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Spanish Literature European Languages and Literatures

1984

A History of Spanish Golden Age Drama

Henryk Ziomek
University of Georgia

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STUDIES IN ROMANCE LANGUAGES: 29
John E. Keller, Editor
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 A History of

SPANISH
GOLDEN AGE
DRAMA

Henryk Ziomek

THE UNIVERSITY PRESS OF KENTUCKY

 Publication of this book was assisted by a grant from
Research Foundation, Inc., of the University of Georgia.

Copyright© 1984 by The Umversity Press of Kentucky

Scholarly publisher for the Commonwealth,
serving Bellarmine College, Berea College, Centre
College of Kentucky, Eastern Kentucky University,
The Filson Club, Georgetown College, Kentucky
Historical Society, Kentucky State University,
Morehead State University, Murray State University,
Northern Kentucky University, Transylvania University,
University of Kentucky, University of Louisville,
and Western Kentucky University.
Editorial Offices: Lexington, Kentucky 40506-0024

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data

Ziomek, Henryk
A history of Spanish Golden Age drama.

Bibliography: p
Includes index.
l. Spanish drama-Classical period, 1500-1700-
History and criticism. I. Title.
PQ6105.Z56 1984 862' .3'09 83-23309

ISBN: 978-0-8131-5538-8
 Contents

PREFACE ix

INTRODUCTION 1

CHAPTER I
The Birth and Development
of Spanish National Drama
6
CHAPTER II
Lope de Vega and the
Formation of the Comedia
36
CHAPTER III
The Proliferation of the Comedia:
Lope de Vega's Contemporaries
82

CHAPTER IV
Calderon: The Apogee of the Comedia
134
CHAPTER V
The Decline: Calderon's Contemporaries
and Imitators
169
CHAPTER VI
The Comedia since 1700
187
NOTES 200
SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY 218

INDEX 229
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 Illustrations

Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra 28

Lope de Vega 38
Tirso de Molina 88
Juan Ruiz de Alarcon 104
Stage scene from La verdad sospechosa 106
Juan Perez de Montalban 120
Pedro Calderon de la Barca 136
"Love, Wind, and Nymphs' Choir"
(stage scene) 158
Stage decor for a play by Calderon 158
"The Sacred Form of an Auto Sacramental''
(painting by Claudio Coello) 162
This page intentionally left blank
 Preface

THEATER IS known to have existed on the Iberian peninsula since its

first settlers and invaders arrived. Its origin and development are dif-
ficult to determine, but the cradle of Spanish theater is considered to
have been in Sagunto, where the Roman ruins of a theater built accord-
ing to Greek plans suggest Greek influences even before the arrival of
the Romans. Classical theater remained alive throughout the Middle
Ages but soon had to coexist with the mimes introduced by the Visigoths
and the liturgical forms of the Roman Catholic Church. These three
forces point to a little-known period during which various dramatic forms
were tried, the vernacular gradually took over, and Spanish Renaissance
theater developed.
Out of this background one of the true manifestations of Spanish
genius-the Golden Age drama, known as the comedia-came into
existence in the last decades of the sixteenth century and flourished for
fifty years. The gradual unfolding of this major genre is not well known
to the average English-speaking student of Spanish literature, although
many are more knowledgeable about the great playwrights of that
period, Lope de Vega and Calderon. A number of high-quality plays
by lesser-known authors are less often read, just as the events leading
up to that great period are often neglected. The purpose of this volume
is to present a comprehensive, chronological account of the develop-
ment of the Spanish comedia through a survey of its dramatists.
To present a picture of fully developed Spanish verse drama as a whole
and to place it in its proper perspective requires a review of the elements
in the evolution of Spanish theater that brought the comedia into ex-
istence. The early Spanish drama of the pre-comedia period and the
Spanish stage are also analyzed. This information is helpful m
understanding the hybrid and unique character of the comedia.
X PREFACE

While the contributions of Lope de Vega's important theatrical pre-

cursors are within this work's purview, I naturally emphasize the in-
novations and additions of Lope de Vega, Calderon de Ia Barca, and
their followers in the maturing of the comedia. Thus, through a
chronological account rather than a subject-by-subject discussion of
themes, characters, and plots, the history of Spanish drama unfolds.
In addition to biographical sketches of the important playwrights and
analyses of their significant works, brief plot synopses are presented to
aid the reader who does not know Spanish, and most Spanish titles and
terms are translated into English at their first appearance. Also, while
I have attempted to highlight recent research and new approaches,
especially those of the last ten years, I have cited secondary sources only
in the accompanying notes, while the bibliography is restricted to stan-
dard sources for each dramatist's works, some biographies, biblio-
graphical studies when available, and general historical and critical
studies.
The vast amount of material to be presented in a limited space has
forced me to be selective. Although Lope and Calderon eclipsed all other
playwrights of the Golden Age, I have given attention to the suppor-
tive contributions of lesser-known playwrights, since inclusive volumes
have already been written on the great masters, while their precursors
and contemporaries have been neglected.
Since a brief history such as this cannot delve deeply into the ex-
cellent critical analyses that have come into existence during the last
century, the notes and bibliography provide sources to which the reader
can turn for further study. I have relied on the works of the eminent
scholars of Spanish Golden Age drama, and acknowledge my gratitude
to them for enriching my understanding of the comedia.
I wish to express appreciation to Gerald E. Wade and Everett W.
Hesse for the benefit of their critical advice, and to David H. Darst
and the readers at the University Press of Kentucky for their helpful
suggestions in preparing this book. Gratitude is also expressed to the
Research Foundation, Inc., at the University of Georgia for financial
assistance in publication, and to the University of Georgia, which pro-
vided a grant for the typing of the manuscript.
 Introduction

THE SPANISH Sig/o de Oro (Golden Age)-almost two centuries of

great cultural intensity-arose out of a rich historical background. A
brief review of the origin and early history of the Spanish people pro-
vides a fuller understanding of the heterogeneous character of their
drama.
The benign climatic conditions, rich resources, and accessible loca-
tion of the Iberian peninsula attracted invaders from the beginning of
time. The earliest record of its aboriginal past is found in the Paleolithic
cave paintings, believed to have been made twelve to fourteen thou-
sand years ago, at Altamira in the western Pyrenees. Evidence has also
been found of a distinct Neolithic Almerian culture that invaded the
southeastern part of the peninsula around 3,000 B.C. Written history
records that Iberians coming from North Africa entered the land around
1, 000 B. C., and that Celts migrating from Central Europe by way of
France invaded the peninsula in the ninth century B.C. and again two
centuries later. The subsequent intermingling of these two groups, who
settled in the central regions of the peninsula, produced the Celtiberians.
During this time the land surrounding the Mediterranean basin came
under the control of the ancient civilizations. First among these were
the Phoenicians, who established a colony in Cadiz in the eleventh
century B.C. Later the Greeks founded other colonies on the eastern
seacoast.
In 535 B.C. the Carthaginians militarily took over the peninsula,
where they stayed for three centuries. Carthage and Rome clashed for
supremacy in the Mediterranean world, and the Carthaginians were ex-
pelled in 206 B.C. during the Second Punic War. It took the following
two centuries for the Romans to pacify the country and to impose their
form of government, language, laws, and religion on the people. In
2 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

so doing they created on the peninsula one of the most prosperous parts
of the Roman Empire.
In 409 A.D., Teutonic invaders-Alans, Vandals, and Suevi-crossed
the Pyrenees and created havoc in the land. Nine years later the
Visigoths, at the request of Rome, swept down from Toulouse and took
control of the entire country, retaining it for nearly three hundred years.
Having already been Romanized, the Visigothic kings encouraged the
growth of Roman culture, codified Roman and Gothic law, and brought
Christianity to the peninsula.
Toward the beginning of the eighth century the Visigothic power
weakened under the weight of internal strife; finally a rebellion broke
out over the election of a duke, Rodrigo, to the throne. Under the
pretext of helping the pretender to the throne, a Moorish leader, Tarik,
with his Saracen army invaded the peninsula in 711 A.D. and in seven
years, with the help of the Arab Musa and his reinforcement, overtook
the entire country except for its northernmost parts. Although Moslem
rule was marked by rivalries among various sects of the Mohammedan
world, Saracen culture and power in the peninsula attained their peak
in the tenth century.
The Christians' nearly eight-centuries-long efforts for reconquest were
begun in 718 by Pelayo, a Visigothic chieftain and founder of the
kingdom of Asturias. Their progress during the following wartorn cen-
turies was slowed by feudal struggles and political turmoil. The Moslems
were not without problems, either. The split of the caliphate into hostile
Moorish kingdoms in the eleventh century marked the beginning of
the dissolution of their power. Finally the Christians won a decisive battle
on the plains of Toledo in 1212, pushing the Moors back to their last
strongholds in Granada and the coastal cities around Cadiz. The
disunited political division of the peninsula-the Christian crowns of
Castile, Aragon, and Portugal, and the Moslem southern kingdoms-
was maintained until well into the fifteenth century.
The long crusades against the Moors, with their military raids and
migrations, firmly implanted in the Spaniards certain character traits
and ways of life. Their militancy inspired the founding of religious
military orders, such as those of Santiago, Calatrava, and Alcantara in
the twelfth century, which fostered fervor for the holy war against Islam.
 Introduction 3

The Castilian warriors, who achieved wealth by gaining booty and land,
also gained the highest esteem for their courage and honor. As will be
shown, these characteristics carried over into the code of behavior in
aristocratic Spain for many centuries.
During the last quarter of the fifteenth century Spain entered a new
period of military power and wealth. In 1479, when Ferdinand of
Aragon and Isabel of Castile married, Christian Spain was united
politically and religiously. Soon afterward they consolidated the
Aragonese possessions in Italy. In 1492 two other significant historical
events occurred that shaped the destiny of Spain. Granada fell to the
Spaniards, marking the end of the struggle to reconquer the Iberian
peninsula from the Moors; and a Spanish expedition discovered
America. Although Moorish culture remained a part of the Spanish
heritage, the nation was free now to concentrate its energies on its own
evolution and on expansion in the New World.
After the reign of the Catholic monarchs (1474-1504), ending with
Isabel's death and Ferdinand's regency (1504-16), Spain continued to
be united under the leadership of their grandson, Charles I (1516-56),
who was also Emperor Charles V of Austria after 1519. During his reign
Spain became a world power, for its position was enhanced by Charles's
hereditary possessions in other parts of Europe. In Charles's reign young
Spaniards responded to the promises offered by the new age, many of
which were to be found in the New World. Their expansive efforts to
gain fame and to enhance the prestige of their king, country, and God
were not diminished by the realities of death on foreign battlefields
or in tropical jungles. Having been under occupation for nearly eight
centuries, although decreasingly so as the Moorish presence was gradually
reduced, Spaniards responded to their new freedom, and Spain sud-
denly rose to become not only a unified political entity but also the
conqueror of much of the New World, the leader of the Catholic
Church, and a major force in European political affairs. The sixteenth
century was literally the "Golden Age" of Spain, since the Spanish kings
used the gold they obtained from America to support their armies in
Europe, to defend the West from the Turks, to battle the German Prot-
estants, and to check the territorial ambitions of the French.
During the sixteenth century many aspects of Spanish life underwent
4 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

dynamic changes. As a result of the emigrations to America and the

consequent growth of commerce and new industries, shifts in popula-
tion both within and outside of the country created a mobile society
with new needs. Spain's military activities in Italy also encouraged the
infiltration into Spain of Renaissance culture. Thus, while the country
was growing economically and gaining military and political grandeur,
its literary men proceeded to blend ideas from the Italian Renaissance
with their own medieval ideology, and reflected the period's urge toward
concern for the welfare of the individual, a desire for glory or riches,
a curiosity about humanistic learning, and increased intellectual activ-
ity in all areas.
Intellectual progress was aided by the rapid expansion of printing
and by the founding of a number of universities. The universiry at Alcala
became one of the great centers of learning in the humanities. The court
and the nobility encouraged intellectual activity by showing special favor
to distinguished scholars, by exempting foreign books from import fees,
and by inviting foreign savants to Spain. Large numbers of Spaniards
studied abroad and brought back a fresh interest in the major areas
of learning.
Under Philip II, who reigned from 1556 to 1598, the new spirit began
to show signs of deterioration. This devout monarch, feeling himself
the champion of Catholicism in Europe, involved Spain in religious wars
in Germany in a vain effort to thwart the spreading influence of the
Lutheran Reformation. The elements that had once contributed to the
splendor of the Siglo de Oro began to work negatively. The economic
expansion, which had contributed to growth in the cities and profes-
sions, as well as the emigration of many Spaniards to the New World,
resulted in depopulation of the rural areas. Inflation raged, there were
class struggles, and Spain's isolation from the rest of Europe grew.
The Inquisition, which had begun in 1478 as a control over the
heresies against Catholicism, expelled the Moors and Jews who would
not convert to Christianity, and thereby deprived the country of two
of the most productive segments of its population. The increasing loss
of workers in agriculture and industry reduced the food supply and
lowered the industrial output. Philip II overburdened his subjects
with an inefficient bureaucracy, and the unsuccessful warfare in the
 Introduction 5

Netherlands and elsewhere contributed to Spain's decline as a world

power.
Thus Spain, during a glorious century and more, had risen to heights
of political power that were progressively lost after the death of Philip
II in 1598. His inexpedient governmental policies were continued
throughout the reigns of Philip III, Philip IV, and Charles II, not only
diminishing Spain's political position in world affairs but also causing
a progressive deterioration in the well-being of the nation and its
economic growth.
While Spain was achieving its greatest military and political strength
in the sixteenth century, its literary forces were formulating out of a
long tradition. It is curious to note, however, that one of Spain's most
significant genres, the comedia, did not reach its maturity until the
following century. Nevertheless, the literary Golden Age probably would
not have come about without the greatness of Spain's immediate
historical past. Cenainly Spain's rich history must be known before the
comedia can be fully appreciated.
 CHAPTER I

The Birth and Development of

Spanish National Drama

ALTHOUGH THE Spanish verse drama-the comedia-came into ex-

istence toward the end of the sixteenth century, its origin as a great
art form can be traced not only to the first part of that century, when
the Spanish Renaissance influenced the direction of drama, but even
to the beginning of dramatic activity on the peninsula. A number of
factors and dramatists played important roles in development of the
comedia.
Little is known about Spanish theater in the Middle Ages. A com-
plete, systematic study of it may never be written because of several
problems. Numerous critics have expressed various and contradictory
theories in attempting to identify its beginnings. One group of scholars
believe that Spanish theater evolved from liturgical and semiliturgical
drama, and speculate that it was born, together with poetry, when
Spanish literature began. Without making an effort to follow Spanish
drama from its Latin beginnings into the vernacular, and discounting
a continuity between medieval and Renaissance drama, they emphasize
the contribution of the Church to medieval theater. Another theory
traces the growth of medieval drama to the continued presence of
classical drama on the peninsula, and discounts any evolutionary
process. 1 The particular findings of these scholars, nonetheless, con-
tribute to the understanding of early Spanish theater and must be
regarded together with newer suppositions.
More recent critics support the theory of a theatrical continuum that
sprang from early secular roots, and confirm the coexistence of three
distinct dramatic traditions in Spain across the centuries. 2 They trace
 Birth and Development of Spanish Drama 7

the beginnings to the Greeks, who brought dramatic art, along with
the other arts, to the Iberian peninsula. In Sagunto, near the present
city of Valencia, the inhabitants had learned the art of staging plays
by the third century B.C., when Lucius Livius Andronicus dramatized
theatrical fables 160 years after Sophocles' death. Shortly afterward the
Romans introduced anonymous farces called atellanae and burlesque
improvisations. As the Romans learned more about Greece, dramatic
art became important and they built more theaters, whose evidence can
be seen in the ancient ruins at Castulo, Merida, and Bibilis (Calatayud),
in which the dramas of Gnaeus Naevius and Lucius Attius, and later
the tragedies of Seneca, were staged.
Although classical theater coexisted with and was eventually sup-
planted by mimetic and liturgical forms between the fourth and twelfth
centuries A.D., its continued existence can be documented by the
discovery of six comedies written by Hrotsvitha in the tenth century,
which were modeled on Terence's works. 3 The Church, cloisters, and
universities kept the Latin theatrical tradition alive in the eleventh to
thirteenth centuries, when plays were produced in Latin, and later in
Spanish as the vernacular took over. As education grew and well-to-do
social circles required more sophisticated dramas for their entertainment,
the comedies ofPlautus and comedias elegfacas (elegiac comedies), writ-
ten in Latin verse but blended with certain Plautine passages in dialogue,
came into vogue. At the University of Salamanca, founded in 1243,
classical texts used in the teaching of Latin included Roman comedies
and tragedies, which the teachers and students also performed, along
with imitations of their own in Latin. 4
Toward the end of the twelfth century appeared an anonymous Latin
comedy, Pamphtlus de amore (Pamphtlus in Love), which continued
to be read until the sixteenth century; it is thought to have influenced
the author of the most important Renaissance dramatic work in Spain,
La Celestina, which will be discussed later. Showing traits of the styles
of both Terence and Ovid but erroneously attributed to Ovid, this poem
actually has a dramatic structure, having five acts and four characters.
In it Pamphilus employs the services of Venus and a crafty old hag to
seduce the lovely Galatea.
Despite the Christianization of the peninsula, as a part of the Roman
8 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

Empire, in the fourth century A.D., the customary presentations of

secular drama continued. When the Roman-educated Visigoths began
to rule the country in the fifth century, they enjoyed the existing drama
in the amphitheaters and spectacles in the circuses. They later built their
own wooden stages. During the next three centuries the Iberian authors
wrote farces and mimes in Late Latin for pantomimists and joculatores
(jugglers). The actors, later called histrions, entertained in their own
shows on holy days and at weddings as well as in the circuses, where
they exhibited talent in acrobatics and in handling animals, as well as
in music and dramatics. Having a pretext to resuscitate classical drama,
both authors and actors nonetheless became corrupt, and their drama
degenerated into a false orgiastic imitation of ancient classical theater.
The spectacles, however, were still widely performed on the streets and
in the plazas, while classical drama lost ground.
The dramatic activity of the Visigoths decreased when the Arabs, with
their scientific and pragmatic character, invaded the peninsula in 711
and forced the histrions to move northward. Dangerous conditions
throughout the period of the Reconquest partly account for the lack
of evidence about theatrical activity and the loss of most of the dramatic
texts from before 1492. Nonetheless, secular theater in Spain was kept
alive into the Late Middle Ages by the jugglers and later the buffoons,
who continued the mimetic tradition with ludi scenici (scenic enter-
tainments), such as mimes and juegos de escarnio (mocking plays).
Realistically depicting persons of low station, these short farces presented
satirical, obscene, and even sacrilegeous subjecrs with slapstick humor.l
Evidence of the popularity of secular drama can be deduced from
the first of the Siete Partidas, a collection of laws written under the
direction of Alfonso X between 1252 and 1257, which allowed perform-
ances of religious but not of secular plays. In this compilation, special
legislation is directed against certain juegos de escarnio that were be-
ing performed in 1252 at the plaza ofZocodover in Toledo, where buf-
foons disguised as clergymen, and clerics themselves, performed.
Since evidence of the existence of medieval religious drama in Spain
is also sparse, speculations about its development must be drawn from
the few surviving pieces and archetypes that came from the ritualistic
liturgy of the Church. First of these were the tropes-a combination
of four or five Latin verses interpolated into the Mass-which came in-
 Birth and Development of Spanish Drama 9

to being between the first and fifth centuries, were set down by St.
Gregory around 600 A.D., and developed and flourished until the thir-
teenth century. Universally used by various cults in Western Europe,
they sprang into being out of the necessity to make the Mass more in-
telligible to the illiterate people, and may indeed have evolved out of
the influence of contemporary classical and vernacular drama outside
the Church. These antiphonal responses eventually developed into
semidramatic dialogues. One of the earliest documented examples came
from Valencia in 1432 but is known to have been in use since 1360.
Using the Easter theme, "Quem quaeritis in sepulchro?" ("Whom do
you seek in the tomb?"), it relates the sorrow of the three Marys at
the tomb and their joy when receiving news of Christ's resurrection.
Since the dialogue contains many extraliturgical embellishments that
are known to have existed in religious ceremony between the eighth
and eleventh centuries, it is considered to be the bridge whereby
medieval culture made a transition from ritual to representational
drama. 6
Evolving out of an extension of Church liturgy, liturgical plays, soon
called autos (one-act plays), came into being apart from the Mass but
were still attached to the festivities of the church year-Christmas,
Epiphany, Easter, and later Corpus Christi Day. Of the numerous
anonymous autos in the vernacular and belonging to the Christmas and
Easter cycles that are known to have existed, only a 147-line fragment
of the Auto [or Mtsterio] de los Reyes Magos (The Play of the Three
Kings, ca. 1200) has been preserved. 7 Probably written by a Gascon,
this work exhibited dramatic promise and was equal to many works that
appeared almost three centuries later. Discovered in about 1785 in the
Cathedral of Toledo, this ancient theatrical piece, derived from either
the Officium Stellae (Liturgy for Epiphany) or Officium Pastorum
(Liturgy for Christmas Eve), which were used in France at that time,
retells the story of the adoration as found in Matthew 2: 1-12. Its struc-
ture and style show evidence of certain characteristics that continued
in the comedia of the seventeenth century-the use of three different
meters, the arrangement of episodes in climactic order, natural dialogue,
swiftness of action, contrasting characters, presentation of action in
medias res, soliloquies, rhetorical questions, and the use of astrology
within the theme.
10 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

The first full extant play in Spanish descending from the Officium
Pastorum belongs to the second half of the fifteenth century. Written
by GOmez Manrique (1412-91), this play, Representaci6n del Nacimien-
to de Nuestro Senor (A Play about the Birth of Our Lord, 1467-81),
is known to have been staged by the nuns of the convent of Calabazanos
between 1467 and 1481. Manrique also wrote a passion play [Lamenta-
ciones] fechas para Ia Semana Santa (Lamentations for Holy Week). A
fine example of another late fifteenth-century Christmas piece is an ex-
cerpt of Vita Christi (The Lzfe of Christ, ca. 1480) by Inigo de Men-
doza (1424?-1508?), in which the angel's revelation of the Nativity is
presented in the form of a dialogue with four frightened shepherds
before they proceed to the manger scene. Not actually intended for the
stage, this work contains rustic language and shows the fusion of comic
and sacred elements. 8
Already in the fourteenth century, however, plays dealing with the
birth and death of Christ, which were set in churches and in courtyards,
found strong competition in the elaborate Corpus Christi festivals in
Catalonia and Valencia. Religious bodies and guilds assembled sacred
scenes and tableaux, often on Old Testament subjects, which became
a part of the moving procession in the streets. Fifty years later this tradi-
tion was adopted in other municipal festivals when wagons called en-
tremeses or rocas were constructed to carry around a city characters
dreSse&·as angels and saints, who spoke in dialogues. Different from
the autos, which were of Castilian origin, these pageants were called
miracle plays.9
During the fifteenth century, autos were also named misterios
(mystery plays) and moralidades (morality plays). The realistic misterios,
which contained scenes from the lives of Christ and the saints, were
later called autohistorias and finally evolved into comedias de santos
(saints' plays) in the Golden Age. In contrast, the moralidades, often
surrounded with much pageantry, were of allegorical and symbolic
character and are considered to have been the origin of the autos
sacramentales (sacramental plays) that were to evolve. 10
Considered important among the literary forms that contributed to
the creation of drama on the peninsula are certain popular medieval
poetic compositions having the structure of disputative dialogues. Al-
though not subject to specific rules, the debates involve two or more
 Birth and Development of Spanish Drama 11

characters who argue (occasionally allegorically) about the relative merits

·of certain ethical problems. A fragment of Disputa del alma y del cuerpo
(The Dispute between the Soul and Body), written toward the end of
the twelfth century, depicts an argument between the body and the
soul of a dead man, who blame each other for sins he committed in
life. This theme continued to receive attention into the seventeenth
century, when, for example, Calderon used it in an auto sacramental,
El pleito matrimonial del alma y el cuerpo (The Matrimonial Dispute
between the Soul and the Body).
Among other similar works is a thirteenth-century piece, Disputa de
Elena y Marfa (The Dispute between Helen and Mary), in which two
young ladies argue about the merits of a clergyman and a knight as
prospective husbands. Nearly a century later Juan Ruiz (?-1350/51?),
in his Libra de buen amor (The Book of Spiritual Love, 1330-43), in-
terpolated an episode containing an allegorical dispute between Don
Carnal (Carnival) and Dofi.a Cuaresma (Lent). After defeating her enemy
on Ash Wednesday, Dofi.a Cuaresma is finally forced to flee on Easter
Sunday.
The combination of religious, popular, profane, and philosophical
truths in drama, which had been popular much earlier elsewhere in
Europe, appeared in Spain at the beginning of the fifteenth century
in a satirical dialogue, La danza de Ia muerte (The Dance of Death).
Other semidramatic works later in the century show the influence of
the disputative dialogue. Cop/as de Mingo Revulgo (The Doggerel of
Mingo Revulgo, ca. 1464), containing a censure of Henry IV, presents
a dialogue in rustic language between two shepherds, Gil Arrebato and
Mingo Revulgo, in which they satirize Henry IV and his minister, Beltran
de la Cueva. Cop/as del Provincial (The Doggerel of the Provincial),
which speaks against certain members of Henry IV's court, can be con-
sidered the work of several authors but has been attributed to Rodrigo
Cota. The poem Comedieta de Panza (A Play about Panza, 1444),
dramatic in form, written by Inigo Lopez de Mendoza, disputatively
depicts the naval defeat of the king of Navarre and Aragon in 1435
by the Genoese. Among other poems that show dramatic possibilities
are Dialogo entre el Amory un viejo (The Dialogue between Love and
an Old Man, 1511) and the first auto of Celestina, which was destined
later for the stage.
12 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

Several ingredients in the medieval dialogues influenced the develop-

ment of future Spanish drama. Since the rhetorical exercises ended with
the resolution of a conflict between the personages, a dramatic plot
evolved together with definite characterization of the people involved.
The element of debate also intensifies the conflict and gives a dramatic
situation to the characters, who are given the opportunity to express
their emotional states. While clashing with their opponents, they display
indecision, disharmony, and finally adjustment. These features naturally
found their way into later drama. 11
Secular drama in Spain continued to develop into the fifteenth cen-
tury despite the objection of the Church and legistlation against it.
Evidence from documents reveals that at festivities on New Year's, called
The Feast of the Fools, and on saints' days, the lower clergy participated
inforsias (farces) and other similar types of plays as portions of the Of-
fice. At first they were in Latin but later in the vernacular.
During the same period, pageants called mascaras (masquerades) were
popularly used for royal coronations, weddings, and birthdays as well
as for similar festivities in noblemen's homes. These masquerades grew
into elaborate representations containing pantomimic songs and bur-
lesque dances. Their productions with masked players often allegorically
presented important historical and civic events in the lives of the peo-
ple. A known writer of these shows, which came to be known as momos
(mummers' plays), was Gomez Manrique, already mentioned as the
author of Christmas pieces. 12

THE RENAISSANCE AND EARLY SIXTEENTH CENTURY

While Spanish medieval theater generally served as a dramatic ritual

or social pastime rather than a literary art, the concept of dramatic art
in its full complexity was rediscovered during the Renaissance. Spaniards
traveling to Italy brought back the Italian novelle (short novels) and
comedias humanfsticas, which flourished in Italy as early as the four-
teenth century. Becoming popular in Spain, these Italian literary forms
influenced the maturation of the Spanish language and promoted new
interest in theater. When the Italian theatrical troupes came to Spain
in the middle of the sixteenth century with their well advanced dramatic
 Birth and Development of Spanish Drama 13

art, they persuaded the Spaniards to imitate aspects of their style, to

modify their calendar for the performances of plays, to modernize the
stage, and to introduce women as members of the cast. During this
time Spanish grandees also began to follow the example of Italian dukes
by becoming patrons of dramatists. 13
The Italian humanistic plays influenced the writing of similar works,
such as Carlos Verardi's Historia Baetica (Andalusian Story, 1492); writ-
ten in Latin, it has a Spanish subject. The genre was taken to a brilliant
form in the vernacular with the appearance of one of the most excep-
tional works in Spanish literature, Comedia (later Tragicomedia) de
Calista y Melibea (Tragicomedy of Calista and Melibea), which generally
became known as Celestina, after the name of its central character.
Based on both medieval and Renaissance models and morals, the ftrst
known edition of Celestina was thought to have been published in 1499
by Fadrique de Basilea in Burgos. In 1951, however, Francisco Vindel
disclosed that the ftnal page of what was thought to be the ftrst edition
is actually a modern facsimile, since the paper on which it was printed
was manufactured in the eighteenth century . 14 Thus an edition pub-
lished in Toledo in 1500 by Pedro Hagenbach (?) is now thought to
have been one of the earliest. It contains sixteen acts together with short
summaries of the action, and a letter in which the author acknowledges
having taken his ftrst act entirely from an auto by an unknown author
in Salamanca. The playwright of the longer work is discreetly revealed
as Fernando de Rojas (1465?-1541) in acrostic verses at the beginning.
Another edition, dated 1501 in Seville, also contains sixteen acts, but
in an edition of 1502 many additions were interpolated, including ftve
more acts.
Celestina (or La Celestina in later editions) relates the tragic love story
of a young couple, Calisto and Melibea, who, unbeknownst to the lat-
ter's parents, are aided in the love affair by their servants and an old
go-between, Celestina. Their illicit affair comes to a tragic end when
Calisto fatally falls from the garden wall while attempting to assist his
servants, and the desperate Melibea hurls herself from a tower to join
her lover in death. The dramatic conflict arises from differences between
the idealistic and realistic worlds. The two planes of life are maintained
throughout the work in an irreconcilable position; moreover, the poetic
14 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

world of the lovers stands in opposition to the base, carnal realism of

Celestina and the servants. Morality, pessimism, renunciation, and lack
of freedom are typical medieval themes, whereas the unrestrained en-
joyment of love and the concept of beauty are ideals belonging to the
Renaissance. 15
Despite its heterogeneous form, having both dramatic and novelistic
elements, La Celestina directly contributed to the evolution of the
comedia. Certainly the first persons to attempt playwriting afterward
were well aware of its existence, since three anonymous imitations soon
appeared-the comedias Tebaida (written before 1504) and Serafina,
which was about a woman disguised as a man, and Hip61ita, a festive
play; the latter two were published in Valencia in 1521. Numerous other
continuations and adaptations of the original drama can be perceived
in later works, such as Juan del Encina's Egloga de Fileno y Zambardo
(The Play ofFileno and Zambardo ), Gil Vicente's Barca do Inferno (Boat
of Hell), and the plays of Lucas Fernandez, Bartolome de Torres Na-
harro, Lope de Rueda, Juan de la Cueva, and Lope de Vega. 16
The first Spanish dramatist to come under the influence of the
Renaissance, especially in the use of Latin comedy through Italian im-
itations, was Juan del Encina (1468?-1529?). Often called the father
of secular theater in Spain, he inherited all the medieval concepts of
his past and became, at the same time, a pioneer of the Renaissance. 17
His plays, known as eglogas (eclogues), were presented in the privacy
of the palace of the Duke of Alba and Cardinal Arborea in Rome. He
is credited with giving Spanish drama popular, realistic, and national
inspiration.
Encina's career as a playwright had three periods. At first he was a
simple inheritor of the medieval mystery play, as can be seen in his
Egloga de los pastores (The Play of the Shepherds, 1492). Depicting
the joy of the shepherds at the birth of Christ and their departure for
Bethlehem, this play was typical of the mystery plays of his time. Egloga
de las grandes lluvias (The Play of the Great Rains) marks the begin-
ning of his second period, when the ingredient of ridicule, coming from
thejuegos de escarnio, can be found. In his farcical Auto del Repel6n
(The Hair-Pulling Skit), Encina produces humorous dialogue between
two shepherds who joke about how they became victims in a clash with
 Birth and Development of Spanish Drama 15

some students from Salamanca. Their vulgarity and rustic language in

sayagues (a dialect spoken in Sayago in the province of Zamora) were
to become a model for the speech of the comic characters in the paso
(skit) and the graciosos (comic characters) of the comedia. 18
In his third phase, represented by Egloga de Placida y Vitoriano, En-
cina made marked use of Italian influences. The most ambitious of his
works, this drama exalts neopagan love. Offended by Vitoriano's dis-
dain, Placida commits suicide. When Vitoriano tries to take his life,
he is stopped by Venus, who brings Placida back to life with the help
of Mercury. Thought to be the forerunner of Torres Naharro's Come-
dia Himenea (The Play ofHymen) and Lope de Rueda's Los engaiiados
(The Easily Deceived), this play is subdivided with the use of songs.
These Spanish poets' adaptations of fifteenth-century Italian rework-
ings of Latin comedies give evidence of the marked progress of Spanish
drama in the early sixteenth century.
Encina's pupil, imitator, and rival was Lucas Fernandez (1474-1542),
whose Farsas y eglogas a! modo y estzlo pastorzl y caste/lana (Farces and
Eclogues in the Pastoral and Castilian Style, 1514) is made up of five
secular and three religious plays. Lacking divisions into acts and scenes,
these plays are enlivened with the inclusion of dances and songs. Al-
though these secular pieces possess little action and the delineations
of the characters are weak, they contain certain germs that suggest
motives of love and honor. 19
Another early sixteenth-century playwright who wrote secular drama
was Bartolome de Torres Naharro (1485?-1530?). 20 Many of his dra-
matic pieces have Plautine titles. Eight of them, written between 1503
and 1520, deal with events and manners of that period and were directed
toward mixed audiences of the lower and upper classes. Among those
of interest are three works. Comedia Soldadesca (Military Comedy, 1510)
a play in five acts, reveals the dissolution of its action in a series of
dialogues. Probably paralleling the author's own experiences as a soldier,
it presents a Spanish braggart captain who is recruiting soldiers in Italy
for the pope's service. The lively action in Comedia Tinellaria (The Ser-
vants' Mess Hall, 1516) is saturated with a farcical spirit. In it the
playwright exposes the corruption he saw in Rome by satirizing condi-
tions in the lives of the servants of the cardinal of San Iano. And Come-
16 SPANISH GoLDEN AGE DRAMA

dia Trofea (Triumphant Comedy, 1514) uncovers immorality within

the nobility and clergy.
Torres Naharro's Comedia Himenea (The Play of Hymen) is con-
sidered the best Spanish dramatic work before the comedia. A rework-
ing of the plot of La Celestina, the story ends happily when the brother,
defending his family's honor, induces the suitor of his sister to marry
her. Because of the elements of love and intrigue in the plot, the
dramatic motive of feminine honor, the introduction of graciosos, and
the natural, humorous dialogue, this play could be considered the first
comedia de capay espada (cloak-and-sword play). Another of Torres
Naharro's social plays, Comedia Serafina (Seraphic Comedy, 1508-09)
has similar features; it is about a young man who marries the former
fiancee of his married brother in order to provide a happy ending.
Torres Naharro's importance as a critic is revealed in the dramatic
theories he laid down in the prologue to his Propalladia (First Fruits
of Pallas), a collection of eight plays that was published in Naples in
1517. In this work he classifies dramas in two groups: realistic plays
dealing with customs, and imaginative plays of intrigue. Among other
dramatic precepts, he advocates the classical division into five jornadas
(acts or resting places), adherence to verisimilitude, limitation of the
number of characters to between six and twelve, and the observance
of decorum.
Gil Vicente (1453-1537) was another early sixteenth-century play-
wright who paid more attention to secular theater than did his im-
mediate predecessors. He wrote over forty pieces, sixteen in his native
Portuguese, eleven in Castilian, and the remainder in both lan-
guages.21 Many of these works are pastoral eclogues with lively
dialogues and plots containing a variety of new situations.
Vicente's works can be classified into four groups. Among the devo-
tional works, which include Auto pastonl castellano (A Castilian Pastoral
Play, 1502) and Auto de San Martin (1504), his Auto da Mofina Mendes
(The Play of the Luckless Mzss Mendes, 1534) fuses the pastoral theme
of the Nativity with a folkloric subject about a shepherdess who sees
her illusions broken when she breaks her jug. Auto de Ia sibila Casan-
dra (The Play of the Sibyl, Cassandra, 1512), which was derived from
the Ordo prophetarum (The Procession of the Prophets), combines
 Birth and Development of Spanish Drama 17

mythological, biblical, Christian, and pagan elements; Casandra, the

Trojan prophetess, rejects the advances of Solomon to become the Virgin
in whom the Son of God will become incarnate. Within the use of a
biblical source Vicente also reflects his love for country life in his Auto
de los Reyes Magos (The Play of the Three Kings, 1503). Included in
his group of devout works are a trilogy, Barcas (The Ships, 1517-19),
written on the medieval subject of the Dance of Death, and Auto da
Feira (The Play of the Fair, 1528), which contains anticlerical nuances
of Erasmian thought.
Among Vicente's comedies are Comedia de Rubena (1521) and
Comedia del viudo (The Play ofthe Wtdower, 1521). In the latter work
Rosvel, prince of Huxonia, falls in love with both Paula and Melicia,
daughters of a recently widowed merchant from Burgos. The young
man's brother soon arrives in the city in search of him. The crown prince
of Portugal finally decides for Rosvel which daughter he should marry,
and the play ends happily with a double wedding involving both pairs
of siblings. This play reflects the literary tradition of courtly love and
presents two portraimres of marriage in the widower and the godfather.
The first dramatizations of the books of chivalry to appear in Spanish
theater are Vicente's tragicomedies Don Duardos (1522), which is
based on Prima/eon (1512) by Francisco Vazquez, and Amadis de Gaula
(1523?), an adaptation of a book by the same title that was published
in 1508 by Rodriguez de Montalvo. Both plays diston the heroism typical
of knights-errant and display a ludicrous representation of the chival-
resque ideal. The farcical plays for which Vicente is best known are Farsa
de Ines Pereira (1523) and Farsa dos Ffsicos (The Farce of the Doctors,
ca. 1512). He used greater variety in the choice of themes than his
predecessors, increased the number of characters in his plays, and
demonstrated a delicate lyricism that was to reverberate later in the plays
of Lope de Vega.
In the middle of the sixteenth century Spanish secular theater con-
tinued to display steady growth. The Italian theatrical companies of
Muzio and others performed widely in Spain and exerted much in-
fluence. Italian reworkings of Latin comedies, which had started with
Encina, continued in popularity and reached a peak in the works of
Lope de Rueda (ca. 1505-65). The first to commercialize theater in Spain
18 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

by bringing it directly to the masses, Rueda started as an actor in the

Italian troupe of Muzio. He later became the manager of a traveling
company and finally a dramatist before staging his own plays in the
marketplaces and taverns in the major cities of Spain.
As a dramatist Rueda paid tribute to the reigning Italian drama. His
full-length plays Eufemia, Los enganados (The Easily Deceived),
Armelina, and Medora, which were written in prose and published
sometime around 1538, are adaptations from various Italian sources.
The slowly moving plots that he borrowed, however, serve only as
frameworks to support witty dialogue. The primitive humor, provoked
by minor characters, such as a Negress, a Moor, and a Biscayan, is
achieved through the use of their particular dialects.
Rueda's real talent is evident in his prose interludes, orpasos, a genre
later perfected by Cervantes and Quinones de Benavente. These skits
were presented between the scenes of longer plays to provide comic
relief. Of Rueda's tenpasos, the best is Las aceitunas (The Olives, 1548),
in which a family of farmers argue about the price of olives as soon
as the trees have been planted. Its simple and lively plot is told in a
racy, natural language that is similar to that spoken by the servants in
La Celestina.
Not intended for courtly audiences of academic circles, Rueda's plays
were written in prose rather than verse and indicated the direction drama
was to take in the time of Cervantes and Lope de Vega. Departing from
the Celestinesque dialogue of the lower classes and influenced by Latin
comedy (which was generally believed at that time to have been writ-
ten in prose), Rueda brought to the stage the colloquial speech of his
contemporaries-their proverbs and malapropisms. In introducing
Spanish popular realism in his one-act plays, Rueda was among the first
to break away from Renaissance themes and other influences that
Spanish playwrights had been slavishly following.
Among Rueda's followers were Alejo Venegas del Busto (1495?-
1554?), Vasco Diaz Tanco (1496?-1573?), Luis de Miranda (ca. 1510-65),
Juan de Timoneda (1520-83), Francisco Sanchez de las Brozas
(1523-1601), Juan de Mal Lara (1524-71), Pedro Simon de Abril
(1530?-95), and Francisco de Avendano (fl. 1551). In this group also
belongs an actor in Rueda's company, Alonso de Ia Vega (ca. 1510-65),
 Birth and Development of Spanish Drama 19

whose three plays clearly show Italian influence. His Tragedia Serafina
ends with the suicide of the protagonists; Comedia Tholomea is based
on the device of mistaken identity; and the best of the three, La du-
quesa de Ia rosa (The Duchess of the Rose), is about a princess saved
by a paladin.
Juan de Timoneda, more a propagator of drama and a bookseller
than a playwright, published three plays in 15 59. 22 His Amphitn.6n
and Los Menennnos were the first translations of Plautus's plays into
Spanish and Cornelia was a reworking of Ariosto's II Negromante (The
Necromancer). Under his anagram, Joan Diamonte, Timoneda issued
six other plays in verse which are less important.
Despite the growing popularity of secular theater in Spain, religious
theater also remained active. Medieval influences in literature lasted
longer in Spain than elsewhere in Europe because the Spainards did
not entirely reject their Gothic past. Thus the tradition of the early
Nativity and Passion plays and the tableaux for Corpus Christi Day con-
tinued well into the sixteenth century with the active cultivation of the
auto sacramental. Having developed out of the various earlier represen-
tations, especially the morality plays, the auto sacramental made use
of allegory and theological symbolism to explain the meaning of the
Eucharist. Considered to be among the first of such works are Lucas
Fernandez's Auto de Ia Pasion (Passion Play, 1502), Gil Vicente's already
mentioned Auto pastonl caste/lana (1 502), and Farsa sacramental (1520)
by Hernan Lopez de Yanguas (ca. 1487-1545), which is the first play
known to have been written for Corpus Christi Day.
One of the major writers who contributed greatly to the evolution
of the auto sacramental was Diego Sanchez de Badajoz (? -15 52). 23 His
Farsas, alegorias, and moralidades, written between 1525 and 1547 and
published posthumously in Recopilaci6n en metro (1554), are based
on the Bible, hagiographies, and religious dogma. Outstanding among
his twenty-eight autos are Farsas del Santisimo Sacramento, Farsa de
Santa Susana, Farsa del herrero (Farce of the Blacksmith), and Danza
de los pecados (The Dance of Sins).
The direction that the auto took can be observed in many of the
sixteenth-century religious plays. 24 Tragedia 1/amada }osefina (The
Tragedy ofjoseph, 1535), published in 1)46, by Micael de Carvajal
20 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

{1501 ?-1576), is one of the earliest with a tragic outcome. Auto de Cain
y Abel {1562?) by Jaime Ferruz (1517-94) is actually a well-developed
tragedy in miniature; and El robo de Digma (The Theft of Digma),
attributed to Lope de Rueda, contains a bobo (a comic character
foreshadowing the gracioso ). The six-act Histona de Ia glonosa Santa
Orosia (The History of the Glorious Saint Orost"a, ca. 1550?) by Bar-
tolome Palau (1525-?) is the first tragic hagiographic play that dramatizes
an important historical event-the defeat of King Rodrigo at the hands
of the Moors-and is the forerunner of the comedtas de santos. In
Palau's Easter play, Victoria Chnsti (1569), the elements of the earlier
morality and mystery plays are fused. The best Easter piece in Spain
during that period, Auto que trata pn·meramente como el anima de
Chnsto descendi6 a/ infiemo (The Play about Christ's Descent to Hell,
1549), was composed by Juan de Pedraza, who also wrote Farsa 1/amada
Danfa de Ia Muerte (The Farce of the Dance of Death, 1551). Sebas-
tian de Horozco (1510?-80) experimented with a mixture of religious
and traditional elements in his Representaci6n de Ia historia evangelica
del capitulo nona de San juan (An Evangelical Ht".rtory of the Ninth
Chapter of St. john), Representaci6n de Ia parabola de San Mateo a
los veinte capitulos de su sagrado Evangelto (Parable ofthe Holy Gospel
in the Twentieth Chapter of St. Matthew, 1548), and Representacion
de Ia fomosa historia de Ruth. 25 The anonymous writer of Auto de los
hierros de Adan (A Play about Adam's Chains) was the first to include
a portrayal of Adam, along with other symbolic characters, in a Corpus
Christi play, a tradition that was to develop in the interpretations of
Timoneda and later writers in the Golden Age.
During the latter part of the sixteenth century, when the moving
processions on Corpus Christi Day were adopted for other municipal
festivals, increased importance was given to the autos sacramentales at
the expense of the Nativity and Passion plays. One of the better known
writers of Corpus plays was Juan de Timoneda, 26 whose Teman·o
Sacramental (1578) contains six autos. Oveja perdida (Lost Lamb) in
this group demonstrates the dramatic power and lyric atmosphere that
are characteristic of his style. The quality ofTimoneda's plays surpasses
that of earlier anonymous works, since he incorporates the new artistic
tendencies of his day into his works.
 Birth and Development of Spanish Drama 21

As religious drama progressively declined toward the end of the six-

teenth century, some serious Spanish playwrights turned to imitating
classical tragedy, which had been brought to Spain earlier. Between 1572
and 1582 experimentation with classical drama reached a peak. Al-
though these early attempts at tragedy were sporadic and met with lit-
tle success, the elements of tragic pathos in these honor and legendary
plays were to become important ingredients in the new comedia that
was developing.
The first group of tragedians included Carvajal, Ferruz, and Palau,
whose autos, as already mentioned, occasionally had tragic outcomes.
To the second group belong Juan Pastor,Juan Cirne, Alonso de Ia Vega,
and Hernan Perez de Oliva; these writers cultivated tragedy more closely
in the classical style. A third group of authors, who focused their at-
tention on Spanish themes, were Jeronimo Bermudez, Cristobal de
Virues, Andres Rey de Artieda, Juan de Ia Cueva, Lupercio Leonardo
de Argensola, Miguel de Cervantes, Lobo Lasso de Ia Vega.
The first work to come from the second group was Juan Pastor's Far-
sa de Lucrecia: Tragedia de Ia castidad de Lucrecia (The Farce ofLucretia:
A Tragedy on the Chastity ofLucretia (1528). Having no divisions into
acts and scenes, this play has little in common with its successors as
far as form is concerned. Juan Cirne's Tragedia de los amores de Eneas
y de Ia reyna Dido (Tragedy of the Love between Aeneas and Queen
Dido, 1536) has five acts, and Tragedia Serafina by Alonso de Ia Vega
is a pseudo-pastoral tragedy in eight scenes based on the mythological
story of Pyramus and This be.
The first real secular composer of tragedy in Spain, Fernan Perez de
Oliva (1494-1531?), 27 made free translations in prose of the Latin ver-
sions of Sophocles' Electra- La venganza de Agamen6n (Agamemnon's
Revenge, 1528)-and of Euripides' Hecuba-Hecuba triste (Hecuba's
Melancholy). He also made a translation of Plautus's comedy Am-
phitryon. Perez de Oliva sought to show in his plays that the Spanish
language was sufficiently mature for serious literature. In order to render
classical tragedy more intelligible for Spaniards he did not adhere closely
to the original works, lessened the importance of the chorus, and re-
placed the Greek religious ethic with that of Christianity. Although
the precedent for tragedy that Oliva set did not affect popular theater
22 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

for more than four decades, the dramatic circles of universities respond-
ed. Classical tragedies and comedies and their imitations were presented
at the University of Salamanca beginning in 15 38, and soon afterward
in the Jesuit schools as well.
The first tragedian in the third group, Jeronimo Bermudez
(1530?-99?), called himself the first author of Spanish tragedy. A Gali-
cian and a Dominican friar, he acclimatized classical tragedy to Spain.
Although he lacked inspiration and dramatic skill, he is known for
having introduced Spanish legendary and historical themes in place
of those from classical sources. Bermudez followed, however, the
dramatic style of Seneca, whose tragedies had become known in Spain
after Antonio Vilaragut, a Spanish dramatist of the fourteenth century,
freely translated eight of his ten plays into Valencian and later into
Castilian.
Bermudez adapted the tragedy Ines de Castro (written sometime be-
tween 1533 and 1567) by the Portuguese Antonio Ferreira, two works
of his own that were published in 1577: Nise lastimosa (Suffering Nise),
which had five acts and made use of two choruses, and Nise laureada
(Nise Rewarded), its sequel. The historical-legendary basis for these plays
is the romantic love of Ines de Castro and a Portuguese crown prince,
which ended with her cruel death in 13 55.
The classicism of Bermudez was gradually relaxed in the tragic plays
of his immediate successors. The most important of them, Cristobal
de Virues (1550-1610), is considered to have held_a pivotal position
in the evolution of the comedia because he fused classical precepts with
the sensibilities of his time and was one of the first playwrights to reduce
the genre to three acts. 28 Written between 15 70 and 1590 but not
published until 1609, his five plays contain shocking scenes, present
the unexpected, reflect the artificial language of the court, and cultivate
the theme of self-determination. 29 Elisa Dido, his only play to have
five acts and a chorus, is the closest of his works to classical concepts;
nevertheless the dramatist rejected the fatalistic wheel of fortune when
he fused classicism with seventeenth-century Christianity. Elisa Dido
is derived from Justin's Historiae Phzlippicae and Virgil's Aeneid.
Although the intrigues in Virues' s four other plays can be found in
Roman tragedy, they are composed in a so-called "new style," having
 Birth and Development of Spanish Drama 23

three acts, prologues, and epilogues, and lacking choruses. La gran

Semiramis (The Great Semiramis), whose plot was also taken from
Justin's history, covers a period of twenty-two years and is a dramatiza-
tion of evil personified. It treats a queen's ascent to power and her even-
tual fall because of selfish ambition, but the play's action is shaped
less by fortune than by the will of the feminine protagonist. In this
play Virues regarded each of the three acts as a separate dramatic situa-
tion. The meeting of Semiramis and Nino is the concern of the first,
the reign of Semiramis dominates the second, and the vengeance of
Ninias is contained in the third. This innovation was to be adopted
by Virues's successors.
In La cruel Casandra Virues abandoned ancient history and presented
a cruel woman who plots against a prince and princess in Leon. Upon
sacrificing her brother, Casandra pays the penalty for her deed with
her death. Although some critics have called Virues inexpert for creating
an incoherent, obscure plot with exaggerated passions, he has recently
been praised for his ability to present the absurdities of court life in
his own day and to portray a character who is driven by her own self-
confidence. 30
In Attla furioso (Furious Atttla) Virues achieved the height of men-
tal distress. After numerous scenes containing bloodshed, the pro-
tagonist, Flaminia, finally poisons Attila, who in turn strangles her to
death. Although the influence of Seneca's Hercules Furens and Her-
cules Oetaeus is evident, Virues emphasizes the adverse characteristic
of fortune and presents a shift in the characters' opinion that human
will, not the whims of fortune, shapes life's triumphsY
Virues's last drama, La info/ice Marcela (The Unfortunate Marcela),
less filled with horror, is based on the story of Isabel in the cantos of
Ariosto's Orlando Furioso. Concerned with the conflicts of socially in-
ferior but more dynamic individuals, the play approaches the romantic
comedy that was to become so popular in Spain. In it Virues commingles
noble and plebeian characters, introduces the romance form of versifica-
tion, uses verse forms that conform to the dramatic situation, and in-
vents a plot dealing with honor. Since all these elements were to be
essential in the comedia that was to emerge, Virues holds an important
position in the transitional period of Spanish drama.
24 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

Andres Rey de Artieda (1544-1613 ), also a classical dramatist, made

extensive use of national themes. For this reason he could be classified
with the nationalistic group of dramatists who were headed by Juan
de Ia Cueva. 32 The only extant tragedy by Anieda, Los amantes (The
Lovers, 1581), follows a national legend about the lovers ofTeruel. This
work anticipated those of Yagiie de Salas, Tirso de Molina, and Perez
de Montalban. Its four acts contain none of the bloodshed and horror
that appeared in the works of earlier playwrights. In fact, his char-
acterizations are the opposite of those of Virues. Anieda' s preoccupa-
tion with psychology is seen in the excellently portrayed internal strug-
gles of his characters. Their development and the play's denouement
are determined not by external incidents but by the characters
themselves. The tragedy concentrates on the theme of fatal love. Hav-
ing earlier secured the promise of his fiancee Sigura to wait for him,
Marcilla unexpectedly returns to Teruel after seven years to find that
she has been married to someone else against her will. In a tragic out-
come, Marcilla dies first, followed by Sigura. The basic fearure of this
love conflict is the expiatory deaths as the solution to the lovers' unlucky
struggle. In this play Anieda augments the dramatic tone with motives
of passionate love and honor, which were to prevail in the comedia.
Although the quality in other plays by Artieda-Los encantos de
Merlin (The Enchantments of Merlin) and El principe vicioso (The
Vicious Prince)-do not approach that of Los amantes, they helped
secure for the playwright a place among Lope de Vega's predecessors.

