band of men w'hose avowed
purpose was the succor of the king. Before commencing opera-
tions the leader slaughtered horses and oxen and made each
man taste the blood and take an oath of allegiance to the
cause in which they wêre efnbarked. Kim addressed them
in these words, "Of course this means death to us all. We
cannot exjiect to come out of it alive. We can only go for-
ward. There must he no retreat. If any one of you desires
life more than the accomplishment of the work in which we
are engaged let him turn back now." They fortified Tok-
san in Ch'ung-ch'ung Province. Koreans who had sold
themselves to the Japanese as spies came to this camp to gain
information, but were apprehended and put to death. The
Japanese camp was at Keuni-nyiing not far away. One
39^ KOKKW TirSTOKV.
moonless niglit Kim. l>y a forced inarch came and surrounded

this camp, and at a i,Mven sto;r.al his forces descended like an
avalanche uix>n the unsusix;ctinuj enemy. Those that escaped
the edge of the sword found .safety in flight. In the seventh
moon this force, consisting of several thousand men. crossed
the Hau River below Vang-wha-do intending to go and join the
king, but instead of doing so they entered the island of Kang-
wha and fortified it. When the king heard of these deeds of
Kim Clrr»n-il. he was highly pleased r»iul gave him the title
of "I>efei>der against Invaders."
These incidents of Korean .success again.st the Japanese
cannot be taken as typical ca.ses for, as a rule, the Japanese
went where they wished and did what they wished, but they
are inserted htre rather to show that it was no craven submis-
sion on the part of the Koreans that there were strong, ;
brave and faithful men who were willing to cast their for-
tunes and lives into the scales and strike as hard blows as-
they knew how for their homes and for their king. It was
of cour.se a getirilla warfare and it wa.sonly small detachments.

of the main army of the Japanese that they could successfully
withstand, but the utter pusilanimity of the Koreans", a.s some-
times depicted, is not a true picture of them. Their worst
fault was that they were unprepared for war. This together
with the strife of parties was the reason why the Japanese for
a time worked their will upon the peninsula.
Chapter IX.
Attempts to secnre aid from China. .divi(ie(l counsels fn Nanking'.

. . . . ,
an army sent.... a desperate envo}. ,Cien. S'lk Sung's love for

. .
Korea... the Emperor give.s orders for the king's entertainment

.... great Korean victor}- in the .south. ., .Japanese ami}- of rein-
forcement defeated and destroyed by Admiral Yi Sun-sin. .. .Gen.
Yi honored. .. .the back of the inva.sion broken.,., a vaing^loriou.'?
Chinese general. ., .severely beaten. ..the monks begin a Holy
.
War. .a sharp answer. ..various Korean forces, .a night adTen-

. . . . .
ture. . Japanese rever.ses in thesouth.

. . .China awakens. . .a grand
. . .
conference. .. .a truce.... the time expires. .. .a celebrated soldier

tracked down. . . .attempt to retake Seoul. . . .br:ive defense of Cbiu-Ju
MODKRK KORKA. T^q"]
. . . .the tlrst mortar and boinh. . . . various Koreati attempts. . , . Korean

Victory in Ham-gyun<j; Province. . . .another in the south,. ..Japanese
confined almost entirely to P'Vunij-yaHg,
The efforts that Korea put forth before .she obtained aici
from China make an entertaining stc7ry, and they show that
China delayed it as long as possible and then complied, not so
much because she wished to help Korea as because she desired
to check the Japanese before they crossed the Ya-lu and
began ravaging the fruitful plains of the Liao-tung peninsula.
Before the Japanese ever landed in Korea the king had sent
an envo}' to Nanking telling the Emperor tliat an invasion,
was next to certain ; and that envoy was still in Nanking.
After the king's flight to the north he sent Min Mong-nyung
and Yi Tak-hyung as special envoys to ask aid again. On the
arrival of these men with their urgent request there was a
great council of war in Nanking. Some of the leading
generals said, "There is no need for China to help those wild
people. Let them fight it out themselves." It would appear
that the policy by which China disclaimed responsibility for