THE IMMEDIATE PRECURSORS OF THE COMEDIA

The most important dramatist in the transitional period between early

Spanish drama and the comedia was Juan de la Cueva (1550?-1610).
He was born in Seville, then spent three years in Mexico, from 1574
to 15 77, before returning to Spain. After staging his first play in 15 79,
Cueva continued to be theatrically active until1581. Unfortunately his
creative activity later in his life is unknown. A tragic author in some
of his plays, like Virues, Cueva laid important foundations for the
emerging dramatic form. He decisively influenced the formation of the
Spanish theater by adding national themes to the tragic plays that were
 Birth and Development of Spanish Drama 25

becoming accepted, and by giving it more social and political im-

portance. 33
Cueva's fourteen dramatic works were first published in Seville in
1588. Among these extant plays are four dramas of classical antiquity:
Ayax Telam6n, Libertad de Roma por Mucio Scevola (The Deliverance
of Rome by Mucius Scaevola), Virginia y Apio Claudio, and Principe
tirana (The Tyrant Prince). These plays are divided into fourjornadas
(acts) and are written in octaves, redondillas (roundelays), and tercets.
Cueva drew the stories of his plays from Virgil's Aeneid and the thir-
teenth book of Ovid's Metamorphoses, but he digressed from the
classical precepts of drama and was inconsistent in the development of
his plots. Furthermore, Cueva substituted for the fatalistic concepts of
classical tragedy those pertaining to divine providence and free will.
For example, in Ayax Telam6n the protagonists lose their tragic postures
when they quarrel and insult each other.
As a dramatist Cueva was an uneven but extraordinary improvisor.
His wild dramatic conceptions display vigorous and emotional scenes.
He is known for having definitely established strophic flexibility through
the intermingling of various Spanish and Italianate verse forms-a prac-
tice that previously had been only sporadically experimented with.
Another contribution of his to Spanish drama-the use of national
legends-opened the way for the dramatization of material from the
romancero (the Spanish anthology of ballads) and the Spanish chronicles
in historico-legendary plays that were to follow. Cueva's objective por-
trayal of popularly known historical characters from the collection of
old Spanish ballads can be seen in such plays as Los siete Infontes de
Lara (The Seven Princes ofLara), La muerte del reydon Sancho y reto
de Zamora (The Death ofKing Sancho and the Challenge ofZamora),
and La libertad de Espana por Bernardo del Carpio (The Liberation of
Spain by Bernardo del Carpio). Although these plays show the early
playwright's deficiencies in stage art, they became popular because of
his novel idea of employing traditional ballads.
Cueva also brought contemporary subjects to the Spanish stage, such
as the sacking of Rome in El saco de Roma. Furthermore, the popular
theme of honor was used in his novelesque play El infomador (The
Defamer, 1581 ?), whose protagonist Leucino sketchily presents himself
26 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

as a seducer of women, thus anticipating for the first time in Spanish

drama the character of Don Juan in Tirso de Molina's El burlador de
Sevilla (The Trickster of Sevzfle). Using mythological material and a
Sevillian background, Cueva intermingles various dramatic traditions
in his play; he also echoes Rojas's Celestina in his portrayal of a go-
between, Teodora. Other novelesque plays by Cueva are El viejo
enamorado (The Old Man in Love), El degollado (The Beheaded Man),
El tutor (The Guardian), and La constancia de Arcelina (Arcelina's
Constancy).
In imitation of Horace's Art of Poetry, the third section of Cueva's
El ejemplar poetico (The Poet's Guide, 1606)'4 exposes his dramatic
theories, thus anticipating Lope de Vega's dramatic treatise by three
years. Without attempting to defend his own plays, he claims he was
the first to use kings in comic plays, which he divides into jornadas,
as Torres Naharro did, and he reduces the number of acts from five
to four. Cueva nevertheless made a noteworthy contribution to the
development of the comedia, especially in his use of various verse forms.
A lesser-known dramatist who anticipated Lope de Vega's theater
was Diego Lopez de Castro. The rigid style of his best-known four-act
play, Tragedia de Marco Antonio y Cleopatra (1582), 35 mixes comic
and tragic elements.
Lupercio Leonardo de Argensola (1559-1613), another composer of
tragedy who wrote between 1581 and 1585, experienced little success.
His Filis (which has been lost), Alejandra, and Isabela are not highly
regarded, although Cervantes praised them. Using the conflict between
the Christians and the Moors for the historical background of Isabela,
the playwright dealt in Senecan-Italian style with the passionate love
of a Moorish king, Alboacen, for a Christian lady, Isabela. The action
in this romantic tragedy is broken, since Isabela dies as a martyr before
the play ends, thus denying the opportunity for the plot to end with
a logical catastrophe.
Alejandra is inferior to Isabela because of the irregular structure of
its plot and the unusual brutality of its characters. The double plot,
which deals with a prince's revenge for his father's death and the jealousy
of a king who kills his wife, combines the themes of Shakespeare's
Hamlet and Othello. The fervent moralizing tone in Argensola's
 Birth and Development of Spanish Drama 27

tragedies was directed toward the intellectual minority in Spain. 36

An important contributor to the development of drama before Lope
·de Vega was Miguel de Cervantes (1547-1616). As a dramatist Cervantes
was not an innovator but seems to have been influenced by the classicists
Virues and Argensola. In his first period of dramatic production
(1580-87) he wrote between twenty and thirty plays in verse, from which
have survived two four-act dramas: Los tratos de Argel (The Treatments
in Algiers) and El cerco de Numancia (The Siege ofNumancia)Y The
first play, in which the dramatist transfers to the stage his personal ex-
periences during his five-year Algerian captivity, recounts an exotic story
about two Christian lovers who are captured by some Moorish pirates
but are finally ransomed.
Cervantes' most impressive play, El cerco de Numancia, is based on
the tragic fate of the Celtiberians, who were besieged in the ancient
city of Numancia in 133-134 B.C. by the Romans and who perished
after many years of resistance. The lofty conception of this play, with
its rhetorical style, collective hero, and patriotic theme of collective
suicide, makes it the greatest sixteenth-century Spanish tragedy. The
sources that Cervantes probably used for the account of this heroic
historical incident are Florian de Ocampo's Cr6nica general de Espana
(1541) and a Spanish ballad, "De como Cipi6n destruy6 a Numancia"
("How Scipio Destroyed Numancia"), which contains a fragment of
the story. 38 Despite the grandeur of its theme, the tragedy, written in
several verse forms, has shortcomings, such as overly episodic and slow-
moving action and the involvement of forty-three characters. But the
foreign Romantics-Goethe, Bouterweck, Shelley, and Schlegel-were
impressed by its grandiose conception and pathetic quality, and called
it a masterpiece of dramatic art.
When Cervantes returned to playwriting toward the end of his life,
continued at first in the old style and utilized material from his military
experiences and captivity in North Africa in Los banos de Argel (The
Turkish Prisons in Algiers), El gallardo espanol (The Gallant Spaniard),
and La gran sultana (The Grand Sultaness). The rest of his later plays
approach the "new style" of the comedia and have three acts. They in-
clude El rufian dichoso (The Blessed Scoundrel), a dramatization of the
life of a saint who started as a ruffian, and several plays that were in-
28 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra (1547-1616)

 Birth and Development of Spanish Drama 29

fluenced by the Italian nove/le-La entretenida (The Entertaining Com-

edy), Ellaberinto de amor (Love's Labyrinth), 39 La casa de los celos
(The House ofjealousy), and Pedro de Urdemalas (Peter, the Artful
Dodger). The overly episodic and occasionally rigid features of Cer-
vantes' plays show that he lacked poetic talent in the dialogue form, 40
although he contributed to the evolution of the comedia by including
patriotic themes and contemporary national events.
Cervantes is more famous as the author of the greatest Spanish novel,
Don Quixote, but he is also known in the dramatic world for being
an entremesista (writer of interludes, or entremeses)41 of first rank.
With his unusual talent for giving vitality to the language, he created
in his interludes superb combinations of prose and dramatic costum-
brista (folkloric) spirit. Surpassing the rough style of Rueda's pasos, he
created in his interludes (two in verse and six in prose) true master-
pieces of satirical irony. Their themes encompass a variety of experiences
in lower-class society: ( 1) preoccupation with purity of blood in Retablo
. de las maravillas (The Wonder Show); (2) the tricking of a greedy pros-
titute by two cheaters in El fingido vizcaino (The Basque Impostor);
(3) the consolation and advice of some hoodlums to their recently wi-
dowed friend in the verse interlude El rufian viudo (The Pimp Who
Lost His Moll); (4) unfaithfulness in marriage and cuckold husbands
in La cueva de Salamanca (The Cave ofSalamanca), again in verse, and
El viejo celoso (The jealous Old Husband); (5) the insolubility of mar-
riage in El juez de los divorcios (The Divorce judge); (6) competition
between a soldier and a rustic sacristan for a maiden's heart in La guar-
da cuidadosa (The Careful Guard); and (7) prejudice and ignorance
' !
in La elecci6n de los alcaldes de Daganzo (The Election of the Coun-
cilmen in Daganzo ). These interludes show that Cervantes had the in-
genious ability to rurn farcical material into serious matter.
Gabriel Lobo Lasso de la Vega (1559-1615), who was born twelve
years after Cervantes, was more successful in freeing himself from the
classical rules of drama, and replaced the long narrations characteristic
of Virues's style with successive presentations of epic episodes. In his
two tragedies published in 1587, La honra de Dido, restaurada (The
Restored Honor ofDido) and La destrucci6n de Constantinopla, Lobo
Lasso de la Vega tried to adapt epic stories with lyrical incidents to the
30 SPANISH GOWEN AGE DRAMA

dramatic form. The first tragedy, with its episodes about the destruc-
tion of Carthage, are reminiscent of those in Cervantes' Numancia. 42
One of the last playwrights at the turn of the sixteenth century to
exert certain influence on the dramatists of the comedia was Cristobal
de Morales. His works are worthy of mention in part because Lope de
Vega may have used a number of them, including the title of one, as
models for his own plays. Morales' legendary-mythological dramas are
E1 Caballero de Olmedo (The Knight of Olmedo, ca. 1606), La Estrella
de Monserrate, and Dido y Eneas. His fictional plays, Ellegitimo bastar-
do (The Legitimate Bastard) and El peligro de venganza (The Danger
of Vengeance), are based on subjects from Italian novelle. And his
religious works are El renegado del cielo (The Renegade ofHeaven) and
Renegado, rey y martir (Renegade, King and Martyr). 43

THE SPANISH STAGE IN TilE LATE

SIXTEENTII AND EARLY SEVENTEENTII CENTURIES

Although theatrical spectacles were still being crudely staged in the yards
of inns and public squares and were performed by itinerate groups of
actors, even after 1560, 44 theatrical companies had been established in
most of the important Spanish cities by the second half of the sixteenth
century. As we have already noted, the tradition of tableaux and miracle
plays led to the evolution of entremeses and rocas in Valencia and the
Catalonian cities. One of the most famous of several playhouses in
Valencia after 1566 was the Corral de Ia Olivera.
The establishment of a commercial theater in Seville was linked to
the name of Lope de Rueda, who wrote and directed autos and plays
of Italian influence until his death in 156 5. Theater in Seville con-
tinued to develop, especially in the 1570s under the influence of the
Italian impresario Alberto Ganassa, who was also active elsewhere in
Spain. In this Andalusian city Cueva's plays were performed between
1579 and 1581 in the open-air theaters named Las Ataranzas, Dofia
Elvira, Don Juan, and Las Higueras. Meanwhile, playhouses in other
Spanish cities were becoming known before the turn of the century:
the Corral de Ia Longaniza in Valladolid, the Meson de Ia Fruta in
Toledo, the Corral del Carbon in Granada, a theater that staged its
 Birth and Development of Spanish Drama 31

plays in the hospital yard in Zamora, and other co"ales (open-air

theaters) in Barcelona and Zaragoza. 45
When in 1561 Spain's capital was moved to Madrid, which was soon
converted into a royal court, the unusual growth in population and af-
fluence made that city the theatrical capital by 1585. Already in 1565
the citizens, observing the profitable earnings of the theatrical managers,
founded a charitable institution called the Cofradia de la Sagrada Pa-
sion (Brotherhood of the Sacred Passion), whose purpose was to sublet
co"ales where companies could perform their plays. The players received
a share of the profits and the rest went to a hospital for poor women.
At first the brotherhood rented a lot on Calle del Sol, which was
owned by Valdivieso, and built a temporary wooden platform on which
they staged their plays in the open air. They established two other loca-
tions on Calle del Principe-one, owned by Isabel de Pacheco, came
to be known as the Corral de la Pacheca, and the other was owned by
N. Burguillos. Another lot they used on Calle del Lobo was owned by
Cristobal de la Puente. Not all of the open-air theaters functioned at
the same time, and in 1567 another institution, the Cofradia de la
Soledad, founded a hospital for abandoned children near La Puerta del
Sol and took control of the co"al owned by Burguillos. After 1574 the
profits of the theaters in Madrid were divided three ways-two-thirds
went to the Cofradia de la Sagrada Pasion, and one-third went to the
Cofradia de la Soledad. Supervised somewhat loosely by the City Council
in Madrid, the brotherhoods enjoyed a certain freedom in the manage-
ment of their co"ales until stricter administrative regulations were
enacted in 1615 and 1638. 46
The yards of houses and the vacant lots in which the co"ales were
established later became fixed theaters. The plays were staged in the
rear of the lot or in front of the house on a tab/ado (platform) so that
the facade of the house served as the play's backdrop; in later years
a curtain with more elaborate scenery was added. Changes in scenery
were left to the imagination of the spectators, who were kept informed
by the actors that a shift in setting had occurred.
The players made their entrances and exits from the doors of two
vestuarios (dressing rooms) built at the back of the stage, one on each
side. Movable curtains covered the space between them and could be
32 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

opened suddenly to achieve a dramatic effect, such as the unexpected

appearance of a king or a dead body. Actors occasionally used the up-
per level of the balconies to effect a descent from a wall or mountain.
Tramoyas (stage machinery) served to raise angels; opened trap doors
through which flames could penetrate carried out the punishment of
sinners; and a palenque (ramp) joining the pit with the stage made
it possible for animals to be brought on stage. At the front of the stage
the panos (draperies) could be used by the actors as lurking places from
which to spy. The actors wore contemporary dress, and some pieces of
furniture and hand props-such as letters, jewelry, pictures, crosses,
chains, muskets, and daggers-were used.
Before each performance street criers and posters plastered over the
walls of buildings on the most frequented nearby streets announced
the new attraction. When the play was presented most of the audience
stood in the platea (yard), having gained admission by buying one boleto
(ticket). Called the mosqueteros (standees, literally "musketeers"), they
noisily threatened the actors whenever they became dissatisfied.
Members of the charitable institutions rented boxes or rooms, called
desvanes, in the upper stories of the facing houses. They were leased
for larger sums to the privileged classes, who could view the perfor-
mances from the windows and also watch the spectators below through
the celosias (slatted shutters). The rooms just above the ground level,
called aposentos or palcos, were also rented. Those who could afford
two tickets were given seats either in boxes formed from the ventanas
(windows) of the adjoining buildings or in rows of seats, called gradas,
which were installed in a semicircle below the aposentos. Far to the rear,
a closed-off upper section called a co"edor de las mujeres or cazuela
(gallery for women) was set apart for peasant women, while the more
illustrious women had reserved seats in the balconies of the houses fac-
ing the co"al or sat with their male escons in the boxes. During certain
intermissions vendors sold refreshments, the most popular being aloja
(a mixture of water, honey, and spices).
Music, which was a part of each performance, was provided at first
by one or more guitarists, who sang from behind the stage. Later, con-
certs by notable musicians, who sang and played guitars, trumpets, horn-
pipes, and kettledrums, were given. Their music served to welcome the
actors and to quiet the audience.
 Birth and Development of Spanish Drama 33

A prescribed order of musical entertainment was followed during the

production of a full-length play. Preceding the ftrst act either preliminary
music was sung and played or one of three joyful, lascivious dances-
an escarraman, zarabanda, or chacona-was performed to the accom-
paniment of music. Next a loa (a monologue or dialogue spoken by
one or two principal members of the cast, who sought the good will
of the audience) was recited. Two entremeses (farces in verse) or other
light farcical pieces were staged between the two acts of the comedia,
and the whole spectacle ended with a baile (a dance mixed with a
monologue or dialogue, accompanied by song, castanets, and guitar)
while the men in the audience flirted with the womenY
At ftrst the performances took place on Sunday afternoons or on
holidays only, but in time they were also presented on Tuesdays and
Thursdays except during Lent. Having a duration of about two hours,
they started at two or three o'clock, depending on the time of year.
During the Lenten recess new theatrical companies were formed, and
the new season was inaugurated each year on Easter Sunday.
Since the corral lacked a roof, inclement weather could bring a per-
formance to a sudden end. But in 1574 the Italian company of Alberto
Ganassa improved the Corral de La Pacheca by putting a roof over the
stage and covering the patio with a to/do (awning) to shade the au-
dience from the sun.
Toward the end of the sixteenth century and at the beginning of the
seventeenth, numerous corrales in Valencia, Toledo, Seville, Madrid,
and other Spanish cities progressively grew into permanent theaters.
Among the most famous were the corrales on Calle de la Cruz (found-
ed in 1574) and Principe Street in Madrid, which became permanent
in 1579 and 1583. After 1584 they remained as the only public theaters
in Madrid. These two playhouses continued to exist, with certain
modifications, for 165 years, until about 1744, when they were torn
down and replaced by new theaters called coliseos. In fact, the Teatro
Espafiol today stands on the original site of the Corral del Principe. 48
Court theaters in which both professional actors and courtiers performed,
were also established to produce festive spectacles. One of the ftrst to
become popular, in 1607, was a corral that performed on a patio at
the Royal Palace in Madrid. In the 1620s court theaters likewise became
active at Aranjuez and the old Alcazar. In 1640 the royal family con-
34 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

tinued to be entertained at the Coliseo Theater in the Buen Retiro,

where Cosme Lotti, a Florentine landscape architect who had been
brought to Spain by Philip IV, is known to have designed the elaborate
stage decorations.
While the theater was developing as a modern institution, certain
practices affecting those in the theatrical profession were changing. At
first most dramatists sold their plays to the managers of theatrical groups,
who managed to retain relatively good profits because they paid their
actors modest and varied salaries. The managers, however, often altered
the manuscripts, wore them out through use, or lost them. In addi-
tion, because there were no copyright laws, lesser-known writers stole
other authors' plays, often copying them with errors and making hand-
some profits. Thus, out of defense, renowned dramatists turned to
publishing their plays in partes (collections, each containing twelve plays)
before offering them for sale or after retrieving them from theatrical
managers or actors.
Soon after the establishment of permanent commercial theaters and
the prolific production of plays, local religious authorities pressed for
the preservation of good morals, while theologians began to voice
negative criticisms. Theaters often gained reputations as houses of cor-
ruption and their players as licentious persons. For these reasons the
king was often forced to issue decrees concerning the conditions under
which plays could be staged or banned. Certain circumstantial events
also placed restraints on performances. For example, Philip II ordered
the theaters closed after the death of his daughter Catherine in 1597,
and again in 1598, when a council of theologians urged the prohibi-
tion of plays for moral reasons, but Philip III, a partisan of the theater,
revoked the decree in 1599. Later suspensions, the longest being from
1646 to 1649, occurred when the deaths of Spanish royal persons were
commemorated. Although clergymen attacked the theater on moral
grounds, other groups sanctioned and fought for its existence since it
was a source of income for the city's hospitals. The brotherhoods were
always successful ultimately in inducing the kings to reopen the
theaters. 49
Public passion for the theater grew to enormous proportions in the
first half of the seventeenth century. With the immense popularity of
 Birth and Development of Spanish Drama 35

the new dramatic form, the comedia, the number of dramatists and
players greatly increased. During the first third of the century, approx-
imately a hundred theatrical managers were active, each of whom staged
from twenty to forty plays yearly. Often a play was given only one or
a few performances. There was great competition among the theatrical
companies to perform in Madrid and other important Spanish cities.
Since the production of a full-length play required five to eight players,
there must have been over two thousand actors at the height of the
Spanish Golden Age. 5o

CONCLUSION

Theatrical activity on the Iberian peninsula from the early days of its
settlement provided the fertile ground out of which the drama of the
Golden Age grew. The coexistence of various dramatic traditions com-
ing from Roman, mimetic, and liturgical roots contributed to the forms,
principles, and character of the Spanish comedia that were being for-
mulated. Classical drama, having influenced theatrical activity into the
Middle Ages, continued to be emulated by many of the early Spanish
playwrights of secular drama and tragedies, who in turn played a part
in the evolution of the comedia with their own innovations. The mockery
plays and medieval dialogues that grew out of the vernacular gave
Spanish drama the particular character for which it became famous. And
the medieval liturgical plays, together with the later mystery and morali-
ty plays, not only laid the ground for the saints' plays and autos
sacramentales that were to become a part of the new drama, but also
provided ingredients that would be used in secular drama.
The circumstances of staging in these three traditions, moreover, con-
tributed to the character and development of the comedia. The early
playwrights found a medium for their works on the Spanish stage, which
moved from crude beginnings in the streets, churches, and courtyards
to the private residences of the kings and noblemen, and finally to the
open-air and permanent theaters. The formulative period of Spanish
drama contained a brilliance of its own and must be taken into con-
sideration when studying Spanish drama of the Golden Age.
 CHAPTER II

Lope de Vega and the

Formation of the Comedia

IN THE LAST quarter of the sixteenth century two trends in Spanish

theater became evident: the popular, represented by Lope de Rueda
and Juan de Ia Cueva, and the classical, headed by Cristobal de Virues,
Lupercio Leonardo de Argensola, and Miguel de Cervantes. In the period
beginning in the 1580s, Spanish theater underwent a change that was
to affect its development in the following century. 1 The foundation for
the new drama was laid by the early dramatists, but its form was definite-
ly fixed by Lope de Vega (1562-1635), one of the greatest geniuses the
dramatic world has known.
Lope de Vega was born in 1562 shortly after his father, who made
a living as a craftsman in gold filigree, and his mother arrived in Madrid
from Asturias. According to his biographer, Perez de Montalban, Lope
was dictating poetry before he could write and succeeded in translating
Claudius Claudianus's Latin poem De raptu Proserpinae (The Rape of
Proserpina) at the age of five. During his precocious childhood he
studied Spanish and Latin with the writer Vicente Espinel for two years.
From 1574 to 1576, Lope de Vega attended the Jesuit Theatine col-
lege in Madrid, where he received instruction in grammar, rhetoric, sing-
ing, dancing, and fencing. He may also have taken part in school plays
there, having already written his first play, El verdadero amante (The
True Lover), at the age of twelve. After leaving the Jesuit school, where
he had been caught in an amorous escapade, Lope was employed in
the household of Geronimo Manrique, bishop of Avila, where he prob-
ably began to compose his early plays. From 1576 to 1578 the poet also
studied at the University of Alcala de Henares, where he acquired
 Lope de Vega and the Comedia 37

a vast knowledge of literature, especially that of the classical writers

whose learned theses he later displayed in his own plays.
After his father's death in 1578, Lope left the service of Bishop Manri-
que and became the secretary to Pedro Davila, Marquis of Las Navas,
and may also have studied at the University of Salamanca in 1580. Short-
ly after establishing his career as a dramatist in 1583, Lope had an af-
fair with Elena Osorio, the married daughter of a leading theatrical
manager. In the same year, he enlisted in Alvaro de Bazan's naval ex-
pedition to put down a rebellion in the Azores.
Upon his return two months later Lope de Vega and his juvenile com-
panions roamed the streets of Madrid in pursuit of women, challeng-
ing all fathers, brothers, and lovers in their way. Their brawls occasionally
resulted in arrest and detainment. He also continued his affair with
Elena Osorio, the "Filis" of his pastoral ballads and the heroine of La
Dorotea (1632). Her father,Jer6nimo Velazquez, staged some of Lope's
plays but, together with his family, vigorously opposed the love affair.
Their opposition motivated the poet to write violent libels against the
family, which eventually resulted in his arrest in 1588 and banishment
from Madrid to Valencia for eight years.
Lope de Vega quickly broke the terms of his sentence and returned
to Madrid, where he abducted and later married by proxy the seventeen-
year-old Isabel de Urbina, the "Belisa" in his poems and his play Las
bizarrias de Belisa (The Gallantries ofBelisa). Soon after his marriage
in 1588 he volunteered to join the Spanish Armada, an experience which
he recorded in La Dragontea (The Green Dragon, 1598), an epic poem
about Sir Francis Drake.
Returning in 1589 from the ill-fated expedition, in which his brother
had been shot, Lope moved to Valencia with his wife to fulftll the terms
of his exile. After becoming prominent among the Valencian dramatists,
he entered the service of the Marquis of Malpica in Toledo for several
months. Soon aftetward, in 1590, he moved to Alba de Tormes to
become the secretary of Antonio, the Duke of Alba. The following five
years of domestic life marked his most productive period as a poet. It
came to an end, however, when his wife and daughter Teodora died
in 1594; his second daughter, Antonia, died two years later.
When Jeronimo Velazquez, the father of Elena Osorio, pardoned
38 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

Lope de Vega (1562-1635)

 Lope de Vega and the Comedia 39

Lope de Vega in 1595, the recently widowed poet left the Duke of Alba
and returned to Madrid in 1596. He immediately had an affair with
Antonia Trillo de Armenta and cultivated another passionate love for
an actor's wife, Micaela Lujan, the "Camila Lucinda" in many of his
poems. After marrying Juana de Guardo, the daughter of a rich butch-
er, in 1598, he divided his time in Toledo, Seville, and Madrid be-
tween his legitimate home and that of Micaela, who bore him five
children. He also traveled to Valencia again with the Marquis of Sarria
to attend a royal double wedding.
By the time Juana died in 1613, the poet had already instigated love
affairs withJer6nima de Burgos and Luda Salcedo. In his early fifties,
however, the poet experienced a religious crisis and sought refuge in
the Church. After a period of initiation in a tertiary order, he took the
orders of priesthood in 1614. During this time Lope's prestige as the
highest among Spanish authors enabled him to deal with his noble
patrons on equal terms. In particular, the Duke of Sessa, his last
Maecenas, became also his personal friend. His fame, spreading abroad,
brought foreign visitors to his door, including papal envoys with special
compliments. In 1627 Pope Urban VIII bestowed on him an honorary
doctorate in theology and the cross of the Order of St.John ofJerusalem
at the Collegium Sapientiae, which explains the poet's titles of "Doc-
tor" and "Frey."
Although the poet made a serious attempt to bring order to his chaotic
life, he continued his profane writing and amorous behavior. Some time
around 1616 he met and fell in love with a businessman's wife, Marta
de Nevares, who became the "Amarilis" and "Marcia Leonarda" in
his poetry. A cultivated woman, Marta shared the intellectual interests
of the poet. After the death of Marta's husband in 1620, the lovers
still could not marry because of Lope's vow of celibacy; nonetheless,
Marta in 1617 gave birth out of wedlock to their daughter, Antonia
Clara.
The last years of Lope de Vega's life were unhappy, despite the honors
he received from the king and the pope. His popularity declined because
of the influx of younger dramatists. Furthermore, he was sorrowed by
Marta's becoming blind in 1626 and by her insanity and death in 1628.
The elopement of Antonia Clara and other domestic calamities seriously
broke his health, and he died on August 27, 1635. His death was of-
40 SPANISH GOWEN AGE DRAMA

ficially mourned by high dignitaries of the Church and the nobility,

while the populace swarmed the streets. About two hundred authors
contributed to necrological volumes that were published in Madrid and
Venice. During his lifetime Lope de Vega acquired an almost mythical
reputation. "Es de Lope" ("It is by Lope") became synonymous with
perfection, and Cervantes' epithet, "the prodigy [monstruo] of nature,"
earned for him universal fame.

THE DRAMATIC ART OF LOPE DE VEGA

The comedia, although not technically the creation of Lope de Vega,

owes to him its definitive form. In his lifetime the poet succeeded in
developing a new type of drama which disregarded the pseudo-
Aristotelian precepts that were being propagated in Spain. In Lope's
hands the term comedia came to mean any type of full-length play,
whether comedy or tragedy. The term is still used with that connota-
tion. By modifying and enriching the drama of his predecessors, Lope
de Vega allowed the dramatic form to assimilate new features. Within
the narrow framework of the existing dramatic structure he incorporated
a variety of material from ancient mythology, the Bible, the lives of
saints, ancient history, medieval legends, Spanish history, the subjects
of Italian novelists, and Spanish life in the seventeenth century. He
created realistic character types whose language was appropriate to their
stations. According to the seventeenth-century Valencian playwright
Ricardo de Turia, ''the comedia performed in Spain is not really com-
edy but rather tragicomedy, a mixture consisting of the comic and tragic.
Illustrious characters, noble actions, horror, and compassion are derived
from tragedy; whereas, comedy usually also provides examples of
humorous personal situations and witticism. Spaniards do not regard
this blending to be inappropriate since, in nature and in poetry, per-
sons in high and low stations often confront and deal with each
other. " 2
The mixed form of the comedia was condemned, however, by the
academically-minded Spanish writers, such as Cristobal Suarez de
Figueroa (1571?-1644) in El passagero (The Passenger), Francisco
Cascales (1564-1642) in Tab/as poeticas (Poetic Lists, 1617), Alonso
 Lope de Vega and the Comedia 41

LOpez Pinciano (1547-1627) in Filosofia antigua poetica (Ancient Theory

of Poetry, 1596), 3 and Pedro Torres R:imila (1583-1642) in a satirical
libel, Spongia (Sponge, 1617). 4 These writers advocated a return to the
well-defined distinctions between comedy and tragedy. Their objections
apparently fell on deaf ears. Lope de Vega and his successors used the
terms tragicomedia and tragedia when they designated a form for a par-
ticular play, but in general they also referred to a play as a comedia. 5
The new theater was also criticized on aesthetic grounds by the sup-
porters of classical drama, who advocated Aristotelian theory. Ignorant
of Greek drama and scarcely acquainted with Aristotle's Poetics,
however, the Spanish critics lacked a true concept of classicism, since
they relied on Italian interpretations of Aristotle which erroneously
praised him for imposing the three unities. Actually, Aristotle's con-
cern for unity was of an internal nature and was much more
philosophical. He may have pointed to the existence of the unity of
time when citing the practices of playwrights before him and when com-
paring tragedy with epic poetry, but he never mentioned the unity of
place, even though the nature of Greek drama necessitated it. Further-
more, when he used the term "action" it was in the sense of
"conflict. " 6 Nonetheless, the insistence of older playwrights on preser-
vation of the unities was ignored by the new dramatists, who thought
the lapse of time could be of indefinite duration and the place of ac-
tion did not have to be confined to one setting. 7
As the innovator of a dramatic form that was unmercifully attacked,
Lope de Vega rose to his own defense by writing Arte nuevo de hacer
comedias en este tiempo (The New Art of Playwriting in This Age,
1609). 8 In his treatise he defies established classical rules and supports
popular Spanish tradition. Occasionally, however, he sympathizes with
the classicists and belittles the masses. Lope de Vega did not derive his
ideas of imitating reality and natural dialogue directly from Aristotle's
Poetics but from the Italian dramatic treatises, such as Francisco
Rebortello d'Udine's De comoedia and Aelius Donatus's De tragoedia
et comoedia, which Lope paraphrased. More interested in the function
of comedia than in its form, he declares that all of the 483 plays he
has written thus far, except for six, were written against classical rules,
and announces that his new type of dramatic art will be based on a
42 SPANISH GoLDEN AGE DRAMA

compromise between the classicists and the taste of the masses. In the
choice of subject matter, grave and humorous situations should exist
side by side, since both produce the versatility that is found in nature.
A mixture of these elements is essential to please the audience. He also
argues that a play's action, which is often broken when he switches the
plots, becomes more real when the unities of time and place are ignored.
Regarding poetic form within the dramatic genre, Lope advocates
the use of the known Spanish and Italian meters of his day. In the matter
of versification, however, he refuses to admit that the long Italian verse
has an advantage over the Castilian octosyllabic verse. Unfortunately,
because of his fear of criticism from the Italians, the poet retains the
use of some of the prevalent mannerisms and empty, pompous
phraseologies. In passages in which he does not attempt to imitate the
Latins or Italians, his language flows more clearly. Recommending that
different verse forms be chosen in order to differentiate between the
episodes and to harmonize with particular dramatic situations, he lays
down rules for the five most favored verse forms. The decima, ten oc-
tosyllabic lines, rhyming a b b a a c c d d c, is recommended as ap-
propriate for plaintive speeches, expressions of dissatisfaction, and
grievances. (This meter in some ways is actually a combination of two
quintillas, with a pause after the fourth line.) The sonnet, reserved for
monologues, is considered appropriate for moments of suspense. The
romance (ballad meter), having an indefinite number of octosyllabic
lines with assonance in the evenly numbered lines, is deemed proper
for narration, description, light dialogue, and development. Tercets-
stanzas having three hendecasyllabic (eleven-syllable) lines linked by
rhyme, ABA, B C B, etc.-are suited for serious matters. The redon-
dilla, a quatrain of octosyllabic lines with consonantal rhyme, a b b a,
is to be used in animated conversations, love scenes, and quarrels. Final-
ly, the royal octave, consisting of six hendecasyllables with alternate
rhyme, followed by a rhyming couplet (ABABA B C C), is to be
employed in serious narrations and for special effects.
Other verse forms not cited by Lope de Vega in his Arte nuevo were
also more or less commonly employed during the Spanish Golden Age.
The quintzlla, a stanza of five octosyllabic lines with two rhymes, pro-
vided no more than two lines with the same rhyme come in succession,
 Lope de Vega and the Comedia 43

was used to express feeling and emotion rather than action. The silva,
an unlimited grouping of hendecasyllables and heptasyllables, freely
arranged, and rhymed with no fixed stanza structure, was appropriate
for soliloquies, emotional narration, and passages containing descrip-
tions. Less common were: (1) the lira, a group of verses containing lines
with seven and eleven syllables, whose rhyme schemes are a B a b B
and a B abc C; (2) the verso sue/to, an eleven-syllable blank verse
without rhyme, except that it usually ends in a rhyming couplet; and
(3) the pareado, a hendecasyllable verse form (which can be mixed with
heptasyllable lines) whose lines rhyme in pairs. Occasionally minor
strophic lyrical compositions, such as the cop/a, letrilla, canci6n, roman-
ctllo, and estribillo, which are of irregular length and have no fixed
rhyme scheme, were employed to summarize the problem of the play
and were meant to be sung.
Since Spaniards had a passion for poetic language on the stage, Lope
de Vega and his followers strove for poetic excellence by making use
of the metrical forms known in their time. They blended the native
Spanish meters harmoniously with the Italian ones. The musical quali-
ty of Spanish poetry may be attributed in large part to the rhythmic
flexibility that was available in the large variety of meters they used.
The traditional stanzas in Spain, which had been transmitted from the
Middle Ages, mostly contained eight- and occasionally six-syllable lines;
these included the romance, redondilla, quinttlla, and decima. The im-
ported Italian strophes were the eleven- and seven-syllable lines-the
sonnet, royal octave, tercets, stlva, lira, sueltos, and pareados. When
analyzing the structure of each line, one counts not feet but syllables,
since the structure of Spanish versification depends on a fixed number
of syllables within each line.
The three most important Spanish verses were: (1) Verso llano (parox-
ytonic, ending flat), in which the accent falls on the next-to-last syllable,
ending the verse open or flat; e.g., La/ rat z6nl val del vent cit da (8).
The stress in this eight-syllable line is on the seventh syllable. (2) Verso
agudo (oxytonic, ending sharp), in which the accent falls on the last
syllable, ending the verse sharply with a silent beat; e.g., Los/ ref yes/
han/ del que/rer(7 + 1 = 8). Tosevenexistingsyllablesasilentbeat
is added, and the accent falls on the seventh syllable. (3) Verso esdm-
44 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

julo (proparoxytonic), in which the stress is not on the usually accented

next to last syllable but on the one preceding it; e.g., Des/de/ las/
tolrresl del C6rldolba (9- 1 = 8).
In addition, certain poetic devices helped to determine the number
of syllables in a verse: syneresis, dieresis, synalepha, and hiatus. These
devices allowed the poets to maneuver the character of vowels by mak-
ing them strong or weak, and to abbreviate or lengthen their lines with
the use of diphthongs and triphthongs. Since the pattern of accents
in Spanish versification is not rigidly set, the rhythmic arrangement of
the syllables within each line can be determined by the poet. In order
to achieve a certain harmony, the stressed syllables may be alternated
with the unstressed ones; however, there must always be a stress on the
last syllable or the next-to-last, or on the third from the end. 9
As the exponent of a new dramatic form, Lope de Vega rejected most
of the Aristotelian precepts, since his audiences expected him to
disregard classical rules and was pleased when he adopted Renaissance
ideas about moral truth. Although his plays are expansive rather than
compact, they seldom contain obscure conceits and allegories, except
for some of his later plays in which he approached baroque tendencies
by employing varied stylistic effects, such as chiaroscuro and symbolism.
Relying on expressive words, images, metaphors, and tropes to convey
human sentiments, he developed an expository style that was meant
to reflect life more or less accurately.
Lope's ideas regarding life are to a degree reflected in the behavior
and attitudes of his many characters. The dialogues, commentaries, and
action in each play usually approximate the portrayal of real persons
in their natural conditions of life in regard to age, sex, and profession.
While his dramatis personae represent dramatic stereotypes in the tradi-
tional groups-the caballero (gentleman) or galan (young cavalier) and
the dama (lady), the gracioso (a comic character who is the servant of
the galan), and the criada (the lady's maid)-they display a variety of
human impulses along with the ideas, beliefs, and sentiments that
existed in seventeenth-century Spanish society. Usually the kings,
peasants, soldiers, and musicians, as minor characters, provide the veraci-
ty that is needed in the special circumstances of each play. Indicating
in his Arte nuevo that each character should speak with appropriate
 Lope de Vega and the Comedia 45

diction, the playwright insists that graciosos should talk like clowns and
kings should be solemn. Women should be treated with decorum, even
when they appear disguised as men, and lovers should convincingly show
their affection or passion. It is also important that soliloquies be acted
out well, and actors should dress in contemporary Spanish attire.
Dramatic intrigue is often developed through the use of the ga/an
and dama. The typical traits of the cavalier are valor, audacity, generosi-
ty, and idealism, whereas those of the dama are beauty, passion, and
constancy. The galan is usually a patient, persistent adorer and often
an amusing, semirepentant, although at times somewhat wicked, lover.
Portrayed at first as avid for adventure and as the conqueror of female
hearts, he reveals during the action of the play that he is likely to be
dependent on his loyal and quick-witted servant.
Other caballeros who are portrayed as fathers, husbands, or brothers
represent authoritarian power over their womenfolk and defend the
social order in the family, since they jealously oversee the love affairs
of a daughter, wife, or sister. If the family honor is stained by a
"wayward" female, they are compelled to seek vengeance.
The typical dama is not always depicted as relying entirely on chance
to solve her problems. At times she takes matters into her own hands
without depending on her criada to carry out her intrigues. The character
of the dama is likely to be more carefully drawn than that of the other
characters. Endowed with wit and initiative, she is successful in choos-
ing her own consort in marriage.
In some of Lope's plays of intrigue a dama, after being deserted by
her galan, disguises herself as a man in order to pursue him and win
him back; e.g., Leonarda in La prueba de los amigos (The Test a/Friend-
ship). This theatrical device was borrowed from the Italian novelle.
When men are occasionally disguised as women, it is usually a gracioso,.
who appears episodically to flirt humorously with a man. The device
of reversing the sex of a character contributes to the mistaken identity
technique.
Lope de Vega also portrayed virtuous women, who, with the char-
acteristics of Roman matrons, are capable of resisting the advances of
a king; e.g., Queen Isabel in El rey sin reino (The King without a
Kingdom). Reminiscent of the great heroines of antiquity, some female
46 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

characters act more bravely than men and challenge tyrants in civil strife
and war, for example, Laurencia in Fuenteovejuna (The Sheep Well).
Others resent man's advantageous position in society and scorn their
inconstancy-Casandra in El castigo sin venganza (Punishment without
Revenge). Lope's presentation of queens showed some of them as more
ambitious than their historical counterparts, such as Etelfrida in La im-
penal de Ot6n (The Imperial Crown of Ot6n).
The conventional omission of the mother in the comedza can be at-
tributed to the fact that motherhood was highly revered in Spanish socie-
ty. The mothers who occasionally appear in Lope de Vega's plays are
from the upper classes and display the virtues of piety, humility, and
love.
The gracioso, an indispensable character in the comedia, stands out
for his comic characteristics. Evolving from the Latin slave in Roman
comedy and the shepherd and servant in early Spanish drama, the
gracioso emerged as a stock figure in the hands of Lope de Vega. This
comic character is ingenious, indiscreet, and presumptuous. Often fond
of proverbs and believing himself to be a polyglot, he can be a grumbler,
a braggart, anxious for money, an inoffensive liar, a coward, and a
gambler. It is possible for him to possess simultaneously the reputa-
tion of a drunkard and that of a loyal servant and advisor. Although
the butt of constant jibes, he displays the virtues of friendship, loyalty,
and truth, and attacks the ignoble traits of slander and lying.
As the confidential advisor to his master, the gracioso is uncondi-
tionally loyal. His active role in the plot development perhaps reveals
Lope's democratic attitude concerning the social relationship between
a master and his servant. In his plays the servant, who more or less direct-
ly influences the plot and may maneuver the intrigue, is endowed with
the practical intelligence that enables him to help his young master turn
his dreams into reality. Since the gracioso also parodies the behavior
and speech of the galan and marries the cnada, sharp contrasts between
the materialistic and idealistic worlds are constantly present. While ex-
posing the differences between the social classes, the gracioso provides
comic relief. His satirical presentation of the customs of Madrid and
the provinces supplies information about the classes and dialects of
seventeenth-century Spain.
 Lope de Vega and the Comedia 47

Although the criada is the counterpart of the gracioso, she occupies

a discreet position as the soubrette within the comedia and usually plays
only a minor part in the development of the intrigue. Possessing none
of the ostentatious qualities of the gracioso, she covers up her lady's
love affairs and is a submissive advisor.
The roles of magnates or kings in the comedias are not always the
same. When the king appears as a passive character, exerting no in-
fluence on the action, he plays a supportive role, either as a father or
as the highest authority, who gives consent for marriages and verdicts
in civil cases. He often acts as the deus ex machina to bring about a
happy resolution. In plays in which the monarch actively participates
in the action, his personal relationships support the principle that the
king is the source of all laws. In these plays the presence of the monarch
underlines concepts regarding the divine right of kings and exalts the
position that kingship represents the highest dignity. Young rulers oc-
casionally appear elsewhere as leading characters, usually when involved
in love intrigues. Causing at first confusion and unhappiness, they
reform in time to change the outcome of the play to the satisfaction
of all concerned.
The peasants or villagers act collectively as if they were living in a
large rural family. Their simple environment is described in the scenes
presenting festive celebrations, but when their peaceful life is threatened
by a tyrant, they rise up with force to regain justice. Contrary to the
usual practice of presenting the natural speech of people, peasants oc-
casionally assume the posture of educated persons, as, for example, at
the beginning of Fuenteovejuna, where they discuss the concept of love
in neo-Platonic terms. The peasants as well as the musicians are rem-
nants of the chorus in classical tragedy, but their role in the comedia
is usually less important, since their main purpose (except in the plays
in which they carry the major roles) is to contribute to the general enter-
tainment with popular Spanish songs and dances.
Other character types appear in accordance with the needs of a par-
ticular play. Soldiers, who usually appear in military plays, fulfill only
functional roles. In comedies of manners the occasional stereotyped
figure of the indiana presents a greedy, disreputable adventurer who,
having just returned from America with great wealth, lacks any signs
48 SPANISH GoLDEN AGE DRAMA

of nobility, especially the virtue of honesty. In the mythological and

novelesque plays, especially, characters in the guises of giants, dragons,
monsters, and fauns appear, together with salvajes (savage men), who
have been drawn from primitive men, barbarians, Indians from the New
World, Guanches (natives from the Canary Islands), and savages out
of mythology, folklore, legends, and books of chivalry. Neither totally
bestial nor genuinely noble but a blend of the two, salvajes sometimes
even rise to become protagonists, such as Urson in Lope de Vega's El
nacimiento de Urson y Valentin (The Birth of Orson and Valentine)
and Segismundo in Calderon's La vida es suefJo (Life Is a Dream). 10
According to Lope de Vega, the typical plot of a three-act play con-
sists of the exposition, the enredo (entanglement or complication), and
the desenlace (denouement). The exposition, which characteristically
is condensed to about a hundred lines at the beginning of the first act,
acquaints the spectators with the place and time of action, the nature
of the subject matter, and the main characters. The playwright often
makes use of the relaci6n (flashback) device to provide information about
the events that happened before the time of the play. The enredo (the
ascending part of the action, during which intrigue and suspense are
sustained) consists of a series of connected episodes that complicate one
or two plots. The cohesive structure of each episode, in itself, is de-
veloped in three stages: prefiguration, activation, and recapitulation.
After a climax is reached toward the end of the third act, when the
problem is solved, a denouement, or desenlace, promptly brings the
play to an end. From another viewpoint, the evolution of a plot emerges
out of a protagonist's decision to solve a problem, and the resulting
conflict with other characters. After an initial disagreement arises, a clash
of the two opposing forces provides the suspense. The dramatic action
moves toward a resolution until the protagonist's premise is proved or
disproved. 11
The recurring themes of honor, love, patriotism, and religion are
woven into most of Lope de Vega's plays. They also usually underline
parental authority and deal with morality. The family as an entity often
plays a major role in portraying the meaning of honor. When the reputa-
tion of a family is threatened by a secret amorous intrigue or a love
game, its integrity must be restored. If a father is not available to solve
 Lope de Vega and the Comedia 49

the honor problem, a brother or uncle must rise to the occasion;

sometimes a young lady will even pursue her offender and restore her
own sullied honor by whatever means ate necessary.
Aside from cenain incidents in Lope's life, a vatiety of reflections
on Spanish thought and life can be found in his comedias. Indepen-
dent of classical theater, his plays served, although less than perfectly
in many ways, as a mirror of Spanish manners. 12 Whereas the Italian
Renaissance revived Greek tragedy and Latin comedy, the Spanish
authors developed their theater with an orientation more toward na-
tional interests and likings.
Lope and his contemporaries drew material from history, tradition,
and folklore in order to satisfy popular demands. Although ancient,
medieval, and Renaissance pasts were represented in their plays, allu-
sions to the Golden Age were cleatly evident. Furthermore, they fo-
cused on producing dramas with entertaining action, rather than in-
trospective plays with character studies, such as those of Shakespeate,
Racine, and Moliere. Lope de Vega established the comedia by using
vatious aspects of Spanish history and culture together with the idiosyn-
crasies of Spanish society; thus he produced entertaining showpieces
that contain some moral instruction.

LOPE'S COMEDIAS

One of the greatest literary improvisers, Lope de Vega wrote with

extraordinary facility. His literary production-three novels, four long
stories, nine verse epics, three didactic poems, numerous occasional
poems, and about three thousand sonnets-is small compared to his
staggering output of dramatic works. Having written the vast majority
of his plays in haste at the request of theatrical directors, he did not
hesitate to confess that more than a hundred of his comedias had taken
only twenty-four hours to pass from his mind to the theater. His plays
were admittedly written more for the ears of spectators than for readers;
nevertheless, many of his dramas were catefully planned and elaborated.
According to his own account, Lope's plays numbered 230 by 1604.
By 1609 the number had risen to 500, by 1618 to 800, by 1620 to 900,
by 1625 to 1,070, and by 1632 to 1,500. Lope's admirer, Montalban
50 SPANISH GoLDEN AGE DRAMA

(in Fama Posthuma, 1636), has credited him with some 1,800 plays
and 400 autos sacramentales, though this figure is probably somewhat
exaggerated. 13 From this total count, about 600 plays are known by
their titles in the cataloguing in Lope's El peregrina en su patria (The
Pzlgrim in His Homeland). Of these the manuscripts or printed texts
of over 440 plays, over 40 autos, and a few entremeses are extant.
Although many holographs of Lope's plays are in existence in various
libraries, most that have survived were mutilated before they were
published because Lope sold them to theatrical managers, who altered
them as they liked. Booksellers also bought written-out parts from ac-
tors and notes from spectators who had written the plays down from
memory. Since these plays cannot be regarded as authentic, their defects
cannot necessarily be blamed on Lope. Lope was also attributed as author
of numerous plays that he probably did not write.
During and after the time Lope wrote his plays, publishers printed
them as sueltas (single editions) or in partes. Between 1604 and 1647
his comedias were published in twenty-five partes, fourteen of which
(the ninth through the twenty-second) were printed under his supervi-
sion at irregular intervals between 1617 and 1625. About two dozen
of his plays became the most popular, often reappearing on the stage
and in print.
A study of this vast production is a difficult task. Although some
dated autograph manuscripts exist, the chronology of a large number
of his plays has been difficult to establish. Morley and Bruerton have
attempted, and with recognized success, to solve the problems regard-
ing the dating of his plays. 14 This they did by examining the poetic
structure of his dated manuscripts, and thus they were able to assign
approximate dates to the undated plays. By arranging the plays in their
proper sequence, these scholars provided a basis for subsequent research
on Lope's drama.
In his youth Lope de Vega wrote eclogues and pastoral and allegorical
morality plays. His earliest preserved play, Los hechos de Garczlaso de
Ia Vega y elmora Tarfe (The Exploits of Garczlaso de Ia Vega and the
Moor Tarfe, written between 1579 and 1583), 15 is a youthful reverie
about military honors. He emerged as a serious playwright in 1587 with
the beginnings of his prolific theatrical activity, which lasted for almost
 Lope de Vega and the Comedia 51

half a century until his death in 1635. His plays may be classified ac-
cording to subject, but there is often overlapping between groups.

The Heroic-Honor Plays. In Lope de Vega's repertory the heroic plays

excel. They are differentiated from his other plays in that their themes,
drawn from history, national annals, and current events, possess a grave
tone and include more royal and aristocratic characters. Having scenarios
set in a milieu familiar to his audiences, they display nationalistic and
democratic ideals. The playwright identified himself with the heroic
protagonist early in his career with El hzjo venturoso (The Fortunate
Son) and El hzjo de Reduan (The Son ofReduan), both from 1588-95.
At the peak of his career Lope wrote a series of rural heroic-honor
dramas whose plots on subjects of love are intetwoven with themes per-
taining to history. These rural comedias combine historical, pastoral,
and romance modes while idealizing the communal life of peasants.
Outstanding among them is Fuenteovejuna (The Sheep Well, 1612-14),
which deals with a stirring period in Spanish history, the War of Suc-
cession, fought between 1474 and 1476. 16 The play is set in the period
when Ferdinand and Isabel were attempting to integrate their kingdoms
and to preserve them from depredation by the Portuguese and the
military Order of Calatrava. In the first act of the play the new grand-
master of the order, Rodrigo Tellez Giron, and his advisor, Commander
Fernan Gomez de Guzman, with their armed forces, capture Ciudad
Real and hold it for Portugal, which claimed this part of Spain for its
queen, Juana "Ia Beltraneja."
After returning home to Fuenteovejuna in southern Spain, the vic-
torious Commander Gomez, who is the overlord of the town, mistreats
the villagers and unsuccessfully pursues Laurencia, the mayor's daughter.
When the Catholic sovereigns recapture Cuidad Real, Gomez must leave
the village with his army, and the peasants are happy to see him go.
The defeated commander returns on the wedding day of Laurencia
and Frondoso, who had earlier saved her from being abducted. Gomez
demands the bride for himself, but her father refuses to let her be car-
ried off. The enraged tyrant imprisons the groom with the order that
he be hanged later, and puts the bride in the citadel. His cruel career
comes to an end after Laurencia escapes and inspires the townspeople
52 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

to kill their overlord. Upon hearing the details of the uprising, the king
pardons the villagers of the murder and makes Fuenteovejuna a pro-
tectorate of the crown. Frondoso is released from prison, and the hap-
py couple are finally reunited.
Using for his source the ballads about Fuenteovejuna found in the
Chr6nica de las tres 6rdenes y cauallerias de Santiago, Calatrava y Alcan-
tara (Chronicle ofthe Three Religious and Mtlitary Orders ofSantiago,
Calatrava, and Alcantara, 1572) by Francisco Rades y Andrada, Lope
de Vega composed this play in accordance with metaphysical theories
of his day, which spoke of the Platonic obligation of the poet to
reconstruct chaotic historical incidents, to "correct" and "reform."
Depicting parallel turbulence in four separate strata-lovers who are
forcefully separated, oppressed peasants in the village, the irresponsi-
ble nobility and their civil war in Ciudad Real, and the Catholic kings
who are seeking to establish a democratic monarchy-the poet brings
each of them from violence finally to love and justice. Despite the wide
range of activities, abrupt shifts of scene, and occasional interruptions
in the play, the macro-microcosmic relationship between the levels serves
to unite the play and reinforce its epic character. In the first two acts
the forces of violence are paralleled in the acts of treason and sedition
by the noblemen, then in Tellez Giron's brutal punishment of the city
for its resistance, and again on the personal level when the commander
attempts to violate the maiden in the village. In the last act, the fall
of the commander makes possible harmonious order: first in the realiza-
tion of the lovers' hopes, then in the monarchs' victory; and finally
in the forgiveness of the townspeople for avenging their injustice by
beheading their tyrant 17
In this play Lope de Vega's use of the people of the village as the
collective protagonist is fully developed. A few predecessors in the use
of a collective hero can be found in Aeschylus's Persians (fifth century
B.C.) and Cervantes' Numancia (1585). Whereas earlier Spanish
playwrights treated the people as lowly, Lope de Vega made use of the
masses to underline the theme that rebellion against tyranny is justifiable
and to symbolize idealistically the process through which Spain became
unified.
Lope de Vega broke another precedent in Spainish literature by en-
 Lope de Vega and the Comedia 53

dowing his heroine with unusual powers of leadership. 18 Lacking at

first the courage to resist the commander's outrageous demands, the
men of the village forget about their fears when Laurencia inspires them
to behave like warriors equal in rank to noblemen. Later she extols the
peasants for restoring the disrupted harmony in their community, and
Frondoso exclaims that their social love has moved them to act
unselfishly. In the light of recent metatheatrical theories, both Lauren-
cia, from an individual point of view, and the villagers, from a collec-
tive perspective, can be called "metagonists," since they adopt new roles
in their specific siruation and seem to surrogate the playwright's
function. 19 Lope de Vega no doubt chose these particular historical in-
cidents to dramatize because he admired the role-playing characteristics
of the peasants in Fuenteovejuna.
In his portraiture of characters, customs, and milieu in this play, Lope
used the contrivance of dichotomy. The passive peasants become respon-
sible citizens as a result of their struggle; likewise, the most timid among
them, Mengo, emerges as the town hero, and the formerly courteous
comendador becomes repugnant. Contrasts can be found between the
realistic and idealistic portrayals of some characters, such as in the lus-
ty, exuberant behavior of the commander as opposed to the idyllic love
of the peasant couple. Opposing viewpoints about governing are also
exposed-those of a military-religious order and of the Catholic
monarchs-when the commander exhibits a negative aspect of leader-
ship, while Ferdinand and Isabel display an enlightened philosophy
regarding the rights of the people in relation to government.
The versification in Fuenteovejuna is consistent with Lope's theories
as expressed in his Arte nuevo. Employing seven verse forms to fit the
moods, characters, and situations in the play, he uses the traditional
octosyllabic verse forms more frequently than the ltalianate seven- or
eleven-syllable lines. The poetic language, which displays richness in
imagery, racy dialogue, and vivid narratives, contributes to the excellence
for which this drama is known, and the binary structure, which pro-
ceeds from disorder to order restored, provides the basis by which the
play can be studied from the semiotic critical approach. 20
Together with the play just discussed, Peribaiiez y el comendador
de Ocana (Peribaiiez and the Commander of Ocana, 1605-12) and Los
54 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

comendadores de Cordoba (The Knight-Commanders of Cordova,

1598), which will be classified as an honor-vengeance play and discussed
later, are considered to be the first in a long series of Lope's plays that
depict oppressed but rich peasants who rebel against their tyrannical
overlords.
Peribanez resembles Fuenteovejuna in subject matter and stylistic
structure. Whereas Fuenteovejuna is drawn from history and deals with
collective vengeance, Peribanez is based on an excerpt from a popular
ballad and is concerned with an individual's honor. The main plot has
as its protagonist a well-to-do peasant, Peribafiez, who protects the
honor of his wife, Casilda, by killing her assailant, the commander of
Ocafia, and the two servants who have betrayed Peribafiez-Ines and
Lujan. In the surprising outcome of the play, the king declares that
the murder was justified although the victim was of the nobility, and
Peribafiez is made a nobleman in a knighting ceremony. An impor-
tant element in this play's theme is the ritualistic restoration of damaged
honor. 21 The secondary action pertains to the historical events when
King Henry III (reigned 1390-1406) is preparing for war against the
Moors.
A study of this comedia uncovers the playwright's sensitivity to the
cultural developments and social problems of his time. By depicting
two worlds-that of the unassuming Peribanez, who is attached to coun-
try life, and that of the refined comendador, who represents courtier
life-the poet presents colorful contrasts characteristic of the Ren-
aissance. Through the new obligations that Peribafiez assumes while
ascending into a higher social class, the poet is also able to compare
simple, virtuous country habits with the intricate, corrupt attitudes of
the aristocracy. By idealizing rural life and giving rustic characters the
traits of noblemen, he attempts to describe and justify the rapid growth
of the Spanish middle class. Because of its closely knit plot and simple,
unobstructing action and fine versification, Peribanez is regarded as a
model of poetic creation. 22
Since these heroic plays dealing with vital situations intrigued the
Spaniards, Lope continued to write on similar subjects. Another well-
known work in this group is El mejor alcalde, el rey (The King Is the
Best judge, 1620-23 ), whose simple plot was inspired by a tale attributed
 Lope de Vega and the Comedia 55

to the twelfth-century King Alfonso VII and contained in the fourth

part of the Cr6nica General. The play deals with two young villagers,
Sancho and Elvira, who invite the Infanz6n, or liege lord, Don Tello,
to their wedding. Captivated by Elvira's beauty, Tello carries her off
for himself. When Sancho implores the king for justice, Alfonso VII
sends Tello a letter of reprimand and orders him to return the bride
to the groom. Tello haughtily disobeys the royal order, and the monarch,
disguised as an alcalde (mayor), personally goes to the town with other
judges to administer the law. After the king is told about Elvira's
dishonor and is mocked by Tello, he reveals his true identity and obliges
the nobleman to marry Elvira. After the wedding Don Tello is beheaded
and the bride inherits half of his estate and marries Sancho. The thematic
content of this play reveals the dramatist's conception that human justice
must be satisfied on both the civic and the personal level, and that mar-
riage should be based on mutual love. One of the most frequently staged
and printed among the classical plays of the Spanish Golden Age, El
mejor alcalde, el rey has also appealed to foreign audiences, as can be
witnessed by its translation into many other languages.
Another play, almost identical to El mejor alcalde, el rey, is El rey
don Pedro en Madrid y el infonz6n de Illescas (King Peter in Madrid
and the Liege Lord oflllescas, 1618?), whose authorship has been at-
tributed also to Tirso de Molina. 23 The romantic story in this comedia
deals with the dissipated life of the Infanz6n don Tello Garda. While
traveling incognito, King Pedro I (reigned 1350-69) meets two peasant
women, Elvira and her maid Ginesa, who report that they have been
seduced by the Infanz6n and his servant, Cordero. Still disguised as
a traveler, the monarch visits Tello Garda, who treats him with scorn.
When the victims bring their case to court, Tello Garda is summoned
before the king. In the courtroom scene the king first hurriedly tries
four cases before hearing the women's complaints. After he sentences
the Infanz6n and his servant to death, the women implore the king
to save the men's lives, and the monarch absolves them on condition
that they will marry the women.
Although the play's theme is the recovery of lost honor, its motif
underlines King Pedro's human qualities and judicious attitude toward
his vassals. The change of his first historical appelation, "el Cruel,"
56 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

for the later "elJusticiero" perhaps stresses the progression of Pedro's

character as he matured from a romantic young man to a just ruler.
King Pedro's play-within-a-play appearance as a nobleman was yet
another dramatic technique of which the poet availed himself to display
the authentic king's fondness for entering into the life around him.
Although the story about the historical king is taken from an early period
of his reign, there are numerous semiotic references to his death at the
hand of his brother: the repeated use of the phrase ser piedra ("to
become stone"); the appearance before Pedro of the ghost of a murdered
priest, who exposes the Carthusian concept of memento mori
("remember that you must die"); and the night visits to the king of
his half brother, Henry II ofTrastamara (1369-79), who is friendly but,
among other deeds, returns to the king a dagger he happens to have
found. These foreboding suggestions give the play an additional dimen-
sion, since Spaniards in the seventeenth century and others in later
generations were well versed about the life of Peter the Cruel. 24
In numerous other comedias in the cycle of heroic-honor plays, Lope
de Vega showed great interest in Pedro I. These include La nina de
plata (The Stunning Beauty, 1610-12), Audiencias del reyDon Pedro
(The Royal Hearings ofKing Pedro, 1613-20); Lo cierto por lo dudoso
(The Finding of Truth through Doubting, 1620-24), and La carbonera
(The Charcoal-Burner Girl, 1623-26).
The playwright wrote another series of heroic plays about unrestrained
young kings. Among them are Fuerza lastimosa (Pitzful Power,
1595-1603), Servircon mala estrella (To Serve with Bad Luck, 1604-08),
La batalla del honor (The Battle of Honor, 1608), and El poder en el
discreto (The Power in Being Discreet, 1623). Outstanding in this group
is La Estrella de Sevzlla (The Star of Sevzlle, 1623?), which until 1920
was considered to be Lope's work but whose authorship has since been
called into question. 25 This play was neglected until the Romantic
period, since its unflattering portrayal of a king was unpalatable to
seventeenth-century Spaniards. When Candido Maria Trigueros recast
the longer version of the play in 1800, entitling it Sancho Ortiz de las
Roe/as, interest in the play was revived. Subsequent editions follow his
adaptation, and abridged versions have been translated into English,
French, German, Italian, and Polish.
 Lope de Vega and the Comedia 57

An interesting play with tragic import, La Estrella is historically based

on the first days after Sancho IV (the Brave) became king of Spain in
1284. Although the plot is purely fictional, the play contains the local
color of that period in the resplendent capital at Seville, which was also
a major Spanish port. The play opens with the king's entry into the
city. He is immediately attracted by Estrella's beauty and begins to
scheme with the assistance of his unscrupulous minister, Arias, to seduce
her. After learning that she is the younger sister of Busto Tavera, the
king informs Busto that he wishes to find a suitable husband for Estrella
and give her a dowry. During Busto's absence, Estrella's slave maid con-
sents to lead the king to her lady's boudoir in exchange for her freedom.
When the monarch attempts to enter Estrella's room, Busto unexpected-
ly returns and forbids the king's entrance.
Complications deepen when the furious king, influenced by Arias
to avenge his dishonor, instructs Estrella's fiance, Sancho Ortiz, to slay
an enemy of the state. Upon reading the king's letter and learning the
true identity of the victim, Ortiz is forced to make an agonizing choice
between love and duty. Deciding to obey the king, Ortiz kills his future
brother-in-law, thus dishonoring Estrella and her family. Ortiz is im-
prisoned, since neither he nor the king reveals who gave the order to
kill Busto. Although Estrella is then permitted by the king to judge
the killer of her brother, she goes in disguise to the prison and offers
her fiance freedom and forgiveness. She later declares to the king that
she cannot marry Ortiz because the murder would hang over them too
heavily. At the end of the play the problems are resolved unsatisfac-
torily, since Ortiz goes voluntarily into exile and the king promises to
give Estrella in marriage to another partner; however, it is presumed
that she chooses to enter a convent.
The dramatic and swift-moving action in La Estrella provides substan-
tial suspense, and the episodes unfold with the inevitability of fate.
Although the play lacks a subplot, which could have been used to
develop the dramatic action more fully, the friendship of Busto and
Sancho and the love between Busto and his sister are motives that re-
inforce the theme.
The play's theme, dealing with notions of chivalrous loyalty to a king,
concerns a young ruler who chooses to disregard the social requirements
58 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

of his monarchical position and succumb to his personal desires. The

conflict created by the impulsive monarch points to the inconsistencies
in the prevailing Spanish concept that a man's honor cannot be
violated-not even by a king-and that the supreme authority of a
sovereign requires all his subjects to be servile. The dilemma the king
faces, his human weaknesses, and his final admission of wrong-doing
reveal the playwright's doubts about the divine right of kings. The
truculent conduct of the monarch, furthermore, shows the dramatist's
intent to parallel the historical figure of Sancho the Brave and probably
also to make contemporary inferences.
The polymetric versification in La Estrella de Sevilla possesses unusual
grace. Occasionally, however, inconsistencies occur because of missing
verses and the inclusion of assonance in the rhymed strophes. Elsewhere,
the spontaneous poetic language sometimes becomes affected with
euphuistic metaphors and comparisons.