Korea, when such responsibility involved sacrifice, is several
centuries old. Other generals said, "No, that will not dO/
We must send troops and at least guard our own territory
from invasion." But the Chinese General-in-chief, Snk
Sfing, said, "We must, without fail, render Korea the assis-
tance for which she asks. We must immediately despatch
2000 troops, and the Empefor Jiiust appropriate 2,000,000
cash for their maintenance." The upshot of it all was that
Gen. Nak Sang-ji took a small body of troops and marched
eastward to the banks of the Va-lu where he went into camp
without attempting to render the Koreans any assistance.
In the seventh moon the king sent another envoy to
Nanking on the same errand but with the same lack of suc-
cess. Then the king called to him one of his most trusted
officials and appointed him envoy to Nanking and said, "The
salvation of the kingdom lies in your hands. Go to Nanking

and leave no efforts untried whereby the Emperor may be in-
duced to help us." Charged with this important mission,
this envoy Ch<>ng Kon-su hastened to Nanking and, entering
the enclosure of the war office, sat in the courtyard for seven
3QS Ki^kl- \\ lllsTOUV.
days wecpins; ; but tlic oflicials all turned a deaf ear to his
i-ntreaties, cxceiitin;^ the C»e!ieral-iii'chief Sfik Sfing. Iii-
dioiiant at the apathy of his col!eajj;ues and in spite of the

tact that his dutv as >ieneral-iii-t-hief ilenianded his presence
in Xankinj^, he arose and said, "It" none of yon gentlemen
will jjo to the sid of Korea I will ijo myself." There were
special and personal reasons for this man's interest in Korea.
In years gone by a Korean merchant, while in Nanking, had
met in an inn a beautiful slave girl and upon inquiry had
discovered that she was of noble family but had sold herself
into slavery to obtain money wherewith to deliver her father
from prison. The merchant was so touched by the sacrifice
—
which she had made for it meant the sacrifice of honor it-
self — that he gave all his patrimony and bought her and set her
free. In after years she became the wife of this same Gen.
Snk Sling, and thus it was that he was an ardent admirer of
Korea and was determined to see that Korea received aid in
her present extremity.
xA-t this point the king sent a message to the prefect of
Liao-tung saying, "The Japanese have come as far north as
P'yung-yang and I fear I shall have to cross the Ya-Iu and
take refuge in your district." This the prefect immediately
reported to the Emperor, who answered, "If the king of
Korea enters your district, provide him with a fine house,
give him food out of the imperial stores, each day four ounces
of silver, a pig, a sheep, vermicelli and rice. Give him also
an escort of a hundred men and let twenty women be detailed
to wait upon him.''
We have now arrived at the threshold of the Chinese
counter-invasion which was destined to be one of the main
causes of the Japanese retreat, but before entering upon this
narrative we must turn again to the south and witness some
events which did far more to effect the withdrawal of the
Japanese than did the coming of the Chinese armies.
The first of these was the utter defeat of a large body of
Japanese who were scouring the province of ChuMa. Enter-
ing the town of I-ch'i they were met by such a fierce attack on
the part of Whang-jin the prefect of Tong-bok that they
turned back and. crossing the Ung-ch'i Mountain entered
the prefecture of Chun-ju. Yo Pong-nam, the prefect of Na-
MODERX KOREA. 399
ju, and Whang Puk, a volunteer general, lay in ambush with a

large body of volunteer troops, and srucceeded in driving the
Japanese back, but the next day the invading host came
fiercely to the attack and the Koreans had to give way. The
Japanese in their exultation now thought the_y could go back
to I-ch'i and avenge themselves for their defeat there. Gen.
Kwiin YOl and the prefect of Whang-jin heard of this in
time to fortify one of the mountain passes. The Japanese
attacked iti a desperate manner, creeping up the steep moun-
tain sides on tiieir hands and knees, shooting as they ad-
vanced. All day long the fight continued and the Japanese
were utterly defeated. Their bodies were piled hi heaps
where they fell and the records say that the ground was
covered with one crimson matting of leaves. This was one
of the greatest land victories which the Koreans scored
against the Japanese. Retreating to the valley with their
dead the Japanese made two great heaps of bodies and buried
them in trenches, marking the spot with rough monuments of
wood. This was probably one of the bodies of troops for
which the Japanese in P'yung-yang were waiting, before
attempting the invasion of China.
But meanwhile events of far greater importance were
occurring farther south, where Admiral Yi Sun-sin with his
wonderful "tortoise boat" was watching for Japanese fleets.
It was in the eighth moon that his watchfulness was
rewarded and he beheld on the eastern horizon a vast fleet of

Japanese boats bringing a hundred thousand men to reinforce
the army of invasion and enable it to push on into China.
Admiral Yi and his lieutenant Yi Ok-keuimet this power-
ful fleet in a place called Kyon-na-ryang among the islands oflF
the southern coast of Chul-la Province. The evident intention

of the Japanese was to round the southwestern corner of the
peninsula and sail up the west coast to P'yung-yang. At
first the wily admiral made as if he would betake himself to
flight and the Japanese, by giving chase, threw their own line
into disorder. When opposite Han-san Island, Admiral Yi
suddenly turned his iron-clad about and rammed the nearest
of his pursuers, and then engaged the others either singly or
by the score, for his craft xv'as impervious to their weapons.
His attending fleet followed and completed the work, after he
400 K( i:vi: \ N 11 IS roK V.
h ul (lis ib'.ed th.' cn.-my's bo:its. vSjvcutj'-one of the Japan-

t'sv lK)its wtrc Mink thai da\' aiul it issaid tlie very sea was
i\il, Ihit Ml III a roiMtorcnii; licet came up from Aii-gol
Harbor near Haii-saii ami tlie Admiral found that his day's
work was not \et done. The attack straightway' began and
soon the Japanese were in the same i)Hglit in which their
comrades liad been jnit. Many, seeing how impossible it was
to make headway against this iron ship, beached their boats
and tleil by laml so on that same day forty-eight ships more
;
were burned. The few that escaped during the fight sped
eastward toward home. So ended, we may well believe, one of
the great naval battles of the world. It may truly be called
the Salamis of Korea. It signed the death-warrant of the in-
vasion. It frustrated the great motive of the invasion, the
liumbling of China ; and thenceforth, although the war drag-
ged through many a long year, it was carried on solely with
aview to mitigating the disappointment of Hideyoshi a disap- —
pointment that must have been as keen as his thirst for con-
(juest was unquenchable.
When the king heard of these splendid achievements he
heaped upon Admiral Yi all the honors iu his gift, and even
those who hated him for his successes were compelled to join
in his praise. Koiiishi had heard that an army was coming
to reinforce him and he wrote an exultant letter to the king
saying, "A hundred thousand men are coming to reinforce
me. Wliere will you flee to then?" But before this letter
reached its destination there came the news of the crushing
defeat in the south. The whole success of the invasion
depended upon forming a junction between the army in
P'ynng-yang and this army of reinforcement, but Admiral Yi
shattered the fleet, and the last hope of the invaders perished.
And now at last China bestirred herself and sent Gen..
Cho Seung-hun with 5000 troops across the Ya-lu into Korea.
This was a man whose vanity was as great as his ignorance of
the Japanese. He loudly boasted "Now that I have come,
no Japanese will be able to stand before me." Penetrating
as far south as Ka-san he enquired whether the Japanese had
fled from P'yung-yang, and being answered in the negative he
exclaimed 'Heaven is indeed good to keep them there for
me."'
I
MODHKX KOREA. 40
Two of theKorean g-enerals ventured to offer him some

advice, sayiui^ thatit was now the rainy season and the roads
were very bad, and that it might be well to wait until his
army could move with greater ease and with better hopes of
success- But he laughed and said, "I once took 3000 men
and put to flight 100,000 Mongols. I care no more for these
Japanese than I do for mosquitoes or ants." And so his troops
floundered on through the mud until ihey stood before
P'yung-yang on the nineteenth of the eighth moon. And lo !
the gates were wide open. The Chinese tnxips marched