Plays with Themes ofHonor and Vengeance. One of the most interesting
aspects of the comedia, the motif of vengeance, is usually precipitated
by an honor problem. The sentiment of honor as portrayed in Spanish
Golden Age drama cannot, however, be called exclusively a Hispanic
phenomenon, since it had been a part of chivalresque and courtier
behavior in Western European medieval and Renaissance cultures.
Reflected also in the laws since the time of the Visigoths and the Moors
in Spain, the concept of honor appeared in various forms early in Spanish
dramatic literature-a father's honor in La Celestina, a brother's honor
in Torres Naharro's Comedia Himenea, and national honor in Cer-
vantes' El cerco de Numancia-before becoming a prominent motif
in Lope de Vega's plays.
Among the customs pertaining to survival within a village community
in a feudal society, the authority of a man as the head of his family
unit was of prime importance. The early outside cultural influences,
together with the qualities of courage and honor that were esteemed
in the early Castilian warriors, ingrained in the Spaniard a driving
responsibility to defend his family name and personal honor. Since his
reputation was his highest priority, vengeance was required if his honor
should be stained. One of the most serious disgraces he could suffer
 Lope de Vega and the Comedia 59

was an offense against his wife or daughter. Any insult had to be quickly
avenged; otherwise his prestige and that of his family would remain
tarnished. Likewise, in accordance with law as early as the Visigoths,
the punishment of an erring woman was a swift death at the hands
of a father or brother. Condemnation to live out her life in a convent
was a later alternative. A husband's cruelty in putting an unfaithful
wife to death by bleeding was a remnant of chivalresque practices. A
gentleman's honorable behavior, furthermore, assimilated qualities of
a courtier during the Italian Renaissance.
Two distinct divisions within the theme of honor can be discerned.
One is related to the immanence of manliness and the other is con-
cerned whith social reputation. The first deals with a nobleman's per-
sonal esteem and self-affirmation, which is based on the fact that he
is an old Christian. In the second, the problems of conjugal honor as
viewed by the public ate treated casuistically, and each honor-vengeance
play contains a distinct and individual solution. 26
During Lope de Vega's time, the public was zealously fond of dramas
whose actions revolved around themes of honor. To the Spaniard, the
discussion of honor had to include certain prescribed components. Just
as love cannot exist without jealousy, dishonor could not subsist without
revenge. Although the honor problem exists in the conflicts of a large
number of comedias, the application of the sacrosanct principles of pun-
donor (the code of honor) was linked dogmatically to the sacrament
of marriage. Adultery was punished by death, much like the cutting
off of the erring hand to save the rest of the body in Hebraic law. Thus
an adulterous wife had to be sacrificed for the preservation of a man's
honor. The code of honor, furthermore, upheld the importance of
silence, secrecy, prudence, and intrigue.
A number of Lope de Vega's plays that deal with some aspect of
honor, even those ending happily, display his compliance with the fun-
damental principles of honor. The tragedy for probably his eatliest honor
play, Los comendadores de Cordoba (The Knight-Commanders of Cor-
dova), was inspired by an Andalusian ballad. In defense of his con-
jugal honor, an outraged alderman in Cordova, Fernan Alonso, kills
his adulterous wife, her two knight-lovers, and even his own servants
and the animals on his land, in order to destroy all the witnesses to
60 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

the dishonor. In his frenzy the wronged husband expresses the exag-
gerated Spanish idea of honor, as Lope interpreted it, as man's highest
value. The brutal motives pertaining to lust and blood, the spontaneous
action, and the lively dialogue made this drama exceptionally popular
with the Spanish audience. This play anticipates the characteristics this
genre was to take; nonetheless, in later honor plays vengeance is often
sought on mere suspicion of a female's wrongdoing.
The plot in El medico de su honra (The Surgeon of His Honor) 27
centers around a husband's suspicion of adultery. The Infante Enrique
falls in love with a married woman, Dofi.a Mayor, who resists his ad-
vances. Although her husband, Jacinto, knows she is innocent, he feels
obliged to erase any suspicions of dishonor and hires a barber to bleed
her to death. King Pedro el Cruel accepts Jacinto's explication and of-
fers to him the hand of Margarita. The play ends with preparations for
the wedding and for the burial of Dofi.a Mayor. Calderon later used
the same title and theme for one of his most famous plays. Although
Lope's play excels for its spontaneous action and simplicity of versifica-
tion, Calderon's became more famous because the love conflict in his
play was more logically developed.
In another Lopean drama on the theme of vengeance for dishonor,
El alcalde de Zalamea (The Mayor of Zalamea), it is not the women
but their seducers who are punished. The plot is based on a story that
circulated in Spain in 1580 after the Spanish army went to Portugal
to unite that country with the Spanish crown. Two captains in a military
troop stay overnight in Zalamea and seduce the two daughters of the
town's mayor. In order to vindicate his stained honor, the mayor re-
quests the officers to marry his daughters; when they refuse, they are
hanged. In this work the playwright again expressed his sympathy for
a municipality that was struggling for freedom against the nobility. This
worthy play by Lope was soon forgotten because Calderon's drama by
the same title, written soon afterward, rendered a more masterful in-
terpretation of the subject.
In Las paces de los reyes y judia de Toledo (The Reconciliation of
the Royal Couple and thejewess of Toledo, 1610-12), the legendary
love of Alfonso VIII (reigned 1158-1214) is unfolded. According to
sources in the chronicles, theJewess Rachel of Toledo was put to death
 Lope de Vega and the Comedia 61

by vengeful Spanish noblemen because the king was so enamored of

her that he neglected his official duties. To gain dramatic interest, the
poet makes the jealous queen, Leonor, responsible for Rachel's death.
After the Jewess dies, the king repents before the queen and they are
reconciled. Although the unity of action is broken by the historical lapse
of time between the first and second acts, the play's superb poetic quality
and its intriguing treatment of romantic love contributed to its success
in Spain and abroad. Later dramatists-Mira de Amescua, Diamante,
and Grillparzer (an Austrian)-were inspired to write on the same
subject.
In El castigo sin venganza (Punishment without Revenge, 1631 ), Lope
illustrated the carrying out of vengeance to an extreme to demonstrate
how shallow the principles of honor could become. Based on a dramatic
story from an Italian novella by Bandello, 28 the play raises the ques-
tion of the wisdom of matrimonial matches which go against the natural
love between two young people. At the suggestion of the town coun-
cilors, a middle-aged libertine, the Duke of Ferrara, marries a young
noblewoman, Casandra. After the duke learns that his new wife has
seduced his illegitimate son, Federico, he imposes a severe punishment.
In a darkened room he ties Casandra to a chair and covers her with a
pall so that she cannot move or speak. Then he orders his son to enter
the room and kill the "conspirator" there. Obeying, Federico realizes
too late what he has done. Meanwhile, the duke calls the guards to
kill the assassin, which they do.
Although the duke makes reference to the biblical account of the
incestuous love between Amnon and Tamar, the playwright was prob-
ably recalling in this play the love of Prince Carlos (the weakling son
of Philip II) for his stepmother, Isabel of Valois. He may also have been
alluding to the dissolute life of Philip IV ofLope's time, since the play
was not staged for some time after its premiere.
Written in the poet's later years, El castigo sin venganza is considered
to be the most perfect of his dramas of honor because of the complexi-
ty of circumstances within the action. Its title alludes to the coldness
with which a man seeks to restore his honor. Instead of seeking public
vengeance, the duke inflicts a private one, using first his son, who caused
the injury, and then the palace guards. The ironic suggestion that there
62 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

is "punishment without revenge" is not fulfilled in the way that might

be expected. Casandra avenges herself against a wandering husband,
who has married her without love, by engaging in an affair with his
illegitimate son; but she pays the price of death for her mistake. The
consequences of the duke's cruel actions, moreover, prove him to be
the loser because he destroys credibility with his own people, who wanted
him to preserve his dynasty.
In an age when plays about cuckoldry contained ludicrous incidents
and ended comically, Lope chose to change the usual stock characters
into passionate beings who spontaneously bring about the tragic out-
come. He succeeded in dramatizing the notions popular in Spain about
honor and the virtue of vengeance. The duke's Machiavellian action
to restore his damaged honor through the instigation of barbaric crimes
and to preserve his image as a just ruler is in exact contradiction to Chris-
tian justice based on forgiveness. It has been suggested, furthermore,
that since the duke seems to accept responsibility for the role he im-
itates, Lope made him appear to have taken over his own function as
the playwright and he can therefore be called a "metagonist. " 29
Each of Lope's numerous other honor plays dealing with adulterous
love, real or imagined, provides a different set of circumstances for this
theme. In El castigo del discreto (The Punishment of the Discreet,
1598-1601), the husband, while pretending to be his wife's lover, gives
the real lover an exemplary beating when he makes his appearance. In
Las ferias de Madrid (The Fair of Madrid, 1585-89), a father kills his
son-in-law so that his adulterous daughter can marry her lover. In La
locura porIa honra (Madness Caused by Honor, 1610-12), a husband
murders his adulterous wife, since he does not dare to challenge his
rival, a crown prince.
A vengeance play not concerned with a jealous husband's honor is
El bastardo Muda"a (The Bastard Muda"a, 1612). Based on a twelfth-
century version of an epic about the seven princes of Lara and on
elements from an old ballad and tradition, this play centers around
betrayal and vengeance in one of the most interesting sagas to come
from the tenth century. During the wedding festivities of Dona Lam-
bra, one of her servants is killed during a petty quarrel by the youngest
of seven brothers. Affronted by this incident that has marred her wed-
ding, she seeks revenge by betraying the brothers' father, Gonzalo
 Lope de Vega and the Comedia 63

Bustos, to the Moors. When the brothers attempt to free their father
from prison in Cordoba, they are betrayed by Ruy Velazquez, their uncle
and Lambra's husband. The seven are beheaded by the Moors, who
send their heads to the imprisoned father. Years later, an illegitimate
son of Bustos by a Moorish princess, Arlaja, avenges the deaths of his
half brothers by killing Velazquez and burning Lambra at the stake.
This intriguing play, whose subject had already been used by Cueva,
can be compared for its treatment of tragedy with Sophocles' Electra
and Shakespeare's King Lear.

Plays on Spanish History. Lope de Vega's predilection for writing

military and historical plays can be seen throughout his long career.
For these plays he drew largely on chronicles and recorded history. Us-
ing the medieval chronicles, he put on the stage stories about a variety
of Spanish kings and historical or legendary events from the time of
Pelayo to his own. He was skillful in popularizing the old epics, even
though his historico-epic plays are not always to be trusted for detailed
historical accuracy.
A wide range of historical events can be found in Lope's plays, but
since a complete list that would include both major and minor themes
would be endless, I shall deal only with several from different periods
of history. In La amistad pagada (Friendship Repaid, 1604) Lope
depicted the war between the ancient Cantabrians and their Roman
conquerors. Comedia de Bamba (The Play of King Bamba, 1598)
reenacts the anarchy that caused the disintegration of the Gothic monar-
chy. In El ultimo godo (The Last Goth, 1599-1603) the death of Rodrigo
and the Moslem victory are shown. In El casamiento en Ia muerte (The
Wedding in Death, 1597) and Las mocedades de Bernardo del Carpio
(The Youthful Deeds of Bernardo del Carpio, 1599-1608), the legen-
dary Spanish hero is dramatized. As previously indicated, the princes
of Lara appear in a play about vengeance, El bastardo Mudarra, and
the Cid is personified in Las almenas de Toro (The Merlons of Toro,
1610-13). Las fomosas asturianas (The Famous Asturian Women,
1610-12) is based on the legendary account of the annual Christian gift
of one hundred maidens to the Moslems, and its discontinuance.
Sancho the Great of Navarra (reigned 1000-1035) emerges as a pro-
tagonist in El testimonio vengado (Testimony Avenged, 1596-1603).
64 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

Presenting in this play the clashing personalities of the medieval king's

sons, Don Garda and Don Ramiro, the dramatist alludes to the
sociopolitical conflict that existed in the late fifteenth century. Alfonso
VIII appears in the previously mentioned Las paces de los reyes (The
Reconciliation of the Royal Couple) and in La corona merecida (The
Deserved Crown, 1603), and Enrique III is depicted in Porfiar hasta
morir (To Persist untzl Death, 1624-28) and El hidalgo Bence"aie (The
Moorish Nobleman, 1605-06). The excesses of the nobility during the
reign of Ferdinand of Aragon (1492) are portrayed in La inocente sangre
(The Innocent Blood, 1604-08) and El ga/an de Ia Membrilla (The
Gallant of Membrzlla, 1615).
The theme of El me/or mozo de Espana (Spain's Fairest Son, 1610-11)
is the unification of Spain under Isabel and Ferdinand. The wars be-
tween the Christians and Moors and the civil wars of the Moslems are
reflected in several plays, including Ramirez de Arellano (1604-08) and
Las cuentas del Gran Capitan (The Accounts of the Great Captain's
Exploits, 1614-19). Spain's participation in the discovery and conquest
of America is observed in El Nuevo mundo descubierto (The Discovery
of the New World, 1598-1603 ). Events that occurred during the time
of Emperor Charles V are represented in El cerco de Viena par Carlos
V (The Siege of Vienna by Charles V, 1598-1603), and Carlos V en
Francia (Charles V in France, 1604). Spain's imperial military deeds
abroad are also depicted in La Santa Liga (The Holy League, 1595-1603)
and El asalto de Mastrz"que por el Principe de Parma (The Assault of
Mastrz"que by the Prince of Parma, 1600-1606).
Since the theater was a channel for information and a means of arous-
ing patriotism, Lope also made use of events from his own time. Thus
he chose to give an account of a victorious battle in Flanders that was
won by Don Gonzalo de Cordoba, the brother of the Duke of Sessa
(his patron) in La nueua victorza de don Gonzalo de Cordoua (The New
Victory of Gonzalo de Cordoua, 1622). While many other historical
plays by Lope de Vega are extant, many of those listed in his E1 peregrina
en su patna have presumably been lost.

Plays Based on Popular Ballads. Toward the end of the sixteenth cen-
tury popular ballads, some of which had their origin in long medieval
epics, became a major branch of Spanish literature and achieved deserved
 Lope de Vega and the Comedia 65

status as serious literature. Handed down by oral tradition, they were

first printed in single editions and were later included in the Cancionero
de romances (before 1550), the Primera parte de Ia Silva de varios
romances (1550), and the widely-known Romancero general (1600). As
a young lyric poet, Lope de Vega imitated the popular balladry in his
verses; many of them are found in the Romancero general. He was also
the most brilliant of the Spanish poets to use fragments of these ballads
as sources for dramatic works. Since the old ballads were well known
and appealed to the Spaniards, the interpolation of portions of unfin-
ished ballads within the plays was popularly accepted. 30
Like Fuenteovejuna and Pen'bafiez, discussed above, El caballero de
Olmedo (The Knight from Olmedo, 1622) is a comedia based on a por-
tion of a popular ballad. Also resembling a play of manners with a love
intrigue, El caballero de Olmedo begins innocently as a gentleman,
Alonso, seeks to gain the hand of a beautiful lady, Ines. He secures
the aid of Fabia (a Celestina-like go-between) and his squire, who goes
in disguise to Ines's house to teach her Latin. They are successful in
persuading the young lady to choose Alonso over two other suitors,
Rodrigo and Fernando, and a private meeting between Ines and Alon-
so is arranged. The two rivals jealously spy on them, however, and hatred
continues to grow in Rodrigo's heart, even after Alonso saves his life
during a bullfight. A fatalistic mood is introduced in act 3 when Alon-
so travels to his parents' home in Olmedo and hears a peasant singing
"Que de noche le mataron" ("At Night They Killed Him"). Like a
ghost, the peasant disappears quickly after warning Alonso to turn back.
Resolved to continue, however, Alonso walks into the path of his rivals,
who fight with him before Rodrigo's servant fatally shoots Alonso.
Lope de Vega based this play's action, together with Rodrigo's
jealousy and scorn for his rival, on a ballad pertaining to the time of
Juan II (reigned 1406-54). The song in the third act can be traced to
a Castilian folksong whose story symbolically makes use of a goldfinch
and a hawk to suggest Alonso's character and to give foreboding warn-
ings of his deathY The dramatist was also influenced by La Celestina
and probably by an earlier play of the same title by Cristobal de Morales,
though both playwrights may have obtained their stories independently
from oral tradition.
The dramatic technique in El caballero de Olmedo attains a high
66 SPANISH GoLDEN AGE DRAMA

level of expression, and the poetic language possesses both grace and
melody. Numerous contrasting elements-romantic love and ironical
death, and idle jests and portentous presages that can be found in the
bullfight and the ghostly appearance-contribute to give this play the
popularity it attained in the Golden Age.
As a matter of interest, Lope de Vega's fondness for presenting ghosts
on the stage can be observed in, among other plays, El marques de
las Navas (1624). In this vengeance play he dramatized a contemporary
tale about a nobleman, Leonardo from Toledo, who, after abandoning
his mistress Feliciana and their illegitimate daughter, arrives in Madrid
to marry another woman and finds death at the hands of the marquis
of Navas. At the end of the play Leonardo's ghost appears before the
marquis, asking him to arrange for Feliciana's marriage to a suitable
panner, which the marquis does.

Plays about Foreign History. Although the great master, as we have

already seen, used Spanish history in many of his plays, he also wrote
several historical plays about foreign events. The best known of those
dealing with Portuguese history, which was the most frequently used,
are El principe perfecto (The Perfect Prince, 1616), El duque de Viseo
(The Duke of Vi.reo, 1608-09), La discreta venganza (The Discreet
Vengeance, 1620), El guante de dona Blanca (The Glove ofDoiia Blan-
ca, 1630-34), and El mas galan portugues (The Greatest Portuguese
Gallant, 1610-12). In these and other plays on foreign historical mat-
ters, Lope did not feel constrained to follow history carefully; Spain's
seventeenth-century milieu is much in evidence.
Spanish local color is also prevalent in his dramas on ancient history,
such as El esc/avo de Roma (The Slave ofRome, 1596-1603), El honrado
hermano (The Honest Brother, 1598-1600), Roma abrasada (Rome in
Ashes, 1598-1600), Las grandezas de Alejandro (The Great Deeds of
Alexander, 1604-8), and Contra valor no hay desdicha y pn"mero rey
de Persia (Bravery Conquers Everything and the First King of Persia,
1625-30). The protagonists in these plays-Androcles, Horatius, Nero,
Alexander, and Xerxes-have the personalities of Spanish kings and
nobles rather than those of ancient rulers.
During the reign of Charles V historical works and epic poems ex-
 Lope de Vega and the Comedia 67

alting the Spanish Habsburg dynasty began to appear. Under this in-
fluence Lope de Vega rendered homage to the Spanish representatives
of the Austrian dynasty. The best-known of these plays are La Impenal
de Ot6n (The Impenal Crown of0t6n, 1595-1601) and El rey sin reino
(The King without a Kingdom, 1599-1612). Both plays are concerned
with dynastic disputes in Central and Eastern Europe.
In La impenal de Ot6n, Lope dramatizes the election of a Habsburg,
Rudolph I (1273), to the throne of the Holy Roman Empire.3 2 The
play deals with the tragic story of one of the pretenders, Ot6n (historical-
ly, Ottokar II of Bohemia, 1230-78), who, under the influence of his
ambitious wife, Etelfrida, seeks to regain the throne. The Spanish
pretender to the throne, Alfonso X, is represented by his ambassador,
Juan of Toledo. No doubt Alfonso's claims to the imperial crown
motivated Lope to write this play, whose theme is ambition that destroys
an otherwise successful king.
The detailed historical facts in this play, which are provided
sporadically in long monologues, point to the fact that the playwright
had not yet fully developed his skill in weaving historical material evenly
into the fabric of a plot. The amorous subplot suggested in the first
act is left unfinished; thus the opportunity to end the play in the fashion
of a comedia de capay espada is also missed.
The historical setting for the first rwo acts of El rey sin reino, which
is also concerned with dynastic disputes in central Europe, is the four-
year period 1440-44, when the rule in Hungary ofWladislausJagellon
of Poland was challenged by the Austrian Habsburgs, who wanted to
place the posthumously born son of Alben on the throne. 33 The events
presented in the last act took place thirteen years later, when Matthias
Hunyadi, the younger son of a famous general, finally became the
Hungarian king. For the play Lope followed the complicated historical
facts with surprising accuracy, but he displayed the ability to achieve
dramatic unity by giving the impression that the space of time berween
the murder of Lasslo Hunyadi, the older son of the general,who was
the people's favorite, and the young Austrian king's mysterious death
was only two days, when historically eight months lapsed between the
two deaths.
Lope's ability to condense the complicated affairs of other Hungarian
68 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

and Polish royal families within the confines of a play can be seen in
La reinajuana de Napoles (The Queen of Naples, 1597-1603) and La
corona de Hungria (The Crown of Hungary, 1623). The historical
background for El gran duque de Moscovia (1606), moreover, centers
around Russian and Polish affairs. After Tsar Ivan the Terrible died in
1584, he was succeeded by his sickly older son, Fedor, who was over-
thrown and murdered by his brother-in-law, Boris Godunov in 1591.
Rumors that Ivan's younger son, Demetrius (who was presumed also
to have been murdered) was living in Poland, spread when Boris's firm
rule became unpopular during a famine. In a bloody uprising Boris
was killed and the alleged Demetrius was crowned as tsar. in 1605. The
new ruler's popularity lasted only eleven months, however, because he
married a Polish princess; he was killed during an insurrection in 1606
and was succeeded by Vasily Shuisky.
Since Lope's play ends showing Demetrius alive and the master of
the empire, he presumably wrote the play before news of Demetrius's
tragic end reached Spain. 34 His most probable source was a Spanish
translation of an account of the events by Antonio Possevino, who had
been a special envoy of Pope Gregory XIII to mediate peace between
Russia and Poland in 1581 and who returned to Venice in 1605. 35
The characters in these and other early historical plays, except for
La corona de Hungria, are not as fully delineated as those in the
playwright's later works. The protagonists do not undergo a change of
character, as is true in his more mature plays. Instead of creating a strong
protagonist in each play, who would appear throughout the action, Lope
de Vega gave importance to each of the several personages as they would
appear in a historical source. Thus, in his early career he placed more
emphasis on history than on character development.

"Comedias de costumbres" and Novelesque Plays. Social conventions,

Spanish habits, and traditional practices are a part of most of Lope de
Vega's plays. A number of his plays are comedias de costumbres (com-
edies of manners), which depict stereotyped characters in the colorful
milieu of seventeenth-century Spanish country, city, or court life. The
young protagonists in these plays are mostly pleasure-seeking, selfish
noblemen.
Some of his comedies of manners have subjects that glorify idyllic
 Lope de Vega and the Comedia 69

life, such as El vzllano en su rincon (The Peasant's House Is His Castle,

1614-1616), which reflects an admiration for country life and thus
repeats the beatus tile theme in Horace's work. In this play the country
life of an old, rich peasant, Juan Labrador, is set against the burden-
some requirements of high society. Living on a farm near Paris, "John
Farmer" enjoys a life of patriarchal independence. After accepting a
royal invitation to live at the court for a while, the peasant concludes
that he does not need the king as much as the king needs him. Labrador
remains convinced of the superiority of rural existence and even expresses
fear that court life will corrupt him. Nevertheless, his rivalrous opposi-
tion turns into genuine friendship for the king, and as the play closes
the peasant becomes the king' s steward and the monarch promises to
become God's steward. Thus both live up to their roles in a monar-
chical society. One of Lope's most ambitious works, El vi/lana en su
rincon contains a characteristic theme of the comedia-admiration for
country life. Within the other theme, pertaining to glorification of royal-
ty, however, the dramatist found opportunity to discuss the merits of
parental duties, civic obligations, and honesty.3 6
Another idyllic comedia de costumbres, in two parts, is Los Tellos
de Meneses (The Telloses of Meneses, 1625-30), which depicts the
domestic and patriarchal side of life within the Spanish nobility, as op-
posed to their military life.
A comedy of manners dealing with city life is La prueba de los amigos
(The Test of Friendship, 1604). This play exemplifies the wide range
of sources from which Lope de Vega drew for his subjects, plots, and
dramatic devices. He was indebted to Boiardo' s II Tim one for the play's
dramatic framework and theme, to the biblical parable about the prodi-
gal son for its subject, and to the tone of La Celestina for its situation.
The characters can be compared to those in the apologues in El conde
Lucanor (Count Lucanor, 1335) by the Infante Juan Manuel, while the
dramatic devices of mistaken identity and the deus ex machina techni-
que were borrowed from the Roman comedy of Terence and Plautus.
The play's main action centers around Feliciano, who dissolutely
squanders his inheritance on his friends only to find that all of them
abandon him when he runs out of money, except his fiancee, Leonar-
da, and his servant, Galindo.
A number of comedias de costumbres were derived from Italian
70 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

novelle and Byzantine and chivalresque stories. The poet drew upon
a novel by Bandello for a macabre comedia, La dzfunta pleitada (The
Disputed Deceased, 1593-95), in which a recently married woman who
falls into a coma, is buried alive. Her lover brings her back to life and
makes plans to marry her. During the wedding the first husband
recognizes her, claims her, and takes her away. Caste/vines y Monteses
(1606-12) follows another novel by Bandello, which was also used by
Shakespeare in writing Romeo andjuliet. The Spanish play, however,
ends happily with the marriage of the lovers and peace between the
quarrelling families.
Sources from Boccaccio are evident in several plays. El halc6n de
Federico (Feden·co's Hawk, 1601-05) is about a poor nobleman who,
through constancy, wins the affections of a lady. A picaresque play,
El anzuelo de Fenisa (Femsa's Lure, 1604-06), depicts a beautiful
counesan who makes a fonune by taking advantage of rich businessman,
but she loses all she gains when a Spaniard cheats her. La discreta
enamorada (The Discreet Girl in Love, 1606) contains an amorous in-
trigue in which a young lady marries her lover even though her mother
wants her to marry his father. In Los ramilletes de Madnd (The Flowers
of Madn"d, 1615) and No son todos ruiseflores (Not All Are
Nightingales, 1630) the lovers, disguised as gardeners, serve in their
fiancees' households and marry them after all obstacles are removed.
Those plays based on Giraldi Cinthio's novels possess more of a
moralizing tone' than those based on Bandello. They are El hzjo ven-
turoso (The Happy Son, 1588-95), Elfovoragradecz"do (Recovered Grace,
1593), Piadoso veneciano (The Pious Venetian, 1599-1608), and La
discordia en los casados (Discord between the Married Couple, 1611).
Influence from a Byzantine novel can be observed in Los tres diamantes
(Three Diamonds, 1599-1603) and La doncella Teodora (The Maiden
Theodora, 1610-12).
Lope de Vega drew little from his own life experiences in developing
the plots for his plays. In addition to borrowing from the sultry tales
in Italian novelle, he repeatedly brought to dramatic life the medieval
romantic, chivalresque stories coming from European literature. His
novelesque plays dealing with the Carolingian theme are derived from
the Italian current rather than the French. Based on exaltation of the
 Lope de Vega and the Comedia 71

virtues of honor, Platonic love, and the sentiment of Christian chivalry,

his chivalresque plays are El nacimiento de Urson y Valentin (The Birth
of Orson and Valentine, 1588-95), Los celos de Rodamonte (The
Jealousy ofRodamonte, 1595?), El marques de Mantua (The Marquis
ofMantua, 1596), Las pobrezas de Reinaldo (The Hardships ofReinaldo,
1599), La mocedad de Roldan (The Youth afRo/dan, 1599-1603), Los
palacios de Galiana (The Palaces of Galiana, 1602), and El premia de
Ia hermosura (The Reward of Beauty, 1609-20).

Cloak-and-Sword Plays. From the beginning of the sixteenth century,

romantic plays evolved out of a period of elaborate artistic workman-
ship, but they were not called comedias de capay espada (cloak-and-
sword plays) until the time of Lope de Vega. Beginning generally as
superficial, declamatory plays, they finally attained the character of the
specific dramatic genre of which Lope de Vega was especially fond. These
remarkably popular plays acquired their name from the dress of the
gallant gentlemen of seventeenth-century aristocratic and middle-class
life who were portrayed. The outdoor garment of these cavaliers became
an impressive theatrical costume, since it could be swung about to ex-
press passion, and the sword became an indispensable stage property
not only for theatrical duels but also for the actor to fling out occa-
sionally when emphasizing an issue.
The complicated amorous intrigues and adventures in these plays are
centered around questions of honor, jealousy, and revenge. While the
main plots present the ingenious schemes of galanes or damas, their
actions are paralleled by the adventures of their graciosos or criadas and
other sets of characters. They often carry out their plans through the
use of confusing disguises and skirmishes. Frequently the plots become
entangled with complicated love triangles, which are usually happily
resolved in the end with the reunion of the estranged lovers and dou-
ble or triple weddings. The confusion they create, however, does not
go so far as to endanger the reputation of the women involved; thus
the comedias de capay espada are considered to be antithetical to the
honor dramas. Given the opportunity to invert accepted social behavior
and manners in these amusing plays of fantasy, the playwrights used
it to assess the social mores of their day without fear of being censured.
72 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

The cloak-and-sword plays can be divided into various subgroupings.

Most of Lope de Vega's are comedias de costumbres (plays of customs),
in which he invented plots out of his immense imagination and per-
sonallife experiences. Other cloak-and-sword plays are dramas of high
intrigue, and a few contain novelesque plots and characters, resembling
comedies of manners.
Some of Lope's plays which could be classified as comedias de costum-
bres present settings from Spanish summer festivals. In Santiago el verde
(St. james the Lesser, 1615), the plot, in which Celia and Garda
dishonestly attempt to foil the amorous pursuits of their friends Teodora
and Rodrigo, is woven around May Day celebrations at the Manzanares
River in Madrid. In La noche de San juan (The Midsummer Night,
1631), which was written in one day, the circumstantial amorous adven-
tures in the meager plot provide a framework to display the festivity,
with its elaborate costuming, of the magic night on June 24 when young
ladies, looking for independence and gaiety, fall in love and find their
husbands. Similarly, FJ arena/ de Sevtlla (The Riverside at Seville, 1603)
displays the colorful, exotic milieu of that busy Andalusian port, as a
group of young Sevillians enjoys an outdoor festivity.
Lope de Vega's most successful comedia de capay espada dealing
with customs is Amar sin saber a quien (To Fall in Love with an
Unknown, 1620-21). Excelling in disguises, adventures, love affairs, and
honor, its plot starts with the imprisonment of its protagonist, Juan,
who is mistakenly accused of murdering a famous fencer, Pedro. The
ttue killer, Fernando, asks his sister, Leonarda, to visit the imprisoned
man with financial aid. Although she sends her maid with a letter, Juan
falls in love with Leonarda, whom he has never seen. After Juan's in-
nocence is proved, Leonarda marries him. The conceptual title of this
unusually complicated play, which suggests the subtle idea that the im-
agination can create love, is reflected in the chivalric conduct and discrete
actions of the characters.
A play incorporating Moorish customs, in which Lope made exten-
sive use of the play-within-the-play technique, is El Argel fingido y
renegado de amor (The Renegade ofLove and His Make-Believe Algiers,
1599).37 In it Rosardo attempts to steal Flerida from her fiance,
Leonido, while Flerida's brother, Aureliano, pursues Flavia, who is in
 Lope de Vega and the Comedia 73

love with Manfredo, Leonido's brother. After Flerida spurns the wealthy
Rosardo, he announces his plans to join some Moorish pirates from
Algiers, but actually builds a fictitious Moorish fortress on a nearby island
and populates it with his servants, whom he calls his pirates. The play-
within-the-play continues when Leonido and Manfredo, disguised as
monks, gain entrance to the fortress. Each character attempts to alter
the events in his newly acquired identity until Rosardo abandons his
disguise. Although Rosardo has manipulated a favorable denouement
in his fictitious play, it works to his disadvantage in real life, since the
other players' love for each other is strengthened and his own for Flerida
is destroyed. The play ends as Manfredo is restored to Flavia and Leonido
wins Flerida.
Lope wrote a number of comedias de enredo (plays of high intrigue)
whose protagonists are women of strong character: La moza de ciintaro
(The Girl with the jug, 1625), La dama boba (Miss Simpleton, 1613),
and El acero de Madrid (The Iron Tonic of Madn"d, 1610). The most
outstanding among these, The Girl with the jug, portrays a pretty young
noblewoman, Maria, who kills a man who has dishonored her old father,
then escapes the law by moving to Madrid in the guise of a peasant
girl. While Marfa works as a kitchen maid, a gentleman, Juan, falls
in love with her, but they cannot marty until she is pardoned and her
identity is happily revealed. Although this play's action tells the story
of love and marriage in a popular setting, its theme is the restoration
of an gentleman's familial honor.
La dama boba, an entertaining drawing room comedy, illustrates the
love game, or jeux d'amour, of a simple young lady, Finea, who ac-
quires the ability to manipulate her suitors and cleverly outwits the in-
telligence of her sister and rival, Nise. Although Finea's naivete stands
out at first in contrast to Nise's affected superiority, Finea is gradually
transformed by love into an intelligent young lady and wins Lauren-
cio. While the distinct characteristics of the men in the play remain
unchanged-the pragmatist Laurencio appears to be seeking a rich
dowry, while Liseo regards intelligence and character in a woman as
more desirable, and Otavio, the practical father, desires only his
daughters' happiness-Finea seems to surrogate the playwright's original
intent for her. Assuming responsibility for her changing role, she in-
74 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

fluences the direction of the plot, thereby giving this comical and col-
orful comedia the qualities of a metaplay.
In the third of these plays, El acero de Madrid, Belisa teaches her
lover, Iisardo, to use his servant, Beltran, to deceive her father, Pruden-
do, by disguising himself as a doctor who will prescribe iron water and
long walks for her. The two lovers are able to enjoy some solitude
together, when a friend ofLisardo seduces Belisa's chaperone, Teodora.
Her father's opposition to the marriage is overcome when Belisa's
pregnancy is revealed. Teodora is punished, and the illicit behavior of
the couple is rewarded. Despite the social obstacles regarding
womanhood in Spain, Belisa, the protagonist in the play, also cleverly
succeeds in manipulating the outcome to her liking.
A call for improvement in the social position of women, especially
for giving them the liberty to choose their own husbands, is evident
in several of Lope's comedias de costumbres that include high intrigue.
They are La viuda valenciana (The Widow from Valencia, 1604), La
mal casada (The Mismatched Wife, 1610-15), La vengadora de las mu-
jeres (The Women's Avenger, 1620), PorIa puente, Juana (Across the
Bridge ,joan, 1624-25 ), La boba para los otros y discreta para sf (Foolish
for the Others and Smart for Herself, 1630), and La hermosa fea (The
Beauttful Ugly Woman, 1630-32).
La mal casada satirizes the subject of marriage arrangements. Lucrecia
cannot marry the lover of her choice, since her mother insists that she
marry an old, rich man. After his death, Lucrecia is forced again, for
reasons of inheritance, to marry his crippled nephew. Finally, after ob-
taining permission to have her second marriage annulled, she contracts
the marriage of her choice. Lucrecia's vitality and resourcefulness in the
face of almost insurmountable obstacles contribute to make her a liv-
ing and colorful character. Lope's ability to portray her persistence, pa-
tience, and hope shows his sensitivity to the antifeminist social barriers
of his time.
Los melindres de Belisa (Belisa's Extravagances, 1608) is a dramatic
exposition of the psychology of two different kinds of women in love.
Belisa and her mother are presented as capricious in their relationships
to their suitors, as opposed to the passionate Celia, who is in love with
Felisardo. Lope, who is known to have been making reference to his
 Lope de Vega and the Comedia 75

first wife, reveals in the eccentric life-style of Belisa his own view that
love, being the principal object of life, should be treated sincerely and
as a sacred sentiment, not as a game. In the sudden denouement, the
play ends abruptly without a logical conclusion. In probably the last
of his plays, which is also about Belisa, Las bizarrfas de Belisa (Belisa's
Gallantries, 1634), the disguised Belisa pursues a lover, whose life she
saves twice, before finally marrying him.
El pe"o del hortelano (The Dog in the Manger, 1613), falling
somewhere between a play of manners and a play of high intrigue, is
based on a novelesque source. 38 The title derives from a fable and the
play's solution is farcical. Focusing on the true nature of love, it af-
firms the right of young people to disregard class structures when fall-
ing in love. Countess Diana Belflor not only prevents her secretary,
Teodoro, who comes from a peasant family, from marrying her maid,
Marcela, but also resists his affection for her because of their social dif-
ferences. Before a solution is found, Diana behaves like the churlish
dog in the popular fable, which, unable to eat his own food, prevents
others from eating theirs. Teodoro's gracioso, Tristan, finally fabricates
a Byzantine story about the noble lineage of his master. Thus, when
public opinion is satisfied, the high-born heroine and her employee
happily marry. In a sense, Tristan takes over the role of the playwright
as his ruse diminishes the love-honor conflict and solves the play's prob-
lem. In this play, and also in El maestro de danzar (The Ballet Teacher,
1594), Lope relies on the vagaries oflove and focuses on the social prob-
lems of class inequities when young people fall in love.
As we have seen, Lope de Vega's cloak-and-sword plays contain strong
yet charming characterizations of women, while the galanes, who are
clever in speech but slow to solve their problems, depend upon their
graciosos' schemes and realistic, albeit comical, attitudes toward money,
food, and the opposite sex.

Pastoral Plays. Bucolic literature, having come from the Italian

Renaissance eclogue, had been in vogue in Spain for some time before
Lope de Vega began his career. Evidence of the idyllic genre was first
seen in Juan del Encina's pastoral plays and Garcilaso de la Vega's
eclogues, and later in Jorge de Montemayor's novel, La Diana. Among
76 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

the Italian pastoral plays popular in sixteenth-century Spain was a

tragicomedy, Pastor Fido (Shepherd Fido, 1585), by Giovanni Battista
Guarini (1538-1612).
Lope de Vega made his dramatic debut with a pastoral play, Elver-
dadero amante (The True Lover, 1574-75), at the age of twelve.
Originally in four acts, the play's action centers on Amaranta's false
accusation that her lover, Jacinto, killed her husband. After the truth
is revealed, the two lovers can marry. After making impr~vements in
this piece some time later, the playwright included it in a collection
of his plays. Lope's second play, La pastoral de jacinto (The Pastoral
ofjacinto, 1595-1600), in which a shepherd is cross with himself because
his rival has outwitted him, contains autobiographical inferences. La
Arcadia (1610-15), based on the plot of a pastoral novel of the same
title, contains numerous historical situations in which appear authen-
tic figures from the court of the Duke of Alba and the poet himself.
Autobiographical elements are also seen in Los amores de Albania y
de Ismenia (The Love ofAlbania and Ysmenia, 1591-95) and Belardo
el furioso (The Furious Belardo, 1586-95), whose main character also
resembles the Fernando in Lope's dramatic novel, La Dorotea.
Another pastoral eclogue by Lope is a short piece of some seven hun-
dred lines, La selva sin Amor (The Loveless Woods, 1629). In the open-
ing prologue Venus rebukes her son Amor (Cupid) for wasting his time
in hunting and for being inattentive to his business as the god of love.
She sends him to the banks of the Manzanares-the place of Philip's
court-where she has heard there is no love, and instructs him to set
the forest on fire. Upon his arrival, Amor finds two shepherdesses who
are rejecting their swains. They immediately declare war on Amor
because he tyrannically threatens their freedom and reveals his plans
to burn down their world. A happy denouement is attained when
Amor's arrows change their hearts.
This eclogue became famous, since the entire text was used as the
libretto for the first operatic work in the Spanish language. Although
no longer in existence, the music may have been composed by two musi-
cians in the royal chapel, Mateo Romero and his assistant, Carlos Patino.
Most of the words were set for solo voices, although the work also con-
tained a trio, a duet, and a final chorus. When it was first performed
toward the end of 1629 in the royal palace for a festivity in honor of
 Lope de Vega and the Comedia 77

Philip IV, another innovation perhaps in musical history-at least in

Spain-occurred. The orchestra was placed in a pit below the stage where
it was hidden from view. The stage decorations and elaborate machinery
for this musical production were designed by the famous Cosme Lotti.
Although Lope's pastoral plays may lack original and sustained in-
trigues, they display lyric beauty and superb versification.

Plays on Mythological Subjects. The mythological plays that Lope de

Vega wrote during the later part of his life, at the height of the ba-
roque period, did not follow the line of direction that had been
cultivated in the universities immediately before his time. Using dif-
ferent sources and themes, he based his courtly, decorative musical
dramas on classical mythology, often drawn from Ovid's Metamor-
phoses, and wrote in accordance with Renaissance aesthetic poetic rules,
closely following classical versification. 39 Since they were commission-
ed as entertainments for court celebrations, these spectacles are in-
terspersed with casual compliments to the royalty. Occasionally members
of the royal family were given small parts to play. Since the composi-
tion and versification in these works approached lyric opera, the players
were required to be musically talented. The elaborate baroque staging
also called for complicated scenic machinery to carry out such effects
as lifting gods in chariots into the clouds, changing a god into a blossom-
ing branch, and deus ex machina endings.
Of the numerous mythological plays that Lope wrote, only eight have
been preserved. The most esteemed out of these is Adonis y Venus
(1598-1603), a play inspired by an ancient myth that Ovid had used.
It deals with the ill-fated, unrequited love of Venus for Adonis, who
turns a deaf ear to her warnings and is killed by a boar in a hunt. Possess-
ing an especially musical character with its classical heptasyllabic lines,
this play was commissioned by Philip III and was performed by a royal
cast-the crown prince, his two sisters, and their ladies-in-waiting. Its
staging required complicated technical means to carry out the unusual
theatrical effects that were required. The mythological, religious, and
secular plays that required stage machinery to accomplish the desired
effects were sometimes also called comedias de teatro, comedias de cuer-
po, or comedias de ruido (situation plays).
Among Lope's other mythological plays, El vellocino de oro (The
78 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

Golden Fleece, 1620} deals with t..~eJason myth. Performed first in Aran-
juez to celebrate Philip IV' s birthday, it too required an elaborate set-
ting and called for unusual acoustic effects. In Ellaberinto de Creta
(The Labyrinth of Crete, 1612-15), which is concerned with the exploits
of Theseus, the mythical feminine characters, who are disguised as men,
much in the style of a cloak-and-sword play, perform a Castilian dance
and sing Spanish ballads. Las mujeres sin hombres (Women without
Men, 1613-18}, El Perseo (Perseus, 1611}, El marido miis firme (The
Loyal Husband, 1617-21}, and La bella Aurora (The Beauttful Aurora,
1620-25} treat respectively the myths of the Amazons, Perseus, Orpheus,
and Aurora.
Lope's last extant mythological play, El Amor enamorado (Cupid in
Love, 1630), combines two closely integrated plots on mythological and
pastoral subjects. Its central story about Febo's passion for Dafne and
her disdain of him because of Cupido's arrows is taken again from Ovid's
Metamorphoses. 40 While the play's essential theme of love involves
hatred, pride, and vengeance, Dafoe's narcissism is the force that gives
rise to the dramatic conflict. In the amorous games among the con-
testing gods, the defeated one uses love as a weapon of revenge.
Typical of this genre, Lope's mythological plays appear to the modern
reader to be somewhat cold and tedious; furthermore, their stories
misrepresent the ancient ideals of the mythological world. But they
display lyric beauty, a rich variety of situations, innovative mechanical
and decorative devices, and clever romantic transformations of
mythological stories.

Religious Plays. The numerous religious plays by Lope de Vega com-

prise various categories, including biblical, hagiographic, legendary,
sacramental, and morality. Church celebrations and saints' days en-
couraged the proliferation of this genre in the Golden Age. By the time
of his mature period Lope had composed several three-act biblical pieces.
La creaci6n del mundo (The Creation of the World, 1631-35} is based
on Genesis, with its theme of original sin. La hermosa Ester (The
Beautzful Esther, 1610} is about the deliverance of the Jewish people
from Egypt. Other plays deal with the histories of Jacob and Tobias.
Borrowing from Eastern religion, Lope wrote Barlaiin y ]osafot (Barlaam
and }osaphat, 1611}, which is based on the early life of Buddha.
 Lope de Vega and the Comedia 79

The lives of saints provided him with topics for many other religious
plays. His dramatized hagiographies are a mixture of religious, secular,
allegorical, and popular elements. 41 One of the best, even though its
structure is dramatically weak, is El divino africano (The Divine African,
1610), which deals with the life of St. Augustine. The first two acts
closely follow the life of the saint, according to his Confessions. The
scenes in the third act kaleidoscopically present various events that took
place during his final stay in Africa, and were taken from the episodic
Flos Sanctorum (Lives of the Saints), which deals with the effects of
conversion. The play contains a series of visions that appealed to the
seventeenth-century Spanish public, who were familiar with mysticism
and especially enjoyed Augustinian iconography.
Among many other comedias de santos are San Angel Carmelita (St.
Angel Carmelite, 1604?), San Isidro de Madn"d(St. Isidore ofMadrid,
1604-06), Lo fingido verdadero or El mejor representante (The Decep-
tive Truth or The Best Actor, 1608), San Diego de Alcala (St. james
ofAlcala, 1613), and San Nicolas de Tolentino (St. Nicholas ofTolen-
to, 1614). Most interesting among these plays, Lo fingido verdadero
retells the martyrdom of San Gines, a Roman actor who, while playing
the role of a Christian at the request of Emperor Dioclecian, was con-
verted to the faith he was at first only enacting. Displaying a theocen-
tric view of life together with notions that the world is a theater, this
play reflects baroque preoccupation with the illusory aspects of life. The
metatheatrical structure, furthermore, reveals Lope's own view about
the theatrical experience _42
Outstanding among Lope's works based on traditional pious legends
are El capellan de Ia Virgen (The Chaplain ofthe Blessed Virgin, 1615),
which dramatizes the Toledan legend about San Ildefonso, and La buena
guarda (The Good Custodian, 1610), which deals with a medieval
Marian legend. La fianza satisfecha (The Outrageous Saint or The
Satisfied Bond, 1612-15) is about a sadistic libertine who is suddenly
converted in old age and dies a martyr. The theme of divine and human
mercy is discussed, since Leonido, after leading the life of a savage sin-
ner, repents and purifies himself in order to satisfy the terms of the
guarantee for God's forgiveness through the crucified Savior. In this
play Lope expresses the irony in the relationship between Christian Provi-
dence and free will. Instead of being punished for his crimes, Leonido
80 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

is converted through the compassionate intervention of Divine

Providence. 43 The dramatic technique used in this play's structure an-
ticipated Tirso de Molina's El condenado por desconfiado (The Man
Condemned for Little Faith) and El burlador de Sevzlla (The Trickster
of Sevzlle).
Lope de Vega has won recognition for his artistic contribution to the
development of the religious auto. Although his earlier works reflect
the literary tradition that he inherited and merely blend morality and
mystery plays with eucharistic elements, his later autos show how he
perfected the genre. The most admired of Lope's more than forty
sacramental and morality plays44 is La siega (The Harvest, 1621-35).
Alluding to the biblical parable about the wheat and the tare, it is built
around the love of Esposa (allegorically, the Church) for Senor de la
Heredad (Christ). After failing to seduce Esposa, Envidia (Envy) and
Soberbia (Pride) wound her by prophesying that her husband (Christ)
will die and her children (faithful believers) will suffer persecution. Since
Esposa represents good seeds and a field of wheat, Envidia and Sober-
bia try again to hurt her by sowing the seeds of weeds in her garden.
A sudden denouement reveals that three of the four weeds that mature,
each representing a different religion, are converted; only the Hebraic
one remains unchanged.
Other outstanding religious plays by Lope are El viaje del alma (The
Soul's journey, 1585 ), El tirana castigado (The Punished Tyrant), El
hijo pr6digo (The Prodigal Son-a morality play written toward the
end of the sixteenth century), and La locura porIa honra (Foolishness
Because of Honor). The last is a religious drama of honor in which a
demon attempts to seduce Blanca (allegorically, the Soul), the wife of
the Lord. Based on the parable of the vineyard, El heredero del cielo
(The Heir of Heaven) is about a farmer who sends three shepherds to
collect rent from a congregation of Hebrew people. After the three die
at the hands of the debtors, the farmer finally sends his son, whom
they also kill and hang on a cross.
The eucharistic allegory of the morality play La maya (The May
Pageant, 1585) is taken from a popular custom from the festive days
of May, when an elegantly dressed girl sits on a table and begs for
money. The play's theme of hunger is personified by two abstract
 Lope de Vega and the Comedia 81

chatacters, Gula (Gluttony) and Cuerpo (Body), who ate constantly seek-
ing food. When consecrated bread is offered in Holy Communion to
Gluttony, he enjoys only the corporal substance of it without recogniz-
ing its sacramental significance.
Although Lope's sacramental plays lack a systematic arrangement of
symbolism and content, their temporal content and the inclusion of
amorous and rustic poetry from populat songs contribute to the religious
sentiment they have inspired. These spontaneous, lyrical works stand
between the earlier autos sacramentales and those of Valdivieso and
Calderon, who explored intellectual and theological concepts more
thoroughly.

CONCLUSION

Lope de Vega's total dramatic output represents a prodigious achieve-

ment. He created a vigorous, inventive theater of action by blending
preexisting dramatic conventions with the popular elements of his own
time. Possessing the skill to contrive intricate plots and love adventures,
he fascinated the world with his characterizations of women. His abili-
ty to create vivid dialogue, intense situations, poetic diction that is
almost free of stylistic abuses, and flowing versification stands as a prece-
dent in the history of Spanish dramatic literature. Lope's poetic penetra-
tion of the world on the stage served as a model for his contemporaries
and a legion of dramatic poets who followed. Perhaps only Tirso de
Molina excelled him in the study of character and irony, Alarcon in
the blending of ethical values with the aesthetic, and Calderon in
dramatic structure. No one, however, reached his immense power of
creation in the vast world of human actions. The innumerable poets
who succeeded the master inherited a rich dramatic treasury.
 CHAPTER III

The Proliferation of the

Comedia: Lope de Vega's
Contemporaries

IN THE TIME of Lope de Vega, the public's passion for the theater
made possible the unusual growth of the comedia. Their deeply in-
fused attraction for theatrical entertainment, which was supported by
the government and the Church, became in part an artistic substitute
for their interest in the politically declining Spain. Since the Spaniards
looked upon playwriting as a profitable art that could be easily acquired,
a large number of gifted poets tried their talents in it. In the prolific
period that followed, over one hundred dramatists contributed several
thousand short and full-length plays, of which nearly 2,000 are still
in existence. Comparable in quality to ancient classical, French neo-
classical, and Elizabethan dramatic literatures, Spanish Golden Age
drama exceeded them in output.
In order to facilitate their study, scholars of Spanish drama have
divided the Golden Age into the Lopean and Calderonian cycles. This
chapter will be concerned with the close followers of Lope de Vega's
dramatic art: the dramatists in the Valencian group, as well as Tirso
de Molina, Juan Ruiz de Alarcon, Antonio Mira de Amescua, Luis Velez
lesser-known playwrights. Following in their master's footsteps, these
dramatists changed little of substance in the Lopean formula. Each,
however, had certain characteristics peculiar to his art.

THE VALENCIAN GROUP

A center of late sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Spanish dramatists,
second only to that in Madrid, sprang up in Valencia, out of which
 Proliferation of the Comedia 83

came Rey de Artieda, Cristobal de Virues, Francisco A. Tarrega, Gaspar

de Aguilar, Miguel Beneyto, Carlos Boyl, Ricardo del Turia, and the
most renowned, Guillen de Castro. These writers are considered to be
partially precursors of the comedia, since they exerted a certain influence
on Lope de Vega, but they also followed him and benefited from his
art. 1 Since the Levantine city was already a cultural center and had an
active theater when Lope de Vega lived there for short periods of time
to fulfill the terms of his exile, the master's mutual friendship with
the Valencian playwrights not only influenced their work but also con-
tributed to Lope's success in Valencia.
The oldest among the Valencians, Francisco Agustin Tarrega
(1554?-1602), in 1591 founded the Academia de los Nocturnos (Literary
Society of the Night Revelers), whose members included other dramatists
and poets in that city. 2 Having made his debut as a playwright in
1576, Tarrega is considered to belong to both the pre-Lopeans and the
Lopean cycle. His heroic drama El cerco de Pavia (The Siege of Pavia,
written before 1602) and several others of his well-developed plays
display the main characteristics within the Spanish comedia. La duquesa
constante (The Constant Duchess, 1576?), El Prado de Valencia (The
Meadow of Valencia, 1590-91?), and La enemiga favorable (The In-
imical Benefactress, written before 1602) are colorful cloak-and-sword
plays that present tragicomic mirrors of life, but are marred by excessive
verbal conceits and a lack of imagination.
The most prolific dramatist in the Valencian group, Guillen de Castro
(1569-1631), is reputed to have had royal blood and to have been
descended from the same family as Spain's national hero, el Cid
Campeador. As a young writer, Castro participated, with his poems and
prose compositions, in the Academia de los Nocturnos from 1592 until
the group went out of existence in 1594; he was also considerably in-
fluenced by his personal acquaintance with Lope de Vega, who lived
in Valencia from 1595 to 1597 and again in 1599. In addition to his
literary interests, Castro pursued political and military careers in 1593
and from 1607 to 1616. He served in the Valencian coast guard, fighting
off Moorish pirates, lived in Scigliano, Italy, as its appointed governor,
and returned home for interims to join an expedition to transfer the
Moriscos expelled from Valencia to Africa, and to recover from an ex-
84 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

tended illness. In 1616 he came back to Valencia and organized another

literary society, which lasted three months. Between 1618 and the time
of his death in 1631, he wrote and published many plays and lived
alternately in Valencia and Madrid, where he was invited to join the
literary society to which Lope de Vega belonged. Five years before he
died he married for the second time, this time to a lady from the
household of his patron in Madrid, Juan Tellez Gir6n. 3
Although the first of Castro's forty-three plays are uneven in merit,
each play, when studied chronologically, shows the gradual evolution
of his artistic development. His chivalric works include the most faithful
and complete adaptation of old Spanish balladry to the stage, and follow
the tradition founded by Cueva, who first made use of themes from
Spanish history. His fame rests chiefly on two of these that deal with
an eleventh-century hero-Las mocedades del Czd (The Youthful Deeds
ofthe Cid, 1612?-18?) and its less popular sequel, Las hazafias del Cid
(The Exploits of the Cid, 1610?-15?). 4 Since the Spanish medieval epic
El cantar de mio Cid (The Song of My Cid, 1140?) was unknown in
seventeenth-century Spain, Castro drew his inspiration and material for
his plays from about twenty ballads and some chronicles pertaining to
the most famous of all Spanish heroes, Rodrigo Diaz of Vivar (ca.
1043-99), whose father and uncle were powerful nobles in the time of
Ferdinand I.
In Castro's accurate characterization of the court hero who showed
early signs of great military talent, he developed a suspenseful plot that
follows the events of the Spanish hero's youth. During an argument
at the palace, Count Lozano, the father ofXimena, slaps Diego Lainez,
the father of Rodrigo Diaz. After testing his sons' valor and pugnacity,
the offended old man asks the youngest, Rodrigo, to avenge his honor.
The young man agrees to seek redress without knowing that the of-
fender is the father of his beloved. When Rodrigo learns the true iden-
tity of his opponent, he is confronted with a conflict between the duty
of honor and love for Ximena. Driven by the chivalric ideal of loyalty,
he decides to defend his father's honor, and slays his opponent in a
fair contest. Despite the tragic outcome, Ximena still loves Rodrigo,
since he did his filial duty; yet she must dutifully implore the king for
justice. But the desperate knight departs for the land of the Moors to
search for glory, and, after gaining riches, fame, and the agnomen
 Proliferation of the Comedia 85

"el Cid" (the lord), he returns and marries Ximena. Centered around
the conflict between love and duty, this dramatic play underlines the
chivalric ideals of courage, nobility, and courtesy. Its protagonist
demonstrates prudence, restraint, and political wisdom-essential traits
in the dramatization of a hero.
The varied verse forms and lively dialogue add to the excellence of
this drama, but its numerous exaggerated and isolated episodes frag-
ment the action and hinder adequate character delineations.
Nonetheless, the play gained much popularity in Spain because of its
excellent depiction of colorful medieval customs and its emotional
characterizations of eleventh-century historical figures. Although Castro
gave his characters the speech and dress of seventeenth-century
Spaniards, as was the practice of other Golden Age playwrights, this
factor did not detract from their verisimilitude.
Las hazafias del Cid, continuing with the Rodrigo theme, revolves
around the siege of Zamora when Sancho II was killed by Bellido Dolfos.
The passive portrayal of the otherwise active Cid in the second play
served the poet's dramatic intent to present the eleventh-century struggle
over the Spanish crown rather than to depict the singular feats of the
Spanish hero. Other chivalric plays by Castro that were inspired by
ballads are El conde de A/areas (1600?) and El conde de Irlos (1605?).
Among Castro's refined works are several comedies of manners that
deal with contemporary customs in Valencia and Madrid. The mis-
matched married couples in several of these plays allude to the
playwright's love affair with Helena Fenollar (who eventually sued him)
before his unhappy and short marriage to Marquesa Giron de Rebolledo,
who died before or shortly after 1600. His satire on marriage, Los mal
casados de Valencia (The Ill-Mated Couple ofValencia, 1595?-1604?),
which realistically depicts an adulterous misunderstanding that almost
leads to the ruin of two marriages, contains more autobiographical
references. In this parody on sexuality, Castro contrived an unexpected
turn of events. Don Alvaro lives with his frigid wife, Hip6lita, and a
mistress, Eugenia. Hip6lita ignores her husband's love affair but, after
seeing him affectionately embrace Eugenia, who is in the garb of a
manservant, she seeks an annulment to their marriage on grounds of
sodomy. 5
Other comedies of manners by Castro in the style of Lope de Vega
86 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

are El caballero bobo (The Foolish Young Gentleman, 1595?); El Nar-

ciso en su opinion (The Self-Styled Narcissus, 1612?), an early come-
dia de figur6n (a farcical play in which the protagonist is depicted as
a grotesque figure) whose eccentric and presumptuous protagonist
represents the antithesis of a galan; and El pretendor con pobreza (The
Impovenshed Seeker of Royal Favor, 1620?). Castro was the first to
dramatize Cervantes' novels in El cun"oso impertinente (Dangerous
Cun"osity, 1606?), Don Quixote de Ia Mancha (1608?), and La fuerza
de Ia sangre (Kinship's Powerful Call, 1614). He also wrote two
mythological plays, Progne y Pi/omena (1608?) and Dido y Eneas
(1613?).
Another important dramatist in the Valencian group was Gaspar de
Aguilar (1561-1623), who excelled in the art of dialogue and plot com-
plication. His comedias are of three types: cloak-and-sword, such as La
venganza honrosa (Honorable Vengeance, before 1602); de ruido
("noisy pieces," so called because they required many properties and
mechanical devices), such as La gitana melanc6/ica (The Melancholy
Gypsy, 1590-1607) and El mercader amante (The Loving Merchant,
1605 ); and religious, such as El gran patnarca San juan de Ribera (The
Great Patriarch St.john ofRibera, 1611-15). In Aguilar's plays are found
the beginnings of the codification of honor in which death erases
dishonor.
Miguel Beneyto (1560?-99) wrote several plays, but only one of any
merit was published-£/ hijo obediente (The Obedient Son, before
1600), an interesting work that shows the relationship between obe-
dience and honor. Carlos Boyl Vives (1577-1617 or 1621?) was more
successful with his only published drama, El man"do asegurado (The
Reassured Husband, 1616), in which a man tests his bride to find out
if she will be able to safeguard her honor. The last in the Valencian
group was a magistrate known by the pseudonym Ricardo de Turia (b.
1578), whose real name is believed to have been Pedro Rejaule y Toledo.
His best plays, La beligera espanola (The Belligerent Lady) and La fe
pagada (Faith Repaid), show little originality. The first follows Ercilla's
epic poem La Araucana, and the second, which shows the connection
between a man's honor and the fate of his women, reveals Turia's in-
debtedness to the dramatic plots of Tarrega and Aguilar.
 Proliferation of the Comedia 87

TIRSO DE MOLINA

The immediate follower of Lope de Vega's dramatic precepts and

the most apt was a Mercedarian friar, Gabriel Tellez (1581?-1648),
known by his literary pseudonym, Tirso de Molina. Why he chose "Tir-
so" is not known, but it possibly had a festive origin in thyrsus, the
wand of the wine god Bacchus. It was also the favored name for a rustic
and was used by a number of characters in Tirso's plays. Molina was
the name of a city in Aragon, that of an aristocratic family, and also
that of a famous Jesuit, Luis de Molina (1535-1600) who espoused the
doctrine of free will in a spirited polemic of the time.
Although little is known about Gabriel Tellez's early years, an ac-
count of his life as a monk and playwright has been more clearly
reconstructed from Mercedarian archives and other records. It is pre-
sumed that he was born in Madrid, probably in 1581. Nothing is known
of his parentage beyond disputed theories that he may have been either
an illegitimate son of a Tellez Giron (the Duke of Osuna) or of Jorge
de Alencastre. Certain clues within his life and works indicate that he
may have come from the high aristocratic Molina and Mendoza families,
since he entered the Mercedarian Order in 1600, he mentions having
relatives in Catalonia in La vida de Santa Maria de Cervell6n (The Life
ofSaint Mary o/Cervell6n), he praises the family of Molina in two other
plays, and he adopted that name for his pseudonym. On the other hand,
he presented himself as a humble shepherd from Manzanares in Ciga-
"ales de Toledo (Country Houses ofToledo, 1621), a miscellaneous
work consisting of narrations, plays, and poetry, so he could also have
descended from a humble family.
Gabriel Tellez's lengthy and interrupted schooling included studies
in Salamanca (1600-1603), Toledo and Guadalajara (1603-07), and at
the University of Alcala de Henares. When not attending school the
young monk resided in Soria (1608), Segovia (1610), and Madrid
(1610-11). To preserve anonymity in his discontinuous career as a writer,
he probably assumed his pen name first with a hagiographic play, Los
lagos de San Vicente (The Miraculous Lakes ofSaint Vincent, 1606-07).
While residing in the Convent of Santa Catalina in Toledo after 1612
he wrote and staged Don Gil de las calzas verdes (Don Gil in Green
88 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

Tirso de Molina (1581?-1648)

 Proliferation of the Comedia 89

Breeches) in 1615. The monk was sent to a mission in Santo Domingo

in 1616, but he returned to Segovia two years later, and from 1618
to 1620 he traveled in Galicia and Portugal. Finally in 1620 Tirso set-
tled in the Order of Our Lady of Mercy in Madrid, where he was able
to write abundantly for the theater, compete in literary contests, and
participate in the gatherings of the Poetic Academy in Madrid, which
was founded by Sebastian Francisco de Medrano. During this time he
associated with leading authors of his day-Quevedo, Gongora,
Calderon, Alarcon, and Lope de Vega, the latter of whom dedicated
his Lo fingido verdadero to him. In return the Mercedarian friar wrote
a defense of Lope de Vega's new dramatic art in CigatTales de Toledo. 6
At the height of his literary career in 1625, charges were brought
against Tirso before the Committee for Reform of the Council of Castile.
He was accused of writing immoral and scandalous plays. It is probable
that his own colleagues-Fray Pedro Franco de Guzman (a relative of
el Conde-Duque de Olivares), Fray Marcos Salmeron, and others-
were responsible for the accusation. As a consequence Tirso was for-
bidden to write, an edict he did not obey, for he continued to write
occasionally thereafter until 1632. Additionally, he was transferred in
1626 to a monastery in Trujillo, the birthplace of the Pizarro brothers,
where he was isolated for three years from theatrical activities.
Tirso became a zealous worker in his order and was appointed a
superior in the monastery at Trujillo, then the chronicler for the Order
of Mercy, and finally the superior of the monastery at Soria. Among
his later works, Deleitar aprovechando (Pleasure with Profit, 1631-32),
a miscellany of stories, three novels, and many of his autos sacramen-
tales stand out. He died at Almazan on February 24, 1648.
In about 1621 Tirso claimed, in his CigatTales de Toledo, to have
written three hundred plays, and in 1634 the editor of the third volume
of his plays stated that the poet had written over four hundred plays.
These figures place Tirso, together with Luis Velez de Guevara, as the
second most prolific playwright after Lope de Vega in the Spanish
Golden Age. Of his total output, eighty-five plays are extant, in addi-
tion to a number of autos sacramentales, entremeses, novels, and poems.
Most of these were published between 1627 and 1636 and appeared
in five collections, four of which contain twelve pieces and one, eleven.
90 SPANISH GOWEN AGE DRAMA

The third and fourth collections were edited by Francisco Lucas de Avila,
a supposed nephew ofTirso. Since the publications ofTirso's plays do
not reveal when they were written, Blanca de los Rios, Ruth L. Ken-
nedy, and others have established dates for their composition through
their collections of circumstancial evidence and data. The two periods
of Tirso's intensive dramatic activity were 1610-16 and 1620-25.
Tirso's life stands in sharp contrast to that of Lope de Vega. Since
the monk was confined most of his life to secluded monasteries, except
for the time he was given to participate in the theatrical world, he had
less opportunity to experience personally the way of life depicted in
his plays. But his religious education and experience as a clergyman
gave him the ability to penetrate theological questions and to present
psychological aspects of his characters. Although less original and spon-
taneous as a poet than Lope, Tirso displayed a talent for creating strong
personalities (Don Juan, Dofia Maria de Molina, and Paulo), for
disassociating himself from conventional and chivalrous knightly ideals,
and for displaying healthy intellectualism. The poet's dramatic
dialogues, unusually comical graciosos, wit, vivacity, and frank social
criticism make up for his often less carefully constructed plots and trivial
denouements. Occasionally affected with gongoristic mannerisms, Tir-
so's style, nonetheless, is clear and exemplifies the Spanish dramatic
poetry of his age.