straight up through the town to the go\"c;rnor"s residence,
firing their guns and calling on the enemy to appear. But not
a Japanese was to be seen. When the whole of the Chinese
force had entered the city and the streets were full, the Jap-
anese, who lay hidden in every house, poured a sudden and
destructive fire into their ranks. The Chinese, huddled to-
gether in small companies, wr're shot down like rabbits.
Gen. Sa Yu, the second in coaunand of the Chinese, was
killed and the boastful Gen. Clio Seung-hun mounted his
horse and fled the city, followed by as many of his soldiers as
could extricate themselves. Rain began to fall and the roads
were deep with mud. The Japanese followed the fugitives,
and the valley was strewed with the bodies of the slain. Out
of 5000 men who entered the city only two thousand escaped.
Gen. Cho fled two hundred // to An-ju before he stopped.
He there gave out that as there had been much rain and the
roads were heavy he was at a disadvantage in attacking, and
when his second. Gen. Sa Yu, fell he saw that nothing could
be done, and so had ordered a retreat. Bui the Koreans oul>'
smiled, for they knew that a sixty mile ride over those
roads by-a Chinese general meant more than an ordinary re-
treat. And so he returned to Liaotung', this valiant man, and
fearing punishment, averred that "We whipped the Japanese
but the Koreans turned against us and we had to fall back."
The Chinese general Yang Sa-heun was sent to investigate this
charge but the king denied it and the truth was soon discovered.
x\nd now a new element
in this seething caldron of war
rose to the surface. was an independent movement on the
It
part of the Buddhist monks throughout the country. Hyu

Chung, known throughout tae eight provinces as "The great
^02 KOKIC.W IIISIOKV.
teacher of So-s.-iii," \v;is a man oi" i;ieat natural al)ilit\- as wrll
as of ^r<jA\. Icaiiiiiit,'. lli^ pnpil^ \\\Ti- nnnibjrjd !)>• the

tliousands a\i(l \vl ]•(. I'ounil in c\xr>- j)H)\inri.-. He f ill'.-d U>-
Sctlier Iwo thousanil of thcni antl appeared before the kinji at

luii-jii and said, "We are of the eoininon people biU we are
all the kini^'s servants and two tlionsand ol ns have come to

die for Your Majesty." The kinjj; was much pleased by this
demonstration of loyalty and made Hyn Chnn^^ a Priest Gen-
eral, and tokl him to i<o intt) camp at Pup-henn^ Monastery.
He did so. and from that point sent ont a call io all the mon-
asteries in the land. In Chhl-la Province was a warrior
moi:k Ch'oe Vnng. and at Diamond Monntain another named
Yu Chhnsj;. These came with over a thou.sand followers and
went into camp a few miles to the east of P'\nng-yang.
They had nt) intention of engaging in actnal battle but they
acted as spies, took charge of the commissariat and made them-
selves generally useful. During battle they stood behind the
troops and shouted encouragement. Yu Chung, trusting tohis
priestly garb, wentinto P'\ung-yang to see the Japanese gen-
erals. Being ushered into the presence of Kato, who had now
joined the main arn\v after his detour into Hamg\ ung Prov-
ince, the monk found himself surrounded by flashing weapons.
But he was not in the least daunted, and looked about him
with a smiling face. Kato addressed him good-naturedly
and asked. "What do you consider the greatest treasure in
your land ?" Without a moment's hesitation the monk an-
swered "Y<nir head," which piece of subtle flattery made the
Japanese general laugh long and loud.
Besides these tht re were other niovemenls of a loyal
nature throughout the country. At Wha-sun in Chul-la
Pro\'ince there was a little band of men under Ch'oe
K_\-ungwhe whose banner represented a falcon in flight.
Also in Ch'ung-ch'ung Province a celebrated scholar Cho
Hon collected a large baud of men, but his efforts were
frustrated by the cowardice and jealous}' of the governor of
the province who imprisoned the pareuts of niany of his fol-
lowers aud so compelled them to desert.
Yi Wiin-ik, the governor of F'yung-an Province and Yi
Pin, one of the provincial generals, made a fortified camp at
Sun-an, sixty //to the west of P'yuug-yang. At the same
MODERN KOREA. 403
time generals Kim Eutig-Su and Pak Myung-hyun, with a

force of 10,000 men, made a camps along the
line of fortified
west side of the town of P'vu.ig-yang. K.im Ok-ch'u with a
naval force guarded the ford of the Ta-dong. These forces
advanced simultaneously and attacked the Japanese, cutting
off all stragglers. Suddenly the Japanese army made a sally
from the city and the Koreans were dispersed. When they
again rendezvoused at their respective caujps it was found
that Gen. Kim Eung-su and his troops were nowhere to be
found. As it happened he was very near the wall of the
town when the sortie occurred and he was cutoff from re-
treat. But in the dusk of approaching night he was not
discovered by the Japanese. .\ story is told of a curious
adventure which he had that night. One of the Japanese
generals in the town had found a beautiful dancing girl and
had compelled her to share his quarters. On this eventful
tvening she asked him to let her go to the wall and see if she
could find some one who would cirry a message to her brother.
Permission was given and she hastened to the wall and there
called softly, "Where is my brother ?" Gen. Kim, as we have
seen was immediately beneath the wall and he answered,
"Who is it that calls?" "Will you not help me escape from
the Japanese," she pleaded. He immediately consented to
help her and. taking his life in his hands, he speedily scaled
the wall and accompanied her toward the Japanese general's
quarters. Her captor was a terrible creature, so the story
goes, who alwa\^s slept sitting bolt upright at a table with his
eyes wide open and holding a long sword in each hand. His
face was fiery red. Gen. Kim, conducted by the dancing girl,
came upon him unawares and .smote off his head at a stroke,
but even after the head fell the terrible figure rose and hurled
one of the swords with such tremendous force that it struck
through one of the house-posts. The Korean general con-
cealed the head beneath his garments and fled, with the girl
at his heels. But now for the first time he seemed to become
aware of the extreme hazard of his position and fearing that
he would not be able to get by the guard, if accompanied by
the girl, his gallantry suddenly forsook him and he turned
and smote off her head as well. Thus unencumbered he
succeeded in making his escape.
4(>4 KdRKW nrsT()K\'.
\Vc innst litre digu'ss again to describe the final conflict

that juit an end to Japanese advances in the province of Chul-
la. A jjetitrral. Clu> Hon, in company wilh a monk warrior,
Vnng Kyn, advanced on the iniitortant town of Ch'ung-ju,
then occupied by a stronj^ Ja])anese garrison. They approached
the west gate and stormed it with stones and arrows. In a
short time the Japanese were compelled to retire and the Ko-
reans began to swarm into the town, vowing to make a coni-
plete slaughter of the hated enemy, but at that moment a se-
vere thiTuder shower arose and the darkness was intense. So
Gen. Cho recalled his troops and encamped outside the gate.
That night the Japanese burned their dead and fled out the
north gate, and when Gen. Cho led his troops into the city the
next day he scx>red only an empty triumph. He desired to
push forward to the place w'ere the king had found refuge, and
to that end he advanced as far north as On-yang in Ch'ung-
ch'ung Province: but learning there that a strong body of
Japanese had congregated at Yo san in Chfil-la Province, he
turned back to attack them. He made an arrangement by
letter with Kwun Vtil. the provincial general of Chul-la, to
make a simultaneous attack upon the Japanese position from
different sides. But when Gen, Cho arrived before the Jap^
auese camp with his little band of 700 men Gen, Kwun was
nowhere to be found. The Japanese laughed when they saw
this little arrayand came on to the attack,, but were each time
driven back. But at last the Koreans had spent all their ar-
rows, it was late in the day and they were fatigued ajid half
famished. Gen. Cho, however, had no thought of retreat and
kept urging on his men. If he had at this crisis withdrawn'
his renniining soldiers, the victory would virtually have been
his for the Japanese had lost many more men than he but ;
he was too stnWiorn to give an inch. The Japanese came ou'

to a last grand charge. GeiT. Cho\s aides advised him to
withdraw but he peremptorily refused. At last every weapoiv
was gone and the men fought with their bare fists, falling-
where they stood. The slain of the Japanese outnumbered
those of the Koreans and although they were victorious their
victory crippled them. It took the survivors four days to burn
their dead and when it was done they broke camp and went
southward. The Japanese never regained the ground lost hv
MODERN KOREA. 405
this retreat and and it was a sample of what nilist occur