The Eschatological Plays. Universally known as the author of El burlador

de Sevilla y convidado de piedra (The Trickster ofSeville and the Stone
Guest), Tirso created the modern mythological character of Don Juan.
This baroque drama, set during a period of sociopolitical and moral
upheaval in Spain, presents a character who, repressing religious and
moral rules, yields to his own instincts without regard for the conse-
quences. Although various aspects of his character could possibly be
traced in legend and earlier literature, the essential figure of Don Juan
appeared for the first time in two versions ofTirso's drama: Tan largo
me lo fiais (You Give Me Such aLong Time, 1612-16) and El burlador
de Sevilla y convidado de piedra (The Trickster ofSeville and the Stone
Guest, 1616-30). 7
For his rapidly moving and episodic play, Tirso combined the
 Proliferation of the Comedia 91

escapades of an unbridled seducer with a folkloric tale about a ghost

of stone who was invited to a banquet. A young nobleman, Don Juan
Tenorio of Seville, takes pleasure in pursuing women in all classes of
society, from fishermaids to court ladies, despite the continuous warn-
ings of his gracioso Catalin6n, and others. Nevertheless, the trickster
often scoffs at their warnings by expressing a scornful unconcern about
divine justice: "Que largo me lo fiiis!" ("What a long time you [God]
give me!"). The philandering youth reveals both his anarchical instincts
and his Christian heritage, and he heedlessly continues in his role as
a trickster because he expects to have plenty of time left when he gets
ready to ask for God's mercy.
The first of his four amorous encounters takes place in the royal palace
of Naples, where the dissolute youth impersonates his best friend, the
Duke ofOctavio, whose fiancee, Duchess Isabel, he seduces. Don Juan
eludes arrest with the help of his uncle, who happens to be the Spanish
ambassador, and escapes for Spain. When a storm wrecks his ship on
a beach near Tarragona, he finds the opportunity to seduce a fishergirl,
Tisbea. Upon arriving in Seville the infamous trickster repeats his scheme
by attempting to seduce Ana, a daughter of Commander Gonzalo de
Ulloa. Discovering the deception in time, Ana cries out, and her father
comes to her rescue. In the ensuing scuffle Don Juan kills the Com-
mander and escapes. On the way to Lebrija the fugitive seduces a pea-
sant bride, Aminta, on the eve of her wedding.
When Don] uan returns to Seville he hides in the cemetery, where
he chances upon Don Gonzalo's tomb. Youthfully and with much
bravura he approaches his victim's statue, tweaks its beard, and invites
it to supper the next night. Don Gonzalo not only appears at the ap-
pointed time but extends to his host a similar invitation for the follow-
ing night in the cemetery chapel. When Don Juan shows up, the dead
man, repeating the lover's initial command to his victims-"Give me
your hand!" -drags his murderer through the flames of Hell without
giving him a chance to repent. 8 Seeming to answer the chorus's
metaphoric warning, Don Gonzalo's ghost furthermore declares,
"Quien tal hace, que tal pague!" ("As a man soweth, so shall he
reap!"), a phrase used in Spain by town criers before the execution of
a criminal. The play ends conventionally when the trickster's victims
92 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

seek redress for their grievances and are properly married off by verdict
of the monarch.
The swiftly changing scenes, contrasting situations, rapid action, and
lively dialogue give this most famous ofTirso's dramas a kaleidoscopic
structure. Unity, nonetheless, is achieved through the presentation of
a libertine protagonist who approaches each unusual situation with the
same stubborn, rebellious nature. Don Juan's comical gracioso who
warns him, the various reactions of the women in his amorous adven-
tures, and the supernatural elements surrounding his encounter with
Don Gonzalo also contribute to the fascination the play has always
attracted.
Tirso was not primarily interested in portraying the life of an insatiable
lover in his masterpiece, as had been done in several antecedents in
classical mythology, medieval legends, and Spanish ballads and drama.
Tying an amorous theme to a motif of metaphysical revenge, he ex-
posed, within this eschatological drama, theological issues popular dur-
ing the baroque period, when the pleasures of terrestrial life were begin-
ning to be regarded more seriously. His invention of the Don Juan
character as an iconoclastic sensualist who stands in opposition to all
the unwritten laws in Spanish society, was no accident, for Don Juan
was a product of the Renaissance. Through the exposure of this liber-
tine, Tirso was not only addressing the problems of a new era, he was
also condemning the old conduct associated with the protection of a
woman's honor and was directing a message on morality toward the
dissolute court of his day. By showing, furthermore, that some women
were permissive and others were easy prey, he was exposing the double
standard that existed even in the strict society of his day. 9
Don Juan's attempts to find happiness while moving from conquest
to conquest and finally to violence and crime are misguided and doomed
to failure. Whereas the sexual offender in Lope de Vega's Fuenteove-
juna is punished by human justice, Tirso's transgressor is damned by
supernatural forces. Warnings of social punishment and divine retribu-
tion do nothing to detain him from his illicit activities. He defies the
laws of society and also counts on being saved because of his privileged
social rank and his youth. Believing there will be enough time for him
to confess and be absolved, he cannot be saved by the sole act of con-
 Proliferation of the Comedia 93

trition because this ritual in its empty form is invalid. Theologically

speaking, DonJuan is damned because he has exercised his free will
for evil purposes and been overconfident of God's mercy. His rebellious
nature gives him heroic grandeur and makes him a tragic hero.
The enigmatic characteristics of Don Juan have attracted much
attention. 10 Some suggest that in his search for an ideal woman, he
suffered from an Oedipus complex because he was looking for a per-
sonified mother in every woman. Others see in him the partly comical
figure of an adolescent inexperienced in controlling his natural drives.
From biological and psychological points of view, critics have swung
from one pole to another when accounting for his behavior as being
either overly virile or prematurely impotent; others have found ef-
feminacy in him because of his vice oflying to women. Although Don
Juan displays certain sadistic traits and appears to be the victimizer of
his paramours, still others consider him in reality to be an unholy mar-
tyr, whose death helps cleanse society of certain evils.U
In El burlador de Sevilla, Tirso dramatically treated one facet within
the theme of free will. The casuistic debate whether to trust an ever-
forgiving Providence or to seek one's own salvation through good deeds
is emphasized further in a complementary drama, El condenado por
desconfiado (The Man Condemned for Lack of Faith, 1615-25)_12 Con-
cerned with theological problems associated with predestination and
free will, especially in relation to divine justice and benevolence, this
play exposed the heated debate of two theological factions in Tirso's
day: one, headed by a Jesuit, Luis Molina, claimed that man through
his acts can receive grace for salvation; the other, represented by a
Dominican, Domingo Banez, defended the thesis that God determines
who will receive divine grace.
The immediate sources for the play were a legend about St. Pafnucio
in Vitae Patrum (The Lives of the Fathers), Roberto Balarmino's
moralistic work De arte bene mon'endi (On the Art of Dying Well),
and perhaps the writings of Francisco Zumel. 13 Set in Italy, Tirso's plot
involves a pious but cowardly hermit, Paulo, who sinfully asks God
about his fate after life. After a demon, disguised as an angel, suggests
that his end will be identical with that of Enrico, a hardened criminal,
Paulo turns to a life of crime, since he knows he will be damned anyway.
94 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

Enrico, however, through his paternal love and sincere faith, repents
before his execution and is saved. Paulo never regains his faith because
he believes in predestination so strongly that his exercise of free will
is inhibited. He is condemned and dies at the hands of an angry mob-
an indication of divine retribution.
In this play Tirso succeeds in depicting rural customs, the wily
character of peasants, and the lawlessness of criminals. Moreover, the
contrasts between the two protagonists are artfully drawn within the
framework of this thesis play. Although Paulo exemplifies the perfect
hermit, ambition and jealousy finally destroy him. On the other hand,
Enrico, a hardened bandit who possesses many flaws, finds salvation
because of the finer virtues within his heart. The application of justice
in El condenado suggests that divine justice cannot be placed in the
hands of men, and underlines the importance of faith and repentance.
The theme-the lack of faith in God-leads to despair, whereas the
theme in El burlador (in which the protagonist, although confessing
faith in God, procrastinates too long to ask forgiveness) conveys
presumptuous overconfidence in him. Both plays stress man's right to
choose his actions and thus to direct his own destiny . 14

The Religious Plays. As a clergyman, Tirso had access to an array of

religious writings in which he found natural subjects for the stage. In
addition to the characters in Holy Scripture, he made use of numerous
accounts of the lives of saints, especially from the Flos Sanctorum (Lives
of the Saints) of Alonso de Villegas and a similar work by Pedro de
Rivadeneyra, since they displayed heroic traits suitable for the theater.
The playwright enlivened many of his religious plays by interpolating
into them romantic episodes and humorous elements.
The earliest and perhaps least perfect of over a dozen of Tirso's
hagiographic plays written between 1606 and 1628 is Los lagos de San
Vicente (The Miraculous Lakes of St. Vincent). Its main plot, based
on a legend about the conversion of an eleventh-century Moorish woman
who became Saint Casilda, follows Lope de Vega's Santa Caszlda. A
trilogy belonging to this group of plays, Santajuana (1613-14), recounts
the three periods in the life of a remarkable Franciscan nun, Juana de
la Cruz (1481-1534), and is based on Fray Antonio Daza's biography
 Proliferation of the Comedia 95

of the saint and the Memorias (Memoirs) of Sor Maria Evangelista. The
central theme of these plays is that life on earth is a preparation for
eternal existence, and each play reflects a different stage of mysticism:
the purgative, the illuminative, and the unitive. 15 Santo y sastre (The
Saint-Tailor, 1614-15) dramatizes the life of Saint Homobono, a twelfth-
century Italian tailor from Cremona, and sets out to prove that a lowly
profession on earth can be combined with spiritual nobility.
Considered a model hagiographic play that also artificially blends
secular and religious elements, La ninja del cielo (The Heavenly Nymph,
1613) relates the adventures of an Italian lady bandit named Ninfa,
Countess of Valdeflor. Although two-thirds of the play are concerned
with a simple love triangle between Ninfa, Carlos, and his wife, the
ironic denouement, during which the countess dies at the hand of
Carlos's jealous wife, embraces a theological theme, since the dying Nin-
fa pardons her assassin and goes to Christ, thus uniting with God in
mystic union.
The first of four historico-religious plays, El caballero de Gracia (The
Gentleman of Grace, 1620), presents the pious and charitable activity
of Jacobo de Gratis (1517-1619), an Italian ascetic who established
churches, convents, and hospitals in Madrid. And the good works of
the founder of Toledo's Convent of the Conceptionists is the topic for
Dona Beatriz de Silva (1619-21), whose heroine (1424-1490) eschews
her frivolous past and dedicates herself to a religious mission in Toledo.
Tirso's visits in Galicia provided inspiration for La romera de San-
tiago (The Pilgrim ofSantiago, 1619-20), a play that glorifies the shrine
of Saint James within a stereotyped plot of love entanglements in a
religious environment. El mayor desengano (The Greatest DiszJiusion-
ment, 1621) is a theological hagiographic drama that was written for
university circles. Its first two acts center around the secular existence
of the German Saint Bruno (1032-1101), and the third act dramatizes
Bruno's monastic conversion and sanctification before founding the Car-
thusian Order.
Between 1611 and 1622 Tirso produced five plays inspired by the
Bible. In the first, La mujer que manda en casa (The Wife Who Rules
the Roost, 1611-12), the dramatist made use of the biblical account
of Jezebel' s bewitchment of her husband Ahab (King of Samaria and
 SPANISH GOWEN AGE DRAMA

Israel [ca. 875-51 B.C.]), her despotic, lustful powers, and her brutal
death at the hands of King Jehu, to caution against the dangers of
domineering wives. 16 The first two acts of La vida y muerte de Herodes
(The Life and Death ofHerod, 1611-20), a psychological study of Herod
Antipas, enact the amorous affairs of that king, while the last act ties
his death to the redemptive power of the birth of Christ. The dynamic
relationship between this play's plot and action and its ritualistic struc-
ture reveals Tirso's perception as a priest and dramatistY La mejor
espigadera (The Best Gleaner, 1614) deals with the stories of Ruth and
Boaz, and Tanto es lo de mas como lo de menos (Enough Is as Good
as a Feast, 1612-20) incorporates the parables of the prodigal son and
the rich miser. The dramatic structure of the latter play, in which Tirso
counsels moderation, is like that of an auto sacramental.
The title of Tirso's last and most masterfully written biblical play,
La venganza de Tamar (The Vengeance of Tamar, 1621-23), implies
its affinity to an honor play. Closely following the account of the im-
moral behavior of King David's children, as found primarily in II
Samuel, chapter 13, the play is almost a classical tragedy. Out of the
curse that was put on the House of David after his affair with Bathsheba,
the playwright develops an essential theme of incest, a subject rarely
staged in Spanish drama; 18 and he makes use of a leitmotiv about the
passion of love by frequently inferring that it is like man's appetite for
food. In the play Amon, David's oldest son, falls in love with Tamar
without knowing she is his half sister. After he realizes who she is, Amon
suggests that they act out a love scene in a little drama, and he suc-
ceeds in seducing her. Obviously, since Tamar's dishonor cannot be
remedied by marriage, her full-blooded brother Absalon-in true
Spanish style-avenges the wrong by killing Amon and vowing to an-
nihilate his father.
Tirso provides vivid portrayals of David's household without using
the subsequent biblical account of Absalom's rebellion against his
father, his tragic death, and his father's continued love for him. Ab-
salon is shown to have a deeper motivation than the avenging of Tamar's
dishonor, since he repeatedly expresses his ambition to gain the throne.
In Amon's temperamental actions, moreover, his rebellion against his
strict yet benevolent father can be discerned; like that of a fatal hero,
 Proliferation of the Comedia 97

his death draws little pity. The two domineering brothers stand in con-
trast to the passive Tamar, who longs for love but not with her brother;
she is but a pawn in the hands of others. Although the play's title sug-
gests that Tamar will probably take an active part in her vindication,
she only serves as Amon's victim and as an excuse for Absal6n's am-
bitious actions. Finally, Tirso's conception of David's character shows
what happens to the loving David of the Old Testament when his sons
take advantage of his good qualities. A tragic figure in this play, David
possesses an imaginative mind that cannot comprehend the reality of
the situation, and when he does, he is resigned to suffer in frustration.
Of the relatively few autos sacramentales that Tirso wrote, only five
have survived. El colmenero divino (The Divine Beekeeper, 1609)
allegorically depicts man's relation to God and makes use of an exten-
sive metaphor to give meaning to the Eucharist. Supervising a colony
of bees in building their hives in an apiary, Jesus, a divine beekeeper,
is overwhelmed by sorrow. Under the bees' protection Cuerpo (the Body)
builds the hives, but Oso (the Bear) and Mundo (the World) jealously
lure the bees away. The weak Cuerpo takes sweet but false honey from
Oso, who has disguised himself as a beekeeper, and Abeja (a female
Bee) loses her wings because she has taken advantage of Cuerpo, who
has worked as a laborer. After confessing her sin, Abeja is offered by
the Beekeeper the Honey of Heaven, and her wings grow again, thus
giving her a chance to fly to Heaven. The symbolism suggested by the
allegorical characters can be easily recognized: the apiary and the hives
represent the Church and its branches, the Bee and the Body portray
the spiritual and physical sides of man's nature, the Bear represents
the Devil, the World symbolizes the sinful elements in life that mitigate
spiritual growth, and the Divine Honey is the consecrated bread of the
Eucharist.
Tirso's sacramental and morality play iNo le amendo Ia ganancial
(Much Good May It Do Him!, 1612-13?) centers on Spanish honor while
making some allusions to the Eucharist. The best of his autos, Los her-
manos parecidos (The Identical Brothers, 1615), follows the Pauline
notion that Christ was the second Adam, through the use of identical
twin actors to represent them. More a morality play than an auto, La
Ninja del Cielo (The Nymph ofHeaven, 1619) is an allegorical version
98 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

ofTirso's full-length play by the same title. In this play Ninfa (the Soul),
after falling in love with Sin, repents, is saved, and returns to Christ,
thus evoking the mystical union of the soul in Christ. Finally, Chris-
tianizing a classical legend in Laberinto de Creta (The Cretan Labyrinth,
1636?) the playwright converted the pagan labyrinth into a world in
which man is tested in the experiences of life. Apparently more in-
terested in the Counter-Reformation than in teaching about the
Eucharist in this play, Tirso presents Prester John, king of Ethiopia,
as the defender of Catholicism who stands against Tudesco (a German),
an advocate of Protestantism.
In addition to these sacramental plays, Tirso's one-act religious play,
Auto de Nuestra Senora del Rosario: Ia Madrina del Cielo (The Play
about Our Lady ofthe Rosary: The Heavenly Sponsor, 1610-11?), deals
with the salvation of a seducer through Grace. This play stands alone
because it has the character neither of an auto sacramental nor of a
morality play.
Although Lope de Vega, Jose de Valdivieso, Mira de Amescua, and
Calderon may have surpassed Tirso as writers of autos sacramentales,
the Mercedarian achieved certain fame as the baroque moralizer in his
autos and other religious plays, since he combined in them the medieval
mystical view of life with the prevailing religious philosophy of his day.
But from the five autos of his known today and the other short religious
play, it can be seen that, despite his poetic agility and free use of im-
agination, Tirso showed neither strong interest in nor deep understand-
ing of Eucharistic drama.

The Historical and Legendary Plays. In the historical genre Tirso

employed themes from national history. The best among them is La
prudencia en Ia mujer (Prudence in a Woman, ca. 1622), which por-
trays in its main plot the political turmoil that existed during Maria
de Molina's regency preceding the reign of Fernando IV (1295-1312).
The subplot deals with the legendary rivalry between the Benavides and
Carvajales families. Using La Cr6nica de Fernando IV (Valladolid, 1554),
among other sources, Tirso situated this play's action in a medieval
milieu that recalled the age-old hostility between the Castilians and
the Leonese, thereby rekindling an emotional issue still smolder-
 Proliferation of the Comedia 99

ing in Spain at that time. 19 The playwright's secondary purposes in us-

ing medieval history were to refer symbolically to Spain's internal situa-
tion during the government of the Conde-Duque de Olivares in the
seventeenth century and to call for national unity.
Noted for his characterizations of women, Tirso in this play presented
the regent queen's character in the typical environment of her contem-
porary world. Setting her against a background of intrigue and in the
presence of ambitious Spanish lords, the dramatist portrays her as a pru-
dent and clement queen who is loyal to the memory of her deceased
husband, circumvents trouble, and protects the throne for her son. The
moral tone, serious dramatic substance, and excellent portrayal of the
queen outweigh the play's stylistic deficiencies, such as its episodic struc-
ture and numerous speeches.
Inspired by the old chronicles and Salucio del Poyo's earlier plays,
Tirso wrote two tragedies on the theme of fallen royal favorites: Pro-
spera fortuna de don Alvaro de Luna y adversa de Ruy Lopez Davalos
(The Prosperous Fortune of Alvaro de Luna and the Adverse Fortune
of Ruy Lopez Davalos) and Adversa fortuna de don Alvaro de Luna
(The Adverse Fortune ofAlvaro de Luna, 1615-21). In the latter play,
which was written in the style of a modern romantic tragedy, Alvaro
is victimized by the king' s indiscretion and is humiliated when his
beneficiaries, to whom he has been extremely good, fail in expressions
of gratitude. 20
Episodes from the historical conquest of the New World are recorded
in Amazonas de las Indias (The Amazons of the West Indies) and the
Trilogfa de los Pizarros (The Trilogy of the Pizarros). Commissioned
by the descendants of Francisco Pizarro to vindicate their family name,
each play within the trilogy treats the unjust destiny of one of the three
brothers. 21
Two notable historico-legendary plays are La joya de las montaiias
(The jewel of the Mountains) and El cobarde mas valiente (The Most
Valiant Coward), which deal with stories from legendary Spain. Tirso's
version of the Romeo and Juliet folkloric legend, Los amantes de Teruel
(The Lovers ofTeruel, 1635 ), a drama of fate that depends on a succes-
sion of accidents, psychologically develops the self-destructive traits in
Isabel and Marcilla. Another noteworthy play in this group, Las quinas
100 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

de Portugal (The Arms of Portugal, 1638), treats an amorous theme

in stock fashion while recounting the heroic deeds of Alfonso Enriquez,
the first king of Portugal during the peninsular Reconquest.

The Cloak-and-Sword Plays and Comedies of Manners. Influenced by

Lope de Vega, who excelled in the portrayal of women in his comedias
de enredo (plays of high intrigue), Tirso showed his greatest mastery
in this genre. His especially well drawn female protagonists are bold
in amorous pursuits and manipulate the rather meek, spiritless men
they chase. By making use of the popular dramatic technique of disguis-
ing women as men and having them pursue their reluctant lovers, he
achieved a peak in plot complication, as can be seen in Don GzJ de
las calzas verdes (Don Gil in Green Breeches, 1615 ).22
Considered an early example of escapist theater, 23 this play presents
a jilted young lady who cleverly restores her honor by means of a con-
tinuous series of entanglements that involve a reversal of sex roles. This
play's complicated and hilarious intrigue involves three amorous
triangles with just four characters. The cowardly, superstitious Don Mar-
tin seduces his fiancee,Juana, then abandons her for a richer and more
beautiful girl, Ines. When Juana disguises herself as Don Gil in order
to follow her faithless sweetheart, she attracts Ines, who then scorns Mar-
tin. The unsuccessful Martin blames his unscrupulous father for his own
fiasco. But thanks to her ingenuity in a play-within-the-play, Juana final-
ly wins Martin back. DoiiaJuana (or Don Gil) has become known as
the feminine counterpart of Don Juan Tenorio, since she is more in-
terested in love than in avenging her tarnished honor, and boldly
justifies her lies and inventions to achieve her goals. Winning back her
lover by means of her superb impersonations in both male and female
disguises, she is an excellent example of a "metagonist" who reshapes
the expected outcome of the play through her own inventions.
Another side to a young lady's problems in courtship and marriage
is farcically treated in Marta Ia piadosa (Pious Martha, 1615?). The
heroine confronts several difficulties: her lover, Felipe, for whom her
younger sister is also competing, kills her brother, and she is being forced
to marry a wealthy old man she does not love. To solve her problems,
Marta makes a vow of chastity in order to avoid the prearranged mar-
 Proliferation of the Comedia 101

riage and to receive lessons in Latin from her disguised fiance. She
reasons that hypocrisy and dissimulation are justified as long as her pur-
pose of marrying happily is honest. Marta's lifelike delineation superbly
portrays a young woman in the dramatic tradition of the comedia. 24
Some plays by Tirso depict as heroines frivolous, susceptible women
with picaresque qualities, such as those in Averiguelo, Vargas (Find It
Out, Vargas, 1619-21), La vi/lana de Vallecas (The Peasant Girl of
Vallecas, 1620), 25 Los balcones de Madrid (The Balconies of Madn·d,
after 1624), Man·-Hernandez, Ia gal/ega (Mari-Hernandez, the Galician,
1625 ), and Desde Toledo a Madrid (From Toledo to Madrid, 1625-27?).
Many other Tirsian lady protagonists, however, as we have already seen,
surpass the normal stereotypes and display vivid personalities with
psychological traits. The ability ofTirso's heroines to influence the course
of action in his plays reveals not only his attitude toward women but
also his sociological and cultural concern for them in Spanish society.
Por el s6tano y el torno (Through Basement and Hatch, 1623), for
example, satirizes cupidity and continence. Two sisters, Bernarda and
Jusepa, choose to lead a chaste existence in the house of an old man.
Through the help of her servant Santaren, Jusepa finds a cellar cave
and a hatch in an adjoining house (sexual symbols) through which she
can exchange letters with her lover Duarte. Thus, she eludes her older
sister's vigilance, avoids having to marry her old, gray-bearded landlord,
and lands the young man of her choice. 26 In La vzllana de Ia Sagra
(The Peasant Girl of Sagra, 1608-14) a young lady follows her exiled
brother in order to remain under his protection. Disguised as a peasant
girl, she experiences several adventures and finally falls into the arms
of a lover who respects her for her honesty. The heroine of Antona Garcia
(1622) is a rich, pregnant peasant who helps the Spanish army to win
in the war against the Portuguese. When a Portuguese officer solicits
her in her condition, she tactfully eludes his and his colleagues'
advances.
The palace play El vergonzoso en palacio (The Shy, Young Man at
Court, 1611) presents an excellent example of a Tirsian female portrayal.
The main romantic plot, which treats the protagonist's social ascent from
shepherd to courtier, is similar to that in Lope de Vega's El perro del
hortelano. The play's title, derived from an old Spanish proverb, "al
102 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

hombre vergonzoso el diablo le trajo al palacio" ("the devil brought

the bashful man to the palace"), is repeatedly used as a leitmotiv.
Magdalena, the impatient daughter of the Duke of Avero, disregards
the social rules that divide the classes and woos Mireno, her bashful
secretary. She achieves her goal through the use of many clever schemes,
including a dream, during which, in a dialogue, she speaks her own
part and also that of her lover. The use of this interesting baroque device
falls into the category of metatheater. 27 A misalliance that seems like-
ly to result when the two fall in love is averted just in time when the
discovery is made that Mireno is in reality Don Dionis, a son of the
Duke of Coimbra.
A second pair oflovers in this play's political subplot are entangled
in similar problems: Magdalena's sister, Serafina, is being pursued by
Antonio, a Portuguese count, who veils his identity. In the carnivales-
que play that these characters stage, Serafina's disinterest in marrying
and her dreams of pursuing an acting career-not to mention her split
personality-are revealed. Disguised as a jealous lover, a madman, and
in four other roles, Serafina rejects Antonio when she falls in love with
the portrait of herself in masculine dress which is being painted. 28
Tirso used this play to express his own attitudes about life. Through
its theme of a woman's right to choose her mate, he ingeniously
challenged the seventeenth-century Spanish custom that prohibited a
couple from making their own decision in marriage. Its palace setting,
furthermore, indicates his disapproval of life at the Spanish court.
Although Mireno 's characterization may lack verisimilitude, since he
appears to be too timid for the aspiring Magdalena, his ignorance about
his true aristocratic rank is thought to mirror the poet's own proud
shyness and his life as the supposed illegitimate son of the Duke of
Osuna. Moreover, in Antonio's personality a reflection of Tirso's own
ingenuity and audacity can be seen. 29
The twin to El vergonzoso is El melanc61ico (The Melancholiac,
1611-23?), which contains other autobiographical references to the
playwright, since it deals with the mental state of Rogerio, the il-
legitimate son of the Duke of Bretafia. Disgusted by the bad conduct
of his so-called nephew, Enrique brings Rogerio to the court and
recognizes him as his heir. But Rogerio, having fallen in love with a
 Proliferation of the Comedia 103

shepherdess, Leonisa, before arriving in the city, suffers from melan-

choly because he is being forced to marry his cousin, Clemencia. His
predicament may be parallel to an incident in Tirso's life; furthermore,
the play displays the poet's disdain for the injustices that existed in
the nobility's strict rules regarding hereditary rights. The metaphoric
complexity and contrasting versification in this play contribute to its
baroque and vivacious qualities.
Tirso de Molina's dramas became popular with Spanish audiences
for several reasons. Their plans of action are usually simple, and his
characters echo his interest in social criticism rather than in pastoral,
chivalric, and mythological subjects. The poet also departed from a prac-
tice of his predecessors by making only occasional references to tradi-
tional ballads through a gracioso. As a critic of aristocratic society, Tir-
so directed his dramatic art toward urban corruption. In contrast to Lope
de Vega's use of more linear plots and Calderon's dramatic abstrac-
tions, Tirso's works rest on tangible reality, as in his characterizations
and his transmission of ideas. It has been said that the repertory of his
themes encompasses the preoccupations of most early seventeenth-
century Spaniards. 3° Known especially for his plays of intrigue and
those about theology, and for his portrayals of women, Tirso advanced
Lope's theatrical art. He thus stands in the pivotal position between
Lope and Calderon.

}VAN RUIZ DE ALARCON

The great classicist and the least typical of Spain's Golden Age
dramatists, the Mexican-born Juan Ruiz de Alarcon (1581-1639) occupies
a special place in the evolution of Spanish theater_31 Coming from a
well-to-do Spanish family, Alarcon studied at the University of Mexico
before moving in 1600 to the more prestigious university at Salaman-
ca. Between 1606 and 1608 he practiced law in Seville, but he returned
to Mexico in 1608 and received the Licentiate of Laws in 1609. After
living in his native country for five years, he returned permanently to
Madrid, where he wrote about two dozen plays between 1613 and 1626.
He ended his career as a dramatist when he was appointed court reporter
for the Council of the Indies in 1626, and he died in Madrid in 1639.
104 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

Juan Ruiz de Alarcon (1581-1639)

 Proliferation of the Comedia 105

Called the "Spanish Terence," Alarcon was an urbane dramatist who

strove for perfection. The scale of his dramatic output ranges from the
finest plays to somewhat weak ones. This can be explained by the fact
that, like his contemporaries, Alarcon often wrote in haste in order to
satisfy public demand. He is remembered for his passionless plays that
stand in contrast to the fervent, romantic pieces his colleagues wrote,
and also for his lively comedies of manners. Having adopted neoclassical
tendencies that anticipated those of Morado nearly two centuries later,
he acquired a number of enemies, who ridiculed his physical defor-
mities, Creole origin, claims of nobility, and literary aspirations. The
embittered hunchback with red hair and bowlegs responded to the cruel
witticisms of his critics-Gongora, Suarez de Figueroa, and the Count
of Villamediana-by praising in his plays such virtues as faithfulness
in friendship, chivalric loyalty, abnegation in love, and innocence. At
the same time he attacked such vices as slander, lying, ingratitude, in-
justice, and greed.
Since Alarcon was concerned with social problems within his own ex-
perience, his theater is moral and intellectual rather than aesthetic. His
social criticism is conve}'ed through the ethico-psychological depiction
of characters and the study of customs. Rather than elaborating com-
plex plots, the playwright introduced into Spanish drama the depic-
tion of morals and character, especially in the characterization of Spanish
gentry. In order to achieve realism he sacrificed the use of plots of in-
trigue and concentrated on character analysis.
Alarcon's most mature and polished of plays of character and social
observation are La verdad sospechosa (Suspect Truth, 1619), Las paredes
oyen (Walls Have Ears, 1621), and El examen de maridos (The Test
of Suitors, 1623-25?). The first and last of these plays are drawn from
the same sources that Shakespeare used in The Merchant of Venice.
In La verdad sospechosa, a moralizing play that chastises the vice of
mendacity, Don Garda makes a sport out of lyingY Interrupting his
studies at the University of Salamanca, he returns with his tutor to his
home in Madrid to receive the primogeniture that falls to him after
the death of his brother. After the tutor reveals to Garda's father that
his son has a great defect-lying-the father, Don Beltran, makes plans
tQ marry him as soon as possible to Jacinta.
106 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

Stage scene from Act 1, scene 5, of Ruiz de Alarcon's La verdad

sospechosa (Suspect Truth), at the Palacio de Bellas Artes (Mexico)
under the direction of Antonio Castro Leal, 1934.

Don Garda has already fallen in love with Jacinta, having met her
on the street and pretended to be a rich Peruvian recently arrived in
Spain. Unfonunately, however, since the young man mi~tookJacinta
for her companion, Lucrecia, he thinks he is in love with Lucrecia. The
intrigue of the comedia rests on the confusion of names. When Garda
speaks to Jacinta, he swears he loves Lucrecia, and when his father pro-
poses that he marry Jacinta, Garda untruthfully declares that he has
already secretly married in Salamanca. As a result of his confusion and
lies, Garcia not only loses the woman he loves but also is forced by his
father to marry _the woman he dislikes.
The ironic ending of this play teaches that mendacity harms not-only
the lier but all others who are involved. The play's theme-the greatest
deceiver is the one who deceives himself-shows indebtedness to Aesop's
fable about the boy who cried "Wolf, wolf!";;
A play that is considered to be a jewel in Spanish comedia, Las paredes
oyen, provides a moral through the character portrayals of two an-
tithetical rivals who compete for the love of a beautiful widow, Dona
 Proliferation of the Comedia 107

Ana. Finally the rich and handsome but gossipy Don Mendo loses out
to the less endowed but more generous and amiable Don Juan. With
his fine presentation of Don Mendo as the perfect gossip, Alarc6n was
actually mimicking his critics, whereas the qualities of Don Juan were
meant to reflect the playwright's philosophy that nobility exists in nature
and not because of heredity. For Alarc6n the doctrine of social equality
was manifested in good actions and dignity rather than in noble birth.
In El examen de maridos, regarded as Alarc6n's last play, Marquise
Ines accepts her deceased father's advice to examine the qualifications
of her numerous suitors. After narrowing her choice down to the more
handsome Carlos, whom she does not really like, and the less dashing
but more lovable Fadrique, she lets the two men debate her predica-
ment with the understanding that the winner will gain her hand in
marriage. Although Carlos unwittingly argues in his own disfavor
(thanks to false rumors spread by Fadrique's jealous former girlfriend,
Blanca, about Fadrique's physical defects and Ines's long-time passion
for Carlos) and wins the debate, he yields Ines to Fadrique when he
finds out the truth. Then, feeling sorry for Blanca, he marries her.
In this play's suspenseful plot, which leads to an unexpected resolu-
tion, the characters display different traits related to friendship, loyal-
ty, and marriage. Blanca capriciously changes her mind as fortune shifts;
and since Fadrique's main interest is his friendship with Carlos, he ex-
presses little concern for the lady he will win. Carlos's aggressiveness
works in his disfavor, but his generosity is revealed when he marries
Blanca. Finally, the incredibly objective posture that Ines maintains
throughout the play eventually wins for her the mate she originally
favored.
Alarc6n is particularly known for his plays about the occult and the
Devil.34 His Quien mal anda mal acaba (He Who Follows an Evil Way
Ends Evilly, 1601-11?) is the first dramatic treatment of a man's pact
with the Devil to appear in Spain. In this play Roman Ramirez fails
to attract the attention of Dona Aldonza until he signs a pact with the
Devil, who agrees to help him become a doctor. Before their marriage,
however, two representatives from the Inquisition arrest the doctor as
a heretic and wizard. The playwright's interest in black magic can be
found in another early play, La manganzlla de MelzJia (The Stratagem
108 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

at Me/ilia, 1602-8), whose plot is based on a trick of military strategy

that Captain Pedro Vanegas used to defeat Moorish forces at Melilla.
La cueva de Salamanca (The Cave ofSalamanca, 1617-20), somewhat
autobiographical and episodic, makes references to two historical figures
linked to the practice of the occult against the background of student
life. The dramatist based the main plot on the legend that the Devil
was tricked by one of his students, who left his shadow behind and
repented before the Devil was able to drag him off to Hell. It is thought
that the learned magician, Enrico, who teaches his art in a windowless
house that resembles a cave, is a reflection of Enrico Martinez, a well-
known Dutch magician in Spain who died in 1632. His student, Villena,
is presented as a fictional son of the childless Enrique de Villena, a
fifteenth-century Spanish marquis whose zealous contribution to the
learned arts wrongfully gained for him a reputation as a practitioner
of necromancy. Alarcon attempted to squash these false accusations
about the marquis with an invented descendant's explanation that he
did not go to Hell, and with Enrico's final acknowledgment of error.
Although the lengthy discussions about the practice of black magic
detract from this play, interest is maintained in the slapstick scenes deal-
ing with student life.
Alarcon's skillfully drawn plot for another play about sorcery, La
prueba de las promesas (The Test of Promises, 1618), is derived from
Juan Manuel's thirteenth exemplary tale in El conde Lucanor. A
necromancer, Illan of Toledo, plans to marry his daughter Blanca to
Enrique, since he is eager to terminate a feud between the two families.
Blanca, however, is in love with Juan, who asks Illan to teach him the
art of black magic so that he can be close to her. Unwilling to force
his daughter into an unhappy marriage, Illan tests Juan's character.
Turning on his magical power, he makes the young man rise above the
social status of Blanca. In this state Juan loses interest in Blanca, but
as the spell is broken he changes his mind. The disillusioned Blanca
comprehends the untrustworthiness of her humiliated lover and hap-
pily consents to marry Enrique. The playwright's double purpose in
this play of intrigue was to focus on the theme of ingratitude and to
show that, although knowledge of the occult is permissible, its practice
is inadvisable.
 Proliferation of the Comedia 109

In Alarcon's only attempt at religious drama, El anticristo (The An-

tichrist, 1623), he invented a heretical plot around passages from
Malachi, Daniel, the gospels, and the Book of Revelation, as well as
a book about the Last Judgment that appeared in Salamanca in 1588
that antithetically contrasts the Devil with Christ. The indecent inver-
sions in this play were much too unorthodox for the public in
seventeenth-century Spain, and it is no small wonder that Lope de Vega
and some other playwrights are reputed to have hired spectators to
disrupt its staging by throwing cucumbers during its premiere.
Themes on social consciousness can be perceived in other plays by
Alarcon. The futility of worldly success and honor is presented in Los
fovores del mundo (The Favors ofThis World, 1616-17). Fickleness is
the subject in Mudarse par mejorarse (Changing for the Better, 1618).
Unswerving allegiance to a sovereign and true friendship are found in
Los pechos privilegiados (The Hearts of the Elite, 1619-21) and La
amistad castigada (The Chastized Fr£endship, 1620-21). And the heroic
restitution of the lost honor of a nobleman is treated in El tejedor de
Segovia (The Weaver of Segovia, 1619-22).
Although the women in his dramas lack the vivacity of those in the
plays of Lope de Vega and Tirso de Molina and contribute less to the
development of the intrigue, they are known for their independence.
The marriageable young ladies have the ability to calculate their
matrimonial possibilities coldly, and those of noble birth usually act
in accordance with their social station. Some of the women possess
superior character, and those who conduct themselves improperly lose
their lovers. 35 On the other hand, many of Alarcon's graciosos, whom
he made more intelligent and less comical than their counterparts in
other Golden Age dramas, contribute significantly to the development
in his plays. Their frequent expressions of dissatisfaction and grief are
considered to be reflections of Alarcon's own beliefs.
The structural arrangements of Alarcon's plots rely on the defects
or virtues of his characters, and the human situations he depicts pro-
ceed out of the conceptual development of his theses. While adopting
a realistic style devoid of euphuistic embellishments, he clearly expresses
through his lively dialogues, short monologues,and lengthy narrations
a baroque vision of life. A moralist with high regard for man's dignity,
110 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

the poet capably polarizes truth and falsehood, friendship and enmi-
ty, loyalty and faithlessness, generosity and avarice. Although his bet-
ter plays may lack imagination and spontaneity, the well contrived
characterizations, dignified versification, and sedate diction reflect the
workmanship of a conscientious dramatist.
Despite his contribution of twenty-five urbane plays, Alarcon is
regarded as the least prolific among the giants of the Golden Age. Since
his plays were less frequently staged than those of the more renowned
playwrights of his time, Alarcon's reputation as a serious dramatist was
not established until reworkings of his plays appeared in France,
England, and Italy after his death.

ANTONIO MIRA DE AMESCUA

Antonio Mira de Amescua (1574-1644) was a southern dramatist in the

Lopean cycle who wrote while serving in several ecclesiastical positions.
Born in Guadix as an illegitimate son of Melchor de Amescua and Beatriz
de Torres, he studied canon law in Granada and received a doctorate
in theology in 1598. When Mira returned to Guadix in 1600 he was
appointed the town's mayor, but six years later he moved to the coun
in Madrid to develop a literary career. Soon the young lawyer, priest,
and writer became a censor, and in 1609 he was named the royal
chaplain in Granada. He resided in Naples from 1610 to 1616 while
in the service of the viceroy, the Count of Lemos. In 1622 Mira became
the royal chaplain to Infante don Fernando of Austria in Madrid. His
production as a playwright continued until 1632, when he decided to
devote his entire time to his ecclesiastical duties in Guadix. During his
later years Mira de Amescua's reputation suffered because of his
neurasthenic temperament and arrogance. He died on September 8,
1644.
Mira's dramatic production includes fifty-three plays and fifteen one-
act pieces. Mainly known for his religious plays with familiar subjects,
he is also remembered for historical dramas about fallen royal favorites
and for some secular plays. In his religious works the Andalusian poet
dramatized theological problems, as did Tirso de Molina, whereas his
plays of intrigue adhere in style to the typical comedia de capay espada
 Proliferation of the Comedia 111

because of their amorous dialogues, comic passages, narrations, and

polymetric versification.
Mira's masterpiece, El esc/avo del demonio (The Devzl's Slave, 1612),
treats the topic of a man's pact with the Devil, which had already been
used in Juan Manuel's El conde Lucanor (45th ejemplo) and Alarcon's
Quien mal anda mal acaba; it was to be used later by Calderon in his
El magico prodigioso (The Prodigious Magician). Like his predecessors,
Mira based his play on a Portuguese hagiographic legend about Frei
Gil de Santarem, who was born in 1190. Mira's Don Gil signs a pact
with the Devil for the possession of beautiful Leonor, but after he em-
braces her she turns into a skeleton. Sorry for his mistake, Don Gil calls
on his guardian angel, who snatches the evil pact away from the Devil.
Don Gil then imposes on himself the severe penance of living as a recluse
the rest of his life.
The dramatic irony in this play arises from conflicting interpretations
of reality in a conversation between the saintly Don Gil and his ser-
vant, whose ambiguous replies misinform his master and cause him to
become a sinner. Other baroque aspects can be seen in the play's af-
fected metaphors and strained conceits that elaborate on the problematic
relationship between predestination and free will. Rebelliously choos-
ing to offend God, the protagonist loses the intercessory power of the
Virgin Mary; however, he remains willing to appeal to his guardian
angel, who leads him to salvation. The playwright's own character is
thought to have been reflected in the dynamic, egocentric, and con-
trary Don Gil. Although the play possesses vigorous, imaginative ac-
tions and sonorous versification, it is often episodic, and the secondary
plot is sometimes unrelated to the main plot.
Mira's second best hagiographic play, La mesonera del cielo (The Inn-
keeper of Heaven, 1620-32), deals with the redemption of a fallen
woman. The poet also wrote a biblically inspired play, El arpa de David
(The Harp of David, 1611?), and a devotional play, El amparo de los
hombres (The Protector ofMen, 1616?). His teatro menor(one-act plays)
consists of three autos de nacimiento (nativity plays), ten autos sacramen-
tales, one auto mariana (Marian play), and an entremes (interlude).
Outstanding among Mira's autos sacramentales are Pedro Telonario,
Las pruebas de Cristo (The Examination of Christ), El sol de me-
112 SPANISH GOWEN AGE DRAMA

dianoche, y estrellas a mediodia (The Sun at Midnight and the Stars

at Noon), La fe de Hungria (The Faith of Hungary), and El erario y
el monte de Ia piedad (The State Treasury and the Mount of Piety).
The protagonist in the first auto truthfully reflects the impetuous per-
sonality that the Apostle Peter was thought to have had, the play about
the sun and stars deals with man's slavery to life, while the last two
works issue a caution about the dangers of heresy. The play about
Hungary, which uses as its subject the split between Roman Catholicism
and Protestantism in that country, underscores the value of the Bread
of the Eucharist and praises the Habsburgs' resistance to heretics. In
El monte de Ia piedad, the vel/on, a devaluated coin, is allegorically
equated with the tokens of faith. Although Mira's politico-religious
message is strong in these autos, their lyrical expression and humane
background outweigh their allegorical and symbolic content.
Mira drew from national history, classical mythology, and the histories
of the Roman Empire, Italy, France, the Netherlands, and Hungary
for his historico-legendary plays. Some of those that deal with fallen
coun favorites are El ejemplo mayor de Ia desdicha (The Greatest Ex-
ample ofMisfortune, 162 5), a dramatized history of General Belisario,
which was modeled on Rotrou's Belisaire; La rueda de Ia Fortuna (The
Wheel of Fortune, 1604), which relates the misfortunes of Prince
Teodosio; and El conde Alarcos (1620?), whose action in France is de-
rived from Spanish folklore. The most renowned among these, however,
is one of many dramatizations of the legendary love affair between
Alfonso VIII and the Jewess of Toledo-La desgraciada Raquel (The
Unfortunate Rachel, 1625?). Somewhat inferior to Lope de Vega's Las
paces de los reyes, Mira's play nonetheless reveals no evidence that he
borrowed from or was indebted to Lope.
Two of Mira's three novelesque plays of intrigue-La tercera de sf
misma (The Go-Between for Herself, 1616?) and La fenix de Salaman-
ca (The Phoenix of Salamanca, 1610?)-contain stock presentations of
women who successfully pursue their lovers in masculine attire. The
third play, No hay bur/as con las mujeres, o casarse y vengarse (Women
Cannot Be Tricked, or Revenge Through Marriage, 1621?), consists of
a love intrigue involving two women and four men. The play's veiled
heroine, Laura, avenges her honor, makes peace with her penurbator,
and finally happily marries him.
 Proliferation of the Comedia 113

Mira's popular palace plays anticipate certain stylistic traits of

Calderon. El palacio confuso (The Confused Palace, 1624?) stages a
classical story from Plautus's Menaechmi about the twin sons of a Sicilian
king. One boy was raised secretly by the queen as a peasant, and the
other was left at sea to perish because of predictions that he would grow
up to be a cruel king. The jumble of confusion that follows is untan-
gled finally when Carlos regains his rightful crown and Enrico happily
accepts his lot. Galan, valiente y discreto (Gallant, Valiant, and Discreet,
1632) retells the Duchess of Mantua's careful selection of an appropriate
mate. The subject for this palace play follows Ruiz de Alarcon's El exa-
men de mandos, and it in turn served as a model for Moreto's El desden
con el desden (Disdain for Disdain).
Mira is considered to be a transitional dramatist in the Spanish Golden
Age, standing between Lope de Vega and Calderon. The southern
dramatist, whose strength lay in the imaginative use of lyricism and
baroque techniques, was venerated by his contemporaries. After his
death, however, his work was neglected and left in oblivion until the
twentieth century, when a revival of interest has been sparked by re-
cent scholarly editions of his dramatic works. 36

LUIS VELEZ DE GUEVARA

One of Lope de Vega's immediate followers and imitators was Luis Velez
de Guevara (1579-1644). Born in Ecija of a poor nobleman, Diego Velez
de Duenas, and Francisca Negrete de Santander, he graduated from
the University of Osuna in 1596. After participating in a military ex-
pedition in Italy, the young man returned to Spain in 1600 and settled
permanently in Madrid as a poet. In 1608 following the publication
of an opuscule in praise of Prince Domingo, he abandoned the name
Velez de Santander for the name by which he is known today. Married
four times, Velez de Guevara experienced financial difficulties
throughout his life, despite the several court positions he held. In 1642
his son, Juan, replaced him in his post as palace poet, and on November
10, 1644, Velez died in Madrid.
After Lope de Vega, Tirso de Molina and Velez de Guevara share
rights as the most productive playwrights in the Spanish Golden Age.
While presiding at a poetic-burlesque contest in the palace at the Buen
114 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

Retiro in 163 7, Velez de Guevara claimed authorship of four hundred

plays, and in 1641 he published a novel, El diablo cojuelo (The Lame
Devil). From his vast output, about eighty plays have been preserved,
some of which were written in collaboration with other authors.
Having assimilated the best in Lopean technique, Velez de Guevara
produced artificial and complicated works. Despite the superficiality
of his style, which is often characterized by superfluous verbal or-
naments, his diction is concise, natural, and flexible. On occasion his
language is witty and sharp. His best plays, which are founded on penin-
sular heroic themes, nobly interpret history and combine it with
fantasyY Certain qualities of Golden Age Spaniards, furthermore, can
be observed in his strong-willed characters.
The most perfect of Velez's dramatic works, Reinar despues de morir
(Queen after Death), was written in his later years. This poetic drama,
which resembles a classical tragedy of fate, was reconstructed from
medieval historico-legendary accounts of Crown Prince Pedro and Ines
de Castro, common to both Portuguese and Spanish literatures. The
story of her tragic death in 1355 appeared often in chronicles, ballads,
and cancioneros (collections of poems), and also in Luis Camoens' s Os
Lusiadas (The Lusitanians, 1572). It was dramatized in Antonio Ferreira's
Dona Ignez de Castro (1553-67) and was subsequently adapted by
Jeronimo Bermudez in Nise lastimosa and its sequel, Nise laureada,
in 15 77. Other playwrights used the same story: Lope de Vega in Dona
Ines de Castro, Tirso de Molina in Siempre ayuda Ia verdad (Truth
Always Helps), and Mexia de Ia Cerda in Tragedia famosa de Dona
Ines de Castro.
In Velez de Guevara's version, Pedro, the unfortunate Portuguese
prince, disobeys his father's order to marry Blanca de Navarra and secret-
ly marries Ines, thereby giving up his right to the throne. The king
is consequently forced by his noblemen to order Pedro's arrest and the
death of Ines, since she refuses to renounce her claim as the future
queen. After the king's sudden death, however, Pedro ascends the
throne and condemns the accomplices in Ines's death. Then he places
the disinterred cadaver of his wife on the throne, crowns it, and bestows
on it all the honor due to a queen.
The clash between romantic love and political duty in this play is
 Proliferation of the Comedia 115

centered not so much on the action of the protagonists as on that of

the noblemen and the king. The young couple's submissiveness in fac-
ing the unfavorable events contributes to the tragic end. Moreover, the
error that leads to Ines's fate originates in her insistence on remaining
Pedro's wife rather than his concubine. 38
Velez de Guevara achieved great poetic effects in several of his plays
while dramatizing legends and themes from national history. La nina
de Gomez Arziu (The Girl of Gomez Arzas), which was later adapted
by Calderon, depicts the figure of a seducer. After abusing a young
lady and selling her as a slave, Gomez Arias is condemned to death
by order of the Catholic kings. La luna de Ia sierra (The Moon-Maiden
of the Mountains) dramatizes the energetic resistance of a beautiful
village woman, who opposes the immoral advances of two noblemen.
A free adaptation of lope's Peribiifiez, this play was later used as a model
by Rojas Zorrilla in his masterpiece, El rey abajo, ninguno (Below the
King All Men Are Peers). The action in Velez's play is more intricate
than in Lope's work, and the female protagonist, Antona Garda, speaks
the language of the upper class.
Together with Lope de Vega and other playwrights of the Siglo de
Oro, Velez de Guevara revealed certain changes in attitudes toward
Spanish women in the seventeenth century. The stage was used as a
medium to present a new type of woman who could defend herself in
society. Heroines possessing manly traits of bravery and arrogance were
given roles in which they freed themselves from the watchful protec-
tion of the masculine members of their families. Even more, they
challenged the men who tried to deceive them. From this new concept
arose the term mujer varonzl (manly woman), a product of the baro-
que mentality. The aggressive actions of these characters provided an
outlet for Spanish women's longings for freedom and adventure. The
mujeres varonzles expressed hatred of masculine liberty, resentment
toward society's belief in the superiority of man, and jealousy of man's
access to pleasures that were denied women. 39
Excellent examples of mujeres varonzles can be found in Velez de
Guevara's La serrana de Ia Vera (The Mountain Girl from Vera), which
is based on a ballad of the same name, and El amor en vizcaino, los
celos en frances (Love in Biscayan,jealousy in French). The latter play,
116 SPANISH GOWEN AGE DRAMA

with an abundance of pastoral scenes from Navarra, is about a Biscayan

woman, Dominga, who avenges her dishonor by killing the Dauphin
of France. The dramatist artistically created a woman with masculine
characteristics to play a double role-the avenger of an affront and the
leader of her people. Dominga's rustic, ungrammatical Biscayan speech
creates confusion and serves as comic relief. Velez de Guevara's dramatic
experiment of creating women with masculine characteristics can be
traced to the heroines of earlier plays, such as Cristobal de Virues's
Semiramis and Tirso de Molina's Maria de Molina and Dofia Juana.
A popular historical play by Velez de Guevara is Si el caballo vos
han muerto (IfThey Killed Your Horse). The plot is based on a generous
deed in the Battle of Aljubarrota: Pedro Hurtado de Mendoza saves
the life of Juan I at the price of his own when he gives the king his
horse by which to escape. The incident about the horse is fictitious,
but it was based on the first part of a ballad by Alfonso Hurtado de
Velarde. 40 In this play the customs of medieval nobility are masterfully
presented.
The legend of Guzman el Bueno, the second most venerated Spanish
hero, is dramatized in Mas pesa el rey que Ia sangre, y Blas6n de los
Guzmanes (Duty to King above Famzly, and the Glory ofthe Guzman
Famzly). In this drama, facts from Spanish traditional history and the
poet's own inventions are successfully blended. The play is a presenta-
tion of the turbulent politics in the second half of the thirteenth cen-
tury, when the cruel but patriotic defense of Tarifa won immortality
for its defenders. Guzman's barbarous but sublime sacrifice of his son
for the defense of the fort from the Moors has been compared in Spanish
tradition to Abraham's offering of Isaac.
Another of Velez de Guevara's popular historico-legendary plays is
El diablo esta en Canttllana (The Devil Is in Cantzllana), which recounts
one of the adventures of Pedro I.
Three other plays pertaining to military life written by Velez de
Guevara are worthy of mention. The bravery and generosity of Spanish
soldiers are vividly depicted in Los amotinados en Flandes (The In-
surgents in Flanders). 41 The novelesque play El asombro de Turquia
y valiente toledano (The Fear of Turkey and the Valiant Toledan) is
an account of the exploits of a famous sailor, Francisco de Ribera, in
the victorious naval battle with the Turks in 1616. The unity of the
 Proliferation of the Comedia 117

play's action would have been improved if some of the sea deeds had
been omitted. In El marques de Bastos, a servant-soldier of a marquis
is the protagonist. After leading a life of many excesses, he enters
military service under his master and dies in battle.
Novelistic qualities are present in La desdichada Estefania (The Un-
fortunate Stephanie). This play is based on a true story that came from
the court of Alfonso VIII of Castile, but it also has certain similarities
to Ariosto's tale about Ariodante and Ginebra. Estefania, the sister of
the king, marries Fernan Ruiz. When the new husband is absent, the
princess's lady-in-waiting, impersonating her lady, invites and receives
an ex-suitor of the princess, Count Vela. When false rumors of his wife's
infidelity reach the jealous husband, he returns and, without finding
out the truth, kills the count and mortally wounds his wife. Realizing
the catastrophe she has created, the lady-in-waiting throws herself from
the balcony, and the unfortunate widower implores the king to con-
demn him to death. This tragic drama excellently portrays human af-
fections and violent passions. 42
Velez de Guevara's best-known play having a setting outside of Spain
is Cumplir dos obligaciones y Duquesa de Sajonia (Fulfillment of Two
Obligations and the Duchess ofSaxony). During an official visit in Ger-
many, a Spanish ambassador, Rodrigo de Mendoza, is saved from an
assassin by a German count, Ricardo. Taking refuge in a castle, Men-
doza meets the lord and his wife, Estefania, who is a victim of her hus-
band's jealousy. After returning to the imperial court, the Spaniard
discovers that the lord of the castle had been influenced in his jealousy
by the slander of Ricardo; consequently, he challenges Ricardo to a duel
and makes him confess his knavery. When the jealous duke wants to
punish Ricardo, Mendoza defends him, thus repaying his debt to him
for having saved his life.
Velez de Guevara dealt with foreign history in other plays, such as
Hazafias de Escandemberg (The Exploits ofSkander Bey), Attfa, azote
de Dios (Attfa, the Scourge of God), Tamer/lin de Persia (Tamerlane
of Persia), and El principe esc/avo (The Prince-Slave). Some of these
works and others on Spanish national history fall into the category of
comedias de ruido, which can be described as turbulent plays that re-
quire huge backdrops and large casts.
During his lifetime the dramatist became known for his religious
118 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

dramas, such as La hermosura de Raquel (The Beauty of Rachel) and

Santa Susana. La creaci6n del mundo (The Creation of the World) is
an adaptation of a similar play by Lope de Vega and is also a comedia
de repente-an improvised play written in a shott period of time. Velez's
sacramental play most true to that genre, Auto fomoso de Ia Mesa
Redonda (The Famous Play ofthe Round Table), presents the capture
ofJerusalem by Charlemagne, who symbolically represents Christ. His
Auto sacramental de Ia Abadesa del Cielo (The Sacramental Play on
the Abbess of Heaven), which is based on the popular legend about
a nun who repents after eloping with a lover, has no allegorical reference
to the Eucharist and belongs to the cycle of autos on the miracles of
the Virgin Mary. His other auto, Auto del Nacimiento, is a stereotyped
Nativity play.
Attractive for their dramatic motifs and interesting situations, Velez
de Guevara's plays display his talent for presenting lively descriptions
and his lyric intensity with Andalusian ovettones. Their swift action,
liveliness, and variety in dramatic exposition merit special attention. 43
Believing that his purpose was to please his audience, the playwright
avoided deep psychological analyses and placed more emphasis on the
development of action.

JUAN PEREZ DE MONTALBAN

Lope de Vega's immense influence on Juan Perez de Montalban

(1602-38) began when the great master encouraged the seventeen-year-
old youth to write for the stage with a play, Morir y disimular (To Die
and to Conceal, 1619). Montalban inherited a love for letters from his
father, who was a bookseller and the editor of Lope de Vega's plays.
Upon receiving a doctorate in theology in 1625, Montalban was ordained
as a priest. The young man suffered some personal losses, however. His
father's pirated edition of Quevedo's Busc6n (The Searcher) caused a
long, heated controversy, and after the death of Lope de Vega shortly
afterward, mental illness progressively overtook Montalban. He died
in 1638 in Madrid.
Montalban's theater, which consists of fifty-eight known pieces, is
not perfect. The plot development is defective because of weak passages;
 Proliferation of the Comedia 119

nonetheless, the plays are full of passion, delicate images, and especially
skillfully delineated female characters. The dramatist had a special talent
for presenting dramatic situations and popular stories. His best work
is a legendary play, Los amantes de Teruel (The Lovers ofTeruel), which
had previously been treated on the stage by Rey de Artieda, Y agiie de
Salas, and Tirso de Molina.
The frequent references to Pedro el Cruel in early Spanish poetry and
drama are echoed in Montalb:in's two-part comedia, La puerta macarena
(The Macarena Gate). The dramatist, however, omitted the incidents
pertaining to Alburquerque's revolt and the king's alliance with the
Black Prince. The play concentrates on the life of the impetuous young
monarch, and the delineations of the main characters are excellent.
Pedro's strong disposition, tricky character, and cruelty are fascinating.
Queen Dofia Blanca is viewed sympathetically, and Don Fadrique is
well delineated; but the appearance of Dofia Leonor de Guzman is
anachronistic, since she was put to death in 1351, two years before the
king's marriage to Blanca.
The three plays in a series of historical dramas that extol Philip II
in different periods of his reign represent Montalban's most ambitious
work. The first of the two-part El segundo Seneca de Espana (The Sec-
ond Seneca of Spain, 1625-28) shows how Philip stoically approached
his personal and public problems in 1569-70, a decisive period in his
life following the deaths of his son, Carlos, and his third wife, Isabella,
and before his marriage to Anne of Austria. The more inferior Part II,
covering the last decade of his reign (1588-98), just after defeat of the
Spanish Armada, places much emphasis on pageantry and court life.
In a third separate drama, El senor Don juan de Austria (1628), the
playwright presents a five-year period (15 71-76) not covered in El segun-
do Seneca de Espana, beginning with the victorious Battle of Lepanto
and ending with the death of Don Juan of Austria. In this play, par-
ticularly, Montalb:in displays his talent for character delineation by con-
trasting the proud, chivalrous, and devout disposition of Don Juan with
the extreme jealousy of his half brother, Philip II.
Montalb:in's cloak-and-sword plays are Como amante y como honrada
(Like a Lover and Like an Honorable Woman), which has a complicated
intrigue, and La monja alferez (The Nun Ensign), which was inspired
120 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

Juan Perez de Montalban (1602-1638)

 Proliferation of the Comedia 121

from the roving life of Catalina de Erauso. His religious plays, however,
met with much less success. The best-known of them is a comedia de
santos, San Antonio de Padua, which recreates the life of this Portuguese
saint.
Virtues are exalted, vices are debased, and historical events are
realistically dramatized in Montalban's plays. Although the playwright
was an adapter rather than a creator, his plays contain ingenious and
unexpected situations and skillfully developed plots that sustain con-
tinued interest. His style is usually free from elaborate rhetoric, though
in some scenes that were designed to impress, artificial and bom-
bastic language can be found. Basically, Montalban wrote to please his
audience.