throuohout the peninsula, since Admiral Yi had rendered
reinforcement from Japan impossible.
We return now to the north, the real scene of war. In
the ninth moon the Chinese general. Sitn Yu-g\-ung, whose
name will figure largely in these annals from this point on,
was sent from China to invêstigate the condition of affairs in
Korea with a view to the sending of a large Chinese force, for
by this time China had become alive to the interests at stake,
namely her own interests. This general crossed the Ya-lu
and came southward by An-ju as far as Sun-an. From that
point he sent a con]muni.cation to the Japanese in P'yung-yang
saying, "I have come by order of the Emperor of China to in-
quire whatlKorea has done to merit such treatment as this at
your hands. You are trampling Korea under foot and we
would know why." The Japanese general, Konishi, an-
swered this by requesting that the Chinese general meet
him at Kang-bok Mountain ten // north of P'yung-yang, and
have a conference with him. To this Gen. Sim agreed and,
taking with him three followers, he repaired to the appointed
place. Konishi accompanied by Knroda and Gensho came
to the rendezvous with a great array of soldiers and weapons.
Gen. Sim walked into their midst alone, having left his horse
outside the enclosure. He immediately addressed them as
follows; "I brought with me a million soldiers and left them iii
camp beyond the Ya-ln. You, Gensho. are a monk. Whv do
you come to kill and destroy?" Gensho answered, "For
many a year Japan has had no de.-dings with China. We ask-
ed from Korea a safe conduct for our envoy to Nanking but
itwas refused and we were compelled to come and take it by
force. What cause have you to blame us for this? " To thi.s
Gen. Sim replied, "If you wish to go to Chtna to pay your re-
spects to theEmperor there will be no difficulty at all. I can!
arrange without the least trouble,"
it Konishi said nothing,-
but handed his sword to Gen. Sim in token of amity and after
they had conferred together for some time it wai^^ arranged
that Gen. Sim go to Nanking and represent that Japan wi'sh-
ed to become a vas.sal of China. Fifty days was agreed upon
for the general to make the trip to Nanking and return xvith
the answer, and a truce was called fur that time- A line was
40r> Kl^kKAN lllSTciUV.
Ur:i\vn roniul P'vniiii-viino- trn // from Ihr wall and the Jajun-
t'sc aorocil to stay witliin that limit while the Koreans pro-
mised not to cro-;s that line. Oen. Sim was sjnt upon his way
with everv mark ot' esteem on the jiart of the Japanese who
nceompinied him a short distance? on the road.
The Japanese lived uji to the terms of the truce, never
crossiu!^ the line once, but the fifty days expired and still
Gen. Sim did not appear. They then informed the Koreans
that in the twelfth moon their "horses would drink the water
of the Va-lu."
Durinp: these fifty days of truce what was going on in
other ]iarts of the peninsula? Cho Dug a soldier of Ch'ung*

chTino; Province was a man oi marvelous skill. With a band
of 500 men he succeeded so well in cutting off small foraging
bands of Japanese that they were at their wits end to get him
put out of the way. One foggy day when the mist was so
thick that one could not see his hand before his face the Jap-
anese learned that this dreaded man was on the road. They
followed him swiftly and silently and at last got an opportuni-
ty to shoot him in the back. He fell from his horse but rose
and fled on foot. But the>' soon overtook him and, having
first cut his hands off, they despatched him.
The governor Kyung-geui Province was Sim T^. He
of
had found asylum in the town of vSang-nyUng, two hundred //'
north of Seoul. Having gotten together a considerable body

of soldiers he formed the daring plan of wresting Seoul from
the hands of the Japanese. For this purporse it was neces-
sary that he should have accomplices in that city who should
rise at the appointed time and join in the attack. Through
treachery or otherwise the Japanese became aware of the plot
and sending a strong body of troops to Sang-nyung they seiz-
ed the governor and put him to death.
Gen. Kim Si-min had charge of the defense of the walled
town of Chin-ju in Kyung-saug Province. The Japanese in-
vested the town with a very large force. Within, the garrison
amounted to only three thousand men. These were placed on
the walls in the most advantageous manner bj' Gen. Kim who
was specially skilled in the defense of a walled town. All the
soldiers were strictly commanded not to fire a single shot un-
til the Japanese were close up to the wall. The Japanese ad-
MODKKX KORKA. 407
vaiiced in three divisions, 10,000 strong. A thousand of tiiese