DIEGO JIMENEZ DE ENCISO

One of the less prolific dramatists in the Lopean cycle was a Sevillian
poet, Diego Jimenez de Enciso (1585-1634), whose livelihood did not
depend entirely on earnings from writing for the stage. As a descen-
dant of a noble family, he held responsible governmental positions.
He died in his late forties, having been afflicted with a crippling
disease. 44
Among his eleven well versified plays, the most prominent are two
comedias a cuerpo (true historical plays), La mayor hazana del emperador
Carlos V (The Greatest Deed of Emperor Charles V) and El principe
Don Carlos (Pn"nce Don Carlos). In the former, dealing with the
emperor's abdication and retirement to the monastery of Yuste, the
characters of Charles V and Don Juan of Austria are masterfully drawn.
Enciso's masterpiece, El principe Don Carlos, is the most genuine
dramatic presentation of the sickly, lonely, first-born son of Philip II,
who is believed to have suffered greatly from quartan or malaria and
who died at the age of twenty-three in 1568. Traditionally considered
to be the first play to use as its theme the life of the unfortunate Spanish
heir, it reveals the srubborn, ambitious, conceited, ill-tempered, and
hostile character of Don Carlos, and his relationship with his haughty,
pedantic father. Other early seventeenth-century playwrights, such as
Velez de Guevara and Montalban, who included Don Carlos in their
122 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

works, also realistically presented the effects of his illness on his

personality.
Enciso's religious piece, Santa Margarita, abounds in lyricism.·
Although it is dramatically inferior, the play has a highly spiritual char-
acter.
The quality in Enciso's works is uneven. The scenes are seldom well
linked, and his feminine characters, who are insufficiently developed,
have more masculine traits than charm. One of his dramatic strengths
is to present opposite traits within a single character, thus underlining
individuality and personality. The playwright manages his dialogue with
sobriety, and the rapidity of action in his plays prevents an unnecessary
flow of words; therefore, his poetic language possesses a simplicity that
is not characteristic of the baroque style. Although Enciso was from An-
dalusia, where witticism was an important feature in life and litera-
ture,his plays lack this sprightly quality.

LUIS BELMONTE BERMUDEZ

A Sevillian poet and playwright, Luis Belmonte Bermudez

(1587?-1650?) wrote about twenty-five plays, some of which were com-
posed in collaboration with others. His best known works are El diablo,
predicador (The Preacher Devil, 1623 ), El gran jorge de Castrioto (Great
George ofCastn"oto, which deals with the defense ofEpirus against the
Moslems), and El sastre del Campillo (The Tailor from Campillo, 1624,
which treats different topics of loyalty).
In the first of these plays, based on Lope de Vega's Fray Diablo
(Brother Devil), Belmonte ironically blends the serious with the com-
ical to portray the strife between good and evil. In the play's inventive
and daring action, Lucifer estranges the inhabitants of Lucca from some
Franciscan monks, who, in turn, have to make plans to abandon their
abbey because they are not collecting enough alms. God punishes the
Devil by transforming him into a friar and making him serve as an en-
thusiastic preacher in order to reconcile the people with the Franciscans.
The two character portrayals in this play give the audience an oppor-
tunity to applaud the Devil's originality and to sympathize with the
grotesque figure of Friar Antolin.
 Proliferation of the Comedia 123

ANDRES DE CLARAMONTE

The little that is known of the theatrical activity of Andres de Claramonte

(d. 1626) has been gleaned from various early sources, including Agustin
de Rojas Villandrando's Viaje entretenido (The Entertaining journey,
1600), which cites Claramonte as an actor who played in farces. 45 This
Murcian actor, playwright, theatrical director, and writer composed a
number of plays, eighteen of which are known. One of his first, La
ciudad sin Dios o El inobediente (The Godless City or the Disobedient
One, 1603), is based on the biblical King of Nineveh and his pagan
worship and orgies. In 1607 Claramonte, with Alonso de Olmedo,
formed a theatrical company which was active for a while in southern
Spain before moving to Castile for a number of years. Claramonte's
book Letania Moral (Moral Litany) appeared in 1610; its approval was
signed by Vargas Machuca. On June 12, 1613,Juan de Salazar presented
Claramonte's La cat61ica princesa (The Catholic Princess).
Claramonte's most interesting play, De esta agua no bebere (I Shall
Not Drink This Water), is probably an adaptation of El rey don Pedro
en Madrid46 and Calderon's El medico de su honra, since it presents
similar amorous incidents in the life of Pedro I. His El valiente negro
en Flandes (The Brave Black in Flanders) narrates the heroic life of a
black soldier, Juan de Merida, whose valor wins for him the rank of
a general in the war in Flanders. Another black appears as one of the
Magi in his El mayor rey de los reyes (The Greatest King of Kings).
According to a heated debate in the last fifty years, it was Claramonte,
not Lope de Vega, who wrote La Estrella de Sevzfla (The Star of
Sevzfle); 47 Marcelino Menendez y Pelayo attributed the play to Lope de
Vega but its later emendations to Claramonte. A recent critic has also
ascribed the authorship of El burlador de Sevzfla to Claramonte because
its style is closer to that of the Murcian than to that of Tirso de
Molina. 48

.ALONSO DE COSTILLO SOLORZANO

As a dramatist, Alonso de Castillo Solorzano (1584-1648) wrote some

nine plays, outstanding among which are El marques del Ciga"al (before
1634), El mayorazgo figura (The Conceited Heir, 1640), and La vic-
124 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

toria de Norlingen. The first play, a comedia de figur6n, presents a

character much like Don Quixote who has lost his common sense because
he has read too many books about nobility.

AlONSO JERONIMO DE SALAS BARBADILLO

Less gifted as a dramatist than as a novelist, Alonso Jeronimo de Salas

Barbadillo (1581-1635) left six plays, of which the best known are El
ga/an tramposo y pobre (The Tricky and Poor Lover), El gallardo Esca-
"aman (The Gallant Esca"aman), and La escuela de Celestina (The
School ofCelestina, 1620). He also wrote over a dozen witty entremeses,
including El caballero batlarfn (The Gentlemanly Dancer) and El
buscaoficios (The job-Finder).

FELIPE GODINEZ

Much like Mira de Amescua, Filipe Godinez (1585-1659) preferred

religious subjects, as can be observed in three of his biblical plays that
were written between 1603 and 1613-Los trabajos de job (The Totls
ofjob), Las lagrimas de David (The Tears ofDavid), and Lareina Esther
(Queen Esther). Because the Inquisition declared the last two plays
heretical in 1624, the Sevillian dramatist, who was also a priest, was
sent to prison for one year for allegedly practicing the Jewish faith in
secret. Among several devout plays written during his residence in Seville
were Ludovico el piadoso (Pious Ludovico), El so/dado del cielo, San
Sebastian (The Soldier of Heaven, St. Sebastian, 1613), and El prfn-
cipe ignorante y discreto (The Ignorant But Discreet Prince, 1622).
The first secular play Godinez wrote after moving to Madrid was La
traici6n contra su dueno (The Betrayal ofHis Master, 1626). It illustrates
the complexity of reality through the complicated interaction between
the characters, who act out of misunderstandings and confusion. The
resolution upholds the thesis that God's justice does work in the world.
The conflict in another cloak-and-sword play attributed to Godinez,
Aun de noche a/umbra el sol (Even at Night the Sun Shines), arises
from a love triangle between Don Juan de Zuniga and Crown Prince
Don Carlos, who compete for the love ofDofia Sol; the play ends hap-
 Proliferation of the Comedia 125

pily with two weddings. Although the playwright's heroic drama

Cauteles son amistades (Caution Goes with Fn.endship) is skillfully con-
ceived, it is marred by too many shifts in the plot and an excess of am-
biguities, disguises, schemes, and traps.

LUIS QUINONES DE BENAVENTE

Writing entremeses almost exclusively, Luis Quinones de Benavente

(1593-1651), a priest from Toledo, penned about 900 such interludes,
of which 150 are extant. 49 These works are known to have been per-
formed between the acts of comedias that were staged between 1620
and 1650. An excellent comic poet, Benavente brought this farcical genre
to its highest excellence by providing it with flexibility and sincere joy.
He replaced the sarcastic bitterness of earlier entremeses with gentle
irony, practical jokes, and witty puns that amuse and provoke laughter.
In these one-act plays, which seldom exceed 300 verses, Benavente
displays a clear, elegant style and the ability to handle different verse
forms. His colloquial and select language produces lively dialogue. The
dramatic minimizes the distinguishing characteristics that had previously
separated this genre from early shon humorous plays. Several categories
of these shon pieces can be found among his works-the entremes, the
mojiganga (a shon burlesque piece presented with caricatures and
masks), the jacara (a merry ballad), and the loa (a monologue or dialogue
seeking the audience's good will), each of which retains some of its
original characteristics. Benavente also replaced the term baile (a shon
dancing and singing piece) with entremes cantado (sung interlude). 5°
In one of his best known interludes, El talego nifio (The Swaddled
Moneybag), he combines the elements of a traditional folkloric farce
with those of a moralizing satire. In it, a miser, Taracea, who has fired
his maids for swallowing whole eggs, is moving to a new house. He
disguises his servant Garrote as a nurse so that he can transpon his
valuable moneybag swaddled like a baby. Upon spotting Garrote, the
dismissed maids, with their new mistresses, divert his attention by tell-
ing him about a place where doughnuts grow on trees and fall into
honey. In the disarray that follows, they steal the moneybag, and the
play ends in an all-around drubbing.
126 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

In another interlude, El miserable (The Miser), another excellent por-

trayal of a penny-pincher appears. Peralvillo marries a small woman,
Tilde, in order to save money in buying her dresses. To conserve her
clothing further, he instructs her to walk in long strides, to sleep in
the nude, and not to cry. In his madness, Peralvillo convinces his
neighbor to make an opening in the wall that separates their houses
so they can share the light they will get from a lamp filled with the
oil that is left over from their salad dressing. He even parcels out por-
tions of food and other kitchen items-one dozen lentils, one grain
of salt, one piece of charcoal.
Other representative interludes by Benavente have intriguing titles:
Los gallos (The Rooster Chase), which depicts a picturesque carnival
custom; El negrito hablador (The Talkative Negro); El guardainfante
(The Farthingale), which is a protest against contemporary fashions;
El bom1cho (The Tippler), about a young lover and a soldier who deceive
a barber; La capeadora (Gusarapa's Fishhook), showing a battle between
the sexes; and Las civtlidades (Cliches), containing an attack on the
pedantry oflanguage. The panoramic backgrounds in Benavente's far-
cical pieces display a variety of customs and social situations that he
chose to censure. The follies and weaknesses of his eccentric people pro-
duce such hilarity that his purpose of teaching common sense is fulfilled.

FRANCISCO DE QUEVEDO

As the greatest satirist of Spain, Francisco de Quevedo (1580-1645) also

displayed some talent in playwriting, especially with interludes. A
wealthy courtier and literary genius, Quevedo lived an exciting life in
several dangerous political positions. When the Duke of Ossuna was
the viceroy of Naples, the satirist served as his minister of finance, but
when Ossuna lost his power in 1619, Quevedo was also put out of of-
fice and thrown into prison. After returning to Madrid in 1623, he
regained favor in the court of Philip IV and held an honorary position
as a secretary to the king. Among the intellectuals in Madrid he soon
became known for his excellence in satirical and lyric poetry. While his
picaresque novel, Busc6n (The Searcher) and his moral essays Suefios
(Visions) stand out as his best moral-satirical works in prose, his most
 Proliferation of the Comedia 127

important didactic work is Politica de Dios (The Politics a/God, 1626).

Quevedo continued with an attack on the favorites who ran the
government in El discurso de todos los diablos o infierno enmendado
(The Discourse of All the Devils or Hell Reformed, 1627). His sharp
exposures of court corruption finally sealed his fate. On the occasion
of a banquet in 1639, Olivares found under the king's napkin a
memorial that Quevedo had written denouncing the prime minister's
dictatorial power. This angered the royal favorite so much that he had
Quevedo put into a dungeon in Leon, where he remained until the
prime minister's fall in 1643. After Quevedo left the prison, his health
was broken and he died in poverty.
Realizing that his satirical propensity and caustic humor were un-
suitable for the stage, Quevedo composed his theatrical works with more
vivacity and in more haste. Of his three extant three-act plays, Como
hade ser elprivado (The Qualities a Prime Minister Should Have, 1628?)
is the most important. Giving no hint of the rift that developed be-
tween the satirist and the prime minister, this political work pays tribute
to the Conde-Duque de Olivares and reflects bright hopes for the
Spanish nation at the beginning of Philip IV's reign. Set in Naples but
clearly alluding to Madrid, the play presents characters who are reflec-
tions of the notable figures in the Spanish court, but in the guise of
Neapolitans. The rather slow action is filled with historical episodes,
long speeches, and an insipid romance between the king and Serafina.
After the king decides to select his prime minister in the midst of a
royal festivity, a lengthy discussion takes place about the qualities he
should possess. Although this play appears to have been hurriedly im-
provised, it has some ingenious traits and interesting situations. With-
in its polymetric versification the long verse forms show excellent
craftsmanship.
Quevedo showed more dramatic talent in his teatro menor (one-act
plays), where he displayed more fantasy and invention. He deserves an
honorable place among the innovators of the entremes for giving the
form a new focus on human psychology. Using multiple types of peo-
ple in his satirical works, he gave new life to the interlude, which he
wrote in prose and verse. Their themes are the problems of reality and
illusion, the struggle between the sexes, love, and money.
128 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

Most of Quevedo's interludes are lost because of prohibition during

the Inquisition, his imprisonment, and the unfulfilled promise of his
nephew to publish them. Outstanding among the nine extant ones is
El hospital de los mal casados (The Hospital ofMismatched Marriages).
In it, two crooks, disguised as a quack and his assistant, examine a variety
of patients who show symptoms of being mismatched in marriage.
Among them are a woman whose husband is an unfaithful, idle
gambler; a housewife whose irritable mate is bandaged up after having
been run over by a wagon; and an old man whose young wife is barren.
Quevedo showed the influence of other works in several of his in-
terludes. In Los refranes del viejo celoso (The Proverbs ofan Oldjealous
Man) he revealed his fascination with Cervantes' interlude El viejo celoso
(The jealous Old Husband). He brought material from his own Visions
to the stage in El suefio de Ia Muerte (The Dream of Death); further-
more, La endemoniada fingida (The Deceptive Woman Possessed by
the Devil) and El man"do fantasma (The Phantom Husband) display
the agility and witticism that are characteristic of Benavente's interludes.
Among other extant short pieces by Quevedo are seven loas (laudatory
prologues), ten bailes (short skits with dancing and singing), five
dialogos, several autos sacramentales, and sixteen jacaras (musical
playlets for the dance). Enjoying as much fame as his picaresque novel,
these short works are interesting for their literary, philosophical, and
sociological content. They are saturated with witticism and gallantry,
and depict many characteristics of the Spanish people. Their vivid style
is based on contrasts, linguistic puns, and neologismY
His loas, intended to be performed before the performance of a three-
act play, expound on various subjects, such as a town, a particular day,
colors, certain countries, love, thieves, or even a fly. His first loa was
written for Tirso' s Amory celos hacen discretos (Love andjealousy Make
People Discreet). The best among his batles, which were presented be-
tween the first and second acts of a play, is Los galeotes (The Galley
Slaves). Many of Quevedo's autos sacramentales convey the satirist's
message through the mouth of a shouting devil, while Christ appears
in a passive role.
Quevedo's brilliant jacaras contain the romance verse form-
octosyllabic lines with imperfect rhyme. The theme of vagrancy becomes
 Proliferation of the Comedia 129

an accepted category in his most famous jacaras: Carta de Escarraman

a Ia Mendez (Escarraman 's Letter to Mrs. Mendez), Respuesta de Ia
Mendez a Escarraman (Mendez's Answer to Escarraman), and Romance
del testamento que hizo Escarraman (The Ballad ofEscarraman 's Testa-
ment, 1611). The satirical element in these short pieces is humorously
presented through the jerga germanesca (slang of thieves) ofEscarraman
and Mendez. The speech they use during their love affair parodies that
of a courtier and the lady he is wooing.
Athough Quevedo was much more famous for his satirical works, he
holds an important place in seventeenth-century Spanish drama, as has
been shown, as author of various kinds of short pieces.

CRISTOBAL DE MONROY Y SILVA

An Andalusian, Cristobal de Monroy y Silva {1612-49), who wrote about

thirty-eight plays that were published in 1646, excelled in depicting
historical and mythological figures in various facets of society. He por-
trayed Francis I of France as a great warrior in La batalla de Pavia (The
Battle ofPavia), Pedro Giron as an exemplary vassal in Embtdias vencen
fortunas (Envies Destroy Fortunes), the brave and passionate Neop-
tolemus in La destrucci6n de Troya, and the intelligent and brave Hec-
tor in Hector y Aquiles. Popular for his effervescent dialogue, wit, and
excellent versification, Monroy also attracted attention for his depic-
tions of intelligent, beautiful, and passionate women. Among his plays
employing themes from Andalusian society are Las grandezas de Sevilla
(The Grandeur ofSevtlle ), which gives a magnificent vision of that city,
and Los celos de San jose (The jealousy ofSaint joseph), which paints
the customs of Andalusian shepherds.

OrnER PlAYWRIGHTS

The four historical plays written by Damian Salucio del Poyo {1550-1614)
toward the end of the sixteenth century appear to have influenced the
composition of other dramatic works. Having been inspired by the
Golden Legend ofJacobo de Varaggio {1230?-98) to write Vida y muerte
de judas (The Life and Death ofjudas), Salucio depicted Judas as a
130 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

totally evil figure who destroys the lineage of his family. The morally
blind traitor faces the three criminals, who are presented in a subplot,
at Calvary. Beneath the Cross the unyielding robbers, Dimas and Bar-
rabas, finally repent and are saved, while Grimas, the hardened thief
who asks for no mercy, is condemned along with Judas, who hangs
himself. Resembling Tirso de Molina's later play, El condenado por
desconfiado {1615-25), this pseudo-biblical piece was also imitated by
Zamora and Hoz y Mota. 52
Salucio' s La prospera y adversa fortuna del condestable don Ruy Lopez
de Avalos el Bueno in two parts (The Prosperous and Adverse Fortune
of the Constable Ruy Lopez de Avalos the Good) and La pn'vanza y
caida de don Alvaro de Luna (The Favon'te at Court and the Fall of
Don Alvaro de Luna), both reflecting the inestimable property of For-
tune, were later imitated by Tirso. Salucio's plays, nonetheless, are
overladen with characters and episodes, lack love intrigues, and have
weak characterizations of women.
The three extant plays written by Miguel Sanchez {1545?-after 1615),
a clergyman and secretary to the Bishop of Cuenca, were probably com-
posed between 1590 and 1610. They are Cerco y toma de Tunez y Ia
Goleta por el Emperador Carlos Quinto (The Siege and Seizure of Tunis
and La Goleta by Emperor Charles V), La guarda cuidadosa (The Careful
Guard), and La isla barbara (The Barbaric Isle). 53 The linear plot in
the historical play develops out of a succession of episodes that underline
Charles V's qualities as a ruler. The novelesque The Careful Guard,
having a more sustained plot, is concerned with a love triangle in which
the Prince is rebuffed by Nisea, who is enamored of Florencio. There
is an ironic turn of events when the jealous, vengeful Prince hires a
forest guard, who is a disguised Florencio, to seduce Nicea. Following
the scheme, Florencio deceives the Prince with his double deception.
The didactic message in The Barbaric Isle, another novelistic play, shows
that a king should be moderate in his use of authority.
A friend of Lope de Vega and Cervantes, Jose de Valdivieso
{1560-1638) wrote almost exclusively on religious subjects. Having
published his Doce autos sacramentales y dos comedias divinas in 1622
in order to prevent others from plagiarizing him, he exhibited an
originality with the auto sacramental that was not surpassed until
 Proliferation of the Comedia 131

Calderon. Seventeen of his numerous autos remain extant. Valdivieso

achieved dramatic balance in his works by combining poetic language
with prevailing artistic trends. His merit lies in his elaborately developed
dramatic action, his choice of allegories to illustrate theological
concepts, 54 and his use of popular songs. His lyricism can be observed
especially in El vzllano en su rincon (The Peasant's House Is His Cas-
tle), La seTTana de Plasencia (The Shepherdess from Plasencia), La casa
de los locos (The Madmen's Hospital), and El arbol de Ia vida (The
Tree of Life). The last play, considered his best, taken from Genesis
2:9, covers man's history from his Fall to the Redemption through
Christ, and allegorically presents a theological debate between Divine
Justice and Divine Mercy. Man's moral decisions are elaborated in El
hijo pr6digo (The Prodigal Son, 1605 ), which also makes references to
the parable of the banquet, and El fenix de amor (The Phoenix a/Love),
whose structure is closer to a cloak-and-sword play than to an auto.
Numerous other less active dramatists who belong to the Lopean cy-
cle produced original works as well as refundiciones (recast versions of
plays by other dramatists). Gaspar de Avila, who presented Philip II's
life in El gran Seneca de Espana, is also known for two plays of intrigue,
El Iris de las pendencias (The Disputes ofIris) and Las fullerias de amor
(The Trickery ofLove). Luis Mexia de la Cerda {1580?-1635) is known
for adapting the story of Dona Ines de Castro in another play. Alonso
Hurtado de Velarde {1580?-1638) produced a refundici6n on the Princes
oflara {1612-15), El conde de las manos blancas (The Count with White
Hands), and El Ct'd, dona Sol y dona Elvira {1630?). Other lesser
dramatists in this group and their works are as follows:

Alfonso Velasquez de Velasco {1560?-1620): El celoso (The jealous

Man, 1602).
Julian Armendariz {1585?-1614): San juan Facundo (Eloquent
St. john, 1603) and Bur/as veras (Earnest jokes).
Matias de los Reyes {1588-1642): Dar a/ tiempo Ia que es suyo
(Give in Proper Time What Is Yours, 1629) and Di mentira
y sacaras verdad (Tell a Lie and Get the Truth), and four less
successful plays.
Rodrigo de Herrera y Ribera {1585?-1657): El voto de Santiago
132 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

y batalla de Clavijo (St. james's Vow and the Battle ofCiavi-

jo) and Del cielo viene el buen rey (A Good King Comes from
Heaven).
Jeronimo Villaizan (1604-33): Ofender con las finezas (To Of
fend with Favors) and A gran dano, gran remedio (For Great
Harm, a Great Remedy).
Cristobal Lozano (1618?-62?): Las persecuciones de Lucinda (The
Persecution ofLucinda) and El rey penitente David (Penitent
King David).
Francisco Castro (1618-79?), a satirical poet and entremesista: El
novio miserable (The Miserable Suitor) and El ingles hablador
(The Talkative Englishman).

CONCLUSION

During the fifty years in which the Lopean cycle flourished, Spanish
theater was firmly established and the new comedia acquired the traits
that distinguished it as Spanish national drama. Various factors con-
tributed to its success. Theatrical activity in Spain at the turn of the
sixteenth century provided the fertile ground out of which the nation's
greatest dramatic poet could arise. Lope de Vega, profiting from his
countrymen's theatrical interest, broke away from the classical past, pro-
vided the theater with new aesthetic principles, and adjusted his
playwriting to public likings. Although the spectacular reputation of
Lope de Vega eclipsed that of his contemporaries, many of his followers
made worthwhile contributions to the advancement of the comedia.
They gradually replaced the episodic, linear dramatic action of their
predecessors with closely intertwined plots.
The leader of the Valencian group, Guillen de Castro, enriched the
comedia by adapting old Spanish balladry to the stage. As the staunch-
est defender of Lope de Vega's dramatic precepts, Tirso de Molina
showed a gift for penetrating theological questions, expressing ideas,
and depicting women and graciosos. The Mexican-born Juan Ruiz de
Alarcon introduced into the comedia well-polished dramas of character,
which were later effectively developed by the seventeenth-century French
playwrights. Antonio Mira de Amescua, treating well-known themes
 Proliferation of the Comedia 133

with originality and using a Gongoristic style, displayed unusual

dramatic vigor, especially in his religious dramas. Velez de Guevara's
heroic plays, despite the presence of certain stylistic superficialities, in-
terpreted history with poetic fantasy and portrayed strong-willed
characters. Among the works of the minor playwrights in the Lopean
cycle are occasionally well drawn historical and character plays, while
other authors distinguished themselves with one-act pieces which added
special glamor to the Spanish stage.
The political, social, and economic situation in Spain changed
drastically during the third decade of the sixteenth century, and the
tastes of theatergoers became more sophisticated. As they became more
selective about the repertory, the productiviry of the aging Lope de Vega
diminished while the works of his contemporaries won more acceptance
because of their more refined rhetorical style, their satirical exposure
of political and social issues, and their more calculated plot structures.
Thus Calderon de Ia Barca and his followers, emerging out of the Lo-
pean cycle, brought the comedia to its full growth in the following years.
 Chapter IV

Calderon: The Apogee

of the Comedia

After Philip III became king in 1598, Spain entered an era of theatrical
brilliance in which the prolific and original output of the great Spanish
playwrights attained its greatest height. Lasting for thirty-seven years,
this period of Spanish drama made a permanent impression on the
literature of the world. Its end coincided with the death of Lope de
Vega in 1635, when another giant of Spanish drama was attaining
recognition. Pedro Calderon de la Barca inherited a legacy established
by Lope and his followers and brought it to maturity. Carrying the in-
ventive genius of the previous generation to the level of perfection,
Calderon, as the leader of the new school of dramatists, stylized and
refined Spanish dramaturgy. With their new approach to plot struc-
ture and rhetorical style, the Calderonians not only composed original
works but also chose to rewrite older plays, to which they applied their
more sophisticated dramatic techniques. 1
Considered the most polished Spanish dramatist by many Spanish
and foreign critics, Calderon actually should not be exclusively singled
out, since he was a link in a long chain of poets. Calderon escaped the
chaotic formulative period through which Lope de Vega and his followers
went, since the state of dramatic art was firmly established in many
respects and Spanish theater was full-grown by the time Calderon began
to write. He also benefited from the vast improvements in staging that
had evolved since the rudimentary beginnings during Lope's career.
Elaborate decorations, lighting effects, advanced stage machinery, and
the use of background music had come to be accepted by the time
Calderon began to write his plays.
 Calderon: Apogee of the Comedia 135

Because he was writing for a more sophisticated audience, Calderon

was obliged to develop a refined style. Whereas Lope de Vega wrote
commercially attractive romantic plays mostly for presentation in the
coTTales, Calderon, the court favorite of Philip IV, composed urbane,
delicate, and discreetly satirical commissioned dramas that were usual-
ly staged as ornate shows in the royal theaters. Perhaps realizing his
limited imaginative talents, and pressured by the court and theatrical
managers to produce attractive plays, Calderon relied on the inven-
tiveness of his predecessors and dedicated himself to the perfection of
dramatic art. Borrowing from earlier major works, he remade the com-
edia by tightening previous loosely connected plot structures,
eliminating irrelevant material within a dramatic story, and introduc-
ing psychological problems more suitable to logical analysis. His
dramaturgy, therefore, represents the most systematic development of
Spanish drama during the Golden Age.
The craftmanship of Calderon is displayed in his majestic stories, clear
concepts, and lofty diction. His well structured plots begin with
favorable situations, develop steadily with intensely passionate conflicts,
and progress into decisive denouements with shocking outcomes. He
achieved superior characterizations by a calculated juxtaposition of in-
dividuals in opposing situations. His versification meets the standards
of fine dramatic composition, and the imagery in his well disciplined
diction is appropriate to the movement of his poetic illusions. These
factors contribute to the lyrical beauty of his dramas, which are un-
equalled in the history of Spanish dramaturgy.
Pedro Calderon de la Barca (1600-1681), who was born and died in
Madrid, came from a noble family from northern Castile. His mother,
who was of Flemish descent, died when Pedro was ten years old, and
his father, an employee of the royal treasury, died five years later. As
the third child in an orphaned family of seven, Calderon was subjected
to great stress from an early age. Perhaps because of the adverse condi-
tions during his childhood, he developed much astuteness and
perspicacity.
Mter studying for nine years at the Jesuit Imperial College in Madrid
and graduating in 1614, Calderon took up theology at the University
of Alcala de Henares. But after his father's death he abandoned his
136 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

Pedro Calderon de Ia Barca (1600-1681)

 Calderon: Apogee of the Comedia 137

ecclesiastical studies and moved to the University of Salamanca

. (1616-19), where he studied canon law and developed a liking for logic.
Although he attained academic distinction and had a desire to become
a priest, it appears that worldly interests claimed his attention.
Calderon made his debut as a poet in the contests at San Isidro from
1620 to 1624, and won some important prizes there. He also wrote his
earliest plays during this period. The detailed geographical description
in several of his plays, especially in El sitio de Breda (The Siege ofBreda,
1625), 2 indicate that he must have served in the military forces in Italy
and Flanders sometime between 1625 and 1635. During this decade,
when he also resided in Madrid and composed at least fifteen plays,
he was involved in amorous escapades and disputes that ended with
duels and brushes with the law.
Two recorded incidents document his unruly behavior. While
Calderon served in the household of the Duke of Frias, his three brothers
killed Nicolas de Velasco, the son of a servant of the duke; their sentence
for the crime was a fine of 600 ducats. Then in 1629, while avenging
the injury his half brother suffered in a duel at the hands of an actor,
Pedro de Villegas, Calderon, in company with friends and police, pur-
sued the offender into a nunnery and, in the fracas that resulted, tore
off the veils of the nuns. Since one of the nuns was Marcela, the daughter
of Lope de Vega, who filed a complaint with the Duke of Sessa,
Calderon and his friends were detained for a few days. After Fray
Hortensio Paravicino rebuked them, the dramatist retaliated by sneer-
ing at him sarcastically in a passage in El principe constante. Rather
than damaging his career, this incident enhanced Calderon's populari-
ty at the court.
After the success of La vida es sueno (Life Is a Dream) in 1635 (the
year of Lope de Vega's death) and the magnificent presentation of a
mythological play, El mayor encanto, amor (The Greatest Enchantment
Is Love, 1635), which celebrated the opening of the new palace at the
Buen Retiro, Calderon was named a court dramatist by Philip IV. In
1636 his younger brother,Jose, edited a volume of the dramatist's plays.
The following year the poet was knighted in the Order of Santiago and
began his military service. After his second volume of works was pub-
lished in 1637, his fame as the author offorty secular plays was estab-
138 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

lished. As Calderon approached the zenith of his career, however, his

creative power suffered somewhat because of commissions to write spec-
tacular productions for the royal theater.
After taking part in a campaign to suppress a Catalan uprising
(1640-42), Calderon retired from military service on account of failing
health and immediately wrote his most popular play, El alcalde de
Zalamea (The Mayor of Zalamea, 1640-44), which presents a sym-
pathetic view of Spanish peasants who have been abused by Spanish
soldiers. His dramatic activity suffered in the following years when the
theaters in Madrid were temporarily closed to observe mourning for
deceased members of the royal family. During this time the poet's two
brothers were killed and his sweetheart also died after giving birth to
his child. These national and personal misfortunes forced the saddened
poet, out of economic necessity, to serve for four years (1645-50) in
the household of the Duke of Alba. Mter joining an ecclesiastical order
in 1651, he restricted his production to the writing of autos sacramen-
tales for the municipality of Madrid and musical comedies for the court.
As a priest he spent some of this time as a chaplain in Toledo. Finally,
in 1663, his former post at the court was returned to him. Calderon
died on May 25, 1681.

CALDERON'S DRAMATIC WORKS

Calderon's works include about one hundred and twenty plays, about
eighty autos, and twenty entremeses, loas, mojigangas, and ;acaras. 3
His theatrical works fall into three periods: his apprenticeship, when
the poet wrote under the artistic influence of Lope de Vega, Tirso de
Molina, Velez de Guevara, and Mira de Amescua; a middle stage when,
as a mature dramatist, he emancipated himself by developing his own
style; and a final period devoted mostly to autos sacramentales and some
zarzuelas. Since he wrote various types of plays during his first two
periods, it is feasible to discuss them according to categories.

The Cloak-and-Sword Plays. Although Calderon followed at first the

established dramatic art of his predecessors, he found ways to improve
on it by consolidating plots and correlating subplots more advantageous-
 Calderon: Apogee of the Comedia 139

ly. In 1623 he wrote what is considered his first major play of intrigue,
Amor, honor y poder (Love, Honor, and Power), which was based on
a short novel by Bandello.
He incorporated an old anonymous farce in one of his most renowned
cloak-and-sword comedies, La dama duende (The Phantom Lady, 1629),
in order to create a fanciful vision of live and to defy common supersti-
tions of his time. In this play Dona Angela, an adventurous young
widow who hides her face behind a mantle, is caring in her home for
a young gentleman, Don Manuel, who has been hurt while defending
her. A secret passage between their adjacent rooms facilitates the con-
fusion they both create to such a degree that neither can distinguish
dream from reality. Don Manuel believes he is being visited by a phan-
tom when the widow repeatedly enters his room, when she thinks he
is asleep, for the purpose of discovering his true identity. After her
chimeric appearances are uncovered and explained, the play ends hap-
pily with their marriage.
Although not as ludicrous or spontaneous as Tirso's Don Gil or Lope's
Finea, Dona Angela also entertainingly transgresses the accepted code
of behavior in Spain by breaking through walls and using fantasy and
imagination. In his reworking of the comedia de capay espada, Calderon
achieved greater clarity by better organizing the incidents in his plot
structure, and playfully criticized the Spanish code of honor. 4
In another famous cloak-and-sword play, Casa condos puertas mala
es de guardar (The House with Two Doors Is Hard to Watch, 1629),
Calderon employed dramatic techniques similar "to those found in
Roman comedy. 5 The complicated love intrigue, furthermore, mirrors
social life in the Spanish court in Calderon's time. The play's main plot
is centered around the love affair of Lisardo and Marcela, who is
dominated by her vigilant brother, Felix. The subplot deals with Felix's
jealous courting of Laura, who he suspects is stepping out on him. The
play's rapid action takes place in an occasionally darkened house with
two doors from which the characters, often in disguises, enter and leave,
causing continuous confusion, mistaken identities, trickery, and sus-
pense. Finally, the two young couples marry in a double wedding.
Other representative Calderonian plays of intrigue are El maestro de
danzar (The Dancing Teacher, 1651-52), El astr6logo fingido (The False
140 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

Astrologer, 1631), El escondido y Ia tapada (The Hidden Man and the

Veiled Lady, 1636), and Dicha y desdicha del nombre (The Advan-
tages and Disadvantages ofa Name, 1660-61). The last is also a palace
play, since its characters represent personages of high nobility. These
plays involve questions of honor and contain an abundance of disguised
ladies, guardian fathers and brothers, and shrewd graciosos. With their
stories about love escapades in upper-class society and their clever
denouements, they fulfill Calderon's main purpose to entertain.

The Philosophical Dramas. After becoming a theologian, dramatist,

soldier, and courtier, Calderon produced two philosophical plays: En
esta vida todo es verdad y todo mentira (In This Life Everything Can
Be True and False, 1659), and his masterpiece, La vida es suefio (Life
Is a Dream, 1631-35). The themes of both plays stress the monarchical
right of succession through inheritance rather than through use of force
or astrological prophecies. In the Byzantine story of the first drama,
a bandit, Focas, kills Emperor Mauricio and sets himself up as a tyran-
nical ruler. Realizing that he must secure his succession, Focas returns
to his native island of Trinacria in search of his long-lost son and finds
Euraclio and Leonido, one of whom is identified by their tutor, Astolfo,
as the son of Mauricio. When Focas threatens to kill both young men,
Astolfo reveals that one of them is Focas's son. Although everyone
refuses to answer the tyrant's inquiries, Euraclio, out of loyalty to his
friend, finally identifies himself as Mauricio's son. Before Focas can com-
plete his plans to crown Leonido as the prince and to kill Euraclio, the
Prince of Calabria unexpectedly arrives in pursuit of battle and saves
the true heir's life. When the truth ofFocas's crimes is revealed, Euraclio
is rightfully proclaimed as the new emperor. Although the play ends
with the marriage ofLeonido and Euraclio's sister, the principal motif
is loyalty between two young men rather than the usual motif of
courtship. 6
La vida es suefio merits the fame it has attained as the greatest Spanish
play of all time. It is about a Polish crown prince, Segismundo, who,
according to the stars and other predictions, was to become a monster
of impropriety and cruelty. More concerned for his Polish subjects than
for his son, King Basilio spreads a rumor that his new son was born
 Calderon: Apogee of the Comedia 141

dead, and confines him to a solitary tower in a forest. The heir to the
throne is raised like an animal, having no contact with people except
for an old tutor, Clotaldo.
Both remorseful for his cruel action and fearful that the horoscope
prophesying his own downfall and disgrace will be occasioned by his
only son, Basilio makes plans to test Segismundo. He orders the young
prince to be drugged and brought to the royal palace. Upon awaken-
ing and finding himself surrounded by courtiers, Segismundo believes
he is dreaming. After learning his true identity, he rebels against
established social rules by treating his father disrespectfully, making
advances to Rosaura (a court lady who happens to be the daughter of
Clotaldo), and throwing a servant through a window. Frightened by
his son's beastly behavior, the king has him drugged again and returned
to his lonely tower. After this experience, the confused prince is troubled
to decide which of his two existences is reality.
Meanwhile the Poles, angered by Basilio's announced plan to leave
the Polish throne to his nephew, Astolfo of Moscow, attack the prison
tower, free the unhappy Segismundo, and reinstate his rights to the
crown. Now the young sovereign quickly adjusts to his new situation
and becomes a prudent ruler. In contradiction to the prophecy, he
forgives Basilio for his unwise policy and pardons Clotaldo for obeying
the deposed king; furthermore, Segismundo overcomes his passion for
Rosaura and restores her honor by approving her marriage to her former
suitor, Astolfo. Then he marries Estrella in order to maintain peaceful
relations with the powerful neighboring nation of Moscow, thus restoring
peace to Poland.
One of the reasons Calderon based his imaginative play on Polish
history was the fact that seventeenth-century Spaniards were becoming
interested in that exotic country on the other side of Europe, which
had grown in fame as a vast empire of wealth and power. Poland and
Spain held analogous positions on opposite sides of the continent-
one of the culturally rich and Catholic countries was the defender of
Christendom against the Turks from the east, and the other was a
stronghold against the Moors and Turks in the south and west and the
Protestants in the north.
It appears that Calderon had a continuing interest in basing works
142 SPANISH GoLDEN AGE DRAMA

on historical events from Eastern Europe. His first personal contact with
Poland may have been when he was a soldier in Flanders, since he in-
cluded a Polish prince, who must have been present there, in the plot
of El sitio de Breda. A year before writing La vida es sueflo, he wrote,
in collaboration with Antonio Coello, another play dealing with recent
Eastern European history, Ye"os de naturaleza y aciertos de Ia fortuna
(The E"ors ofNature and Prudence a/Fortune, 1634). And many years
later he wrote Afectos de odio y de amor (The Affects of Hatred and
Love, 1658?), in which he alluded to Poland and Sigismund.
In writing La vida es sueflo, Calderon may have been influenced by
Lope de Vega's El reino sin rey (1599-1612) and even more by El gran
duque de Moscovia (1606), since the latter play is apparently concerned
with a similar dynastic dispute. 7 The paradoxical metaphor in
Calderon's title, funhermore, suggests his fascination with the popular
baroque mode of contrasting contradictory values to find truth. 8 His
choice of the theme of reality and illusion may also have been inspired
by lines spoken by characters in the plays of Lope: Fabio in El ga/an
de Ia Membrilla (1615), who says, "Dejadle desvanecer,/que los suefios,
suefios son" ("Put it aside, since dreams are only dreams"); and Federico
in El castigo sin venganza (1631), who speaks to his gracioso about man's
imagination and daydreams: "nuestra vida/es suefio, y que todo es
suefio;/pues que no solo dormimos,/pero aun estando despienos,/cosas
imagina un hombre/ ... con frenesf' ("Our life is a dream, and
everything is a dream; since not only do we dream, but, even being
asleep, man imagines things ... with frenzy").9 The impracticabili-
ty of believing in dreams is even discussed by Magdalena in act 3 of
Tirso's El vergonzoso en palacio, who states: "no creais en suefios,/ que
los suefios, suefios son" ("don't believe in dreams for dreams are only
dreams").
The idea that life is a dream, nonetheless, existed much earlier. In
Buddhist tradition it can be found in a folk tale, "Sleeper Awaken,"
from the Arabian Nights. The Hindus, Hebrews, and Greeks also taught
that the instability of life can be modified through mystical experiences.
Christian mystics, likewise, believe that throught the use of illusory
dreams, one loses his selfish thoughts of superiority and obtains
prudence and temperance. 10
 Calderon: Apogee of the Comedia 143

The complex thematic design and elaborate structure of La vida es

suefio has generated various interpretations, pointing to the innovative
talent of its author. This exceptional drama, whose essential theme is
the understanding of human life, treats several universal problems that
were being examined during the baroque period: greed for worldly
power, the triumph of human liberty due to the victory of free will
over destiny, and the struggle of reason over natural impulses. The main
plot, dealing with the conversion of Segismundo and his relationship
with his father, Basilio, is closely linked to the subplot that is concerned
with Rosaura and her grievance with Astolfo. 11 These two closely in-
tertwined plots expose the central theme: the realization that only death
awakens man from his illusory existence in this life. Like other baroque
dramatists, Calderon did not clearly separate his plot and subplot but
densely combined them and their motifs to give unity to the dramatic
action.
The characters in this play who act unjustly are compelled to con-
vert, for they learn to act well, since life is only a dream. After having
been brought to a humbling position for being overly proud, their con-
versions lack progressive development except for Segismundo's regenera-
tion, which evolves in stages. At first his appeals and appearances are
like those of a primitive man; possessing neither practical intelligence
nor fortitude, the prince is empowered by his innate impulses and
responds only to Rosaura, who acts as the main agent in his dramatic
conversion. While enduring the trials forced upon him, however, he
gradually comes to self-realization, regains his freedom, and becomes
a prudent ruler. 12
The theme of individuals as the prisoners of their own situation,
whether by other men's making or by unforeseen events, is expressed
in Lzfe Is a Dream, as well as in other Calderonian dramas of serious
import. The poet's intention in presenting a character who frees himself
from the bondage of fate was to inspire an ethical awakening within
the monarchy of his own country. By transferring his sociopolitical view-
points to a distant Polish setting, he was more easily enabled to pre-
sent his ideas on how the Spanish absolute monarchy could be improved.
He drew attention to the salient features in Polish internal affairs, and
with penetrating psychological realism he demonstrated the specific
144 SPANISH GoLDEN AGE DRAMA

situation in that powerful country. By presenting the causes for the

decline of the autocratic Polish monarchy and emphasizing the
regenerative power of a new king whose experience was gained from
human failure and from contact with the people, Calderon advocated
changes that could be made to humanize future Spanish monarchs.
Remarkable for its lyricism, this play displays brilliant imagery,
representative symbols, and ingenious metaphors. The hyperboles,
strained phrases, and chiaroscuros, which are characteristic of the baro-
que poetic style, were directed toward a courtly audience, as were also
the complex versification and sophisticated diction of the royal
characters, who are involved in philosophical arguments. Furthermore,
the concept of metatheater is much in evidence with the use of the play-
within-a-play technique and the characters' awareness of their own role-
playing.13

The Honor andjealousy Plays. As we have already observed, the honor

motif in the plays belonging to the Lopean cycle developed into a
stereotype that became a popular convention. Whereas Lope de Vega's
honor plays disclose his fascination with the diverse possibilities for
adventure, Calderon, in his dramas of honor, set forth certain ethical
principles about the laws of honor for the purpose of discrediting them.
Calderon's themes became a living force through which he exposed his
view of the world and his art. In his hands the treatment of this theme
reached its highest point.
During Calderon's time the feudal notion of honor continued to
thrive, with modifications, and even intensified in strength during the
absolute monarchy and the baroque period. Rooted in the patrilineal
laws of inheritance of medieval Christian Spain, which had also inherited
some laws from the polygamous Hebraic and Moorish society, the un-
written laws governing seventeenth-century honor continued to presup-
pose the moral obligation of a nobleman to defend his family's name
and heritage at all costs. In view of the public eye, the gentleman
brought fame to himself by his virtue or heroic action; likewise, the
women in his household brought him good repute by their modesty
and prudence. Any sullying of a family's honor and any transgression
of the prescribed rules required swift and silent revenge.
 Calderon: Apogee of the Comedia 145

The elaborate social laws that grew out of a gentleman's obsession

to check the conduct of his female relatives imposed severe restrictions
on women. Always having to be veiled, living in the seclusion of their
homes, and never allowed outside without proper escorts, women could
bring dishonor to their household for anything from a flirtation to be-
ing victimized by rape. Men, on the other hand, enjoyed great self-
esteem for their authoritative responsibilities and were free to conduct
themselves in whatever way they pleased without losing their honor.
With his legalistic mind, Calderon capitalized on the incongruities that
could arise within these unwritten rules. He not only dramatized pas-
sionate conflict between a married couple but also showed the corrup-
tion that existed because of the customs dealing with honor. In three
of his earliest plays of honor, and in another on jealousy, social values
are unreflective and brutal. In them the code of honor is carried to such
sanguinary extremes that the innocent heroines die tragically at the
hands of their cruel husbands, who have merely suspected them of un-
faithfulness. Calderon's exaggerated presentation of problems of honor
does not so much mirror seventeenth-century Spanish life as distort reali-
ty. Thus, his dramaturgy actually represents a step away from the come-
dia de capa y espada and toward classical tragedy.
Recently interest has emerged in Calderon's artistic interpretation of
the moral justification of honor. According to newer explications, the
Calderonian honor plays, which dramatize conflicting solutions to the
problem of honor, are actually theses arguing against the enforcement
of the old code of social conduct. Having in mind his spectators-mostly
seventeenth-century gentlemen, who were sensitive to their social class
and their obligation to maintain their honor, especially in regard to
their women-Calderon led them to become morally aware and critical
of the unspoken laws that demanded violence and murder. He ac-
complished this by means of shock and exaggeration; nonetheless, he
gave no hint of his intent. In his plays of honor the heroes' sanguinary
actions are admired by the characters left alive, and after the final,
bloody scene, the audience is left with the impression that the pro-
tagonist's stained honor has been cleansed by the spilled blood.
The unchristian actions, which were accepted for the sake of the play,
actually follow a somewhat perverted pattern of Christian discipline.
146 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

Instead of expressing the quality of mercy, his protagonists are recon-

ciled to their code through bloodshed. They usurp the vengeance that
belongs to God alone. To them, honor becomes a religion of perfec-
tion; they avenge themselves with what they love most-their women.
The dramatist effectively carries his point by structuring the ideals (e.g.,
love, honor, obedience, and death), ritual, and symbolism in these plays
after those of the Christian religion. 14
The main source for Calderon's most discussed honor drama, El
medico de su honra (The Physician of His Honor, 1635), 15 was prob-
ably a play by the same title attributed to Lope de Vega. A nobleman
from Seville, Gutierre, who broke his ftrst engagement to Leonor because
of an apparent deception, marries Menda. At ftrst he attempts to dismiss
his feelings of jealousy toward her when she meets her former ftance,
Prince Enrique. Later, however, Gutierre's uneasiness about his honor
is rekindled when Menda expresses the opinion that he is becoming
mean and may kill her. Finding a parallel to his situation in a rumor
that King Pedro's life is threatened by his half brother Enrique, Gutierre
concludes that an honorable man can imagine his dishonor without be-
ing sure of it. Deciding that he has been dishonored, Gutierre uses
another ftgment of his imagination and hires a surgeon, Ludovico, to
drain Menda's blood and to announce that she has died accidentally
when a bandage slipped. Although the king condones the nobleman's
cruel action at the conclusion of the play, he orders him to marry Leonor
in order to restore the honor he had caused her to lose. This play's title
metaphorically refers to a treacherous avenger who, while satisfying an
alleged dishonor, amputates the presumably diseased part of his mar-
riage. Like a "metagonist," he symbolically assumes the role of the
surgeon, whom he uses like an instrument to guide the play to its tragic
end. 16
Although the presentation of the Sevillian's brutality is of primary
importance to the play's action, the playwright is also commenting on
the cruel-and not necessarily just-character of Pedro I when the king
in the play threatens Coquin, the gracioso, with the punishment of hav-
ing his teeth pulled if he cannot force the king to laugh within a month.
This early incident prepares the audience to expect, although not
necessarily accept, the humorless king's severe condoning of the inno-
cent young wife's murderY
 Calderon: Apogee of the Comedia 147

Calderon selected a Portuguese scenario for A secreta agravio, secreta

venganza (Secret Vengeance for Secret Insult, 1635 ), probably having
been influenced by the practice prevalent among Spanish writers in his
time of depicting Portuguese noblemen as jealous and vengeful. A riddle
on love and jealousy, this play deals with adultery. A suspicious Por-
tuguese gentleman, Don Lope de Alameida, having an intuition that
his honor has been secretly damaged, avenges the supposed offense by
stabbing Don Luis to death in a sinking boat, and then causes the death
of his wife, Leonor, by setting his house on fire. After committing these
acts, he makes plans to end his own life by going to battle. The im-
mediate model for this play was Tirso's El celoso prudente (The Pru-
dent But jealous), and its title alludes to the Old Testament philosophy
of justice, which advocates "an eye for an eye."
A later honor tragedy, El pintor de su deshonra (The Painter of His
Dishonor, 1648-50), displays an especially elaborate dramatic technique.
Constantly searching to provide different milieus and unusual sets of
circumstances, Calderon placed this play's dramatic action in Barcelona
and Italy, where he related the themes of honor and jealousy to the
practice of painting. The self-centered imagination of a painter, Roca,
leads him to misunderstand his wife's abduction. In a jealous rage he
kills his wife and Don Alvaro before taking his own life. In his last
"bloody picture," he passionately depicts his wife's infidelity and her
punishment, forcefully making his audience believe that her castiga-
tion was deserved. According to Calderon's baroque interpretacion, both
the guilty and the innocent participate in this chaotic world while com-
pounding offenses against each other. 18
These Calderonian plays, with their ritualistic proceedings upholding
the sanctity of honor, appear to have satisfied public expectations. The
plays' popularity can be attributed to the psychological tones present
in both the women's and the men's portrayals. In their attempts to
purify themselves, the idolized courtly women display few human
qualities but sacrifice themselves on the altar of love. In contrast, the
men's pseudo-virtuous actions toward their helpless victims arouse the
public reaction these plays had and continue to have.
While the motif of jealousy is used to intensify the conflict in the
three dramas of honor which have just been discussed, jealousy itself
is the passion that leads to the crime in El mayor monstruo, los celos
148 SPANISH GoLDEN AGE DRAMA

(Jealousy, the Greatest Monster, 1634). When the Jewish king Herodes
believes his wife, Mariene, has had an affair with Octaviano, he
mistakenly stabs the innocent woman while attempting to kill the
Roman emperor. After the king discovers his error, he jumps into the
sea to his death. Lacking character and prudence, Herodes suffers from
excessive pride and jealousy. His deteriorated mental state leads him
to his outrageous actions and final self-destruction. The historical theme
of this play, whose action is condensed into several days, its catastrophic
ending, and its elevated linguistic style contribute to give it the character
of a true classical tragedy.
The Portuguese war in 1640, which regained for that country its in-
dependence from Spain, probably inspired Calderon to write El alcalde
de Zalamea (The Mayor of Zalamea, 1640-44). Recast from Lope de
Vega's earlier improvised piece by the same title, and set in Estremadura
in 1580, when Philip II waged a military campaign to claim and hold
the Portuguese crown for Spain, Calderon's social drama depicts a con-
flict of honor between a well-to-do peasant mayor and aristocratic army
officers. The village mayor, Pedro Crespo, puts a haughty captain to
death for dishonoring his daughter and refusing to marry her. Although
the military general desires to punish the mayor for going beyond the
limits of his jurisdiction, the king exonerates Pedro. The girl's virtue
is restored by Pedro's announcement that she has entered a convent.
While presenting life in a society that is governed by an established
system, the playwright shows how human passions and the free will
of an individual can upset the order. 19 If Captain de Ataide had
agreed to marry Isabel, the clash between the military and civil classes
would not have been created, and the play would have ended happily
but also pointlessly. The tragic outcome inspires discussion on whether
or not civilian officials have jurisdiction over the military.
In most of his dramas Calderon presents upper-class society, portraying
his protagonists as aristocrats and ridiculing peasants. Thus his depic-
tion of a hero who is a common man who defies the social abuses of
a higher class is unusual. 2°Considered Calderon's masterpiece by some
critics, El alcalde de Zalamea displays his talent for closely integrating
main and secondary plots. The main plot deals with the villainous ac-
tions of the captain, and the secondary concerns the jurisdictional argu-
ment between the mayor and the general. The succinct presentation
 Calderon: Apogee of the Comedia 149

of the dramatic conflicts, the realistic depiction of the characters and

milieu, the sublime versification, and the direct style helped to make
this play one of the most frequently performed in Spanish and Euro-
pean theaters in the nineteenth century, and have contributed to its
popularity even today.

The Historical Plays. Calderon selected widely in his choice of subjects,

characters, and nationalities, and in accordance with already established
practice he transformed his characters from other epochs and countries
into contemporary Spanish citizens, to whom the Spanish audience
could more easily relate. While he drew from peninsular history and
the Bible for his tragedies of honor and jealousy, he was inspired by
the characters in antiquity, the Old Testament, legends, and Spanish
imperial accounts for other dramas. His historical heroes, moreover, were
the great figures already dramatized by his predecessors.
His noteworthy historico-legendary play La hija delaire (The Daughter
of the Air, ca. 1637) dramatizes the life of the ambitious, egocentric
queen of Assyria, Semiramis (ca. 800 B.C.), who was famous for her
beauty, wisdom, and seductive charm. Although the playwright had
access to ancient histories, he probably modeled his two-part drama after
Virues' La gran Semiramis and Lope de Vega's play on the same
subject. 21
Calderon's play takes the form of an open, circular structure. Raised
in seclusion in a cave, much as Segismundo was, Semiramis rapidly
ascends to become the queen and founder of Babylon, only to fall sud-
denly because of her intemperate ambition. Having been possessed by
the passion to govern, she turns into a tyrant. As a blind instrument
of ambition, she loses because she is unable to turn over the reins of
government to her son when he becomes of age. The proud queen dies
on the battlefield and her spirit vanishes in the air.
This drama closely approaches a classical tragedy, since the tragic
destiny imposed by the stars on the feminine protagonist is fulfilled.
Its rich Oriental theme underlines the inscrutability of fortune. The
extravagant heroine, the bizarre turn of events, the shocking narrations,
and the sanguinary scenes turn the play into a spectacular baroque pro-
duction which is permeated with moral symbolism.
In the last three decades of his life, when Spanish national power
150 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

was declining, Calderon attempted to remind his fellow countrymen

of their glorious past by dramatizing imperial myths and decisive
episodes from ancient Greek and Roman history. Especially fond of Alex-
ander the Great (356-23 B.C.), he portrayed the king of Macedonia,
who conquered the Eastern World, in Darle todo y no dar nada (To
Give Everything and Not to Give at All, 1651). Modeling his play on
Lope's mediocre, episodic play Las grandezas de Alejandro (The Great
Deeds ofAlexander), the baroque dramatist improved the form by mak-
ing the plot more coherent and bringing out a legendary episode in
the life of the great general. Enamored of his slave, Campaspe, Alex-
ander controls his emotions and gives her up to his painter, Apeles,
who is also in love with her. Through a stoic disposition, the Caldero-
nian protagonist achieves moral victory in his internal struggle. This
incident serves to demonstrate Alexander's high moral principles, for
if he has control in matters of passion, he also possesses the qualities
to be an exemplary statesman. Shortly before his death the poet wrote
another play about the remarkable deeds of Alexander the Great in
Duelos de amory lea/tad (The Duel between Love and Loyalty, 1678).
One of Calderon's plays on Roman history Las armas de Ia hermosura
(The Weapons ofBeauty, 1652) centers on an early historical event when
the Sabine women were enslaved after having been accused by the
Roman senate of making the Roman soldiers effeminate. Besieging
Rome with his army, Coriolano threatens to annihilate the entire city,
including his loving lady friend, Veturia, so that the dishonorable in-
justice will be corrected. In an unexpected denouement, a peaceful solu-
tion dissolves the warlike situation between the Sabines and the Romans,
and Coriolano and Veturia declare their love. Epitomizing the distorted
values in the Roman senators' code of honor, this play was recast from
an earlier play on the same subject, El pn·vilegio de las mujeres (The
Privilege ofWomen, 1636), which Calderon wrote in collaboration with
Coello and Perez de Montalban. 22
El segundo Escipi6n (Scipio, the Elder, 1677), which glorifies the im-
perialistic expansion of Rome, is concerned with a story from the early
life ofPublius Cornelius Africanus (237-183 B.C.) and the capture of
Nova Carthago in 210 B.C. Another play based on a later period of
Roman history, La gran Cenobia (The Great Zenobia, 1634), relates
 Calderon: Apogee of the Comedia 151

the conquest of Palmyra and the defeat of Zenobia by Lucius Domitius

Aurelius (212?-75 A.D.). After uniting the Oriental part of the Roman
Empire, a beautiful Assyrian queen, Zenobia, became a dominant
political figure in the East. In 272 her aggressiveness pushed the Roman
emperor to the east before he defeated her in two battles at Palmyra.
After razing the city in 273, he took her as a prisoner to Rome, where
she spent the rest of her life. Later, however, Aurelius was assassinated
by his own officers during an expedition against the Persians.
In Calderon's interpretation, Cenobia exemplifies intelligence, justice,
and valor, while Aureliano represents the opposite qualities. Decio, a
fictitious character who completes the amorous triangle in this play,
kills the tyrannical emperor and is elected by his officers to fill his posi-
tion. Calderon's occasional deviations from historical facts are made to
sustain the plot structure of his drama, whose theme underlines the
mutability of Fortune. 23
Several Calderonian plays on ancient history are based on the
Apocrypha and the Bible.judas Macabeo (1623) stages several episodes
from the glorious rebellion of the Maccabees against the persecution
of Antioch us Epiphanes of Syria. La sibila de On"ente (The Sibyl ofthe
East, 1634-36), belonging to a cycle on biblical subjects, is based on
the Queen of Sheba's visit to King Solomon. A prophetess of highest
wisdom, the black queen foresees that the sacred wood of Lebanon will
be used for the Cross of the Crucifixion. Having basically the same sub-
ject, Calderon's auto El iirbol del mejor fruto (Three ofthe Best Fruits,
1661) merges an Old Testament story with the redemption of Christ.
Another biblical story exposing Calderon's tragic theory of life is
found in a drama about incest, excessive ambition, and hatred, Los
cabellos de Absal6n (Absalom's Hair, 1634). Act 2 is for the most part
a transcription of the third act of Tirso's Venganza de Tamar, but
Calderon finishes his play with a continuation of the biblical account
of this family. Seeking to avenge his sister's dishonor and to win the
throne at all costs, the rebellious Absalon murders Amon. Then, after
returning from exile, he conspires to organize a rebellion against his
loving father, King David. But his vindictive force leads him to destruc-
tion. As recorded in II Samuel, chapter 18, Absalon, after returning
on horseback through the woods from battle, is caught by his hair on
152 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

the branch of an oak tree and is fatally stabbed by the enemy. 24

Among the interesting features of this play are Amon's role as a
"metagonist" and a play-within-the-play that he invents when he
needles Tamar into playfully taking the role of his lover; their play-
acting, however, turns into an incestuous affair in reality. 25
Calderon showed his interest in sixteenth-century Spanish history in
several plays. The historical setting for Amar despues de Ia muerte (Love
after Death, 1633) recounts the uprising of the Moors (1568-71) in the
Alpujarra region during the reign of Philip II. Displaying Calderon's
mastery in transforming historical material on the stage with poetic im-
agination, this play includes a pre-Romantic theme about the unfor-
tunate love between Alvaro Tuzanf and Clara Malec during the Moorish
rebellion. Making use of adverse fate in the development of his plot,
Calderon presents a conflict caused by the code of honor that is reminis-
cent of Diego Lafnez's offense in Castro's Las mocedades del Cid.
An incident from another Moorish uprising in Albaidn in 1501 serves
as the basis for Calderon's refundici6n, La nina de Gomez Arias (The
Girl ofG6mez Arias, ca. 1637-39). Modeled on Yelez de Guevara's
play by the same title and containing a folkloric motif taken from a
stanza of a ballad, Calderon's artistically superior play retells the story
of Dorotea, whom Gomez Arias seduced and sold as a slave. At the
play's end, Queen Isabel avenges the wrong by ordering him to marry
her and then having him decapitated. His villainous exploitation of an
innocent girl and the resulting catastrophe are parallel to the experiences
ofFern:in Gomez in Lope's Fuenteovejuna. Both seduce women, rebel
against society, and die for their treachery. 26
Among Calderon's works dealing with contemporary Spanish events
are El sitio de Breda (The Siege ofBreda, 1626) and an auto, El segun-
do blas6n del Austria (The Second Glory of Austria, 1679), which
eulogizes the Spanish Habsburgs. Realizing his countrymen's political
and religious interest in the war in Flanders, the playwright vividly
dramatized in the first play the valor of the Spanish army in the ten-
month-long siege of Breda, which in 1625 was surrendered to the
Spaniards under the command of General Spinola. (Two years later the
Dutch recaptured the city, but this had not taken place when Calderon
wrote his play.) The main plot basically follows the siege of the for-
 Calderon: Apogee of the Comedia 153

tified city, while an historico-fictional subplot involves a sentimental

intrigue revolving around a feminine character, Flora. Calderon's
cinematographic treatment of the events and his presentation of
numerous characters masterfully convey both the dangerous environ-
ment and the personal agony that was suffered. Understandably, the
protagonists undergo no character changes. Spinola is given all the
qualities of an epic hero, while his opponent,Justino de Nassau, is por-
trayed negatively. In composing his epic-like drama, Calderon must
have been influenced by Lope de Vega's historical plays, such as La
nueua victoria de D. Gonzalo de Cordoua (1622) and El asalto de Mas-
trique por el Principe de Parma (1600-1606).