were musketeers. Tlie roar of the nuisketry was deafening
but the walls were as silent as if (ieserted. Not a man \i-as to
be seen. On the following day the assault began in earnest.
The Japanese discarded the muskets and used fire arrows.
Soon all the houses outside the wall were in ashes. Gen. Kim
went up into the south gate and there sat and listened to some
flute playing with a view to making the Japanese think the
defending force was so. large as to make solicitude unneces-
sary. This made the Japmese very careful. They made
elaborate preparations for the assault. Cutting down bamboos
and pine trees they made ladders about eight lêt wide and as
high as the wall. They also prepared straw mats to protect their
heads from missiles from above. But the defenders had also
made careful preparations. They had bundles of straw with
little packages of powder fastened in them, to cast down on the
attncking part}'. Piles of stones and kettles of hot water were

also m readiness. As the assault might take place at night,
planks bristling with nails were thrown over the wall. This
proved a wise precaution for in fact the attack was made that
very night. It raged fiercely for a time, but so man\- of the
Japanese were lamed by the spikes in the planks and so many
were burned by the bundles of straw, that at last they had to
withdraw, leaving heaps of dead behind. More than half the
attacking force were killed and the rest beat a hasty retreat.
In the ninth moor. Gen. Pak Chin of Kyfing-sang Province
took 10,000 soldiers and went to attack the walled town of
Kyong-ju which was held by the Japanese. It is said that he
made use of a species of missile called "The Flying Thunder-
bolt." It was projected from a kind of mortar made of bell
metal and having a bore of some twelve or fourteen inches.
The mortar was about eight feet long. The records say that
this thing could project zAW/" through the air for a distance of
forty paces. It doubtless means that a projectile of some
kind could be cast that distance from this mortar. The re-
cords go on to say that the Flying Thunder-bolt" was thrown

'
over the wall of the town and, when the Japanese flocked
around it to see what it might be, it exploded with a terrific
noise, instantly killing twenty men or more. This struck
the Japanese dumb with terror and so worked upon their su-
4oS KoKKAN msrouv.
perstitious iKitmvs llial tliey dec;mipt;d in haste and (.vacualed

the city. Tlic iiiVL-ntor of this weapon was Yi Van^-son, and
it is said that the secret i)f its constrnction died witli him. It
appears that we liave here tlie inventor of the niorUir and

bomb. The leni^tli of the ,y^nn compared with its calibre, the
distance the projectile was carried with the poor powder then
in use and the explosion of the shell all point to this as beiu"^
tlie first veritable mortar in use in the east if not in the world.
It is said that one of these mortars lies today in a storehouse
in the fortress of Nam-liaii.
All through the country tlie people were rising and arm-
ing against the invaders. A
of their leaders will show
list
how widespread was the moveuieut. In the province of Chul-

la were Gz^nerals Kim Ch'un-il, Ko Kyuug-myung and Ch'o6
Kyang-whe: in Kyung sang Province Generals Kwak Cha-o,

Kwrm Kung-su, Kim Myon. Chong lu-hong, Kim Hfi, Nyu
Wan-ga. Yi Ta-geui and Chang Sa-jin in Ch'ung-ch'ung ;
Province Generals ChoHeun, Yung Kyu (monk), Kim Hong-

min, Yi SangyHm, Cho Tun-gong, Cho Ung and Yi Pong:
in Kyung-geui Province Generals U Sung-juu, Chung Suk-
ha, Ch'oe Heul. Yi No, Yi San-whi, Nam On-gyung, Kim
T'ak, Y'u Ta-jin, Yi Chil, Hong Kye-nam ana Wang Ok in ;
Ham-gyung Province Generals Chong Nam-bu, and Ko

Kyung-min in P'yung-an Province Generals Cho Ho-ik and
;
the monk Yu Chung. The country was filled with little bands
of fifty or a hundred men each, and all were fighting sepa-
rately. Perhaps it was better so, for it may have prevented
jealousies and personal enmities that otherwise would have
ruined the whole scheme.
Ch<>ng Mun-bu was the "Military inspector of the north"
and it was his business to investigate annually the condition
of things in the province of Ham-gyung and to superintend
the annual fair on the border at Whe-ryCing in the tenth moon
of each year. He
caught by the Japanese on the road
Wc.s
and was held captive, but made his escape by night and found
a place of hiding in the house of a certain sorceress or fortune-
teller in Yong-sung. After five days of flight he reached the
town of Kyoag-siing where he found the leaders Ch'oe Pa-
ch'un and Chi Tal-wun at the house of a wealthy patriot Yi
Pung-su who had giveu large sums of money to raise and
MODERN KOREA. 4O9
equip soldiers. The common people entered heartily into the