The Religious Plays. In a number of Calderon's religious plays the motif

of patriotism predominates. In Afectos de odio y amor (Affections of
Hatred and Love, 1654) and the auto sacramental, La protestaci6n de
Ia fe (The Profession ofFaith, 1656) Calderon treats the religious wars
in Northern Europe and, in particular, the conversion to Catholicism
of Queen Christine of Sweden in 1654. But her conversion failed, as
history proved, to bring about the conversion of her country, as both
the Pope and Calderon expected.
Calderon's El principe constante (The Steadfast Prince, 1629), re-
garded as the finest Spanish play on religion and chivalry, deals with
the expedition of Prince Fernando of Portugal to Tangiers in the fif-
teenth century, which ended with his capture and death. Its immediate
sources are considered to be La fortuna adversa del Infante don Fer-
nando de Portugal (which has been attributed to Lope de Vega),
GOngora's ballad entitled "Entre los sueltos caballos" (1 585 ?), and Luis
Velez de Guevara's Comedia fomosa del Reydon Sebastian (1607?).
Confronted with the choice between worldly existence and eternal
life, the heroic Prince Fernando refuses to save his own life and sur-
render the colonial Christian city of Ceuta to the Moslems. Eventually
overpowered, he suffers degradation and torture before dying as a
prisoner of the enemy. The unusual denouement, however, presents
the resurrected Fernando, who leads the Portuguese army in a victorious
battle. His martyrdom, reminiscent of the passion, death, and resur-
rection of Christ, is not interpreted as a defeat but as a victory for
154 SPANISH GoLDEN AGE DRAMA

himself, Spain, and the Church. Moreover, Ceuta symbolically becomes

the lady with whom he mystically unites in holy matrimony.
Fulfilling the requirements of Christian constancy and renunciation,
Fernando plays the role of a saint rather than that of a tragic hero. Act-
ing on his own will rather than being a victim of Fate, the flawless knight
forces upon himself the roles he must play. While some critics may con-
sider that he is going through a process of self-discovery over which he
has no control, others argue that the religious view of his ethical con-
duct gives him the traits of a "metagonist. " 27
The dramatic action of the play arises from the clash of two conflict-
ing attitudes and ideas. The forbearance in suffering of the Portuguese
prince is contrasted with the cruelty of the King of Fez. Christian life,
which transcends human experience, stands in opposition to Moslem
belief, based on the material universe. By exposing the human dimen-
sions of the principal characters, Calderon projects even more clearly
the discordant attitudes of the two worlds. All the characters share the
common trait of constancy, as the title suggests for the prince: Prince
Fernando in religion, the King of Fez in politics, Muley in love, and
Fenix in melancholy. The playwright, furthermore, implies in this play
that moral conflicts are often entangled with political interests, thus
justifying the need for Christians to seek eternal values over transitory
worldly goals.
Calderon presents England's separation from the Roman Church in
La cisma de Ingalate"a (The Schism of England, ca. 1634) according
to the interpretation of the Counter-Reformation. He divides the key
figures in the historical conflict into three overlapping triangles, with
Henry VIII at the center of each: the religious group (the Catholics,
the king, and the heretics), the matrimonial characters (Queen Catalina-
Catherine, Henry VIII, and Anne Boleyn), and the lovers (Anne Boleyn,
Henry VIII, and Charles, the ambassador of France). All of the characters
stand in the shadow of Cardinal Wolsey, whose ambition to become
the new English religious leader appears to unite the three plots. Holding
the key to the intricate situation, the cardinal, who is depicted as a tragic
hero, falls because of an excess of pride and arrogance. 28 In his dou-
ble role as tempter and deceiver, he represents the psychological rather
than the theological side of the Devil. Henry VIII is not deceived by
the cardinal, however, but accepts his deception as a means to rid himself
 Calderon: Apogee of the Comedia 155

of Catherine in order to marry Anne. When the king's goal is obtained,

nonetheless, he assumes the tragic veil of destiny, for he knows he is
guilty but also has been victimized.
Calderon's philosophical-religious play, El magico prodigioso (The
Wonder-Working Magician, 1637), is based on the Faustian theme and
deals with the fourth-century legend about St. Cyprian of Antioch's
pact with the Devil; it also shows similarity to Mira de Amescua's Esc/avo
del demonio. In the Calderonian play Cipriano, symbolizing Everyman,
finds God after encountering several cunning deceptions by Demonio.
After realizing that his guise as a professor of theology is hollow,
Demonio attempts another approach. Pretending to be Floro and
visiting the house of Justina, he precipitates a jealous fight between
Lelio and Floro, who are both in love with Justina. Cipriano, acting
as the friend of the two men, makes peace between them only to fall
deeply in love with the girl. Demonio seizes the opportunity and ap-
pears before Cipriano during a violent storm as a shipwrecked man.
They become friends, and upon learning that the man is a magician,
Cipriano accepts his offer to teach him necromancy for a year for the
purpose of winning the love ofJustina. After the pact is signed in blood,
Demonio incites another fight between Lelio and Floro, who end up
in jail. Soon afterward, the sorcerous attempts of both Demonio and
Cipriano fail to influence the strong-willed Justina to love Cipriano.
The false figure of the girl, which Demonio has desperately devised,
turns into a skeleton when Cipriano tries to kiss it, and the duped man
finally nullifies his pact with the Devil and invokes God's mercy. This
scholastic play is best understood through the irony of Demonio and
his "metatheatrical" schemes. 29 It teaches the uselessness of necroman-
cy, the importance of free will in a man's life, and the infinite mercy
of God.
Among Calderon's plays based on religious chronicles are Las cadenas
del demonio (The Chains of the Devzl, 1635-36), which enacts the
evangelization of Armenia by Saint Bartholomew, and a hagiographic
play, El gran duque de Gandta (1671), 30 which dramatizes the life and
sanctification of Francisco Borja. In the latter play an amorous secon-
dary plot involving Carlos and Magdalena serves as a contrast to the
duke's betrothal to religion.
Calderon's vision of the Andean world appears in his politico-doctrinal
156 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

play La aurora en Copacabana (Dayspring in Copacabana, 1661), which

is concerned with the appearance of an image of the Virgin in Peru.
This play eulogizes the evangelization of the Incas with the imple-
mentation of the Marian cult. Within it, two topics converge. As a
theologian, Calderon employs the ancient debate between the heathen
and the Christians to explain the nature of the conflict between the
Incas' paganism and Spanish Catholicism. But as a jurist, the dramatist
uses the views of St. Thomas Aquinas to suppon the Incas' natural right
to a legitimate government. The playwright, concludes however, that,
since the Indians lack Divine Grace, their Christianization through
Marian miracles and their conquest by the Spaniards are justified.
Among Calderon's devotional plays are La devoci6n de Ia Cruz (The
Devotion of the Cross, 1633), El purgatorio de San Patncio (The
Purgatory ofSt. Patnck, 1634), and El gran prfncipe de Fez (The Great
Prince of Fez, 1668)_31 The first two deal with the question of
predestination and the last with a Moroccan conven, Baltasar de Loyola,
who propagated the Christian faith after his baptism in 1656.
Calderon probably wrote La devoci6n de Ia Cruz while in military
service in Italy, since its setting and characters are Italian. Using a pious
legend as the source for this poetic play, he blended novelesque and
mystic-romantic elements to expound the Antinomian doctrine that
faith alone is necessary for salvation. While the principal theme sug-
gests the redemptive power the Cross has for those who believe, its struc-
ture is built on two opposing motifs: the barbarous, unwritten law of
honor, and the Cross, representing repentance and forgiveness. The
syllogistic expositions of the characters reveal abstract ideas about
man's fall and redemption, much as was done in some earlier autos
sacramentales. 32
The theological debate in El purgatono de San Patricio could easily
have been devised by Tirso, and its historical source was in fact Perez
de Montalban's Vida y purgaton·o de San Patncio (1628). The Apostle
of Ireland, San Patricio, disguised as a supernatural spirit, leads
Ludovico, an inborn criminal, on a tour of purgatory. After witnessing
the scene of death there, Ludovico calls on God's mercy, repents,
changes his ways, and is saved.
Two other devotional pieces are about the Virgin Mary. Ongen, per-
 Calderon: Apogee of the Comedia 157

dida y restauraci6n de Ia Virgen del Sagrario (The Origin, Loss, and

Restoration of the Virgin of the Sanctuary, 1629) dramatizes a legend
from Toledo about the Virgin's image. The pictorial presentation of
the subject evokes the history of the Black Virgin, which appears on
the front and side panels of the altarpiece in the Cathedral of Toledo.

Other Types ofDramatic Works. Equal to Tirso as a writer of comedias

palaciegas (palace plays), Calderon showed great ingenuity and sub-
tlety in this genre. Good examples among many of his in this genre
are La banda y Ia flor (The Band and the Flower, 1632), Dicha y desdicha
del nombre (The Advantages and Disadvantages of a Name, ca.
1660-61), and El galan fontasma (The Fantastic Lover, 1634-36).
Resembling the cloak-and-sword plays, many of these melodramatic
pieces are set in distant, idealized Italian or imaginary courts. They were
also staged entirely by couniers before courtly audiences in the royal
palaces.
Like Lope de Vega, Calderon found subjects for novelesque plays in
famous works of fiction. His Celestina and Don Quijote, which are now
lost, and La fingida Arcadia (The False Arcadia, 1663) were taken from
well-known works. Several other dramatic works follow stories found
in Old French epics or romances of chivalry; these include La Puente
de Mantible (The Bn"dge of Mantible, 1632), 33 El casttllo de Lin-
drabridis (The Castle ofLindrabridis, ca. 1661-63), and Los hijos de
Ia fortuna, Teagenes y Candea (The Children ofFortune, Teagenes and
Cariclea, 1651-64). The latter play dramatizes the extensive text of
Heliodorus's Aethiopica, a third-century Greek romance that influenced
the works of Cervantes and Perez de Montalban. Condensing the plot
and transforming the characters, Calderon employed the techniques of
counterpoint to depict Persina and Admeta, and parallelism to ponray
Teagenes and Cariclea. The coherent and entertaining actions of the
two sets of protagonists present life's adventures through its many
obstacles and misfonunes.
As a playwright for the court, Calderon experienced success early in
his career with El mayor encanto, amor (The Greatest Enchantment Is
Love, 1635). Written for the inauguration of the palace in the Buen
Retiro, this play dramatizes the encounter of Ulysses and Circe on the
"Love, Wind, and Nymphs' choir," a stage scene presumed to have
been made for Calderon's El mayor encanto, amor (Biblioteca Na-
cional, Madrid).

Interior stage decor for a play by Calderon (Biblioteca Nacional,

Madrid).
 Calderon: Apogee of the Comedia 159

Island ofEa in the Tyrrhenian Sea. Calderon's romantic hero, involved

in love and adventure, including a shipwreck, the drinking of a magic
potion, and being the victim of mistaken identity, conquers his sen-
suality and abandons Circe. When the play was first presented, the spec-
tacular scenery designed by Cosme Lotti reproduced the scene of the
shipwreck on the large pond in the park and used a magnificent water
car drawn by dolphins. The performance was accompanied by music
and fireworks, and members of the court watched from gondolas.
Following the example of the great poets, Calderon continued to use
Greek mythology as a rich source of symbolism in his other mythological
and quasi-operatic plays. As the greatest baroque dramatist among the
Spanish playwrights, he achieved excellence in this genre. These three-
act plays, written between 1652 and 1670, and devoid of sociological
and religious content, present refined and exotic scenarios, fabulous
characters, trivial themes, unusual dramatic effects, mistaken identities,
anagnorises, and happy denouements. Commissioned by the king to
celebrate royal weddings, birthdays, and state visits, they were staged
in the palace or royal garden. In La estatua de Prometeo (The Statue
of Prometheus, 1669) the light-hearted tones of a baroque romance
stand in contrast to the cold classical setting. Among other plays in this
category are El hijo del Sol, Faet6n (The Son ofthe Sun, Phaeton, 1661),
El monstruo de los jardines (The Monster of the Gardens, 1650-53),
Apolo y Climene (1661), Fortunas de Andromeda y Perseo (1653), and
Eco y Narciso (1661).34
Calderon is credited with creation of the zarzuela, a two-act
musicodramatic production having a mythological-pastoral theme. The
ancestry of this indigenous Spanish genre can be traced to the early plays
ofJuan del Encina, Lucas Fernandez, and Gil Vicente, and other scenic
productions dating from the fifteenth to the seventeenth century in
which musical compositions from the wealth of folk music in Spain were
interpolated in the dialogue. As masters of lyric drama, Lope de Vega
and his contemporaries also realized the contribution that vocal and
instrumental music could make to drama, and provided for its inclu-
sion in their works.
The new term that Calderon used is derived from the palace of La
Zarzuela, which was originally built as a hunting lodge by Prince Fer-
160 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

nando in the royal estate of the Pardo near Madrid. After the prince
left for Flanders in 1634, Philip IV enlarged and beautified the gardens,
turning the estate into a country retreat. At first the king was enter-
tained there by comedians, who acted and presented short musical
pieces, but their spontaneous performances soon developed into musical
plays, which became known as fiestas de Zarzuela. Later they were simply
called zarzuelas.
Although Lope de Vega's eclogue, which was set to music in 1629,
is considered to be the first operatic work in Spain, Calderon's "Piscatory
Eclogue" El golfo de las sirenas (The Gulf of the Sirens), which was
performed at La Zarzuela for the first time in 1657, is considered to
be the first text of a fiesta de Zarzuela. Having an Italian seaside set-
ting near the famous strait of Messina, this one-act piece contains a loa
(prologue) and a mojiganga (a sung conclusion to a dramatic perfor-
mance). The story deals with the dangers that Ulysses and his compa-
nions encounter when the beautiful Scylla and the sweet-singing Charyb-
dis attempt to seduce them.
An earlier zarzuela by Calderon, El Jardin de Falerina (The Garden
ofFalerina, 1648), was first performed not at the king's country estate
but at the Royal Palace in Madrid. Considered to be the second play
set to music in Spain (after Lope's), this work dramatizes the episodes
in Boiardo's Orlando innamorato (Orlando in Love) that tell ofFalerina's
enchantment of Rugero at the palace of Charlemagne.
Although Calderon's two-act Ellaurel de Apolo (The Laurel of
Apollo) was commissioned for performance at La Zarzuela, it was first
staged at the Coliseo del Buen Retiro in 1658, where also his last two
zarzuelas were performed. Juan Hidalgo, a coun musician of superior
skill, is the supposed composer of the master's La purpura de Ia rosa
(The Blush ofthe Rose, 1659), and he is the known composer of Celos
aun del aire matan (jealousy, Even When It Comes from the Air, Can
Ktll, 1660), the longest extant specimen of Spanish operatic music from
the seventeenth century. The subject of the one-act La purpura de Ia
rosa is the mythological fable about the love of Venus and Adonis and
the jealous vengeance of Mars. The three-act Celos aun del aire matan,
which was based on the fable in Ovid's Metamorphoses about Cephalus
and Procris, begins with the goddess Diana's condemnation of Aurora
 Calderon: Apogee of the Comedia 161

for neglecting her vows of chastity when she falls in love with a shepherd.
Another nymph, Procris, who was critical of Aurora, is unable to learn
from the mistake of her compeer and heedlessly falls in love with
Cephal us. As a result, she is punished and transformed into a star, while
her lover is turned into a zephyr.
The zarzuela was forced into retreat when the Italian opera troupes
invaded Madrid in the early eighteenth century, and such poets as Jose
de Cafiizares, whose Angelica y Medora (1722) was the first Spanish
opera written in the Italian style, gained control. Nonetheless,
Calderon's mythico-legendary zarzuelas were again recalled by a fac-
tion in Spain that reversed public opinion toward the earlier popular
Spanish art form during the second half of the eighteenth century.3 5
The few entremeses (interludes) that Calderon wrote are El dragon-
cilia (The Little Dragon), a reworking of the theme of Cervantes' La
cueva de Salamanca (The Cave of Salamanca); El sacristan mujer (The
Sacristan Women); and La casa de los linajes (The House ofPeople of
High Lineage).

The "autos sacramentales. " Sacramental plays began to flourish in

seventeenth-century Spain during the reign of Philip III. During the
Counter-Reformation the presentation of these one-act theological pieces
became a public institution. Didactic in purpose and exalting Catholic
theology and Scholasticism, they stimulated the laity to become more
knowledgeable about the Bible and man's relationship to God. 36
Calderon, refusing to accept blindly the lyrical structure of the auto
sacramental as it had been formulated during previous generations,
creatively experimented to produce in his autos a harmonious balance
between lyrical and dramatic elements. In his artistic hands, the
Eucharistic play grew in refinement to achieve its greatest perfection.
With his sacramental pieces he not only surpassed Tirso de Molina and
Lope de Vega but also Jose de Valdivieso, whose only medium was
religious plays.
Continuing in the tradition of dramatizing the Eucharist and present-
ing subjects from Holy Scripture, legends, history, and mythology, the
poet personalized abstract theological concepts relating to the mystery
of redemption. Calderon employed various plots to show acceptable
162 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

"The Sacred Form of an auto sacramental," a painting by Claudio

Coello.
 Calderon: Apogee of the Comedia 163

attitudes in Christian life, and by reinforcing them with symbolism and

allegory, he reconciled the spiritual life of man with his physical ex-
istence. In all of his autos he demonstrated two worldly concepts: the
spiritual, based on man's service to God, and the material, based on
a vassal's loyalty to his lord.
Containing farcical characters who resemble graciosos and other
characters who express themselves in comic puns and word plays,
Calderon's autos became colorful spectacles. His inclusion of both sing-
ing and dancing attests to his ability to bring to life the incomprehen-
sible mysteries of faith through his appeal to the senses. These works
are considered to be forms of sacred opera, since his poetry, which in-
cludes paraphrases of biblical texts, provides for occasions of music rang-
ing from simple, prosodic chants to instrumentally accompanied
melodies and expressive recitativesY
The eighty autos sacramentales of Calderon have been divided into
the following groups: philosophical-theological, mythological, biblical
(Old and New Testaments), those written for special occasions, historical-
legendary, and Marian. 38 In the first of these categories, El gran teatro
del mundo (The Great Theater ofthe World, 1648-50) has exerted much
infliience on some modern critics, who have found a basis for their
metatheatrical theory in this auto and in Life Is a Dream. The auto's
theme emphasizes man's need for charity as a condition for salvation.
Making use of an ingeniously designed "metaplay" and utilizing
metaphors freely, the playwright presents both divine and human
characters onstage. 39 After creating the world, Autor (God) presents a
comedia on a stage-Mundo (World). His actors must act well in ac-
cordance with La Ley de Gracia (Prompter, who enforces the law of
grace), and their actions are guided by fibre albedrio (free will) to do
good or evil. With the introduction of the theme of the Dance of Death,
the symbolic characters, such as the King, Beauty, and Laborer, repent
of their sins. Discretion goes to Heaven for acting well, and Wealth,
incapable of repenting because of lack of charity, is damned. Calderon's
figurative characterization of Poverty, who is obedient to God but takes
advantage of free will in his refusal to work, reveals his attitude to the
moral problem concerning him; his only alternative, according to the
dramatist, is to stop existing. Nonetheless, Poverty goes to Heaven. 40
164 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

The most celebrated of the Ifiaster's Eucharistic plays, La cena del

rey Baltasar (King Belshazzar's Supper, 1632), interprets the biblical
account of Belshazzar and Daniel, according to Daniel, chapter 5, to
illustrate the sanctity of Holy Communion. With the addition of
allegorical characters and emphasis on certain details, Calderon's work
acquires the characteristics of a Golden Age drama. The play opens on
the eve of the wedding banquet of King Baltasar, who, although already
married to Vanidad (Vanity), is taking a new bride, Idolatrla (Idolatry).
Having been called before the king, Daniel (a Hebrew prophet living
in captivity in Babylon) and his gracioso, Pensamiento (Thought), have
the unpleasant task of predicting that the king's happiness could be
broken by the hand of God. After Vanidad and Idolatrla prevent the
king from angrily killing Daniel, the prophet saves the king's life from
the sword of Muerte (Death), who wanted to assist Daniel in avenging
himself.
Possessed with Fear since he thinks he is being followed by Sombra
(Shadow), Baltasar promises to respect the Jewish laws, and Muerte
returns to him his lost book of memory, in which it is stated that the
king will die. Nonetheless, Daniel again prevents Muerte from stab-
bing the king when he falls asleep. Upon awakening when his wed-
ding feast has already begun, Baltasar immediately drinks wine from
the consecrated vessels (the Law of Grace) that had been taken from
the temple in Jerusalem. Seeing that Baltasar has broken his agreement,
Muerte poisons the wine. Immediately a violent storm arises and a paper
on which a strange inscription is written appears in a cloud. Called again
to interpret, Daniel reads that the days of Baltasar have ended because
of his sacrilegious deed. Thereupon Muerte finally kills the dying king
with a sword.
Although Calderon retains the facts as recorded in the Bible, his sug-
gestion that the poison from the sacred cup is the major cause of
Baltasar's death symbolizes the sacrilege and resulting punishment of
partaking unworthily of the Eucharist. The Bible records only that the
king was slain in the night after the great feast at which he desecrated
the holy vessels. Calderon's unification of teachings from the Old and
New Testaments, together with his personification of the biblical events,
contributes to the uniqueness of this auto.
 Calderon: Apogee of the Comedia 165

Among the sacramental plays inspired by the New Testament, 41 La

vina del Senor (The Vineyard of the Lord, 1674) is taken directly from
the parable of the vineyard, as recorded in Mark, chapter 12, and shows
resemblance to Lope de Vega's El heredero del cielo. In Calderon's in-
terpretation, Padre de Familias (Father of Families, or God) rents out
his land in the country to Hebraismo (the Hebrews). Padre sends Isaias
(Isaiah), Jeremias Oeremiah), and Lucero del Dia (the Light of the
Day-John the Baptist) to collect the rent. Since they all die in vain,
God finally sends his own son, Jesus, who sacrifices himself for man's
redemption. The land is then taken from Hebraismo and given to Gen-
tilidad (the Gentiles).
The setting for an auto written for one of many famous hunting par-
ties during Philip IV's reign is El valle de Ia Zarzuela (The Valley of
the Zarzuela, 1655). This play contains a debate between three powers
of the soul in which Voluntad (Will) wins.
Among Calderon's historical-legendary autos are El santo rey Don
Fernando (King Ferdinand, the Saint, in two parts, 1671) and La devo-
ci6n de Ia misa (The Devotion for the Mass, 1637). The first play, per-
taining to the time of Ferdinand III of Castile, combines the history
of the construction of the Cathedral of Toledo by the captive Moors,
the siege of Seville, a related story about the image of the Virgin, and
the death of the king. The play's theme, which emphasizes charity and
faith, promulgates the triumph of Christianity over Mohammedanism,
the Albigensian religious sect, and Hebraism. The second historical auto
is about a legendary warrior who, through his devotion in attending
Mass, frees himself from the dangers he encounters while fighting the
Mohammedans during the Reconquest. The continuous war in Castile
symbolizes the primitive medieval Church and the protagonist represents
man, who submitted to sim but was helped by Divine Grace to achieve
victory.
La hidalga del valle (The Noblewoman of the Valley, 1634), is
categorized as a Marian auto that makes no allusion to the Eucharist.
Written to be presented at the festivals commemorating the Virgin Mary,
it was never staged during the Feast of Corpus Christi. In this play,
which is preceded by a loa under the same title, Culpa (Guilt) and Placer
(Pleasure) argue about the nature of the Virgin. If she was born without
166 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

sin, they say, she could not have been redeemed by Christ's blood;
however, if she was redeemed, she must then have been born in sin.
Finally, Placer satisfactorily concludes that the Virgin's protection from
sin and her participation in Redemption are not contradictory; therefore,
she can be considered to have been redeemed by Christ, even though
she may have been conceived without sin.
A Marian auto to which the Eucharist is tied, La pie/ de Gedeon (The
Fleece of Gideon, 1650), makes use of incidents in Gideon's victory
over the Midianites and Amalekites, as recorded in Judges, chapters
6 and 7. At the end of the play, Aurora, personifying the Virgin Mary,
appears to explain that the dry fleece that proved to Gideon that God
was speaking to him, symbolically represents the concept of the Im-
maculate Conception, and ties it to Christ's death and the Eucharist.
The incorporation of mythological subjects, which was a popular prac-
tice in all the arts during the Golden Age, influenced Calderon to write
other autos. A medieval interpretation of the myth about Orpheus is
adapted in his El divino Orfeo (The Divine Orpheus, ca. 1634), which
suppons the theological argument that God is always victorious over
the power of the Devil. While Orfeo represents the figure of Christ
in this play, the main protagonist is Aristeo, who portrays the Devil.
The dramatist's unonhodox presentation of Satan's views was derived
from St. Thomas Aquinas's paradoxical interpretation of St. Paul's
teaching that, although God and divine things may appear weak, they
are in reality strong. In another mythological auto, Los encantos de Ia
culpa (The Enchantment of Gutlt, 1649), the dramatist uses the myth
of Ulysses and Circe, in which the concept of guilt is absent, to illustrate
the sacrament of penitence.
During Calderon's career the sumptuous staging of autos sacramen-
tales became an immensely popular tradition for the Feast of Corpus
Christi. The celebration began at daybreak with an artillery salute and
the ringing of bells. After Mass was said, religious and charitable
organizations, guilds of tradesmen, the armed forces, high governmental
dignitaries, and the king panicipated in a procession in which the Host
was displayed to the public. Several bands and numerous floats joined
the religious parade.
After a midday siesta, the public gathered before five o'clock in the
 Calderon: Apogee of the Comedia 167

places where the Eucharistic exhibitions were to be presented. It was

necessary for the two different autos which were to be staged to be per-
formed at least four times, if not more, in order to accommodate the
king, then the Councilors of Castile, next the Councilors of Madrid,
and finally the populace. The two-storied wagons, with their elaborately
painted scenery, moved in procession along the streets until their final
performances were held at the Plaza Mayor and the Puerta de Guadala-
jara. A second wagon, which served as a stage for the first with its scenic
background, was usually a part of the procession. Eventually a third
ca"o, and even more, made it possible to convert the sites into perma-
nent acting places at various locations in the city. 42
Toward the end of Calderon's life, the celebrations on Corpus Christi
Day ran into trouble because the actors supplemented their repertoires
with jacaras and bazles. The lack of novelty and verisimilitude in the
autos of other dramatists, the stereotyped content and carnivalesque
aspect of later productions, and the rise of Neoclassicism contributed
to the decline of this popular Spanish genre. In 1765 a decree signed
by Charles III prohibited its performance, and eventually intellectual
and theatrical critics regarded the auto as a ridiculous art form.

CONCLUSION

Together with Lope de Vega, Calderon offered the highest expression

in peninsular drama. As a poet and thinker, Calderon elucidated the
truths and mysteries of life and turned the puzzles and confusion in
man's world into sense and order. Filling his works with startling
metaphoric imagery, exaggerated conceits, contrasts, and neologisms,
he systematically employed metrical passages, pompous figures of
speech, distortions, and exuberance. In his quest to improve Spanish
drama, Calderon synthesized seventeenth-century theatrical art,
methodically transforming many earlier Golden Age plays into pieces
of art. Rather than depicting the traits of individuals, his dramatic
characters embody ideas and abstractions. His productions, enriched
with innovative concepts, modern techniques, and the inclusion of the
plastic arts and music, reflect the imperial Spain which was beginning
to crumble. If comparisons must be made with his predecessors,
168 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

Calderon was less spontaneous and original in subject matter than Lope
de Vega; and compared to Tirso de Molina he was less perceptive in
his character portrayals of women; but he was superior to both in pro-
fundity and baroque expression.
Calderon was, however, the last star in the Spanish Golden Age. In
fact, during the last forty-five years of his life, Spanish drama under-
went a period of gradual decay as Spain experienced politico-economic
decline and resulting moral deterioration. Already in the works of
Calderon, and more so in those of his successors, uncertainty about the
future of Spain is expressed. In their choice and treatment of themes,
they preferred to escape from reality by turning to fantasy and by weav-
ing adventurous love stories. Likewise, they questioned Spanish life more
often by exposing the moral implications in the code of honor and by
finding fault with old customs, such as the degrading treatment of
women.
After Calderon's death, a sharp drop in dramatic production created
a vacuum in Spanish literature. His much less talented successors were
unable to make further improvements, and a period of decline quickly
followed. Toward the end of the seventeenth century, Calderon's
popularity also waned and his works came to be regarded as dogmatic,
absolute, and fanatical. They remained in disrepute until nineteenth-
century German scholars began to reverse the stigma that had been at-
tached to them in Spain. Dissociating themselves from the negative at-
titude of the Spaniards in the last century, German, British, and
American scholars have been able to reevaluate Calderon as one of the
greatest of baroque dramatists. 4 l
 Chapter V

The Decline:
Calderon's Contemporaries
and Imitators

THE NEW generation of playwrights who were contemporaries of

Calderon de Ia Barca continued in the tradition of court drama with
even more refined forms and styles. In the midst of this intensely pro-
ductive and heterogeneous period, the young dramatists, like their
master, profited from the inventiveness and diffusion that was
characteristic of the Lopean school while writing for court audiences.
The works of the Calderonians show more adequate character delinea-
tions, refined and affected styles, and pathetic sensibility.
During Calderon's long career a large number of playwrights asso-
ciated themselves with him, competing with him in a friendly way and
also imitating him. Among several dramatists in his cycle who deserve
to be mentioned are Rojas Zorrilla and Agustin Moreto.

FRANCISCO DE ROJAS ZORRILLA

The foremost Spanish dramatist among Calderon's followers was Fran-

cisco de Rojas Zorrilla (1607-48). Born and raised in Toledo, this poet
studied at the University of Salamanca and lived in Madrid, where he
participated in several literary competitions. By the age of twenty-five
he had already acquired fame as a dramatist. In his early career Rojas
Zorrilla collaborated with Luis Velez de Guevara, Montalban, and
Calderon. After Lope de Vega died in 1635, Rojas became one of the
favorite court playwrights in Spain.
170 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

With his unusual talent for wit, Rojas offended several persons dur-
ing a literary contest in 1638, and subsequently was stabbed. During
his youth he fathered an illegitimate daughter, who, after his death,
became the famous actress called "la Bezona." Married in 1640 to
Catalina Yanez Trillo de Mendoza, he had one son, Antonio Juan, born
in 1642. Three years after obtaining membership in the Order of San-
tiago, he died suddenly in 1648.
Of the total dramatic output of over seventy plays attributed to Ro-
jas, only thirty-five full-length plays are extant. He also wrote nine autos
sacramentales, two interludes, and more than fifteen plays in collabora-
tion with Velez de Guevara, Montalban, Coello, Cancer, Rosete Nino,
Belmonte, Mira de Amescua, and Calderon. During Rojas's lifetime
two collections of his plays appeared, in 1640 and 1645. They can be
divided into six groups: tragic plays, honor dramas, religious plays and
autos sacramentales, cloak-and-sword plays, novelistic plays, and com-
edies of manners and customs. 1 Known for Senecan dramatic traits,
the poet exposed violence, sensationalism, and stoic virtues in his
dramas. Although the tragic plots of some of his plays contain comic
elements, their total effect is tragic.
Among his ten tragic plays several are outstanding. Those based on
classical subjects are Los aspides de Cleopatra (Cleopatra's Serpents,
1640-45) and Los encantos de Medea (Medea's Sorcery). Numancia cer-
cada (The Siege ofNumancia, ca. 1630) and Numancia destrufda (The
Destruction ofNumancia, ca. 1630) constitute a two-part series based
on episodes from early Spanish history that had been treated earlier
by Cervantes. No hay ser padre siendo rey (A King Cannot Act as a
Father, 1635) and El Cafn de Cataluna (Cain of Catalonia) deal with
father-son conflicts. A drama on the theme of vengeance is Morir pen-
sando matar (To Die with the Intent to Kill), and one of his honor
dramas, Casarse por vengarse (To Marry for Revenge), treats a conven-
tional theme of honor in which a husband kills his wife for being
courteous to another man.
The action for Rojas's most celebrated honor play, Del rey abajo,
ninguno (Below the King All Men Are Peers, 1651), is set in the four-
teenth century when Alfonso XI had trouble curbing the power of his
rebellious feudal lords. Although the play has a baroque and pastoral
 The Decline: Calderon's Contemporaries 171

setting, it deals with exaggerated loyalty to a king and makes allusions

to the doctrine of the divine right of kings that was adhered to during
the reign of the Spanish Habsburgs. The protagonist, Garda del
Castafiar, a Spanish nobleman, lives in disguise in the country. His honor
is stained when a courtier, Mendo, attempts to seduce his wife. Believ-
ing the villain to be the king, Garda refrains from avenging the wrong,
since he regards his king more highly than his own honor. But when
he learns that the offender was not the king, Garda kills the real in-
truder. Thus the nobleman shows that although he would make an ex-
ception for the king, he will not suffer dishonor from anyone else. Blan-
ca, his virtuous wife, also highly values her husband's reputation and
plays an active role in seeking to restore her own lost honor.
The gripping action, intense tone, emotional conflict, and sonorous
versification make this drama remarkable, despite its partly euphuistic
style. The play's theme develops from its title-the monarch, considered
God's representative on earth, can do no wrong and therefore is unap-
proachable. All those beneath the king are peers among themselves and
each is obliged to avenge his own personal honor. Several minor themes
can also be found: the enjoyment of idyllic life, a courtier's dependence
on his king, and the interaction between reality and illusion. 2
The presentation in this play of country life, as opposed to courtly
life, is similar to that in Antonio de Guevara's prose essay Del
menosprecio de corte y alabanza de aldea (On the Scorning ofthe Court
and in Praise of the Vzllage). In both can be seen the Horatian theme
of beatus tile quidprocul negotzi, which eulogizes country life. Several
earlier plays may have served Rojas as sources, such as Lope de Vega's
El vzllano en su rincon and Peribafiez y el comendador de Ocana and
Tirso's El celoso prudente.
Rojas's religious plays lack emotional inspiration and fall short in doc-
trinal content. Generally each play portrays a sinner who is converted
by means of Divine Grace; some of the protagonists become martyrs.
Two of his noteworthy plays on saints are La vida en el ataud (Life Is
Found in the Coffin, in the 1640s ), an account of Saint Boniface's mar-
tyrdom, and El mejor amigo el muerto (The Dead Man as the Best
Friend, in the 1640s), dealing with the conversion of a young Scot,
Jorge Lesleo, from Calvinism to Catholicism. Two of Rojas's three ex-
172 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

tant sacramental plays, El gran patio de palacio (The Palace's Great

Courtyard, 1647) and La vifia de Nabot (Naboth 's Vineyard, 1647?)
have meritorious qualities but interpret theological doctrine inade-
quately.
The melodramatic adventures in Rojas's novelistic plays are better
suited for reading than for the stage. His Persiles y Segismunda (1633),
a dramatized version of Cervantes' Byzantine novel of the same title,
suffers because the plot appears to be poorly planned and because of
an endless number of characters who speak in monologues. For Los celos
de Rodamonte (Rodamonte's]ealousy, before 1640) the playwright bor-
rowed from Ariosto's Orlando furioso. Los bandos de Verona (The Rival
Houses of Verona, 1640) is based on the Romeo and Juliet story, ex-
cept that Rojas brings the lovers to a happy ending.
Conforming to the typical characteristics of the cloak-and-sword plays,
Rojas's works in this genre are better than average. Donde hay agravio
no hay celos (Dishonor Leaves No Room for jealousy, 1637) and No
hay amigo para amigo (Honor-Bound Friendship Means More Than
Fn"endship Alone, before 1640) excel in characterizations, well-ordered
plots, and humorous situations that arise out of the cowardice of
gractosos.
In comparison to Rojas's cloak-and-sword plays, his comedies of man-
ners and customs are less important for their plot development than
for their portrayal of social life. Comically viewing Madrid's society,
Rojas depicted such problems as the double dealings between the sexes.
Another play, Lo que son mujeres (The Ways ofWomen, before 1645),
revolves around two sisters and their attitudes toward the opposite
sex. 3
Of great merit is Rojas's Entre bobos anda eljuego (Merry Sport with
Fools, 1638), one of the earliest comedias de figur6n (farcical plays in
which the protagonist is depicted as a grotesque caricature) that gained
popularity during the second half of the seventeenth century. 4 This
play singles out an anti-lover in the character of Lucas, a wealthy Toledan
and ridiculous maniac who loses his much younger fiancee to his cousin,
Pedro. Criticizing a father's dominance in the selection of his daughter's
husband, this play speaks out for true romantic love. Also through the
new humorous character of a figur6n, who is more skillfully drawn than
most graciosos, Rojas satirizes contemporary Spanish life.
 The Decline: Calderon's Contemporaries 173

Since Rojas Zorrilla cultivated sensationalism within the Spanish style

of his tragic dramas, he aroused renewed interest in the Spanish tragedies
of the Renaissance. In his honor plays emotional intensity reaches a high
point, whereas in his lighter dramatic pieces he contributed to the evolu-
tion of the gracioso by giving him a more prominent role in the com-
ical secondary plots.

AGUSTIN MORETO Y CABANA

The second most important author of the Calderonian school was

Agustin Moreto y Cabana (1618-69), 5 who, together with Calderon
and Rojas Zorrilla, benefited from the popularity of theater in the seven-
teenth century. Born in Madrid of Italian parents, Moreto studied at
the University of Alcala and became a courtier and court dramatist.
Before entering a sacred order in 1657 he wrote about fifty plays, mostly
imitating and adapting the better-known plays of his predecessors. They
were published in three volumes, in 1654, 1657, and 1681. Moreto com-
pensated for his lack of imagination and inventive power by gaining
distinction in dramatic refinement and in the arranging and perfe::ting
of previously traced plots. Although he wrote all types of comedias,
his style approaches that of seventeenth-century French comedy.
The work that has won for Moreto immortal fame is a drawing room
comedy, El desden con el desden (Disdain for Disdain, 1654), which
is based primarily on Lope de Vega's Milagros del desprecio (Miracles
of Scorn) and La vengadora de las mujeres (The Avenger of Women).
The love game or test in Moreto's play revolves around the psychology
of rejection. Count Carlos falls in love with Countess Diana, whose beau-
ty and reluctance to marry are widely known. Through the ingenious
arrangements and advice of his intelligentgracioso, Polilla, Carlos jolts
the indifferent Diana, who had previously been pampered by her suitors.
First Polilla acts as Carlos's spy when he assumes the role of servant-
councellor in Diana's house under the name Caniqui. He advises Carlos
to return her disdain with even more indifference and then teases Diana
about Carlos's lack of interest in her. In his role as a "metagonist,"
he succeeds in curing the countess of her fault and makes it possible
for the play to come to a happy resolution.
Although the theme of a maiden's free will is deliberated from a
174 SPANISH GoLDEN AGE DRAMA

man's point of view, Moreto raises sensitive questions about women's

right to make important decisions in their own lives. He questions
whether they should blindly accept the courtship of every suitor without
being in love, and marry just to fulfill unwritten social laws. The end-
ing of this play points out that a woman should be free to decide her
own destiny and to marry the suitor with whom she truly falls in love.
This play deserves the extraordinary fame it has attained because of its
tightly constructed plot, its operatic quality, and the psychological de-
lineation of its characters.
Moreto's Ellindo don Diego (The Conceited Mr. Wonderful, 1662)
shares with El desden almost equal fame. This lively comedy of man-
ners, inspired by Guillen de Castro's El Narciso en su opinion (The
Self-Styled Narcissus, 1625), is one of the best comedias de figur6n.
It entertains with its witty dialogue, comic situations, and the portrayal
of a conceited protagonist who is castigated in a cleverly planned denoue-
ment. The elegant but provincial Don Diego intends to marry a rich
heiress, Dofia Ines, in Madrid. His eccentricity, however, not only ir-
ritates his beautiful fiancee, who is in love with another suitor, but also
offends his future father-in-law. Don Diego's plans fail when his vani-
ty leads him into an ingenious trap that is planned by the servant of
his rival, the gracioso Mosquito. The clever lackey introduces the dan-
dy to an important lady, who in reality is a harlot. The fop realizes
the truth about his new conquest too late. Offended by Don Diego's
bad conduct, Dofia Ines's father gives her in marriage to Don Diego's
competitor. The defeated, vain pretender returns home full of shame
without having achieved his goal.
Although Moreto borrowed his plots from earlier plays, he abandoned
the established genres, such as the honor plays and comedias de capa
y espada, for comedias de figur6n. He also neutralized the traditional
sharp contrast between the servant-figure, the gracioso, and the galan,
often placing the gracioso in the position of a "metagonist." The
playwright's new satires on the urban manners of flirtation and court-
ship focus on the behavior of people of marriageable age in seventeenth-
century society. In his plays no one is hurt by the loss of honor and
no transcendental ideas are debated. Only certain social faults are ex-
posed, such as vanity and eccentricity, which become the butts of
 The Decline: Calderon's Contemporaries 175

ridicule. Three of his adaptations are especially well known. El valiente

justiciero (The Valiant judge, 1657), a recasting of Lope de Vega's El
infonz6n de Illescas, depicts Pedro I as he changes from an unruly youth
into a trustworthy, politically influential king. Como se vengan los
nobles (The Vengeance of the Nobles, 1668), an imitation of Lope's
El testimonio vengado (The Avenged Testimony), is about the first-
born but illegitmate son of the king of Navarre, who vindicates false
accusations about his stepmother by defeating his three half brothers.
And in Licenciado Vtdriera (The Glass Licentiate), an adaptation of Cer-
vantes' exemplary novel by the same title, the protagonist feigns in-
sanity in order to criticize the social illness of ingratitude, but after prov-
ing his point he becomes sane again.
Although Moreto's fame rests with his plays of intrigue, eight of his
hagiographic plays are outstanding. Composed to commemorate the
cult of St. Francis of the Seine that was established in 1651 in Madrid,
San Franco de Sena {1652) shows a resemblance to Tirso's El condenado
par desconfiado (The Condemned Man for Lack ofFaith), since it depicts
the conversion of a sinner because of his love for his crippled father,
and illustrates the paradox that the worst sinner makes the best saint. 6
This play displays Moreto's successful use of conceits to achieve dramatic
irony-his instrument for social criticism. 7 His forceful intent in his
only extant auto, La gran casa de Austria y Divina Margarita (The Great
House ofAustn"a and Divine Margaret), diminishes the work's artistic
qualities.
Moreto ranks next to Cervantes and Quinones de Benavente as one
of the best entremisistas (writers of one-act plays). Most of his thirty-
eight entremeses satirize social climbers, roguish characters, and women
of ill repute. An example of each is Entremes del aguador (Interlude
ofthe Water Vendor), Entremes de los gatillos (Interlude of the Little
Pickpockets), and Entremes de dona Esquina (Interlude ofMtss Street
Corner).

ALVARO CUBILLO DE ARAGON

Aside from the works of Rojas Zorrilla and Moreto, the dramatic pro-
duction of Calderon's numerous successors declined in quantity and
176 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

quality. Although many of the lesser-known playwrights in the period

of decline possessed less theatrical talent and enjoyed shorter-lived fame
than the great masters, some of their plays are exceptionally good. In
this group are the works of Alvaro Cubillo de Aragon (1596-1661), who
claims in the dedication of El enano de las Musas (The Dwarf of the
Muses, 1654) to have written over one hundred dramatic pieces. Twenty-
four of these are extant.
Although Cubillo's plays display little creativity, they show that he
possessed the skill to dramatize stories. The baroque influence of
Gongora can be noticed in Cubillo's ability with word games, and
Calderon's influence can be seen in his plot structures. Cubillo's fond-
ness for minute details, furthermore, is reminiscent of Moreto' s art. The
sensitive poet was a good judge of feminine passion, as can be seen
in Las munecas de Marcela (The Dolls ofMarcela, 1636) and La perfec-
ta casada (The Perfect Wtfe, 1636). Las munecas de Marcela, classified
as a marionette play, psychologically portrays Marcela, who awakens
to life after falling in love and changes from a tender maiden to a
woman. The characters resemble marionettes engaged in love games,
quarrels, and activities related to the avenging of honor. The heroine
in La perfecta casada not only follows the model-wife ideal that was
exposed in Fray Luis de Leon's book of the same title, but also defends
her unfaithful husband. The psychological traits in both plays give them
a modern air. 8
In Cubillo's other play of customs, El senor de noches buenas (The
Gentleman of Happy Nights, 1635), two brothers who are identical
twins-one being rich but stupid, the other poor but intelligent-fall
in love with the same lady. She is confused because in the night her
lover speaks beautiful words and during the day her admirer is com-
pletely stupid. The baroque technique of polarizing good sense and
stupidity within the comic treatment of deception makes this play
ludricrously comical.
Other plays by Cubillo are worthy of mention. El invisible prfncipe
del bait/ (The Invisible Prince with the Trunk, 1637?) is a caricatural
comedia de figur6n. A heroic-legendary theme appears in the two-part
El rayo de Andalucia (The Lightning ofAndalusia, before 1632), which
deals with the deeds ofMudarra, who avenged his brothers' treacherous
 The Decline: Calderon's Contemporaries 177

deaths. The legend of Bernardo del Carpio is dramatized in the two-

part El conde de Saldana (1641). Los tn.unfos de San Miguel (The
Tn.umphs of Saint Michael, before 1654) and El bandolero de Flandes
(The Bngand of Flanders) are religious in content.

JUAN BAUTISTA DIAMONTE

Of Greek and Sicilian origin, Juan Bautista Diamante (1625-87) em-

phasizes scenographic and musical aspects in his fifty plays and dozen
short pieces, some of which were published in two volumes in 1670
and 1674. 9 Possessing exuberant baroque style, his plays lack inven-
tiveness. Diamante excelled in incorporating national tradition within
his works. El honrador de su padre (The Son Who Honors His Father,
1657) and its sequel, El cerco de Zamora (The Siege of Zamora) were
inspired by Guillen de Castro's Las Mocedades del Cid and Pierre Cor-
neille's Le Cid. Diamante's El valor no tiene edad (Valor Has No Age,
1636?) exalts the brave feats of the famous knight Garda de Paredes.
El Hercules de Ocana (1647) glorifies the celebrated swordsman Ces-
pedes. And La judia de Toledo (The Jewess of Toledo, before 1667)
is an adaptation of Mira de Amescua' s La desgraciada Raquel and Lope's
Las paces de los reyes y judfa de Toledo.
Diamante also wrote a number of zarzuelas and other types of dramas.
Lareina Marfa Estuarda (1660) deals with British history. In his dramas
of intrigue, ]uanilla Ia de }erez and Pedro de Urdemalas, the heroines
disguise themselves as men to win their lovers. La devoci6n del rosario
(1651) is his best religious piece; it was inspired by the legend about
the salvation of a bandit who prayed the rosary every day.

ANTONIO HURTADO DE MENDOZA

Belonging to the transitional period between Lope de Vega and

Calderon, Antonio Hurtado de Mendoza (1586-1644) was known as
a poet and a dramatist. As a courtier he was active in literary circles
in the court and in Madrid. Mendoza composed a dozen plays, which
were presented before royal audiences in the theaters at the Buen Retiro
and Aranjuez. 10 Querer par solo querer (To Love for the Sake ofLove)
178 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

premiered in 1622 in Aranjuez and won for him royal recognition. As

can be expected of court productions, this drama and other works of
his are filled with euphuisms and mythological allegories. Staged as a
summer festive court spectacle in which the queen's maids of honor
played, this long play, with some 6,400 lines, consists of chivalric and
pastoral episodes against a background of music and supernatural effects.
Cada loco con su tema (Everyone Is Crazy in Some Way 1630), a
cloak-and-sword play, exposes in witty dialogue the weaknesses and
foibles of human nature. Resembling the eccentric protagonist in a
comedia de figur6n, Heman Perez, an indiana who has just returned
to Spain from Peru, seeks to establish his family in Spanish society by
marrying off his two daughters to men of his own choice. As the title
suggests, each of the characters displays his own maniac philosophy.
A comedy of manners by Mendoza, Los empenos del mentir
(Perseverance in Lying), was commissioned for presentation in the Coli-
seo Theater in the Buen Retiro around 1634. This satirical drama, which
ridicules Madrid's social climbers, shows the influence of the picaresque
novel, since all the characters gullibly attempt to advance themselves
at all costs. The play's depiction of the life of courtesans is reminiscent
also of Cervantes' La entretenida (The Entertaining Comedy). A fine
psychological drama, Mendoza's El marido hace mujer (The Husband
Rears the Wzfe, 16 31-3 2), is the antecedent of Moliere's L 'Ecole des
man's (The School for Husbands). Dealing with marriage as a social rela-
tionship between husband and wife rather than as a sacred union, the
play shows how a marriage can fall apart when put under great stress.
Another lofty play with lively dialogue, Mas merece quien mas ama
(He Who Loves Best Deserves More, 1622?) deals with love within court
life.
Other plays by Mendoza that deserve mention are El premia de Ia
virtud (The Reward of Virtue, before 1621), Celos sin saber de quien
(To Be jealous ofan Unknown, 1630-32), Los n(ugos que tiene un coche
(The Rz'sks of a Carnage, 1630-44), and El galan sin dama (The
Gentleman without a Lady, 1635). The best among his entremeses are
Examinador mz'ser Palomo (Examiner, Mz'ster Palomo, 1617) and its se-
quel Ellicenciado Dieta (The Licentiate Diet, 1618), which are discreet
satires on courtly life and the pastimes of courtiers.
 The Decline: Calderon's Contemporaries 179

ANTONIO COELLO Y OCHOA

A skillful ad.apter of other playwrights' works, Antonio Coello y Ochoa

(1611-82) often collaborated with colleagues in writing playsY His
greatest piece, El conde de Sex, o dar Ia vida par su dama (The Earl
ofEssex, or To Die for His Lady, 1633), which has also been attributed
to Philip IV, treats for the first time the infatuation of Elizabeth of
England for the Earl of Essex. Several years of history are consolidated
into an invented plot in which Essex sacrifices his life in order to save
his sweetheart, Blanca, whose family had conspired against Elizabeth.
Two noteworthy dramas that Coello wrote in collaboration with Ro-
jas and Velez de Guevara are El cataliin Se"allonga (1635 ), containing
a lively description of medieval game disputes in Barcelona, and La
Baltasara (before 1637), which gives an account of the frivolous life of
the famous actress Baltasara de los Reyes and her conversion and en-
trance into a convent. Coello joined with Calderon in writing Ye"os
de naturaleza y aciertos de Ia fortuna (The E"ors of Nature and the
Prudence of Fortune, 1634), which was probably the source of
Calderon's La vida es sueiio.

FRANCISCO DE LEIVA RAMIREZ

A playwright of Calderonian orientation, Francisco de Leiva Ramirez

(1630-76) came from Malaga. His most famous play of intrigue, La dama
presidente (The Lady President), is about a woman who conducts herself
as if she were a man. Although the intelligent Angela scorns men, she
is seduced by an adventurous lover, Cesar. In the disguise of a man,
she departs for Florence in pursuit of him. The talented woman suc-
ceeds in obtaining a court appointment as magistrate of justice, and
while presiding at the trial of her seducer, she orders him to marry his
victim, who is, of course, herself.
Leiva's Cuando nose aguarda y principe tonto (When One Does Not
Wait and the Foolish Pn"nce) is one of the best comedias de figur6n.
His Marco Antonio y Cleopatra and La mayor constancia de Mucio
Scevola (The Great Loyalty of Mucius Scaevola) are based on Roman
history.
180 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

ANTONIO DE SoLis Y RlvADENEYRA

An imitator of Calderon who displayed little creative talent was An-
tonio de Solis y Rivadeneyra (1610-86), who wrote a dozen plays of in-
trigue that display the fictional ambience of love within caricatural satire.
Endowed with gifts of discretion and comic power, Solis approached
the art of Moreto. Elamor a/ uso (Stylish Love) ridicules love. In it an
engaged couple, who in reality are in love with each other, are involv-
ed with other partners.
El doctor Carlino, an improved adaptation of Gongora's play by the
same title, deals with a procuring doctor whose loquacious and foolish
wife spoils his pandering. Three couples involved in love affairs with
different partners are the focus of Un bobo hace ciento (A Dunce Makes
One Hundred More). La gitanilla de Madrid (The Little Gypsy Girlfrom
Madn"d), inspired by Cervantes' Gitanzlla, shows Solis's ingenuity with
plot development and his agility in style. Among his heroic dramas,
the most Calderonian in style is Elalcazar del secreta (The Castle of
the Secret).

JERONIMO DE CANCER Y VELASCO

As a gifted poet of quips and caricature, Jeronimo de Cancer y Velasco

(1594-1654) was a forerunner of the grotesque in Spanish theater. Fran-
cisco de Quevedo's satirical jokes can be traced to Cancer's comic plays
Mocedades del Cid, La muerte de Baldovinos (The Death ofBowdoin,
1651), and Los siete infontes de Lara. These plays are parodies of earlier
serious works, whose protagonists belong to the medieval chivalric tradi-
tion. In them Cancer introduces an entirely different atmosphere, in
which the deeds of the heroes and kings and their speech habits are
ridiculed. He succeeds in transforming the grandeur of the medieval
heroes into mediocrity. The grotesque occurrences, low comic expres-
sions, common dialect used by the high nobility, and scenic effects sug-
gested by the characters' hands provoke continuous laughter. Cancer
created this new kind of caricatural theater by changing the style and
tone of the conventional comedia and by degrading epic history,
historical characters, and highly dramatic situationsY Cancer's farces,
such as La visita de Ia Carcel (The Visit in the jail), Los gitanos (The
 The Decline: Calderon's Contemporaries 181

Gypsies), and La mula (The Mule), display ingenious humor within

violent situations. Cancer also wrote plays in collaboration with six other
dramatists.

JUAN DE LA HOZ Y MOTA

Best known for a highly comical character in El castigo de Ia miseria

(The Punishment of Poverty, 1650-60), Juan de Ia Hoz y Mota
(1622-1714) 13 found inspiration in Maria de Zayas's novel of the same
title, in Cervantes' exemplary novel FJ casamiento enganoso (The Deceit-
ful Marriage), and in Plautus's Aulularza (The Miser's Money Pot). For
this character study dealing with morality, La Hoz was not influenced
by Moliere's L'Avare, however, since Don Marcos is more repugnant
than the French playwright's Harpagon. In El castigo de Ia miseria a
cunning young woman tricks a cynical student into marrying her by
pretending she has inherited a fortune from her first husband, who she
claims was the governor of Havana.
The best among La Hoz's twelve extant plays is El montanes juan
Pascual, pn·mer asistente de Sevilla (The Mountaineer john Pascual, the
King's High Assistant in Seville), considered to be an adaptation of
a play by Lope de Vega. Its plot revolves around Peter the Cruel's
amorous adventures and ends with a noble application of justice. This
play was the antecedent of several Spanish Romantic works, such as Fer-
nandez y Gonzalez's La cabeza del reydon Pedro (The Head of King
Don Pedro), the Duke of Rivas's "Una antigualla en Sevilla" ("An Old
Tale of Seville"), and Jose Zorrilla's El zapatero y el rey (The Shoemaker
and the King). The most important among his religious plays is Morir
en Ia cruz con Crzsto (To Die on the Cross with Chrzst).

JUAN DE MATOS FRAGOSO

A Portuguese playwright writing in Spanish, a skillful adapter of many

well known comedtas, and a collaborator with Moreto, Cancer, and
Diamante, Juan de Matos Fragoso (1608-89) reworked many old plays
to suit the public's taste. 14 While he was deficient in dramatic inven-
tion and lyric power, he showed special ability in constructing plots,
182 SPANISH GoLDEN AGE DRAMA

especially those having themes on honor. Nonetheless, the old models

of the theater were becoming exhausted and the decline of Golden Age
drama was beginning to be evident in his time.
Among the half-dozen plays that show Matos Fragoso's lively talent
is La corsaria catalana (The Catalan Pn"vateer). El traidorcontra su sangre
(The Traitor against His Blood), which deals with the legend of the
Princes of Lara, left a profound mark on Romantic literature. Matos
Fragoso wrote a second part to Velez de Guevara's Reinar despues de
morir, entitled Very creer (Seeing Is Believing), and the poet also was
a productive writer of entremeses.

OTHER DRAMATISTS

During the Spanish comedia's period of decline, nearly fifty other less
gifted authors produced plays, some of which are worthy of mention.
The following abbreviated list provides their names, dates, and more
important works:
Antonio Enr1quez Gomez (1600-1663): Celos no ofenden a/ sol
Uealousy Does Not Offend the Sun) and A lo que obliga el
honor (To What Does Honor Oblige Itse/j?). 15
Pedro Rosete Nifi.o (1608-59): Madn"d por dentro (Inside Madn"d)
and Errar pn"ncipios de am or (To Fail in the Pnnciples ofLove).
Juan (the son ofLuis) Velez de Guevara (1611-75): El manceb6n
de los palacios (The Young Man of the Palaces) and Los celos
hacen estrellas Uealousy Makes Stars).
Fernando de Zarate (1612-after1660): La presumida y Ia hermosa
(The Beautzful, Vain Pretender). 16
Antonio Martinez de Meneses (1618-50): El tercero de su afrenta
(The judge of His Affront).
Sebastian Rodriguez de Villaviciosa (1618-72?): Cuantas veo tantas
quiero (I Love All the Girls I See).
Diego Figueroa y Cordoba (1619-73): La dama capitan (The Lady
Captain).
Francisco Antonio de Monteser (1620?-68): El caballero de
Olmedo (a parody of Lope de Vega's play)Y
 The Decline: Calderon's Contemporaries 183

Jeronimo de Cuellar (1622-65): Gada cual a su negocio (Each One

Minds His Own Business).
Fernando de Avellaneda (1622-75 ): Nuestra Senora del Pilar(Our
Lady of the Pzllar).
Jose Figueroa y Cordoba (1625-78): Muchos aciertos de un ye"o
(Many Good Guesses of an E"or).
Manuel Leon y Merchante (1631-80): No hay amor con fingir
(There Is No Love with Lying).
Agustin de Salazar y Torres (1642-75): La segunda Celestina (The
Second Celestina) and El encanto es Ia hermosura y hechizo
sin hechizo (Enchantment Is Beauty and Glamour without
Magic).

FRANCISCO ANTONIO DE BANCES CANDAMO

The decadent period of the once highly prolific Spanish theater closed
with Francisco Antonio de Bances Candamo (1662-1704), who became
popular after Calderon's death in 1681. After a successful teaching career
at the University of Seville, he established himself as a dramatist in
Madrid. After writing Por su rey y por su dama (For His King and His
Lady, 1685), which premiered in the theater at the Buen Retiro, he
was named the official poet and dramatist in the court of Carlos II in
1687.
By 1670, Spanish theater was in such a state of decadence that near-
ly all of the acting troupes had been disbanded. Thus, for the festivity
of Carlos's marriage to Marfa Luisa de Orleans in 1679, Bances Can-
clarno was unable to organize three troupes of actors to assist him.
Clergymen and religious fanatics were harshly attacking the theater,
and it was only under the king's protection that the dramatist escaped
direct confrontation with the Church. During this time Bances Can-
clarno, a wholehearted admirer of Calderon, wrote a defense of con-
temporary drama, Theatro de los theatros de los passados y presentes
siglos (Theater of the Theaters of the Past and Present Centuries,
1689-90). The first of its two parts is a general commentary on Spanish
drama, and the second refutes the Jesuit Ignacio Camargo's criticism
of the comedia.
184 SPANISH GoLDEN AGE DRAMA

Ironically, the same favorites that defended Bances Candamo led to

his depanure from the coun. After much jealousy had been stirred up
among the couniers, the poet was finally forced into a duel and was
gravely wounded by an opponent who objected to the satirical content
in his El esc/avo en gnllas de oro (The Slave in Golden Shackles, 1692).
Bances resigned as court poet in 1693 and spent the rest of his life in
various governmental positions. 18
In addition to being a lyric poet, Bances Candamo wrote twenty-two
plays. 19 Most of them were written to be performed in the theater at
the Buen Retiro. They possess a stilted style that is often full of
obscurities and Gongorisms, but some scattered passages in his plays
contain concise language that is not typical of his work.
His dramatic pieces deal with national, classical, and foreign history
and with religion. His best-known play, La piedra filosofal (The
Philosophical Stone), is the most original continuation of Calderon's
La vida es suefio. In it, traces of GOngora's poetic technique and
Calderon's system of plot structure can be found. Bances Candamo's
protagonist, Hispalo, like Calderon's Segismundo, meditates on reali-
ty and fiction, but Hispalo chooses to live in a world of fantasy.
Outstanding among Bances Candamo's other historical plays are El
espaiiol mas amante y desgraciado Macias (The Most Unhappy Lover,
Macias), concerning the life of an unhappy troubadour; Quien es quien
premia el amor (The One Who Rewards Love), a story about Queen
Christina of Sweden; and El esc/avo en gnllos de oro.
This last play, treating an episode in the life of the Roman Emperor
Trajan, resembles Corneille's Cinna. Discontented with Trajan's govern-
ment, Camilo conspires against him. Upon being discovered, he is con-
demned to death by the senate, but instead of carrying out the punish-
ment, the emperor appoints Camilo as a panner to help him govern.
Obliged to renounce all pleasures in order to dedicate everything to
his new position, Camilo suffers ill fonune, ingratitude, and con-
spiracies. After Camilo finally implores Trajan to free him from his high
position, the emperor is satisfied and pardons him. The main plot con-
cerns Camilo's effons to become the emperor, his ascension, and the
ensuing developments. A secondary plot revolves around the romantic
loves between Camilo and Sirena, and Adriano and Octavia. The theme
 The Decline: Calderon's Contemporaries 185

of blind avarice and its consequences is coupled with a motif dealing

with personal liberty. Ambition can only be realized if its seeker is will-
ing to accept the responsibility that goes with it.
The character of Camilo is well drawn. From an arrogant, avaricious
nobleman, he gradually turns into an admirable young man who is hum-
ble enough to realize his mistake. His love for Sirena serves as a foil
to extricate him from his situation. The intelligent, loyal Sirena is a
model of womanhood. In the character of Adriano is seen a study of
a young man schooled in the an of politics and war. Trajan is portrayed
as an excellent and just emperor whose lesson to Camilo is reminiscent
of that which Patronio gives to the count in Conde Lucanor. No doubt
the playwright was alluding to the situation and character of Carlos II
by placing Trajan in a Spanish milieu and giving him the attributes
of a Spanish king. The play's numerous comments on the difficulty
of running a government and the emperor's need to be beyond reproach
make reference to the Spanish court and monarch of the late seven-
teenth century.
This post-Calderonian play abounds in excesses, but the baroque com-
plications, such as flowery language, the use of a chorus, and elaborate
scenery, were undoubtedly well received by the court audience.
Throughout the first two acts a chorus, in the tradition of Greek tragedy,
appears to give voice to warnings and to recapitulate the action. Add-
ing to the confusion are seventeen characters who, with the chorus, fill
the stage to the utmost. Musical instruments are used to announce
almost every player's arrival. Bances Candamo knew how to please the
courtly audience, construct a plot, and develop a play for the tastes of
his day.
Possessing also a theological background, Bances Candamo wrote
three autos sacramentales, the best being El primer duelo del Mundo
(The First Duel ofthe World). The complex plots and erudite character
of these works, however, detract from their poetic qualities.

CONCLUSION

The playwrights in the Calderonian cycle can be distinguished from Lope

de Vega's contemporaries by their greater dramatic anistry. Those in
186 SPANISH GoLDEN AGE DRAMA

the Lopean school wrote their lyrical pieces more quickly, making use
of their inventive ability to treat various themes from the old ballads
and chronicles. Borrowing subjects from national and foreign history
and adapting plots from the Italian novelle and classical and Renaissance
drama, the Lopeans successfully established the new comedia. The
Calderonians, on the other hand, who had to satisfy more sophisticated
audiences, approached neoclassical stylistic and thematic tendencies in
their plays, enriching them with ingenious scenic effects and em-
bellishing them with contrived language. While using the same sub-
jects as their predecessors, the Calderonians compensated for their lack
of dramatic invention by constructing their plots more ingeniously and
adding extravagant elements to the plays they plagiarized.
The two most gifted of Calderon's followers, Rojas Zorrilla and
Moreto, turned away from heroic subjects and transcendental ideas
toward social criticism, especially about the rights of women, in their
caricatural comedias de figur6n and their plays of character and of man-
ners. As a great srylist, Rojas built his plots carefully and revealed a
strict moral posture, but he occasionally fell into the verbal excesses of
Gongorism. The highly delineated satire through which Moreto con-
veyed his social message is evident in his drawing room comedies,
religious plays, and comical entremeses, which also display skillful ver-
sification, well drawn plots, and lively dialogues.
Among the more than fifty secondary and lesser Calderonian
playwrights, Cubillo de Aragon stands out for his witty mastery of
theatrical effects; Diamante for the exuberant baroque style of his plays
on national customs and history; Hurtado de Mendoza, for his com-
edies of manners and courtly dramas; Coello as a skillful adapter of
older plays and a collaborator with numerous other dramatists; Leiva
Ramirez and Solis de Rivadeneyra for their plays of intrigue: Cancer
for his witty improvisations which are remarkable for their wordplay
and Quevedevesque burlesque satire: Hoz y Mota for his adaptations
of several Spanish novels and plays; and Matos Fragoso for his refundi-
ciones of several older well-known comedias. The Calderonian cycle
closed with the lyric poet Bances Candamo, whose treatise in defense
of contemporary drama and satirical historical plays could not prevent
the decline of the comedia, which had nearly exhausted itself.
 Chapter VI

The Comedia since 1700

THE POLITICAL and economic decline of Spain in the seventeenth

century resulted from the exhaustion of the entire nation. Worn out
by the long succession of wars it had waged in many parts of the globe,
the nation finally lost its collective ideal of military conquest in the name
of faith. The driving force that had moved the whole nation disap-
peared. Finding no substitute for their idealistic motivation, the
Spaniards entered a period of disorientation. The withdrawal from ac-
tive life and consequent isolation from the rest of Europe had an un-
favorable impact on the growth of Spanish arts and, in particular, on
the development of Spanish literature, which went into a long period
of decadence.
Although the last Spanish Habsburgs favored and protected the
theater, and the number of theaters increased, theatrical interest de-
clined rapidly during the reign of Carlos II. Several reasons can be cited:
the newer works contained decadent excesses in baroque style; there
was a lack of new great dramatists and original plays; and new growth
in intellectual life turned attention to scholarship and to the essay as
its literary form.
After 1700, when Carlos II, the last Spanish Habsburg, died and the
throne was occupied by the Bourbon family, neoclassicism and French
aesthetic tendencies dominated Spain for the next century. A division
occurred with regard to dramatic form, due to the French aestheticians.
Nonetheless, the comedia did not entirely disappear from the Spanish
stage. It continued to be popular with the masses through refundiciones
until the second half of the eighteenth century, when neoclassical
theater, which was patronized by the upper classes, finally took over.
In the struggle between the two aesthetic currents-the national and
188 SPANISH GoLDEN AGE DRAMA

the neoclassical-some Spaniards refused entirely to accept the Gallic

artistic tendencies. Among these few were Antonio de Zamora and Jose
de Caiiizares, who responded to the popular taste with imitations of
Calderonian art.
Antonio de Zamora (1664-1728) adapted many famous plays by
earlier playwrights. 1 He achieved success with two comedias de
figur6n, Don Domingo de Don Bias and Don Bruno de Calaho"a, and
a burlesque play, El hechizado por fuerza (The Student Bewitched by
Force). In the latter work a silly student is tricked into marrying a lady
who has convinced him that he will die if he should refuse. Zamora's
most famous play, No hay plazo que no se cumpla ni deuda que se
pague y Convidado de piedra (There Is No Term That Is Kept or Debt
That Is Not Paid and the Stone Guest), was a reworking ofTirso's El
burlador de Sevilla (The Tnckster of Seville).
Jose de Gaiiizares (1676-1750) prolonged the life of the comedia in-
to the eighteenth century and achieved his greatest success with come-
dias de figur6n. 2 His El d6mine Lucas (The Pedant Lucas) and FJ
honor da entendimiento o el mas bobo sabe mas (Honor Gives Under-
standing or the Greatest Simpleton Knows Most) are satires on mania
of the nobility. Among his eighty works are plays of intrigue and
historical and magical dramas.
Although the great age of the comedia was dead by the end of the
seventeenth century, some Spanish dramatists in later eras sporadically
returned to cenain genres that the comedia had popularized, and to
its dramatic devices and historical-legendary subjects.
In 1778 Vicente Garda de la Huetta (1734-87) scored a major suc-
cess with his tragedy Raquel, which treats the same subjects as Lope
de Vega's Lajudia de Toledo. Likewise, Dionisio Soli's (1774-1834) and
Luciano Francisco Comella (1751-1812) adapted numerous older plays
and wrote other somewhat inferior dramas in the same style, which
nonetheless satisfied Spanish audiences. Ramon de la Cruz ( 17 31-94)
adapted cenain principles in Italian opera to the old zarzuela and im-
proved the genre of the entremes with his sainetes (one-act farces). One
of these is Inesilla de Ia Pinto (Sweet Inez with a Beauty Spot), which
satirizes the tragic heroine, Inez de Castro, in the earlier comedias. His
numerous colorful productions suffered little despite the predominance
 The Comedia since 1700 189

of the neoclassical school in Spain. Candido M. Trigueros (1736-1801)

reworked La Estrella de Sevilla in his own Sancho Ortiz de las Roe/as
(1800) and revised several other plays by Lope.
After the fall of the neoclassical school, Spanish Romantic writers,
many of whom lived in exile because of Ferdinand VII's dictatorial
measures, continued to be drawn to the romantic and traditional sub-
jects that the comedia had used so well. One of these writers, the Duke
of Rivas (1791-1865), who based his ballad about the Princes of lara,
El moro exp6sito (The Abandoned Moor, 1829-34), on Matos Fragoso's
El traidor contra su sangre and published his most Romantic drama,
Don Alvaro (1835), in Paris, attempted to restore the tradition of the
Golden Age drama after he returned to Spain. While the plays in his
middle period, La monsca de Alajuar (The Moonsh Girl of Alajuar),
Solaces de un pnsionero (Consolations ofa Prisoner), and El crisol de
su lea/tad (The Crucible ofLoyalty), reflect more moderation, they con-
tain Romantic elements since they recall traditional subjects. The Duke
continued to draw upon the comedia in a later period, showing
somewhat grotesque tendencies and reactionary manifestations against
the rebellious Romantic movement in El desengano en un sueno
(Disillusionment in a Dream, 1842), which is reminiscent of Calder6n's
La vida es sue no.
Another Spanish Romantic, Juan Eugenio Hartzenbusch (1806-80),
also drew upon medieval legend and three earlier comedies by Rey de
Anieda, Tirso de Molina, and Perez de Montalban when he wrote Los
amantes de Teruel (1837). Hartzenbusch also showed interest in
Calder6n's dramas of honor and Rojas's cloak-and-sword plays, which
he imitated respectively in Vida por honra (Life for Honor, 1855) and
El amo criado (The Master Valet, 1841).
There were other Spanish Romantics who drew upon the comedia.
The comedias de figur6n that had been established by Rojas Zorrilla
were restored by Bret6n de los Herreros (1796-1873), who wrote Marcela
o (a cual de los tres? (Marcella or Which One ofthe Three?, 1831) and
La escuela de matn·monio (The School ofMamage, 1852). Jose Zorrilla
(1817-93) reflected the influence of Tirso's El burlador de Sevilla in
Don juan Tenorio (1844). His Zapatero y el rey (The Cobbler and
the King, 1840) is a powerful evocation of Pedro the Cruel. Manuel
190 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

Tamayo y Baus's technique of the play-within-a-play, as seen in Un

drama nuevo (A New Drama, 1867), especially evokes Calderon's El
pintor de su deshonra. And Adelardo LOpez de Ayala (1828-79) wrote
Un hombre de estado (A Statesman, 1851) and Rioja (1854) in Caldero-
nian style. So too did Jose Echegaray (1832-1916), whose Mancha que
limpia (The Stain that Cleanses, 1895) recalls the barbarous code of
honor.
A revival of the sainete took place in the second half of the nine-
teenth century when the cafes of Madrid, which were seeking to draw
patrons, staged these short one-act plays and other skits that imitated
the old traditional forms. These became so popular that several theaters
sprang up featuring hourly performances of these short plays. Among
the authors of this new genre, which became known as genera
chico, were Francisco Javier de Burgos (1778-1849), Ricardo de la
Vega (1839-1910), Tomas Lucefio (1844-1931), and Carlos Arniches
(1866-1943 ).
The historical subjects, popular themes, and love and vengeance that
had characterized the comedia continued to influence Spanish plays
into the twentieth century. The popular old historical legend of Inez
de Castro, which had been dramatized several times during the Golden
Age and again by de Ia Cruz and Luciano Francisco Comella (1751-1812)
in the late eighteenth century, was again recast by Alejandro Casona
in Corona de amory muerte (The Crown of Love and Death, 1955).
It was also reworked in France by Henry de Montherlant (1896-1972)
in his La Reine morte (The Dead Queen) in 1942. Evidence of con-
tinued interest in the heroes of the great Spanish past can be seen in
the plays of Eduardo Marquina, such as Las hijas del Cid (The Daughters
of the Cid, 1908) and En Flandes se ha puesto el sol (In Flanders the
Sun Has Set, 1910). Among other modem Spanish dramas that especial-
ly show fascination for the old themes are La malquerida (The Passion
Flower, 1913) by Jacinto Benavente (1866-1954), and several plays by
Federico Garda Lorca (1898-1936): Bodas de sangre (Blood Wedding,
1933), Yerma (Wzlderness, 1934), and La casa de Bernarda Alba (The
House of Bernarda Alba, 1936).
The influence of the comedia was felt not only in Spanish-speaking
countries, such as Mexico, where its greatest follower was Sor Juana Ines
de la Cruz (1651-95 ), who wrote Los empenos de una casa (The Obliga-
 The Comedia since 1700 191

tir;ns ofa House), but elsewhere in Europe. In France, where only pedan-
tic tragedy and complicated tragicomedy had been known, elements
of the colorful, imaginative comedia were discovered and introduced.
While the French were less interested in the historical and religious
comedias, they were attracted to the Spanish plays of manners and of
high intrigue, since French playwrights had found inspiration also from
the Italian novelle. 3
Among the early French playwrights who were influenced by the
Spaniards was Alexandre Hardy (1569?-1632), whose Cornelie (after
1613) and Force du sang (Kinship's Powerful Call, after 1613), are based
on Cervantes' examplary novels. Georges de Scudery (1601-67) also
followed Cervantes' novel in his L'Amant liberal (1636); and in his
L'Amour cache par /'amour (Love Concealed by Love), Scudery used
Lope de Vega's La selva sin amor. Jean de Rotrou (1609-50) also im-
itated Lope's plays in La Bague de l'oubli (The Ring of Oblivion), Les
Occasions perdues (Lost Occasions, 1633 ), L 'Heureuse Constance (Happy
Constance, 1635), and Laure Persecutee (Laura Pursued, 1636).
The ingenious ideas, plots, and rhetoric of the comedia gave the
French playwrights not only the form and modes of expression for their
dramas but also some Spanish subjects. Pierre Corneille (1606-84) was
indebted to Guillen de Castro when he wrote the first French tragedy
on a modern subject, Le Cid (1636), since he borrowed heavily from
Las mocedades del Cid and translated many of its passages directly into
French. The French play nonetheless has greater psychological depth. 4
Corneille was also the first playwright to model a work on Alarcon's
comedy of manners La verdad sospechosa. The French dramatist's Le
Menteur (1643) was followed by II Bugiardo (1750) by Carlo Goldoni
(1707-93) and by The Liar (1764) by Samuel Foote (1720-77).
Paul Scarron (1610-60) drew upon several Spanish plays for his works.
He adapted Rojas's Donde hay agravio no hay celos and No hay amigo
para amigo in his buclesquesjodolet ou le Maitre vallet Uodolet or the
Master Valet, 1654) and Le jodolet duelliste (1646). (Moliere used the
same Spanish plays later in his Les Precieuses n"dicules [The Affected
Young Ladies, 1659], as did William D' Avenant in The Man's the
Master [1669].) Scarron made use of the Quixotic character in Castillo
Solorzano's comedia de figur6n, El marques del Cigarral, in his Don
]aphet d'Armenie (Donjaphet of Armenia, 1653), and he imitated
192 SPANISH GoLDEN AGE DRAMA

Antonio de Soils y Rivadeneyra' s El am or a/ uso in his L 'Amour it Ia

mode (Love According to Fashion).
While the influence of the comedia on the works of Moliere
(1622-73), the greatest French writer of comedies, is more subtle, since
he was acquainted with it only indirectly through the works of Rotrou
and Scarron, cenain evidence points to the fact that he was drawn to
Spanish plays of manners and of high intrigue. While most of his works
conceal direct influence, a few are more specific. For example, it is clear
that Mendoza's El marido hace mujer is the antecedent of the French
master's L 'Ecole des maris (The School for Husbands, 1661). One also
finds that the social satire in Lope de Vega's El acero de Madn'd and
La dama boba antedate Moliere's L 'Ecole des femmes (The School for
Wives, 1662), Le Medecin malgre lui (The Doctor in Spite ofHimself,
1666), and Les Femmes savantes (The Bluestockings, 1672). Moreover,
Moliere adapted Moreto's El desden con el desden for his La Pn'ncesse
d'Etide (1664). Other later playwrights used Moreto's play; Carlo Gozzi
drew from it in writing his Principessa filosofo (1772), as too did
Marivaux and Lesage.
After Moliere, some French dramatists continued to be drawn to the
old Spanish plays. Thomas Comeille (1625-1709) borrowed directly from
Calderon, Rojas Zorrilla, Moreto, Soils y Rivadeneyra, and Coello in
eight of the nine comedies he wrote between 1647 and 1650. The most
interesting of these, Comeille's Le Conte d'Essex (The Earl of Essex,
1678), gives another version of the historical tragedy around which
Coello invented the plot for his play in 1633. In France in 1639 and
in 1672, Gauthier de Costes and Claudio Boyer had already treated this
subject in plays of their own, and the topic was again reworked by the
English in 1740, 1749, and 1753 by James Ralph, Henry Brooke, and
Henry James, respectively.
In the eighteenth century some of the French plays of customs that
show the strongest influence from the Spanish plays of manners and
high intrigue are Turcaret (1709) by Alain Rene Lesage (1668-1747),
Le ]eu de /'amour et du hasard (The Capncious Game of Love, 1730)
by Pierre Carlet de Marivaux (1688-1763), and Le Barbier de Seville
(1775) and Le Mariage de Figaro (1784) by Pierre de Beaumarchais
(1732-99).
Since the comedia introduced more dramatic independence from
 The Comedia since 1700 193

classical rules than had been practiced in France and Italy, and since
some of its works introduced subjects with profound undenones,
Romantic writers and artists found inspiration in and developed some
of the old Spanish characters and themes. Among them was the Don
Carlos that Jimenez de Enciso, Perez de Montalban, and Velez de
Guevara had realistically portrayed. In the tragedy Don Carlos (1787)
by Schiller (1759-1805), in Nunez de Arce's El haz de lena (The Bun-
dle of Firewood, 1872), and in other literary treatments of the story,
the prince emerges as a cosmopolitan dreamer who loves his stepmother
and wants to free Spain from the absolutism of his father, a flaw which
ironically destroys the young man. 5 Mira's El esc/avo del demonio and
Calderon's El magico prodigioso are some of the early Spanish sources
that contributed to the Faustian theme, which was brought to its height
by Goethe (1749-1832). The Austrian dramatist Franz Grillparzer
(1791-1872) reworked Lope's La judia de Toledo into a Romantic
tragedy, Die]udin von Toledo (1848?-52?). In France, Prosper Merimee
(1803-70) recast several comedias in his Clara Gazul (1825), La Famille
de Carvajal (1828), and others, while Victor Hugo (1805-85) did the
same in Hernani (1830) and Ruy Bias (1838). Casimir Delavigne
( 1793-1843) also wrote melodramatic plays on popular Spanish
characters, such as Don juan d'Autnche (Don juan of Austria, 1835)
and La fille du Cid (The Daughter of the Cid, 1839).
Among the most popular comedias translated in the Romantic period
into English, French, German, Italian, and Polish were La Estrella de
Sevilla and Calderon's La vida es sueno, El alcalde de Zalamea and El
principe constante. The last play, dealing with the ftfteenth-century
Fernando ofPonugal who sacrificed his life for his country and religion,
especially attracted the Polish Romantic poetJuliusz Slowacki (1809-49),
whose adaptation of it, Ksiaie Niezlomny (The Inflexible Pn.nce),
aroused among the partitioned Polish nation common feelings of
patriotism. The plot of La Estrella de Sevilla was recast again in France
during World War II by Alben Ollivier, who recaptured its spirit of
patriotism as an example for his countrymen during the German
occupation.
The most influential figure to rise out of the Spanish comedia has
been Don Juan. Since Tirso's presentation of him in El burlador de
Sevilla, his personification as a seducer and socio-moral rebel has been
194 SPANISH GoLDEN AGE DRAMA

interpreted by dramatists, poets, novelists, musicians, painters, sculptors,

movie producers, and critics for over three and a half centuries. In con-
trast to Tirso's portrayal of him as daring and rude, the cynical, world-
ly nobleman in Moliere's Dom juan (1665) was imitated by Carlo
Goldoni (1707-93) in his Don Giovanni (1736), while DaPonte (the
librettist of Mozart's 1787 opera) treated him partly as a ruffian. In
subsequent centuries his complex character has been measured against
every philosophical and psychological trend. In the Romantic period
when he was regarded as a selfish demon, Goethe gave him a Faustian
image; Alexandre Dumas (1803-70), in Don juan de Marana (1837),
presented him as a fallen angel; and Jose Zorrilla ponrayed him as a
libenine whose soul is finally saved by the intercession of a woman's
love. Finally, influenced by the psychoanalysts, the version by Edmond
Rostand (1868-1918), La Derniere nuit de Don juan (The Last Night
ofDonjuan, 1921), makes of him an insatiable lover, and George Ber-
nard Shaw's Man and Superman (1901-03) finds in him the force of
life. 6
This discussion provides only a brief outline of the impact of the come-
dia on Western drama. A much larger study on this subject could and
should be made.

THE CRITICS OF rnE COMEDIA

For almost four centuries since its birth, the comedia has also drawn
the attention of critics, who have interpreted its vital qualities in accord-
ance with the perceptions of each new generation. At first the Spanish
Golden Age commentators (LOpez Pinciano and Ignacio Camargo) and
dramatists (Lope de Vega, Tirso, and Bances Candamo) defended their
own views of contemporary Spanish dramatic art. Whereas the neo-
classicists, such as Luzan and Leandro Fernandez de Moratln, voiced
negative appraisals of Golden Age drama, the later Romantic critics,
including Albeno Lista, Mariano J. de Larra, and Juan E. Hartzenbusch,
approached the plays subjectively and impulsively.
With the rise of realism at the end of the nineteenth century, critics
who worked then and into the first half of the twentieth century took
a positivistic approach to historical scholarship in their histories and
 The Comedia since 1700 195

critical editions of sixteenth- and seventeenth-century dramatic works.

Before the turn of the century Adolf von Schack's methodical history
appeared, and Ramon de Mesonero Romanos's three volumes contain-
ing the dramatic works of the poets of the Spanish Golden Age, together
with Manuel Cafiete's work on the theater of the sixteenth century and
Pedro Munoz Pefia's book about Tirso's theater, were published.
At the turn of the twentieth century Marcelino Menendez y Pelayo
established himself as the foremost critic of the comedia with his fifteen-
volume edition of Lope de Vega's works (1890-1903 ); editions of the
works of Alonso de Ia Vega, Timoneda, and Perez de Oliva and his
contemporaries; and a four-volume study of the theater of Lope de Vega.
Emilio Cotarefo y Mori followed soon aftetward with equally ambitious
works-volumes on the works of Encina, Lope de Rueda, Tirso de
Molina, Enciso, Coello y Ochoa, Diamante and his contemporaries, Mira
de Amescua, and thirteen volumes on Lope de Vega. Among his other
publications are two volumes of one-act plays dating from the sixteenth
century through the middle of the seventeenth, and a book on the life
and work of Calderon. Standard classical editions of most of the other
Spanish Golden Age playwrights were published in the first half of the
twentieth century by Americo Castro, Eduardo Julia Martinez, Rudolph
Schevill, and other scholars.
The same positivistic concerns during the first half of the twentieth
century are evidenced by the statistical analysis of the versification of
Lope's plays that Sylvanus G. Morley and C. Btuerton compiled in order
to establish their chronology. During the same decades H.W. Hilborn
and R.L. Kennedy assembled similar chronologies for the plays of
Calderon and Tirso de Molina. Also, numerous biographies and other
historically-oriented books, starting with Rennert's Life ofLope de Vega
and his account of the theatrical personages of the Spanish Golden Age,
and Jerome A. Moore's compilation of the ballads in Lope de Vega's
chronicle-legend plays, indicate the scholars' predilection for history.
Various other schools and individuals have concentrated on related
interests into the middle of the twentieth century and later in such areas
as: the Don Juan and Don Carlos themes (Gendarme de Bevotte and
F.W.C. Lieder), the problem of honor (Americo Castro), dramatic
theory in Spain (H.J. Chaytor and Ramon Menendez Pidal), the auto
196 SPANISH GoLDEN AGE DRAMA

sacramental (W. Sturdevant. A.A. Parker, Marcel Bataillon, and Bruce

W. Wardropper), the relation of the comedia to classical tragedy Uoa-
quin de Entrambasaguas, E.S. Morby, and Raymond L. Grismer), and
structure and form Uoaquin Casalduero and M. Bataillon).
In the past three decades the study of the comedia has been funher
freed from the positivistic approach, and a vigorous dialogue between
several groups of critics and scholars has ensued. 7 Some have at-
tempted to study the evolutionary development of the comedia and
its historical and structural characteristics by understanding it in terms
both of its own time and of what it has to tell us today. Calling the
comedia unique as a historical phenomenon, Arnold Reichenberger has
stated that it reflects within the themes of honor, faith, and love the
secular and religious ideologies of the ftxed Spanish society. He con-
tends that the comedia's "macro-structure," which progresses from
"order disturbed to order restored," expressed the collective sentiment
of the Spanish people. 8 Eric Bentley responded by stating that the pat-
tern Reichenberger suggested does not restrict itself only to the Spanish
comedia but is universal. 9
The British Hispanists, 10 developing in the tradition of literary critics
more than of scholars, have developed and adhered to a thematic-
structural method of interpretation which was proposed by one of their
leading members. According to Alexander A. Parker, ftve principles
determine the structure of the plot of a comedia: (1) Dramatic action
is more imponant than character delineation. In accordance with
Aristotelian theory, Parker states that, since the dramatist's chief con-
cern must be the plot, he has no time to elaborate his characters. If
he does, it is incidental; the audience and the actors are the ones to
ftll in the details. (2) The theme, which must be true to human nature,
is more imponant than the action or incidents in the plot. Although
the theme and action do not necessarily have to be identical, they must
be related through an analogy. (3) Therefore, dramatic unity exists in
the theme, not in the action. (4) The moral intent of the theme re-
quires that poetic justice be served implicitly or explicitly in the play's
conclusion; this is the ftrst useful criterion to apply in detecting the
theme. (5) The dramatic causality within the plot helps to identify the
moral purpose. 11
 The Comedia since 1700 197

Parker defended his analytical method, after R.D.J. Pring-Mill sug-

gested that it is more applicable to the plays of Calderon than to those
of Lope's generation, by acknowledging that, although Calderon's more
perfectly structured plays came at the end of a process of historical
development, the constructive potential or germ was present in the suc-
cessful earlier plays. Likewise, he responded to remarks that the founh
principle permits excessive judicial criticism of the characters by stating
that "poetry corrects the injustices of real life, by not allowing evil men
to triumph or virtuous men to suffer." 12
Numerous Nonh American and other international critics, many of
them members of the Comediantes, 13 have either added new dimen-
sions to Parker's principles or have panially rejected them; others have
applied other modern approaches to the study of the comedia. Bruce
W. Wardropper, for example, has advanced Parker's ideas by stressing
the imponance of poetry as the means for translating the language in-
to action. 14 From another viewpoint, Everett W. Hesse took his cue for
a psychological analysis of the characters in the comedia from Parker's
first principle that permits the audience or reader to fill in the details
about a characterY James A. Parr found Parker's first three principles
helpful-even highly ingenious-but denounced the last two, since they
turn the critic into a moralist. Basing his comments on the seminal,
academic approach that Northrop Frye advocated in the 1960s, 16 Parr
declared that the critic should not illegitimately and subjectively look
for the author's intent, trace chains of causality, discover where the guilt
is, and judge whether the punishment is justified. Rather, he should
discover what the text says, find modern relevance in it, and give more
attention to form, structure, imagery, irony, language, and human
valuesY Since Parr wrote his plea for a more intrinsic approach in
literary scholarship on the comedia, critics have moved in that direction.
Another group of new critics have advanced the ideas expressed in
the 1940s by Karl Vossler, who pointed to features in Lope's plays which
reveal that the dramatist regarded life as "something half-real and am-
biguous." Vossler called the relationship of experience with poetic fic-
tion the "dramatic view of the world. " 18 While looking for a more
philosophical meaning for imagination in the more serious Golden Age
dramas, Lionel Abel called attention to the fictitious world a dramatist
198 SPANISH GoLDEN AGE DRAMA

initiates, which is deliberately continued by a character. After review-

ing numerous works form Sophocles to Brecht, he observed that two
basic metaphors, which are transposed into action, predominate in
drama-life is a dream, and the world is a stage. Abel made a distinc-
tion between classical tragedy, which staged predetermined and dra-
matically conscious heroes, and Spanish baroque drama, in which the
characters express their awareness that they are being programmed, rebel
against it, and exercise their free will to change their destiny. Since these
characteristics are especially abundant in the poetic theater of Calderon
and in certain other comedias of the Spanish Golden Age, Abel con-
cluded that some of them should be called metadramas.
In order to illustrate his theory, Abel called attention to the play-
within-a-play in Calderon's Ltfe Is a Dream. The predicted outcome
foretelling King Basilio's degradation at the hands of his son is averted
because the monarch sets in motion, with his own invention, another
set of circumstances to replace those which had previously been deter-
mined by fate. Thus, since the tragic conclusion does not occur and
since the king's plan fails, the tragedy has been replaced by a meta-
theatre.19
Numerous critics have applied Abel's new dimension to the study
of the comedia, while developing further the concept that characters
on stage assume the role of the playwright in other serious plays and
comedies of manners. 20 While some find evidence of the meta-
theatrical technique in the mere playing of another role by a character,
others contend that the playing of a new role should be something more
than just a dramatic vehicle. The true test lies in the character's forma-
tion of his conscience when he realizes that before being captured by
the author, he has already been dramatized-from myths, legends,
history, religious ideas, or social conditions.
As has already been discussed, the execution of a character's imagina-
tion within a metadramatic structure is more explicitly manifested in
Calderon's honor plays. Studying the role-playing qualities of characters
who express an awareness of their own actions within a play, these critics
contend that a character's conscious ability to assume an identity other
than that which was expected of him and to achieve a desired denoue-
ment stems from classical theatrical tradition, such as can be found
 The Comedia since 1700 199

in Plautus's Amphitryon. This was not a strange concept in seventeenth-

century Spain because, theologically, life on earth was regarded as a
state between birth and death; only when he dies does man awaken
to eternal reality. Thus, "metatheater" is founded on the view that
"life has already been the~tricalized ... therefore, illusion and unreali-
ty are linked to life. " 21 A few other critics, however, find the term in-
appropriate because of the theocentric character of the Spaniards in the
seventeenth century. 22
The most recent approaches to the comedia in semiotics (which ac-
tualizes the potentially unlimited number of relationships that signs
have within a work 23 ), stylistics and imagery, 24 and cultural an-
thropology continue to add to the efforts of scholarship. From this brief
account, one may conclude that some approaches to the study of the
comedia are more applicable to certain plays than to others; nonetheless,
each has contributed to a collective body of criticism. Therefore the in-
tent of this discussion has not been so much to advocate any one ap-
proach as to note and cite the valuable contributions that many of the
critics have made.

CONCLUSION

The Spanish Golden Age comedia represents the largest combined body
of plays ever written in a specific period of time in any nation in the
world. Its modern heterogeneous character is comparable in magnitude
to classical tragedy and comedy, to Shakespearean drama, and to French
neoclassical theater. This history has attempted to trace the many aspects
of the great legacy that Spain has given to the world. The vitality of
Spanish Golden Age drama as it developed in the seventeenth century
influenced later literatures, and as long as man cultivates dramatic art,
the comedia will continue to be studied.
 NOTES

Only cntical studies ate listed tn these notes. For editions of plays, biographies of the
playwrights, bibliographies, anthologies, and general historical studies, see the Selected
Bibliography.

BIRTH AND DEVELOPMENT OF SPANISH NATIONAL DRAMA

1. The theory was set forth by Leandro Fernandez de Mora tin in "Orlgenes del teatro
espafiol," tn Obras de Leandro Fernandez de Moratin, BAE, 2nd ed., 2: 145-306 (Madrid:
Rivadeneyra, 1848). Among the critics in the first group are Edmund K. Chambers, Kat!
Young, RKhatd B. Donovan, Fernando Lazaro Catreter, Norman D. Shergold, andJames
P. W1ckersham Crawford. (See Selected Bibliography, pages 234-35, for their works.)
Humberto L6pez Morales, in Tradtci6n y creact6n en los origenes del teatro caste/lana
(Madrid: Ediciones Alcala, 1968), at one time supported the liturg1cal theory but chang-
ed his view more recently in works cited in note 2. Among the Latinists are W. Leonard
Grant and Gustave Cohen.
2. Adopting the stance of NarciSO Dlaz de Escobar and Francisco de P. Lasso de Ia
Vega (m Hzstona del teatro espana/ [Barcelona: Montaner y Simon, 1924], pp. 58-62),
and some other dramatic historians, ate the following: John Lihani, Lucas Fernandez (New
York: Twayne, 1973 ), pp 50-54, 118, 158; O.B. Hatdlson,Jr., Chnstian Rzte and Christian
Drama zn the Mzddle Ages (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1965); Mary Marguerite
Butler, R.S.M., Hrotsvztha: The Theatricality of Her Plays (New York: Philosophical
Library, 1960); Humberto L6pez Morales: "Nuevo examen del teatro medieval," Segismun-
do 4 (1968): 113-24; and idem, "Nueva hip6tesis sobre el teatro medieval castellano,"
Revista de Estudios Hzspanicos (Puerto Rico), 2 (1972): 7-20.
3. Butler, Hrotsvztha, p. 178.
4. See Raymond L. Grismer, The Influence ofP/autus before Lope de Vega (New York:
Hispanic Institute, 1944), pp. 81-100; and Lihani, Lucas Fernandez, pp. 50-51.
5. See Lopez Morales, Tradict6n y creaci6n, p. 43; and Adolfo Bonilla y San Martin,
Las Bacantes, o del ongen del teatro (Madrid: R1vandeneyra, 1921), pp. 47-52.
6. See Hard1son, Chnstian Rite, p. 178.
7. This play is discussed in Guillermo Dlaz Plaja, "FJ auto de los Reyes Magos," Estudios
escentcos, no. 4 (1959): 99-126; Bruce W. Wardropper, "The Dramatic Texture of the
Auto de los Reyes Magos," Modern Language Notes, no. 70 (1955): 46-50; and Winifred
Sturdevant, The Mzsteno de los Reyes Magos: Its Positzon in the Development of the
Medieval Legend ofthe Three Kings,Johns Hopkins Studies in Romance Literatures and
Languages, 10 (Baltimore, 1927).
 Notes to Pages 10-15 201

8. For these works see Fernando L:izaro Carreter, Teatro Medieval (Madrid: Castalia,
1965), pp. 58-62; Stanislav Zimic, "El teatro religioso de GOmez Manrique (1412-1491),"
Boletin de Ia Real Academta Espanola 57 (1977): 353-400; James P. Wickersham Crawford,
The Spanish Pastoral Drama (Philadelphia: Univ. of Pennsylvania Dept. of Romanic
Languages, 1915), p. 11; 1dem, Spanzsh Drama before Lope de Vega, 3rd ed. (Philadelphia:
Univ. of Pennsylvania Press, 1967), pp. 5-6.
9. Cf. Crawford, Spanish Drama before Lope, p. 4; Lazaro Carreter, Teatro Medteval,
pp. 48-58.
10. Much information about the origin and development of autos sacramentales can
be found in the following works: Alexander A. Parker, "Notes on the Religious Drama
in Medieval Spain and the Origins of the Auto Sacramental," Modern Language Revtew,
30 (1935): 170-82; Bruce W. Wardropper, Introducci6n a/ teatro religioso del Siglo de
Oro: La evoluct6n del auto sacramental, 1500-1648 (Madrid: Revtsta de Occidente, 1953);
and Jean-Louis Flecniakoska, La formation de I' "auto" religieux en Espagne avant Calderon
(1550-1635) (Montpellier: Dehan. 1961).
11. For a fuller discussion of the dialogues, see Lazaro Carreter, Teatro Medieval, pp.
66-90; and Bonilla y San Martin, Las Bacantes, pp. 53-95.
12. See Lazaro Carreter, Teatro Medieval, pp. 63-65; Lihani, Lucas Fernandez, p. 58.
13. See Charlotte Stern, "The Early Spanish Drama: From Medieval Ritual to Renaissance
Art," Renawance Drama, n.s. 6 (1973): 179, 187-89; Oth6n Attoniz, La influencia italiana
en el nacimiento de Ia comedia espanola (Madrid: Gredos, 1969), pp. 310-11.
14. Francisco Vindel, El arte ttpografico en Espana durante el siglo XV (Madrid: Direc-
ci6n General de Relaciones Culturales, 1951), 7: xxv-xxvi, 291-96.
15. For further study see Stephen Gilman, The Art of"La Celestina" (Madison: Univ.
ofWisconsm Press, 1956); Alan D. Deyermond, The Petrarchan Sources of"La Celestina"
(Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 1961); Marcel Bataillon, La CC/estina selon Fernando de
Rojas (Paris: Didier, 1961); Dorothy C. Clarke, Allegory, Decalogue and Deadly Sins
in "La Celestina" (Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1968); Ciriaco Moron Arroyo,
Sentuio y forma de "La Celestina" (Madrid: Ediciones Oitedra, 1974); and Mack Singleton,
"Morality and Tragedy in Celestina," Studies tn Honor of Lloyd A. Kasten (Madison:
Hispanic Seminary of Medieval Studies, 1975), pp. 249-59.
16. Richard W. Tyler, "Celestina in the Comedia," Celestinesca 5 (1981): 13-21.
17. Although LOpez Morales (Tradtci6n y creaci6n, 42-140) attempted to deny all
previous theories, claiming that Spanish drama evolved exclusively from church ritual,
and heralded Juan del Encina as the "founder" of drama in Spain, he later (in "Nuevo
exam en del teatro medieval") recognized the rich theatrical background of many cen-
turies out of which Spanish drama grew. For additional study on Encina, see rwo articles
by Charlotte Stern: "Juan del Encina' s Carnival Eclogues and the Spanish Drama of the
Renaissance," Renaissance Drama 8 (1965): 181-95; and "Early Spanish Drama," pp.
189-91; Henry W. Sullivan, juan del Encina (Boston: Twayne, 1976); and). Richard
Andrews, juan del Encina: Prometheus in Search of Prestige, University of California
Publications in Modern Philology, no. 53 (1959).
18. For the use of the sayagues dialect, see John Lihani, EllenguaJe de Lucas Fernandez
(Bogota: Instituto Caro y Cuervo, 1973); and Paul Teyssier, La langue de Gil Vicente
(Paris: Klinksieck, 19 59).
19. Sturgis E. Leavitt, An Introduction to Golden Age Drama tn Spain (Madrid: Castalia,
1971), p. 15. For the style in Lucas Fernandez's works see rwo books by John Lihani:
Ellenguaje de Lucas Fernandez, and Lucas Fernandez (New York: Twayne, 1973); A.
Hermenegildo, Renacimiento, teatro y sociedad: vida y obra de Lucas Fernandez (Madrid:
Cincel, 1975); and Anthony Van Beysterveldt, "Estudio comparativo del teatro profano
202 NOTES TO PAGES 15-25

de Lucas Fernandez y el de Juan del Encina, '' Revista Canadiense de Estudws Hispiimcos
3 (1979): 161-82.
20. For interpretations of his works see Joseph E. Gillet, Torres Naharro and the Spanish
Drama of the Sixteenth Century (Madrid: Imprenta Vda. e hijos Jaime Rates, 1930);
Stern, "Early Spanish Drama," pp. 194-98; Roben L. Hathaway, Love zn the Early Spanish
Theatre (Madrid: Plaza Mayor, 1975), pp. 101-20; Stanislav Zimic, El pensamiento
humanistico y satin'co de Torres Naharro, 2 vols. (Santander: Sociedad Menendez Pelayo,
1978); and John Lihani, Bartolome de Torres Naharro (Boston: Twayne, 1979).
21. For Gil Vicente's sryle see Hope Hamilton Faria, The Farces of Gil Vicente: A Study
in the Stylistics of Satire (Madrid: Playor, 1976); Stephen Reckert, Gil Vicente, espiritu
y letra (Madrid: Gredos, 1977); Thomas R. Han, "Gil Vicente's Auto de Ia sibila Casan-
dra," Hispanic Review 26 (1958): 35-51; Leo Spitzer, "The Anistic Unity of Gil Vicente's
Auto de sibila Casandra," Hzspanzc Review 27 (1959): 56-77; Aubrey F.G. Bell, Gt/Vicente
(Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1927); and Jack H. Parker, Gzl Vicente (New York: Twayne,
1967).
22. See Jose M. Regueiro, "Juan de Timoneda y Ia tradici6n dramatica espafiola,"
Ph.D. diss., Univ. of Pennsylvania, 1972; and John). Reynolds, juan de Timoneda
(Boston: Twayne, 1975 ).
23. See Bruce W. Wardropper, "The Search for a Dramatic Formula for the auto
sacramental," PMLA 65 (1950): 1196-1211.
24. A unique collection of ninety-six of these one-act plays, C6dice de autos viejos,
has been preserved in the Biblioteca Nacional; it was edited by Leo Rouanet under the
title Colecci6n de autos, forsas y coloquios del siglo XVI, and was published in four volumes
by the Biblioteca Hispanica in 1901. All but three of these plays are in verse form, and
it appears that they were intended for performance in the church. Many of them were
written anonymously.
25. Crawford, Spanish Drama before Lope, p. 141.
26. Ibid., pp. 155-58. Also see John). Reynolds,juan de Timoneda (Boston: Twayne,
1975); and Marcel Bataillon, "Essai d'explication de !'auto sacramental," Bulletzn His-
panique 42 (1940): 193-212.
27. See Marcelino Menendez y Pelayo, "El maestro Fernan Perez de Oliva," in Obras
completas de Marcelino Menendez y Pelayo, ed. Enrique Sanchez Reyes (Santander: Aldus,
1941), 2: 37-58; and C. George Peale, "The Tragedies of el Maestro Fernan Perez de
Oliva," Kentucky Romance Quarterly 22 (1975): 415-28.
28. John G. Weiger, Cn'st6bal Virues (Boston: Twayne, 1978), pp. 27-31. See also
Weiger, The Valencian Dramatzsts ofSpi11n's Golden Age (Boston: Twayne, 1976), Chapt.
3; and his Hacia Ia comedia: De los valencianos a Lope (Madrid: Cupsa, 1978).
29. See Cecilia Vennard Sargent, A Study ofthe Dramatic Works of CriStobal de Virues
(New York: Hispanic Institute, 1930).
30. Weiger, Cn'st6bal Vif'Ues, pp. 83-85.
31. Ibid., pp. 87-88.
32. See Weiger, Valencian Dramatz'sts, pp. 21-30; and Eduardo Julia Manlnez, Poetas
dramiiticos valencianos (Madrid: Tip. de Ia Revista de Archivos, Bibliotecas y Museos,
1929), 1: i-cxxxv, 1-24.
33. For more detailed study on Cueva see Marcel Bataillon, "Simples reflexions sur
Juan de Ia Cueva," Bulletin Hispanique 37 (1935): 329-36; Edwin S. Morby, "The In-
fluence of Senecan Tragedy in the Plays of Juan de Ia Cueva," Studies in Philology 34
(1937): 383-91; N.D. Shergold, "Juan de Ia Cueva and the Early Theaters of Seville,"
Bulletin ofHispanic Studies 32 (1955): 1-7; Bruce W. Wardropper, "Juan de Ia Cueva
y el drama hist6rico," Nueva Revz'sta de Filologia Hz'spiinica 9 (1955): 149-56; Anthony
 Notes to Pages 25-33 203

Watson,juan de Ia Cueva and the Portuguese Succession (London: Tiimesis, 1971); and
Richard F. Glenn, juan de Ia Cueva (New York: Twayne, 1973).
34. Juan de Ia Cueva, El infomador, Los siete In/antes de Lara y El exemplar poetico,
ed. Francisw A. de Icaza (Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, 1924), pp. 26-29.
35. See Hugo A. Rennert, "Marco Antonio y Cleopatra: A Tragedy by Diego Lopez
de Castro," Revue Hispamque 19 (1908): 184-86.
36. Crawford, Spanish Drama before Lope, pp. 176-78; Alfredo Hermenegildo, Los
tragicos espafioles del siglo XVI (Madrid: Fundacion Universitaria Espafiola, 1961), pp.
334-70.
37. Joaquin Casalduero, Sentido y forma del teatro de Ceroantes (Madrid: Gredos,
1966), pp. 20-21. See also Manuel Duran, Cervantes (Boston: Twayne, 1974); Frederick
A. de Armas, "Classical Tragedy and Cervantes' La Numancia," Neophilologus 58 (1974):
34-40; Edward H. Friedman, "La Numancia within Structural Patterns of Sixteenth-
Cenrury Spanish Tragedy," Neophilologus 61 (1977): 74-89; and Cesareo Bandera, Mimesis
conflictiva: ficci6n literana y violencia en Ceroantes y Calderon (Madrid: Gredos, 1975 ).
38. Miguel de Cervantes, Obras camp/etas, ed. Angel Valbuena Prat (Madrid: Aguilar,
1970), pp. 16-18.
39. For a useful comparison of these plays see Edward H. Friedman, "Double Vision:
Self and Society in El labennto de amor and La entretenida," Ceroantes and the
Renazssance, ed. Michael D. McGaha (Easton, Pa.:Juan de Ia Cuesta, 1980), pp. 157-66.
40. See Casalduero, Sentzdo y forma, pp. 21-30.
41. Although they come from the same root, this term is not to be confused with the
wagons called entremeses in fourteenth-century Valencia when the Corpus Christi Day
procession first took place. The term "entremes" is more widely applied to a one-act
farcical play, which was often presented between the acts of a longer play. The term prob-
ably derived from the French word "entremets" (between the courses). The use of en-
tremeses in Spanish tradition began with Rueda's pasos and was cultivated by Cervantes,
Quinones de Benavente, Calderon, and others.
42. Crawford, Spanish Drama before Lope, pp. 186-87; Hermenegildo, Los tragicos
espafioles, pp. 391-98.
43. Eduardo Julia Martinez, "Renacimiento y barroco," Hzstona general de las literaturas
hispamcas, ed. Guillermo Dfaz-Piaja (Barcelona: Barna, 1953), 3: 165-66.
44. An important source on the actors and conditions in sixteenth-century Spanish
theater is Agustin de Rojas Villandrando, El viaje entretenido (1603), ed. Jean-Pierre
Ressot (Madrid: Castalia, 1972). Like Lope de Rueda, Rojas Villandrando was an actor,
director, and playwright.
45. Richard F. Glenn ,juan de Ia Cueva (New York: Twayne, 1973), pp. 45-46; N.D.
Shergold, A Hzstory ofthe Spamsh Stage from Medteval Times until the End ofthe Seven-
teenth Century (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1967), pp. 191-96.
46. Shergold, Htstory of the Spamsh Stage, pp. 177-79; Oth6n Arroniz, Teatros y
escenanos del Stglo de Oro (Madrid: Gredos, 1977), pp. 22-23.
4 7 For the historical development of the Spanish stage during the first half of the
Golden Age, see Hugo A. Rennert in The Spanish Stage in the Time of Lope de Vega
(New York: Hispanic Society of America, 1909), pp. 62-73.
48. John). Allen, El Corral del Princzpe (1583-1744) (Gainesville: Univ. Presses of
Florida, 1983 ); and his article, "Toward a Conjectural Model of the Corral del Principe,"
in Studies zn Honor ofjohn Esten Keller, ed. Joseph R. Jones (Newark: Juan de Ia Cuesta,
1980), pp. 255-71. For further information on theatrical life during the Spanish Golden
Age, see Jose Deleito y Piiiuela, Tambiifn se divzerte el pueblo (Madrid: Espasa-Calpe,
1966), pp. 198-226, 269-70; Jose Antonio Maravall, Teatro y literatura en Ia sociedad
204 NOTES TO PAGES 33-41

barroca (Madrid: Seminarios y Edicwnes, 1972);Juan M. Rozas, E/Szglo de Oro: El teatro

en tiempos de Lope de Vega (Madrid: UNED, 1976); and Jose Maria Diez Borque, Sociedad
y teatro en Ia Espana de Lope de Vega (Barcelona: Bosch Casa, 1978).
49. Emilio Cotarelo y Mori, Bibltografia de las controvemas sobre Ia licitud del teatro
en Espana (Madrid: Tip. de Ia Revzsta de Archivos, Bibliotecas y Museos, 1904), pp. 354,
356 Also see Rennert, Spanish Stage, pp. 73-211, 247; and Ronald E. Surtz, The Birth
ofa Theater: Dramatic Conventzon zn the Spanish Theater from juan del Enema to Lope
de Vega (Madrid: Castalia, 1979).
50. See Hugo A. Rennert, "Spanish Actors and Actresses between 1560 and 1680,"
Revue Hispamque 16 (1907): 334-538.

II. LOPE DE VEGA AND THE FORMATION OF THE COMEDIA

1. According to Crawford (Spamsh Drama before Lope, p. 188) and Bataillon ("Simples
reflexions sur Juan de Ia Cueva," p. 335), the end of the first period of Spanish dramatic
history came in 1587, when Lope de Vega had already written five plays. Rennert states
that the new period started two years earlier in about 1585, when Lope began to write
for the stage ("Spanish Actors and Actresses," p. 334).
2. Translated from Ricardo de Turia's Apologetico de las comedias espanolas (1616),
as cited in Julia Martinez, Poetas dramiiticos valenczanos, 1: 623.
3. Pinciano, outstanding among Spanish Aristotelian commentators, insisted on the
classical conception of dramatic art but failed to distinguish between Aristotle's explana-
tion of catharsis and Horace's principle rhat art should please. See Margaret Wilson, Spanish
Drama of the Golden Age (Oxford: Pergamon Press, 1969), pp. 27-28.
4. Concerning these critics of Lope de Vega, see Joaquin de Entrambasaguas, "Una
guerra literaria del Siglo de Oro: Lope de Vega y los preceptistas aristotelicos," Estudios
sobre Lope de Vega (Madrid: C.S.I.C., 1932), pp. 63-580.
5. See Edwin S. Morby, "Some Observations on tragedia and tragzcomedt11 in Lope,"
Hispamc Review 11 (1943): 185-209; Raymond R. MacCurdy, "The Problem of Spanish
Golden Age Tragedy,'' South Atlantzc Bulletzn 38 ( 197 3): 3-14; Arnold G. Reichenberger,
"Thoughts about Tragedy in the Spanish Theater of rhe Golden Age," Hzspan6fila Especzal
1 (1974): 37-44; and Gail Bradbury, "Tragedy and Tragicomedy in rhe Theatre of Lope
de Vega," Bulletin ofHispamc Studies 58 (1981): 103-11.
6. The three dramatic unites were actually first defined in the sixteenth century. The
first among modern critics to mention the unity of time was Giraldi Cinthio in 1543;
Bernardo Segni fixed the twenty-four-hour rule in 1549. After the unity of action was
more clearly defined, the limitation of place was advocated by Vicenzo Maggi in 1550.
Lodovico Castelvetro was the first to insist on the use of all three unities in 15 70, and
he called them inviolable dramatic rules. See Joel Elias Spingarn, A History of Literary
Cntzcism in the Renaissance, 2nd ed. (New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 1908), pp. 60-101;
and Anthony). Cascardi, "Lope de Vega, Juan de Ia Cueva, Giraldi Cinrhio, and Spanish
Poetics," Revista Hispiimca Moderna 39 (1976-77): 150-55.
7. Marcelino Menendez y Pelayo, Calderon y su teatro (Madrid: Tip. de Ia Revista de
Archivos, Bzbliotecas y Museos, 1910), pp. 23-24. Also see Margarete Newels, Los generos
dramiitzcos en las poeticas del Siglo de Oro: lnvestzgaci6n preliminar a/ estudio de Ia
teoria dramiitica en el Siglo de Oro (London: Tamesis, 1974); and Federico Sanchez
Escribano and Albetto Porqueras Mayo, Preceptiva dramiitica espanola del Renacimien-
to y el Barraco (Madrid: Gredos, 1965).
8. This short treatise was first published by Alonso Perez in Lope's Rzmas humanas,
Parte II (Madrid: Imprenta del Remo, 1634); it was reprinted in Obras sueltas de Lope
 Notes to Pages 41-52 205

de Vega, in BAE 33 (Madnd: Rivadeneyra, 1856): 230-32; and by Henry John Chaytor
in Dramatzc Theory in Spain (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1925), pp. 14-29.
Also see Ramon Menendez Pidal, "Lope de Vega: El arte nuevo y Ia nueva bzografia,"
Revista de Filologfa Espanola 22 (1935): 337-98.
9 See Sylvanus Griswold Morley, Studies tn Spanzsh Dramattc Versification ofthe Szglo
de Oro, Umv. of California Publications, no. 7 (1918): 131-73; Diego Marin, Poesfa
espanola (New York: Las Americas, 1962), pp. 9-27; and Tomas Navarro Tomas, Metrica
espanola (Syracuse: Syracuse Univ. Press, 1956).
10 For discussions on the vanous character-types in the comedza, see Ernest Hall
Templin, "The Mother in the comedta of Lope," Hzspanzc Review 3 (1935): 219-44;
Bonnie B. Busse, "The gracioso m the Spanish Golden Age Dramas," M.A. thesis, Univ.
of Nebraska, 1950; Charles D. Ley, El graczoso en e/ teatro de Ia Peninsula: Siglos XVI-
XVII (Madrid: Revzsta de Occidente, 1954); Edwin]. Webber, ''On the Ancestry of the
Gracioso," Renaissance Drama 5 (1974): 171-90; F. William Forbes, "Thegracioso: Toward
a Functional Re-Evaluation," Hzspanza 61 ( 1978): 78-83; Barbara Kinter, Die Ftgur des
Graczoso im spanischen Theater des 17.jahrhunderts (Mumch: Fink, 1978); Oleh Mazur,
"The Wild Man in the Spanish Renaissance and Golden Age Theatre," Ph D diss., Univ.
of Pennsylvania, 1966; and Jose A. Madrigal, "La funcion del hombre salvaje en el teatro
de Lope, Tirso y Calderon," Ph.D. diss. Univ. of Kentucky, 1973.
11. See John .Lihani, "La tecnica de racapitulacion autentica en el teatro del siglo XVI,"
in Aetas del I Congreso Internaczonal sabre Lope de Vega, ed. Manual Criado de Val
(Madrid: EDI-6, 1981), pp. 303-9; and Diego Marin, La zntrzga secundaria en el teatro
de Lope de Vega (Mexico: Andrea, 1958).
12. Two critics who have pointed to the reflection of seventeenth-century life in Lope's
plays are Gerald E. Wade, "Spam's Golden Age Culture and the Comedza," Hzspania
61 (1978): 832-50; and Jose Deleito y P1fiuela, Solo Madrid es Corte (Madrid: Espasa-
Calpe, 1968) Cyril A. Jones has observed that since the seventeenth-century moralists
occasionally called the comedia immoral, its concept of life was not always in accordance
with the ethics of that time; however, he agreed that this popular means of entertain-
ment mirrored the social rules and system of honor of its time. See his "Honor in the
Spamsh Golden Age Drama," Bullettn of Hispanzc Studzes, 25 (1958): 199-210.
13. Charles A. Aubrun, "Las mil y ochocientas comed1as de Lope," Aetas del I Con-
greso Internaczonal sabre Lope de Vega, ed. Manuel Criado de Val (Madrid: EDI-6, 1981),
pp. 473-77.
14. Silvanus Griswold Morley and Courtney Bruerton, The Chronology ofLope de Vega's
Comedtas (New York: MLA, 1940; rev. ed. by Morley, New York: Kraus, 1966).
15. The dates given in parentheses for the composinon of this and subsequent plays
are taken from Morley's 1968 revised Spanish edition
16. The autograph manuscript of Fuenteovejuna has been lost; nevertheless, ItS author-
ship has never been disputed, since Lope de Vega mentions It in the second edition of
El peregrz.no en su patria (The Pzlgrzm tn Hts Homeland). It was printed m Parte XII
of Lope's edition in 1619. For study of this play see Joaquin Casalduero, "Fuenteove-
juna," Revista de Fzlologfa Hispiimca 5 (1943): 21-44; Geoffrey W. Ribbans, "The Meaning
and Structure of Lope's Fuenteovejuna," Bulletin ofHzspamc Studies 31 (1954): 150-70;
Leo Spmer, "A Central Theme and Its Structural Equivalent in Lope's Fuenteovejuna,"
Hzspamc Revzew 33 (1955): 274-92;J.B. Hall, "Theme and Structure in Lope's Fuenteove-
tuna," Forum for Modern Language Studzes 10 (1974): 57-66; and]av1er Herrero, "The
New Monarchy: Structural Reinterpretation of Fuenteovejuna," Revista Hzspiimca Moderna
36 (1970-71): 173-85.
17. For sources and levels wahin the structure of Fuenteovejuna, see Claude E. Anibal,
206 NOTES TO PAGES 52-59

"The Historical Elements of Lope de Vega'sFuenteoveJuna," PMLA 49 (1934): 657-718;

and William C. McCrary, "Fuenteovejuna: Its Platonic Vision and Execution," Studies
in Philology 58 (1961): 179-92.
18. Kathleen Gouldson, "The Spanish Peasant in the Drama of Lope de Vega," Bulletin
of Spamsh Studtes 19, nos. 73-74 (1942): 13.
19. See Jose A Madrigal, "Fuenteovejuna y los conceptos de metateatro y psicodrama:
un ensayo sobre Ia formaci6n de Ia conciencia en al protagonista," Bulletin ofthe Come-
diantes 31 (1979): 15-23.
20. See Angel]. Valbuena Briones, "Una perspectiva semi6tica: Fuente Ovejuna de
Lope de Vega," Arbor 412 (1980): 453-64.
21. Larson, The Honor Plays ofLope de Vega (Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 1977),
pp. 68-70.
22. For further study of this play, see Edward M. Wilson, "Images et structure dans
Peribanez," Bulletin Htspamque 51 ( 1949): 125-59; Loren L. Zeller, "The Dramatic Func-
tion of Comic Relief in Lope de Vega's 'Tragicomedia,' Peribanez," Philological Quarterly
57 (1978): 337-57; and Noel Salomon, Recherches sur le theme paysan dans Ia "Com-
edia" au temps de Lope de Vega (Bordeaux: Feretet fils, 1965).
23. Silvanus Griswold Morley, in his article "The Use of Verse-Forms by Tirso de
Molina," Bulletzn Hispamque 7 (1905): 387-408, strongly affirms that Tirso was not the
author of El rey don Pedro en Madrid.
24. For a historical account of the life of Peter the Cruel, see Prosper Merimee, Histoire
de Don Pedre Ier, roi de Castille (Paris: Charpentier, 1848); Frances Exum, "Lope's King
Pedro: The DIVlne Right of Resistance," Hispania 57 (1974): 428-33; and William C.
McCrary, "Theater and History: El reydon Pedro en Madnd," Critica Htspanica 1 (1979):
145-67.
25. The authorship of La Estrella has been a topic of considerable research and debate
for more than half a century. This question may never be resolved. The group of critics
claiming that Lope wrote the play suggest that the two earliest known printed texts, which
are not identical, may have been derived independently from an earlier printed text no
longer extant. One text having 3,029lines and entitled La Estrella de Sevilla. Comedut
fomosa de Lope. Represent61a Avendano, had been detached from a volume (folios 99-120)
of various plays; its only copy was preserved in the library of Raymond Foulche-Delbosc
in Paris. The other, a single edition of 2,503 lines, appears to have been printed in the
mid-seventeenth century from a manuscript that belonged to a theatrical company. The
other group of critics ascribe the play to a lesser known southern Spanish playwright,
possibly Andres de Claramonte. See Raymond Foulche-Delbosc, "The Author of La Estrella
de Sevilla," Revue Hispanique 48 (1920): 497-678; Aubrey Bell, "The Author of La Estrella
de Sevilla," Revue Hispanique 59 (1923): 296-300; idem, "The Authorship of La Estrella
de Sevilla," Modern Language Revtew 26 (1931): 97-98; Sturgis E. Leavitt, La Estrella
de Sevilla and Claramonte (Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 1931); and Frederick A.
de Armas, "The Apples of Colchis: Key to an interpretation of La Estrella de Sevzlla,"
Forum for Modern Languages Studtes 15 (1979): 1-13.
26. See two works by Americo Castro: "Aigunas observaciones acerca del honor en
los siglos XVI y XVII," Revista de Filologia Espanola 3 (1916): 1-50; and De Ia edad
conflictiva (Madrid: Taurus, 1961). For further studies on honor, see Donald Stuart,
"Honor in the Spanish Drama," Romamc Review 1 (1910): 247-58; Jones, "Honor in
the Spanish Golden Age Drama"; Peter Podol, "Non-Conventional Treatment of the
Honor Theme in the Theater of the Golden Age," Revista de Estudios Hispamcos 7 (1973):
447-67; and Jose A. Madrigal, Btbltografoz sobre el pundonor: Teatro del Siglo de Oro
(Miami: Ediciones Universal, 1977). For fuller discussion of Spanish honor, see chapter 4.
 Notes to Pages 60-75 207

27. Thts play, which was pubhshed tn Parte XXVII, extravagante (Barcelona, 1633 ),
and the following play, El alcalde de Zalamea, whtch appeared as a stngle suelta (Capias
MS. Parma), are attributed to Lope. Morley and Bruerton (Chronology, pp 509, 411)
gtve no dates for their composition.
28 The first volume of Bandellos' stories was published in Lucca in 1554 and was
translated tnto Spanish tn 1603 under the tide Histona de Ia Marquesa de Ia Fe"era.
This particular novella is the forty-fourth in the first volume.
29. Modern interpretations of thts most Calderonian of Lope's plays are found m two
articles by Gerald E Wade: "Lope de Vega's El castzgo szn venganza: Its Composition
and Presentation," Kentucky Romance Quarterly 23 (1976): 357-64; and "Spain's Golden
Age Culture." See also Davis M. Githtz, "Ironia e imagenes en El castzgo sin vengan-
za," Revzsta de Estudios Hisptinicos 14 (1980): 19-41; and Wilham C. McCrary, "The
Duque and the Comedza: Drama and Imitation in Lope's Castzgo szn venganza," Bulletzn
of Hzspanzc Phzlology 2 (1978): 203-22.
30.Jerome A. Moore, The Romancero tn the Chronzc/e-Legend Plays ofLope de Vega
(Philadelphia: Univ. of Pennsylvama Press, 1940), p. 126.
31. See William C. McCrary, The Goldfinch and the Hawk: A Study ofLope de Vega's
Tragedy (Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Studies, 1966); C Alan Soons, "Towards
an Interpretation of El caballero de Olmedo," Romanzsche Forschungen 73 (1961): 160-68;
AlbertS. Gerard, "Baroque Umty and the Dualities of El caballero de Olmedo," Romanttc
Review 56 (1965): 92-106; and Thomas Austin O'Connor, "The Knight of Olmedo and
Oedipus: Perspectives on a Spanish Tragedy," Hispanic Revzew 48 (1980): 391-413.
32. The dramatist's historical source for this play most likely was Pedro Mexia's Histona
imperial y cesarea, 1547 (rpt. Madrid: M. Sanchez, Acosta de G. de Leon, 1655), pp.
515-19.
33. Lope may have used more historical sources than Mexia's Historia for thts play.
The entire plot with alltts details can be found in the third volume of Antonious Bon-
finius's Rerum Vngancarum Decades (Basilea: Ex Officina Oporiniana, 1568, pp. 446-536),
a history of Hungary that was commissioned by King Mathias Corvin and completed in
1495. See Maria Strzalkowa, "La question des sources de Ia tragicomedia de Lope de
Vega El rey szn rezno," Archzvum neophtlologzcum (Cracow: Akademia Umtejetnosci),
3. 2 (1950)· 1-26.
34. See Marcelino Menendez y Pelayo, ed., Obras de Lope de Vega, Real Academia
Espanola (Madrid: Rtvadeneyra, 1890-1913), vol. 13; rpt. in BAE 158 (Madrid: Atlas,
1965): 325.
35. Although Barrezo Barrezi appears as the compiler and publisher of this account-
Relaczone della segnalata e come miracolosa conquzsta del paterna zmpeno, consegvzta
del serenzsszmo Gzovine Demetrio, Gran Duca de Moscovta (Venice, 1605)-Antonio
Possevino was the real author. Thts work was translated into Spanish by Juan Mosquera
and published in Villadolid by Andres de Merchan in 1606. See Gertrud V. Poehl, "La
fuente de El gran duque de Moscovia de Lope de Vega," Revtsta de Ftlologia Espanola
19 (1932): 47-48.
36. According to Marcel Bataillon, this play is a synthesis of a Spanish short story which
was derived from an earlier French one, Le charbonnier et leroy, and a Spanish legend
about a Juan Labrador. See Bataillon's "EI villano en su rincon," Bulletin Hzspanic 51
(1949): 5-38; and 52 (1950): 397. Other sources for this play are discussed in Marcel
Bataillon, Vana leccion de c/tistcos espanoles (Madrid: Gredos, 1%4), pp. 329-74; Joa-
quin Casalduero, "Sentido y forma de El villano en su rincon," Revista de Ia Univer-
sidad de Madnd 11 (1962): 547-64; and John E. Varey, "Towards an Interpretation of
Lope de Vega's El villano en su rincon," Studies in Spanish Literature of the Golden
208 NOTES TO PAGES 75-89

Age, ed. Roy 0. Jones (London: Tamesis, 1973), pp. 315-37.