plan and a force of lo.ooo men, indifferently armed and drilled,
was put into the field. This force surrounded the town of
Kil-ju where the Japanese were encamped, and after a des-
perate fight the Jap-inase ware totally defeated, leaving 600
he.ids in the hands of the victors. A few days later a similar
engagement took place with a like result, sixty more heads
being taken.
And so it was throughout the country. The Japanese
were being worn away by constant attrition here a dozen,
;
there a score and yonder a hundred, until the army in P'yung-

yang, by no means a large one, was practically all that was left
of the Japanese in the peninsula.
Kwfin Yul, the governor of ChHl-la Province, said to the
provincial general, "If you will remain in Yi-hyun and guard
the province I will take 20,000 men and move northward to
the capital." He advanced aj far as Su-wun. The Japanese
tried to draw him into a general engagement but he avoided
itand kept up a geurilla warfare, cutting off large numbers of
stragglers from the Japanese cunp. By this means he ac-
complished the important work of opening up a way to the
north, which had been closed so that from now on messengers
;
passed freely from the southern provinces to the king.

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PLEASE DO NOT REMOVE
CARDS OR SLIPS FROM THIS POCKET
UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO LIBRARY
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History of Korea V1 - Hulbert

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/'

HOMER B. HULBERT, A. M., P. R. O. S.

Editor of The Kokea Review

The Methodist Pubt-isuing Hot:aE.

Medieval Korea 890-1392 Vol. I 127

manuscript liistories of the dynasty and hy imitin;^^ and

In this I have enjoyed the services of a Korean scholar

into Cho-sun without the show of arms, and in each

nihilating the entire population.

Avhat high reg'ard for literature, and there eould have

"father," / as in "ravine," £> as in "rope" and u as in

to g, p to b and / to d. For instance, in the word Pak-tu,

hi Korcmi \vc have the long and short quantity in

the work was printed before the Korea Branch of the

The peninsula of Korea, containing approximated

most of the arable land and by far the i^reater portion of

and donkeys, but sheep are practically unknown. The

a back bone of granite formation with frequent outcrop-

Tan-gun .his antecedents.

he teaches the people. .his capital

In the primeval ages, so the story runs, there was a di-

coiwitry found him sitting and made him their king.

and berries. In summer they lived beneath the trees and in

line of native chieftains w^ho may have antedated the coming

His wife was a woman of Pi-ro-ap, whose location is unknown.

For this purpose he built an altar on Mari San which remains

interior of China, called to his court at To-san all the vassal

P'ang-o-is erected there. At Mnn-'.vha ther^ is a shrine to

Ki-ja. . . .ffrikirg' character. . . .cn\Lnn. . . .corrupt Chu. . . .story of Tal-

Korean theor)-. .details of history meager.

China .. .delinrltation of Chc-sun. .. .peace with Tsin dynasty....

Without doubt the most striking character in Korean his-

of a prejudiced historian but by what we can read between the

in the Korean with the bccutilul

making a pond of wine in which he placed an island of meat

charge you to resume your natural shape."

garments., she stood revealed in her tri:e clmracter- a white —

been broached that the Shantung promontory- at one time

tl-.e is!:iii"d Cli'ul-do, off Whang-ha Province, where today tliey

against the theory of the connection betv.-een Korea and the

points cl'-arly to P'yung-j^ang as being the scene of his labors.

independent kingdom. It was certainly so in the days of the

vassal at that time. He even allowed Ki-ja to setid envoys to

that in this he showed his weakness for he had sworn never

difficult to believe that the Tan-gun's influence reached far

We must now iiKjuire of what inateriil v.as Ki-ji's cor.i-

tumacy. His method was brilliant when compared with even

"five pt^iCepts" Wiilch inculcate right between king

/s a sign that his kingdom was founded in peace and as

contended b}^ not a few that Ki-ja never cnnie to

Korea and they base their belief npon the following

a shrine to him. There was a picture of him there but it was

Cho-sun. The work entitled Kang-mok.says that his capital

Ki-ja was fift3'-three 5"ears old when he came to Korea

*The following Ki-ja dynasty are taken from a wcrk

In 10S3 Ki-ja died and was succeeded by 1 is son Song.

attention and a number of war vessels were launched. The