37. Alva V. Ebersole, "Metateatro, Lope y Argel fingido y renegade de amor," Perspec-
tivas de Ia comeditZ, vol. 2 (Valencia: Soler, 1979): 151-57.
38. It is thought to be the forty-fifth novel in Bandello's first volume (see note 28).
Comments on this play are found in El pemJ del hortelano y El castigo sin venganZtZ
de Lope de Vega, c:d. A. David Kossoff (Madrid: Castalia, 1970), pp. 28-50; and Bruce:
W. Wardropper's "Comic Illusion: Lope: de: Vega's El pemJ del hortelano," Kentucky
Romance Quarterly 14 (1967): 101-11.
39. For Lope's mythological plays see Marcelino Menendez y Pelayo, Estudios sobre
el teatro de Lope de Vega, ed. Adolfo Bonilla y San Martin, vol. 2 (Madrid: Victoriano
Suarez, 1921): 142-271.
40. The particular story is from Canto I: vv. 416-557.
41. Regarding Lope's hagiographic plays and those of other playwrights, see Gordon
Heyward Sumner, "Una bibliografia anotada de las comedias de santos del siglo dic:z
y siete," Ph.D. diss., Florida State Univ., 1979.
42. For a study on this topic see Susan L. Fischer, "Psychological and Esthetic Implica-
tions in Role-Change in Selected Plays ofCalder6n," Ph.D. diss., Duke Univ., 1973.
43. See Michael D. McGaha, "Lope's Christian Irony: The Structure of La foznza
satisfecha," Bulletin of the ComeditZntes 30 (1978): 123-31.
44. For Lope's autos see Osvaldo A. Estc:noz, "Ret6rica en los autos sacramentalc:s de:
Lope de Vega," Ph.D. diss., StateUniv. ofNc:wYorkatBuffalo, 1977; T. MazaSolano,
"El auto sacramental La Maya, de Lope de Vega, y las fiestas populaces del mismo nom-
bee: c:n Ia Montafia," &letin de Ia Biblioteca Menendez y Pelayo 17 (1935 ): 369-87; Ar-
turo M. Cayuela, "Los autos sacramentales de Lope, reflejo de Ia cultura religiosa del
poc:ta y de su tiempo," Raz6n y Fe 108 (1935): 168-90, 330-49; andJ.M. Aicardo, "Autos
sacramentales de: Lope: de Vega," Raz6n y Fe 19-23 (1907-8).

III. THE PROLIFERATION OF THE COMEDIA

1. See Marcelino Menendez y Pelayo, AntologitJ de poetas hispano-amen"canos, Real

Academia Espafiola (Madrid: Rivadeneyra, 1903), 1: 49; and John G. Weiger, The Vlllen-
citZn Dramatists of Spain's Golden Age (Boston: Twayne, 1976). Also see Angel Val-
buena Prat, Hzstorill de Ia literatura espanola (Barcelona: Gustavo Gili, 1964), 2: 368.
2. See Weiger, Valencian Dramatzsts, pp. 50-109; Emilio Pujol, Tarrega: ensayo
bzografico (Valencia, 1978).
3. Rinaldo Froldi, Lope de Vega y Ia formaci6n de Ia comeditZ (Salamanca: Anaya,
1968), pp. 10, 133; and William E. Wilson, Guillen de Castro (New York: Twayne,
1973), pp. 11-16.
4. These plays arc: discussed in Wilson, Guillen de Castro, pp. 62-99; and by Luciano
Garcia Lorenzo in El teatro de Guillen de Castro (Barcelona: Planeta, 1976).
5. For further study see Alva V. Ebersole, "La originalidad de Los malcasados de Valen-
citZ," HispanitZ 55 (1972): 456-62.
6. In this collection of works, Tirso includes a rebuttal of the critics who championed
the sanctity of the classical unities. Claiming that the new comeditZ deserves the place
it occupies in Spain, he mentions certain advantages it has over the ancient plays. He
points out the inconvenience the playwright experiences, for example:, if he must observe
the unity of time. "How," he asks, "could a discreet young man fall in love with a pru-
dent young lady, solicit her, court her, and marry her in the space of rwenry-four hours?
His experiences of jealousy, desperation, and hope-affections without which true love
has no meaning-could not possibly be conveyed berween the morning and night of
 Notes to Pages 89-95 209

the same day and in the same place." (Freely translated from Tirso de Molina, Czgamlles
de Toledo [Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, 1968], pp. 80-83.)
7. There was possibly even an earlier version, now lost, before the two known ones,
but the latest play which has survived was first published in Doze comedills nuevas de
Lope de Vega, y otros autores: Segunda parte . . . (Barcelona: Jeronimo Margarit, 1630).
See Alben E. Sloman, "The Two Versions of FJ burladorde Sevilla," Bulletin ofHispanic
Studies 42 (1965): 18-33. For recent speculation that the play may have been written
by Andres de Claramonte, see Alfredo RodfJgUez LOpez-Vazquez, Andres de Claramonte:
Autor de "EI burlador de Sevilla" (La Corufia: Gcificas Corufiesas, 1982).
8. Cf. Daniel Rodgers, "Fearful Symmetry: The Ending of El burlador de Sevilla,"
Bulletin of Hispanic Studies 41 (1964): 141-59.
9. For studies on this topic, see Oscar Mandel, The Theatre of Don juan (Lincoln:
Univ. of Nebraska Press, 1963), pp. 3-21; and Armand E. Singer, "Don Juan's Women
in FJ burlador de Sevilla," Bulletzn of the Comedtt~ntes 33 (1981): 67-71.
10. Among many srudies on Don Juan, see Charles V. Aubrun, "Le Don Juan de Tic-
so de Molina," Bulletin Hispanzque 59 (1957): 26-61; Benedetto Croce, "El Burlador
de Sevilla," Quaderni della Critica6 (1946): 70-76; Georges Gendarme de Bevotte, La
Ugende de Don Juan, 2 vols. (Paris: Hachette, 1911); Ruth Lundelius, "Tirso's View
of Women in El Burlador de Sevilla," Bulletin of the Comedillntes 27 (1975): 5-14;
Gregorio de Marafion, BiologitJ de Don juan (Mexico City: El Universal Ilustrado, 1924);
Dorothy Epplen Mackay, The Double Invitation in the Legend of Don juan (Stanford:
Stanford Univ. Press, 1943); Andres Revesz, FJ anti- Tenorio (Madrid: A. Aguado, 1944);
Victor Said Armesto, La Leyenda de Don juan (Madrid: Sues. de Hernando, 1908); Ar-
mand E. Singer, The Don juan Theme, Versions, and Criticism (Morgantown: West
Virginia Univ. Press, 1965); Gerald E. Wade's introduction to his edition of El burlador
de Sevilla (New York: Scribner's, 1968);John E. Varey, "Social Criticism in El burlador
de Sevilla," Theatre Research International 2 (1977): 197-221; Leo Weinstein, The
Metamorphoses of Don juan (Stanford: Stanford Univ. Press, 1959); Jean Rousset, Le
Mythe de Don juan (Paris: Arman Colin, 1978); and Alva V. Ebersole, Disquisiciones
sobre "EI burlador de Sevilla" (Salamanca: Almar, 1980).
11. For these: viewpoints see Gerald E. Wade, "The Character of Tirso's El burlador
de Sevilla: A Psychoanalytical Study," Bulletin of the Comedillntes 31 (1979): 33-42;
and Ion T. Agheana and Henry Sullivan, "The Unholy Manyr: Don Juan's Misuse of
Intelligence," Romanische Forschungen 81 (1969): 311-25.
12. The dates of this and subsequently mentioned plays by Tirso have been taken from
Blanca de los Rfos's editions of his plays; and from Ruth L. Kennedy, "Studies for the
Chronology ofTirso's Theater," Hispanic Review 11 (1943): 17-46.
13. Various more distant sources have: been traced to Oriental folkloric tales, to a Spanish
folk tale (Del hermitaflo y el carnicero [The: Hermit and the Butcher], the third story
in Don Juan Manuel's El conde Lucanor), and to an account of the: life of San Pafnucio.
Also see Ramon Menendez Pidal, "El condenado por desconfiado de: Tirso de Molina,"
Estudios literarios, 3rd ed. (Buenos Aires: Espasa-Calpe, 1942), pp. 11-71.
14. For more detailed interpretations of this play sec: Alexander A. Parker, "Santos
y bandidos en el teatro espafiol del Siglo de Oro," Arbor 13 (1949): 395-416; Karl Vossler,
"Alrededor de El condenado por desconfiado," Revista Cubana 14 ( 1940 ): 19-3 7; Juho
Cc:jador y Frauca, "FJ condenado pordesconfiado," Revue Hispanique 57 (1923), 127-59;
and Robert TerHorst, "The Sacred and the Profane in the Plays of Tirso de Molina:
A Preliminary Sketch for Ruth Lee Kennedy," Bulletin of the Comedillntes 32 (1980):
99-107.
15. See Nancy Lou Kennington, "A Structural Analysis of the Extant Trilogies ofTir-
so de Molina," Ph.D. diss., Univ. of Nonh Carolina, 1966.
210 NOTES TO PAGES 96-107

16. The biblical source for this play is I Kings 16:29 to II Kings 9:20. For funher study,
see Carolyn F. Smith, ''Dialectics of Tragicomedy in Tuso's La muter que manda en casa, ''
Perspectzvas de Ia comedia, ed. Alva V. Ebersole (Valencia: Soler, 1978), pp. 111-18.
17. Frederick H. Fornoff, Tzrso 's Christmas Tragedy, "La vida y muerte de Herodes:"
A Study ofRitual Form in Drama (Chapel Hill: Univ. ofNonh Carolina Dept. of Romance
Languages, 1977).
18. See Everett W. Hesse, "The Incest Motif in Tuso's La venganza de Tamar," Hispama
47 (1964): 268-76.
19 See Ruth Lee Kennedy, "La prudencia en Ia muter and the Ambient That Brought
It Forth," PMLA 63 ( 1948): 1131-90.
20. For more discussion of this play see Sandra L. Brown, "The Hero's Tragic Fall in
La adversafortuna de don Alvaro de Luna," Hzspan6fila 1 (1974): 63-69; and two works
by Raymond R. MacCurdy: "Tragic Hamartza in La pr6spera y adversa fortuna de don
Alvaro de Luna," Hispama 47 (1964): 82-90; and Tragzc Fall: Don Alvaro de Luna and
Other Favorites in Spanish Golden Age Drama, North Carolina Studies in Romance
Languages and Literatures (Chapel Hill, 1978).
21. For these plays and their characters, see Angela B. Dellepiane de Martino, "Fie-
cion e histona en Ia Trilogia de los Pzzarros de Tirso," Filologia 4 ( 1952-5 3): 49-168;
Mazur, "Wild Man"; and Madrigal, "La funcion del hombre salvaje" (see chapt. 2, note
10, above).
22. See Helmut Hatzfelt, "The Styletype of Tirso de Molina's Don Gzl de las calzas
verdes: The Problem of the Moderate Baroque," Neohelicon 7 (1979): 29-41; and Everett
W. Hesse, ''Tirso and the Drama of Sexuality and Imagination,'' Iberomania 11 (1980):
54-64.
23. See Ricardo Domenech's introduction to his edition ofTirso's Don Gzl de las calzas
verdes (Madrid: Taurus, 1969).
24. See Jose Alsina, "Herolnas clasicas: Marta Ia pzadosa," m "EI teatro," Blanco y
Negro, no. 1920 (March 4, 1928).
25. The structure of this play 1s based on three intrigues: the indzano tmposter, the
seduced woman in pursuit of the seducer, and the gentleman who loves the village maid.
See Jean Le Martine! and Gilbett Zonana, eds., introduction to Tirso' s La vi/lana de Vallecas
(Paris: Edtciones Hispano-Americanas, 1964).
26. For the symbolic meaning in thts play, see Premraj R.K. Halkhoree, "Satire and
Symbolism in the Structure of Tirso de Molina's Por el s6tano y el tomo," Forum for
Modem Languages Studies 4 (1968): 374-86.
27. Everett W. Hesse, New Perspectives on Co media Cnticism (Potomac, Md.: Porrua
Turanzas, 1980), p. 64.
28. For a discussion of this play-within-a-play, see Henry W. Sullivan, Tirso de Molina
and the Drama of the Counter Reformation (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1976), pp. 135-38.
29. Eleazar Huena, "Tirso, El vergonzoso," Atenea 139 (1948): 371-86.
30. Jose M. Castro y Calvo, El arte y Ia experiencia en Ia obra de Tirso de Molina
(Barcelona: Ariel, 1953).
31. See Sturgis E. Leavitt, "Juan Ruiz de Alarcon en el mundo del teatro en Espana,"
Hispan6fila 60 (1977): 1-12.
32. See Susan Staves, "Liars and Lying in Alarcon, Corneille and Steele," Revue de
Ltttirature Comparee 46 (1972): 514-27.
33. See Jose Mane! and Hymen Alpern's introduction to La verdad sospechosa in their
edition of Diez comedias del Szglo de Oro, 2nd ed., rev. by Leonard Mades (New York:
Harper and Row, 1968), p. 514 .
34. See Mary A.L. Vetterling, "La magia en las comedias de Juan Ruiz de Alarcon,"
Cuademos Amerz'canos 39 (1980): 230-47.
 Notes to Pages 109-134 211

35. Clotilde Evelia Quuarte, Persona;es de juan Rutz de Alarcon (Mexico: El libro
espafiol, 1939), p. 57.
36. For example, see James A. Castefieda, Mira de Amescua (Boston: Twayne, 1977),
p. 170.
37. Adolf Friedrich von Schack, Htstona de Ia literatura y del arte dramatic a en Espana
(Madrid: M. Tello, 1887), 3: 291-92.
38. Alison Weber, "Hamartia in Reznar despues de morir," Bulletzn of the Come-
dzantes 28 (1976): 89-95.
39. Some works on this subject are Maria del Pilar Onate, El femzntsmo en Ia literatura
espanola (Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, 1938); Carmen Bravo Villasante, La mu;er vestida de
hombre en el teatro espanol: Siglos XVI-XVII (Madrid: Revista de Occidente, 1955);
and Malveena McKendrick, Woman and Soczety in the Spanzsh Drama of the Golden
Age (London: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1974).
40. Marcelino Menendez y Pelayo, ed., Antologia de poetas, 13: 165, n. 2.
41. Edward Nagy, Vzllanos, hampones, y soldados, en tres comedias de Luis Velez
de Guevara (Valladolid: Severino Cuesta, 1979).
42. Schack, His to ria de Ia ltteratura, 3: 302-3. Also see Angel Val buena Briones, "Ante
el centenario de Velez de Guevara: Sus comedias novelescas y una relaci6n con Calderon,"
Arbor 398 (1979): 176-87.
43. Schack, Historia de Ia ltteratura, 3: 305.
44. See Rudolph Schevill, "The comedzas of Diego Ximenez de Enciso," PMLA 18
(1903): 194-210; Emilio Cotarelo y Mori, "Don DtegoJtmenez de Enciso y su teatro,"
Boletin de Ia Real Academia Espanola 1 (1914): 209-48; and Schack, Hzstona de Ia
literatura, 3: 329-67.
45. See Alfredo Rodriguez L6pez-Vazquez, Andres de Claramonte, Autor de "EI
burlador de Sevilla" (La Corufia: Graficas Corufiesas, 1982), pp. 9-13.
46. See page 55, above, concerning the contested authorship of thts play.
47. A discussion of this play is presented on pp. 56-58, above. Concerning the debate
over its authorshtp, see chapter 2, note 25.
48 See this chapter, note 8, above.
49. These works are discussed by Eugenio Asensio in ltznerario del entremes (Madrid:
Gredos, 1965), pp 124-76; and by Hannah E. Bergman in Luts Quznones de Benavente
y sus entremeses (Madnd: Castalia, 1965).
50. Hannah E. Bergman, Luzs Quinones de Benavente (New York: Twayne, 1972),
pp. 17-18, 137.
51. These works, together with his plays and mterludes, are discussed by Armando
Cotarelo y Valledor in El teatro de Quevedo (Madrid: Agume, 1945); and by Asensio
in Itznerano del entremes, pp. 177-245.
52. See Karl Gregg, "Del Poyo'sJudiis and Tirso's Don Juan," Symposium 29 (1975):
345-60.
53. See Vern G. Williamsen, The Mznor Dramatzsts of Seventeenth-Century Spazn
(Boston: Twayne, 1982), pp. 26-35
54. See Loutse Fothergili-Payne, La alegoria en los autos y forsas anten.ores a Calderon
(London: Tamests, 1977); and Rtcardo Arias, The Spanish Sacramental Plays (Boston:
Twayne, 1980), pp. 111-21.

IV CALDERON· THE APOGEE OF THE COMEDIA

1. See Angel]. Val buena Bnones, Calderon y Ia comedia nueva (Madnd: Espasa-Calpe,
1976), and Rtchard W. Tyler and Sergto D. Ehzondo, The Characters, Plots and Settzngs
212 NOTES TO PAGES 134-146

of Calderon's Comedias (Lincoln: Univ. of Nebraska Society of Spanish and Spanish-

American Studies, 1981 ).
2. The dates for this and subsequently mentioned Calderonian plays are taken from
Harry W. Hilborn, A Chronology ofthe Plays ofD. Pedro Calderon de Ia Barca (Toron-
to: Univ. of Toronto Press, 1938). Also see Shirley B. Whitaker, "The First Performance:
of Calderon's El sitio de Breda," Renaissance Quarterly 31 (1978): 515-31.
3. The early volumes of Calderon's plays were published during his lifetime either
by his brother, Jose, or by a friend, Juan de Vera Tassis y Villarroel in five partes (each
having twelve plays) in 1636, 1637, 1664, 1672, and 1677. After the dramatist's death,
Vera Tassis published an additional four partes, bringing the total to nine volumes that
included 108 plays; however, some of these are not authentic. A tenth parte was plann-
ed but was never published because of the death of Vera Tassis. Some other plays by
Calderon are scattered in single editions and others have been lost.
4. See James E. Maraniss, On Calderon (Columbia: Univ. of Missouri Press, 1978),
pp. 5-6.
5. This play is fully discussed by Everett W. Hesse in Calderon de Ia Barca (New York:
Twayne, 1967), pp. 49-53.
6. Robert TerHorst, "From Comedy to Tragedy: Calderon and the New Tragedy,"
Modem Language Notes 42 (1977): 191.
7. Sec: Henryk Ziomek, "Historic Implications and Dramatic Influences in Calderon's
Ltfe Is a Dream," Polish Review 20 (1975): 111-28.
8. For a semiotic approach to the meanings behind the ideas of "Life" (which as an
antonym of death projects the ideas of reality, free will, light, and goodness) and of
"Dream" (which is associated with visionary imagination, darkness, evil, stupor, fate,
and illusion), see Angel). Valbuena Briones, "Una aplicacion de Ia crltica semiotica a!
analisis sintagmatico de La vida es sueno," Arbor 428 (1981): 374-75.
9. Lope de Vega, El galiin de Ia Membrilla m Obras escogidas, ed. Federico Carlos
Sainz de: Robles, 4th ed., 3 (Madrid: Aguilar, 1967): 876; and El castzgo sm venganza
in Obras escogidas, 1 (Madrid: Aguilar, 1964): 936. In writing these verses Lope de Vega
may, in turn, have been inspired by a short anonymous poem whose quatrain is as follows:
"Soiiaba yo que: tenia I alegrc: mi corazon I mas ale fe, madre mia, I que los sueiios,
sueiios son" ("I dreamed that my hean was rejoicing, but regretfully, my dear mother,
dreams remain dreams"). Found in Pedro de Padilla, Thesoro de varias poesias (Madrid,
1580), f. 466. See also Georges Giintett, "El gracioso en Calderon: Disparate e ingenio,"
Cuademos Hispanoamericanos 324 (1977): 440-53.
e
10. See Arturo Farinelli, La vzta un sogno (Torino: Fratelli Bocca, 1916), pp. 283-85;
and Everett W. Hesse's edition of Calderon's La vzda es sueno (New York: Scribner's,
1961), pp. 4-6.
11. See Alben E. Sloman, "The Structure of Calderon's La vida es sueno," Modem
Language Revzew 48 (1953): 293-300.
12. For another perspective on Segismundo's character, see Jose A. Madrigal, "La
metamorfosis de Segismundo desde una perspectiva simbolica," Studies in Foreign
Languages and Literatures (Richmond: Eastern Kentucky Univ., 1977): 353-58.
13. This topic is discussed by Thomas A. O'Connor, "La vida es sueno: A View from
Metatheater," Kentucky Romance Quarterly 25 (1978): 13-26; and Everett W. Hesse
in Interpretando Ia comedia (Madrid: Porriia Turanzas, 1977), pp. 115-30.
14. On Spanish honor as interpreted by Calderon, see Francisco de Ayala, "Sobre el
punto de honor castellano," Revista de Occidente 5 (August 1963 ): 151-74; George Tyler
Northup, ed., Three Plays by Calderon (New York: D.C. Heath, 1926), pp. xvi-xvii;
Frank P. Casa, "Honor and the Wife-Killers of Calderon," Bulletin ofthe Comed111ntes
 Notes to Pages 146-154 213

29 (1977): 6-23; Edwin Honig, "Calderon's Strange Mercy Play," in Cntical Essays on
the Theatre of Calderon, ed. Bruce W. Wardropper (New York: New York Univ. Press,
1965), pp. 167-92; Everett W. Hesse, La comedia y sus interpretes (Madrid: Castalia,
1972), pp. 148-53; PeterN. Dunn, "Honour and the Christian Background in Calderon,"
Bulletin of Hispamc Studzes 37 (1960): 75-105; and Carolyn F. Smith, "Imagination
and Ritual in the Honor Tragedies of Calderon," Ph.D. diss., Univ. of Kentucky, 1972.
15. See Cyril A. Jones, introduction to El medico de su honra (Oxford: Clarendon,
1961); Raymond R. MacCurdy, "Critical Review of El medico tie su honra as Tragedy,"
Bulletin ofthe Comediantes 31 (1979): 3-14; Frances Exum, " 'tYo a un vasallo ... ?':
Prince Henry's Role in Calderon's El medico de su honra," Bulletin ofthe Comediantes
29 (1977): 1-6; and William R. Blue, '' 'lQue es esto que miro?': converging Sign Systems
in El medico de su honra," Bulletin of the Comediantes 30 (1978): 83-96.
16. See the interpretation of Bruce W. Wardropper, "The Dramatization of Figurative
Language in the Spanish Theatre," Yale French Studies 47 (1972): 189-98; and idem,
"La imaginacion en el metateatro calderoniano," Aetas del Tercer Congreso Internacional
de Hispanistas (Mexico: El Colegio de Mexico, 1970), pp. 928-30.
17. For a study of this play, see Alexander A. Parker, "The Spanish Drama of the
Golden Age: A Method of Analysis and Interpretation," The Great Playwrights, ed. Eric
Bentley (Garden Ciry, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1970) 1: 682-83, and note 5.
18. Clark Calahan, "An and Imagination in Calderon's El pintor de su deshonra,"
Bulletin of the Comediantes 33 (1981 ): 73-80.
19. Peter N. Dunn, "Patrimonio del alma," Bulletin ofHispanic Studies 41 (1964):
18-85.
20. For a discussion of the social implications of Pedro Crespo's role in this drama,
see Georgy Luckacs, The Histoncal Novel, trans. Hannah and Stanley Mitchell (Boston:
Beacon, 1963), pp. 153-54.
21. See Angel). Valbuena Briones, ed., Obras completas de Don Pedro Calderon de
Ia Barca, 5th ed. (1966), 1: 712; and idem, Perspectiva crftica de los dramas de Calderon
(Madrid: Rialp, 1965), pp. 232-35.
22. See Albert E. Sloman, The Dramatic Craftsmanship ofCalderon: His Use ofEarlier
Plays (Oxford: Dolphin, 1958), pp. 59-93.
23. Valbuena Briones, ed., Obras completas de Calderon 1: 69-70.
24. For additional studies on this play see Hesse, Calderon de Ia Barca, pp. 64-70;
and Gwynne Edwards, "Calderon's Los cabellos de Absal6n: A Reappraisal," Bulletin
of Hispamc Studies 48 (1971): 218-38.
25. Susan L. Fischer, "Calderon's Los cabellos de Absal6n: A Metatheater of Unbridl-
ed Passion," Bulletin of the Comediantes 28 (1976): 103-13.
26. For a thorough discussion of this play, see Sloman, Dramatzc Craftsmanship, pp.
159-87.
27. Cf. Edward M. Wilson and W.J. Entwistle, "Calderon's Principe constante: Two
Appreciations," Modern Language Review 34 (1939): 207-22; Arnold G. Reichenberger,
"Calderon's El prfncipe constante, a Tragedy?" Modern Language Notes 75 (1960): 670;
Robert Sloane, "Action and Role in El prfncipe constante," Modern Language Notes
85 (1970): 167-83; Stephen Lipmann, '"Metatheater' and the Criticism of the Comedia,"
Modern Language Notes 91 (1976): 231-46; and Jose A. Madrigal, "Fuenteovejuna y
los conceptos de metateatro y psicodrama," Bulletin ofthe Comediantes 31 (1979): 15-23.
28. For more on this significant play, see George R. Shivers, "La unidad dramatica
en La czsma de Inglate"a de Pedro Calderon de Ia Barca," in Perspectivas de Ia comedia,
ed. Alva V. Ebersole (Valencia: Soler, 1978), pp. 133-43; Alexander A. Parker, "Henry
VIII in Shakespeare and Calderon: An Appreciation of La cisma de btgalate"a," Modern
214 NOTES TO PAGES 154-165

Language Review 43 (1948): 327-52; and Susan L. Fischer, "Reader-Response Criticism

and the Comedia· Lreauon of Meaning in Calderon's La cisma de lngalate"a," Bulletin
of the Comediantes 31 (1979): 109-25.
29. Sources that discuss the role of the Devil in this and other Calderonian plays are
Valbuena Bnones, ed., Obras camp/etas de Calderon, 1: 603-5; AngelL. Cilveti, El
demomo en el teatro de Calderon (Valencia: Albatros, 1976); and A.A. Parker, The
Theology of the Devil in the Drama of Calderon (London: Blackfriars, 1958). For the
"metatheatrical" aspects of the characters' roles, see A. Roger Moore, "Metatheater and
Magic in El magico prodigioso," Bulletin of the Comediantes 33 (1981): 130-32.
30. The manuscript of El gran duque de Gamlia was found in Czechoslovakia in 1957,
and an edition of It has been prepared by Vaclav Cerny.
31. Ramon Silva provides a good study of these plays in "The Religious Drama of
Calderon," Bulletin of Spanish Studies 15 (1938): 172-95.
32. Honig, "Calderon's Strange Mercy Play," p. 169.
33. See Northup, Three Plays by Calderon, p. xxxvi.
34. Gerald Brenan, The Literature ofthe Spamsh People (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ.
Press, 1951), pp. 277, 293 For additional study of these plays, see William R. Blue,
"Romance in Calderon's Last Plays"; and Susan L. Fischer, "Calderon's El mayor en-
canto, amor, and the Mode of Romance," both in Studtes zn Honor ofEverett W. Hesse
(Lincoln: Univ. of Nebraska Society of Spanish and Spanish-American Studies, 1981),
pp. 23-24, 99-112.
35. Information on Calderon's zarzuelas has been drawn from Emilio Cotarelo y Mori,
Htstona de Ia zarzuela (Madrid: Tip. de Ia Revista de Archivos, Bibliotecas y Museos,
1934), pp. 43-60; Gilbert Chase, The Music ofSpain (New York: W.M. Norton, 1941),
pp. 96-105; and Paul Henry Lang, Mustc in Western CtVtltzatzon (New York: W.M. Nor-
ton, 1941), pp. 422, 676.
36. For further study see Ludwtg pfandl, "EI auto sacramental," Historia de Ia literatura
espanola en Ia edad de oro, trans. Jorge Rubio Balaguer (Barcelona: Gustavo Gili, 1952),
pp. 467-87; Eugenio Fruros, La filosofo de Calderon en sus autos sacramentales (Zaragoza:
Institucion Fernando el Catolico, 1981); and Nicolas Shumway, "Calderon and the Pro-
testant Reformation: A View from the Autos Sacramentales, '' Hispanic Review 49 ( 1981 ):
329-48
37. See Geoffrey M. Voght, "Calderon's El cuba de Ia Almudena and Comedy in
the Autos sacramentales," in Cntical Perspectives on Calderon de Ia Barca, ed. Frederick
A. de Armas, David M. Gitlitz, and Jose A. Madrigal (Lincoln, Neb.: Society of Spanish
and Spanish-American Studies, 1981), pp. 141-60; and Alice M. Pollin, "Calderon de
Ia Barca and Music: Theory and Examples in the Autos (1675-1681)," Hispanic Review
41 (1973): 362-70.
38. Valbuena Prat, ed., Obras camp/etas, 3: 32-37. Also see Sister M. Francis de Sales
McGarry, The Allegan·cal and Metaphoncal Language zn the "Autos sacramentales" of
Calderon (Washington: Catholic Univ. of America,1937); Alexander A. Parker, The
Allegoncal Drama ofCalderon (Oxford: Dolphin, 1943); and Ricardo Arias, The Spanish
Sacramental Plays (Boston: Twayne, 1980), pp. 128-46.
39. Ltpmann, '"Metatheater' and the Criticism of the Comedia."
40. For a fuller mterpretation of this auto, see Robert W. Felkel, "El gran teatro de
mundo of Pedro Calderon de Ia Barca and the Centrality of Grace," Bulletin ofthe Com-
ediantes 31 (1979): 127-34.
41. For the autos taken from the New Testament, see Donald T. Dietz, The "auto
sacramental" and the Parables in Spanish Golden Age Literature (Chapel Hill: Univ.
of North Carolina Department of Romance Languages, 1973).
 Notes to Pages 165-181 215

42. Northup, Three Plays by Calderon, pp. xl-xh.

43. For thts topic, see Manuel Duran and Roberto Gonzalez Echevarria, eds., Calderon
y Ia crft1ca. Historia y antologia, 2 vols. (Madrid· Gredos, 1976).

V. THE DECLINE: CALDERON'S CONTEMPORARIES AND IMITATORS

1. For further study see Raymond R MacCurdy, Franc1sco de RoJas Zomlla (New York:
Twayne, 1968), pp. 34-134
2. William M Whitby, "Appearance and Reality m Del rey abajO, ninguno," Hispania
42 (1959): 186-91; also see Margaret A. Van Antwerp, "'EI fenix es': The Symbolic Struc-
ture of Delrey abaJO, nmguno," H1spanic Rev1ew 47 (1979): 441-54; and Cristina Gon-
zalez, "Sobre Del Rey abajo, ninguno," Bulletin ofthe Comediantes 32 (1980): 49-53.
3. Raymond R. MacCurdy, "Women and Sexual Love in the Plays of Rojas Zorrilla:
Tradition and Innovation," Hispania 62 (1979): 255-65.
4. Edwin B. Place, "Notes on the Grotesque: The comedia de figuron at Home and
Abroad," PMLA 54 (1939): 412-21.
5. Information on Moreto's work has been obtained from Ruth Lee Kennedy, The
Dramatic Art of Moreto, Smith College Studies in Modern Languages, 13 (Northamp-
ton, Mass., 1932); Frank P. Casa, The Dramatic Craftsmanship of Moreto (Cambridge:
Harvard Umv. Press, 1966);Jack H. Parker, "Some Aspects ofMoreto's Teatro menor,"
Philological Quarterly 5 (1972)· 205-17; Anthony van Beysterveldt, "La mversion del
amor cortes en Morero," Cuadernos HtSpanoamericanos 283 (1974): 88-114, and Frances
Exum, "Moreto's Playmakers: The Roles of Four Graciosos and Their Plays-within-the
Play," Bulletm of Hispanic Studies 55 (1978): 311-20.
6. James A. Castefieda, Agustin Moreto (New York: Twayne, 1974), p. 46.
7. Cf. Roger Moore, "Ornamental and Organic Conceits in Moreto' s El /ego del
Carmen," Bulletin of the Comed1antes 31 (1979): 135-43.
8. Angel Val buena Prat, ed., Alvaro Cubtllo de Aragon, in Clasicos Olvidados, 3
(Madnd: Blass, 1928), p. 5; Shirley B. Whitaker, The Dramatic Works ofAlvaro Cubillo
de Aragon (Chapel Hill: Univ of North Carolina Press, 1975 ); and John H. Seekamp,
"The Dramatic Craftsmanship of Alvaro Cubillo de Aragon and the Sources for Some
of His Plays," Ph.D. diss., Rutgers Univ., 1974.
9. See Emilio Cotarelo y Mon, "Don Juan Bautista Diamante y sus comedias," Boletin
de Ia Real Academia Espanola 3 (1916): 272-97, 454-97; and Narciso Diaz de Escovar,
"Poetas dramaticos del siglo XVII: Juan Bautista Diamante," Boletin de Ia Real Academ1a
de Ia HtStona 90 (1927): 216-26.
10. See Gareth Alban Davtes, "A Chronology of Antonio de Mendoza's Plays," Bulletin
ofH1spamc Studies 48 (1971)· 97-110; and idem, A Court Poet: Antomo de Mendoza,
1586-1644 (Oxford: Dolphin, 1971).
11. See Angel Val buena Prat, L1teratura dramiit1ca espanola (Barcelona: Labor, 1930),
pp. 269-70; and Donald E. Schmiedel, "Coello's Debt to Gongora," Bulletm of the
Comed1antes 25 (1973): 34-40.
12. See Schack, Histona de Ia literatura, 5: 217; Adolfo de Castro, ed., Poetas lincos
de los s1glos XVI y XVII, in BAE, 42 (1854; rpt. Madrid: Atlas, 1951): lxix-lxxii; Narciso
Diaz de Escovar, "Don Jeronimo de Cancer y Velasco," Rev1sta Contemporiinea 121 (1901):
399-409; and Luciano Garcia Lorenzo, "La comedia burlesca en el siglo XVII: Las
mocedades del C1d, de Jeronimo de Cancer," Segismundo 13 (1977): 131-46.
13. See Namso Diaz de Escovar, "Poetas dramancos del stglo XVII: Juan Claudio de
Ia Hoz y Mota," Boletin de Ia Real Academia de Ia Historia 89 (1926): 351-57.
14. See Ramon de Mesonero Romanos, "Teatro de Matos Fragoso," Semanan·o Pin-
216 NOTES TO PAGES 181-196

toresco Espaiio/16 (1852): 114-18; and Elsa Leonor Di Santo, "Noticias sobre Ia vida
de Juan de Matos Fragoso," Segismundo 14 (1978-80): 217-32.
15. See Glen F. Dille, "Antonio Enriquez Gomez's Honor Tragedy, A lo que obliga
el honor," Bulletin ofthe Comediantes 30 (1978): 97-111; and I.S. Revah, "Un pamplet
contre !'inquisition d' Antonio Enriquez GOmez: Ia seconde partie de Ia Po/i/U;a angelica,"
Revue des Etudes juives 131 (1962): 81-168.
16. For this dramatist, see David M. Gitlitz, "La angustia de ser negro: tema de un
drama de Fernando de Zarate," Segismundo 2 (1975): 65-85.
17. See Robert Moune, "EI caballero de Olmedo de F.A. de Monteser: comedia burlesca
y parodia," in Risa y sociedad en el teatro espanol del Stglo de Oro (Paris: Centre Nat.
de Ia Recherche Scientifique, 1980), pp. 83-93.
18. See Wtckersham Shaffer Jack, "Bances Candamo and the Calderonian Decadents,"
PMLA 44 (1929): 1079-89.
19. Mesonero Romanos, "Teatro de Bances Candamo," Semanario Pintoresco Espanol
18 (1853): 82-84.

VI. THE COMEDIA SINCE 1700

1. Arnhilda B. Gonzalez-Quevedo, "Antonio de Zamora: su vida y sus obras,"
Hispan6fila 5 ( 1976): 36-46.
2. See Alva V. Ebetsole,jose de Canizares, dramaturgo olvidado del siglo XVIII (Madrid:
Insula, 1974); and Kim L.Johns, "Jose de Caii.izares: Traditionalist and Innovator," Ph.D.
diss , Univ. of North Carolina, 1976.
3. Ernest Maninenche, La comedic espagnole en France (Paris: Hachette, 1900), p. 79.
4. Jacob B. Segall, Corneille and the Spanish Drama (New York: AMS Press, 1966);
John M. Mendicoa, "Los paralelos estructurales y estilisticos en Ia tecnica dramatica de
Guillen de Castro," Ph.D. diss., Catholic Univ. of America, 1973.
5. Frederick W.C. Lieder, "The Don Carlos Theme," Harvard Studzes and Notes in
Philology and Literature, no.12 (Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 1930), p. 3.
6. For further study see Tirso de Molina, El burlador de Sevilla y convtdado de piedra,
ed. Gerald E. Wade (New York: Scribner's, 1969), pp. 17-26; and Leo Weinstein, The
Metamorphoses of Don juan (Stanford: Stanford Univ. Press, 1959).
7. For analyses of many of the critical approaches, see Bruce W. Wardropper, "On
the Fourth Centenary of Lope de Vega's Birth," Drama Survey 2 (1962): 121-26; James
A. Parr, "An Essay on Critical Method, Applied to the Comedia," Hzspania 57 (1974):
434-44; and Eduardo Forastieri Braschi, Aproximaci6n estructural a/ teatro de Lope de
Vega (Madrid: Hispanova, 1976).
8. See two articles by Arnold Reichenberger with the same title, "The Uniqueness
of the Comedia," in Hispanic Review 27 (1959): 303-16; and 38 (1970): 164-73.
9. Eric Bentley, "The Universality of the Comedia," Hispanic Review 38 (1970): 147-62.
10. The British Hispanists have included William James Entwistle, Edward M. Wilson,
Ivy V. McClelland, Alexander A. Parker, Norman D. Shergold,John E. Varey, Geoffrey
W. Ribbans, Cyril A. Jones, Bruce W. Wardropper, Peter N. Dunn, and Alben E. Sloman.
Other internationals who have identified themselves with the British school are Joaquin
Casalduero, Diego Marin, Charles Aubrun, Alan S. Trueblood, Raymond R. MacCurdy,
William M. Whitby, Frank P. Casa, and Alva V. Ebersole.
11. Alexander A. Parker, "The Approach to the Spanish Drama of the Golden Age"
(London: Hispanic and Luso-Brazilian Councils; rpt. in Tulane Dramatzc Revzew [1959],
42-59); and idem, "Spanish Drama of the Golden Age," pp. 679-707.
 Notes to Pages 197-199 217

12. Parker, "Spanish Drama," pp. 680, 686.

13. The Comediantes, with a membership of over two hundred, meet annually when
the Modem Language Association convenes, and promotes the publication of the Bulletin
of the Comediantes, which was founded by Everett W. Hesse in 1949.
14. Bruce W. Wardropper, "The Implicit Craft of the Spanish Comedia," Studies
zn Spanish Lzterature of the Golden Age, ed. R.O. Jones (London: Ta.mesis, 1973), pp.
339-56.
15. Everett W. Hesse discusses and applies his psychological approach in his books:
Aniilisis e interpretacion de Ia comedia (Valencia: Castalia, 1968); La comedia y sus in-
terpretes; Interpretando Ia comedza; New Perspectives on Comedza Cnticism; and Essays
on Spanzsh Letters of the Golden Age (Potomac, Md.: Porrua Turanzas, 1981).
16. Northrop Frye, "Literary Criticism," in The Aims and Methods of Scholarship in
Modem Languages and Literature, ed. James Thorpe (New York: MLA, 1963), pp. 57-69.
17. See Parr, "Essay on Critical Method."
18. Karl Vossler, Lope de Vega y su tiempo, trans. Ramon Gomez de Ia Serna, 2nd
ed. (Madrid: Revista de Occidente, 1940), pp. 244-320.
19. Lionel Abel, Metatheatre: A New View of Dramatic Form (New York: Hill and
Wang, 1963), p. 72.
20. See Alan S. Trueblood, "Role-Playing and the Sense of Illusion in Lope de Vega,"
Hispanzc Review 37 (1964): 305-18; Wardropper, "La imaginacion en el metateauo caldero-
niano," pp. 923-30; Sloane, "Action and Role in El principe constante," pp. 167-83;
Fischer, "Psychological and Esthetic Implications of Role-Change"; idem, "Lope's La
fingido verdadero and the Dramatization of the Theatrical Experience," Revista Hispiinica
Modema 29 ( 1976-77): 156-66; Lip mann, "'Metatheater' and the Criticism of the Com-
edia," pp. 231-46; Hesse, Interpretendo Ia comedia, pp. 115-30; McCrary, "The Du-
que and the Comedza"; Frances Exum, "Moreto's Playmakers: The Roles of Four Graciosos
and Their Plays-within-the-Play," Bulletin ofHispanzc Studies 55 (1978): 311-20; Madrigal,
"Fuenteovejuna y los conceptos de metateatro"; and Ebersole, "Metateatro, Lope y Argel
fingzdo."
21. Lipmann, "'Metatheater' and Criticism," p. 232.
22. See three articles by Thomas Austin O'Connor: "Is the Spanish Comedia a
Metatheater?" Hispanic Review 43 (1975): 275-89, and Arnold G. Reichenberger's
postscript, pp. 289-91; "Metatheater and the Comedia: A Further Comment," Modem
Language Notes 92, 1-2 (1977): 336-38; and "La vida es sueno: A View from Metatheater,"
Kentucky Romance Quarterly 25 (1978):13-26.
23. See Jose M. Dfez Borque, "Aproximacion semiologica a Ia escena del teatro del
Siglo de Oro espaiiol," in Semiologia del teatro (Barcelona: Planeta, 1975), pp. 49-92;
and Daniel Laferriere, "What Is Semiotics?" Semiotic Scene: Bulletin of the Semiotic
Society ofAmerica 1 (1977): 2-4. A.J. Valbuena Briones and William R. Blue have used
semiotics in their interpretations of the plays of Lope de Vega and Calderon (see above,
chapter 2, note 20; and chapter 4, notes 8 and 15).
24. For examples of this approach, see Wilson, "Images et structure dans Pen'biinez";
and Spitzer, "A Central Theme and Its Structural Equivalent in Lope's Fuenteovejuna"
(see chapter 2, note 22); Hatzfeld, "The Styletype ofTirso de Molina's Don Gzl de las
calzas verdes" (see chapter 3, note 22); John G. Weiger, "On the Application of
Stylostatistics to the Analysis of the Comedia," Bulletin of the Comediantes 32 (1980):
63-73; and John B. Wooldridge, "A Comedia Stylistic Device for Examples and Com-
parisons," Perspectivas de Ia comedia: II, ed. Alva V. Ebersole (Valencia: Soler, 1979),
pp. 49-60.
 Selected Bibliography

Since most secondary sources for this book are cited in the notes, this
bibliography lists primary sources for the Spanish Golden Age playwrights,
together with pertinent biographies and bibliographies. After a list of anthologies
and collections of works, the playwrights are grouped in accordance with the
major sections of the book, and arranged chronologically. General historical
and critical studies not always cited in the notes conclude this bibliography.

ANTHOLOGIES AND COLLECTIONS OF WORKS

Antologia de poetas hispano-americanos. Ed. Marcelino Menendez y Pelayo.
Vol. 1. Real Academia Espanola. Madrid: Rivadeneyra, 1903.
Autos sacramentales desde sus orfgenes hasta fines del siglo XVII. Ed. Eduardo
Gonzalez Pedroso. Madrid: Rivadeneyra, 1952.
Colecci6n de autos, farsas y coloquios del siglo XVI. Ed. Leo Rouanet. 4 vols.
Madrid: Biblioteca Hispanica, 1901.
Colecci6n de entremeses, loas, bazles, jacaras y mojigangas desde fines del siglo
XVI a mediados del XVIII. Ed. Emilio Cotarelo y Mori. In NBAE, Vols.
17 and 18. Madrid: Bailly-Bailliere, 1911.
Diez comedias del siglo de oro. Ed. Jose Martel and Hymen Alpern. 2nd ed.,
rev. by Leonard Mades. New York: Harper and Row, 1968.
Dramaticos contemponineos a Lope de Vega. Ed. Ramon de Mesonero Romanos.
Parte I. In BAE, vol. 43. Madrid: Rivadeneyra, 1857.
Dramaticos contemporaneos de Lope de Vega. Ed. Ramon de Mesonero
Romanos. Parte II. In BAE, vol. 45. Madrid: Rivadeneyra, 1857; rpt. Madrid:
Atlas, 1951.
Dramaticos postenores a Lope de Vega. Ed. Ramon de Mesonero Romanos.
In BAE, vols. 47 and 49. Madrid: Rivadeneyra, 1858-59.
Obras dramaticas del siglo XVI. Ed. Gabriel Ochoa. Madrid, 1914.
Poetas dramaticos valencianos. Ed. Eduardo Julia Martinez. 2 vols. Madrid: Tip.
de Ia Revista de Archivos, Bibliotecas y Museos, 1929.
 Selected Bibliography 219

Poetas lfncos de los siglos XVI y XVII. Ed. Adolfo de Castro. In BAE, vol.
42. Madrid: Rivadeneyra, 1854; rpt. Madrid: Atlas, 1951.
Spanish Drama of the Golden Age. Ed. Raymond R. MacCurdy. New York:
Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1971.
Teatro espana/ del Siglo de Oro. Ed. Bruce W. Wardropper. New York:
Scribner's, 1970.

THE PRE-LOPEAN PLAYWRIGHTS

EDITIONS OF PLAYS
Bermudez, Jeronimo. Pn.meras tragedias espana/as. Ed. Mitchell D. Triwedi.
Chapel Hill: Univ. of North Carolina Department of Romance Languages,
1975.
Cervantes, Miguel de. Obras camp/etas. Ed. Angel Valbuena Prat. Madrid:
Aguilar, 1970.
"Una comedia latina de Ia Edad Media: el Liber Panphili." Ed. Adolfo Bonilla
y San Marrin. Boletfn de Ia Real Academia de Ia Historia 70 (1917): 395-467.
Cueva, Juan de Ia. Comedias y tragedias de juan de Ia Cueva. 2 vols. Ed. Fran-
cisco A. de lcaza. La Sociedad de Bibliofilos Espafioles. Madrid: "Imprenta
Iberica" E. Maestre, 1917.
___ . El infomador, Los siete in/antes de Lara y El exemplar poetico. Ed.
Francisco A. de lcaza. Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, 1924.
Encina, Juan del. Obras camp/etas. Ed. Ana Maria Rambaldo. 3 vols. Clasicos
Castellanos. Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, 1978.
Fernandez, Lucas. Teatro selecto clasico. ed. Alfredo Hermenegildo. Madrid:
Escelicer, 1972.
Horozco, Sebastian de. Representaczones. Ed. Fernando Gonzalez Olle. Madrid:
Castalia, 1979.
Lopez de Castro, Diego. Marco Antonio y Cleopatra. Ed. Hugo A. Rennen.
Revue Hispanique 19 (1908): 184-237.
Perez de Oliva, Fernan. "Hernan Perez de Oliva: Teatro." Ed. William Atkin-
son, Revue Htspanique 69 (1927): 521-659.
___ . Teatro. Ed. C. George Peale, Cordoba: Real Academia de Cordoba,
1976.
Rojas, Fernando de. La Celestina. Ed. Bruno M. Damiani. Madrid: Catedra,
1980.
Rueda, Lope de. Obras de Lope de Rueda. Ed. Emilio Cotarelo y Mori. 2 vols.
Real Academia Espanola. Madrid: Hernando, 1908.
___ . Teatro completo. Ed. Angeles Cardona de Giben. Barcelona: Bruguera,
1976.
___ . Teatro de Lope de Rueda. Ed.). Moreno Villa. Cliisicos Castellanos.
Vol. 59. Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, 1924.
220 SPANISH GoLDEN AGE DRAMA

Sanchez de Badajoz, Diego. Farsas. Ed. Jose M. Diez Borque. Madrid: Catedra,
1978.
Timoneda,Juan de. Obras. Ed. Eduardo Julia Martinez. Madrid: Sociedad de
Bibli6filos Espaiioles, 1947-48.
___ . Obras camp/etas de juan de Timoneda. Ed. Marcelino Menendez y
Pelayo. Sociedad de Bibli6filos Valencianos. Valencia: Est. Tip. Domenech,
1911. Vol. 1.
Torres Naharro, Bartolome de. Comedias. Ed. Dean William McPheeters.
Madrid: Castalia, 1973.
___ . Teatro selecto de To"es Naha"o. Ed. Humbeno Lopez Morales.
Madrid: Escelicer, 1970.
Vega, Alonso de Ia. Tres comedias de Alonso de Ia Vega. Ed. Marcelino
Menendez y Pelayo. Dresden: Gedruckt fur die Gesellschaft fiir romanische
Literatur, 1905.
Vicente, Gil. A Critical Edition with Introduction and Notes ofGzl Vicente's
"Fioresta de Enganos." Ed. Constantine C. Stathatos. Chapel Hill: Univ.
of North Carolina Press, 1972.
___ . "Edition critique de !'auto de Ines Pereira." Ed. l.S. Revah. In Re-
cherches sur les oeuvres de Gzl Vicente. Lisbon: Instirut Fran!;ais au Por-
tugal, 1955.
- - - · Gil Vicente: Farces and Festival plays. Ed. Thomas R. Han. Eugene:
Univ. of Oregon, 1972.
___ . Obras completas. Ed. Marques Braga. Lisbon: Livraria Sa da Costa,
1953-59.
___ . Obras dramaticas castellanas. Ed. Thomas R. Han. Madrid: Espasa-
Calpe, 1968.

BIOGRAPHIES
Hermenegildo, Alfredo. Renacimiento, teatro y sociedad: vzda y obra de Lucas
Fernandez. Madrid: Cincel, 1975.
LOpez Prudencio, Jose. Diego Sanchez de Badajoz: estudio critico, biografico
y bibliografico. Madrid: Tip de laRevista de Archivos, Bibliotecas y Museos,
1915.

BIBLIOGRAPHIES
Abrams, Fred. "Lope de Rueda: Una bibliografia analitica en el cuarto centenario
de su muene." Duquesne Hispanic Review 4 {1965): 39-55.
Bibliografia vicentina. Ed L. de Castro e Azevedo. Lisbon: Biblioteca Nacional,
1942.
Cardona de Gilbert, Angeles, ed. Fernando de Rojas: "La Celestina." Barcelona:
Bruguera, 1975.
 Selected Bibliography 221

Castro E. Azevedo, L., ed. Bibliografia vicentina. Lisbon: Biblioteca Nacional,

1942.
Rodriguez Monino, Antonio. "El teatro de Torres Naharro (1517-1936): In-
dicaciones bibliogcificas." Revista de Filologia Espanola 24 (1937): 37-82.
Schizzano Mandel, Adrienne. "La Celestina" Studies: A Thematic Survey and
Bibliography, 1824-1970. Metuchen, N.J.: Scarecrow Press, 1971.
Stathatos, Constantine C. "French Contributions to the Study of Gil Vicente:
A Bibliography (1942-1975)." Luso-Brastlian Review 15 (1978): 105-16.
Tuson, Vicente. Lope de Rueda: bibliografia critica. Cuadernos Bibliograficos
16. Madrid: C.S.I.C., 1965.

LOPE DE VEGA
EDITIONS OF PLAYS
El castigo sin venganza. Ed. Cyril A. Jones. London: Pergamon Press, 1969.
Doze comedias nuevas de Lope de Vega, y otros autores. Segunda
parte .... Barcelona: Jeronimo Margarit, 1630.
An Edition with Notes and Introduction ofLope de Vega's "La prueba de los
amigos." Ed. Henryk Ziomek. Athens: Univ. of Georgia Press, 1973.
Obras de Lope de Vega. Ed. Emilio Cotarelo y Mori. 13 vols. Real Academia
Espanola. Madrid: Tip. de la Revista de Archivos, Bibliotecas y Museos,
1916-30.
Obras de Lope de Vega. Ed. Marcelino Menendez y Pelayo. 15 vols. Real
Academia Espanola. Madrid: Rivadeneyra, 1890-1913; rpt. in BAE, vols.
157-59, 177-78, 186-88, 190-91, 195-98,211-15, 223-25,233-34,246, and
248-50. Madrid: Atlas, 1936-72.
Obras escogidas: Teatro. Ed. Federico Carlos Sainz de Robles. 4th ed. Vols.
1 and 3. Madrid: Aguilar, 1964, 1967.
A Paleographic Edition ofLope de Vega's Autograph Play "La nueua victoria
de D. Gonzalo Cordoua." Ed. Henryk Ziomek. New York: Hispanic In-
stitute, 1962.
El peTTO del hortelano y el Castigo sin venganza. Ed A. David Kossoff. Madrid:
Castalia, 1970.

BIOGRAPHIES
Albeno de Ia Barrera y Leirado, Cayetano. ''Nueva Biografia de Lope de Vega."
Obras completas de Lope de Vega. Madrid: Real Academia Espanola, 1890.
Vol. 1.
Astrana Marin, Luis. Vida azarosa de Lope de Vega. Barcelona: Juventud, 1941.
Baeza, Jose. Lope de Vega. Barcelona: Araluce, 1962.
Entrambasaguas, Joaquin de. Vida de Lope de Vega. Madrid: Labor, 1942.
___ . Vivir y crear de Lope de Vega. Madrid: Aldus, 1946.
222 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

Gonzalez de Amezua y Mayo, Agustin. Lope de Vega en sus cartas. Madrid:

Real Academia Espanola, 1935-43.
Hayes, Francis C. Lope de Vega. New York: Twayne, 1967.
Laplane, Gabriel. Lope de Vega. Paris: Hachette, 1936.
Lazaro Carreter, Fernando. Lope de Vega. Madrid: Anaya, 1966.
Montalvan, Juan Perez de. Fama posthuma a Ia vida y muerte del Doctor Frey
Lope Felix. Madrid: Imprenta del Reino, 1636.
Rennen, Hugo A. The Life ofLope de Vega. Glasgow: Gowans and Gray, 1904.
Sainz de Robles, Federico C. Lope de Vega. Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, 1962.
Vossler, Karl. Lope de Vega y su tiempo. Trans. Ramon G6mez de Ia Serna.
2nd ed. Madrid: Revista de Occidente, 1933.
Vosters, Simon A. Lope de Vega y Ia tradici6n occidental. 2 vols. Madrid:
Castalia, 1977.
Zamora Vicente, Alonso. Lope de Vega, su vida y su obra. Madrid: Gredos, 1961.

BIBLIOGRAPHIES
Brown, Roben B. Bib/iografia de las comedias hist6ricas, tradiciona/es y /engen-
darias de Lope de Vega. Mexico: Academia, 1958.
Grismer, Raymond L. Bibliography of Lope de Vega. 2 vols. Minneapolis:
Burgess-Beckwith, 1965.
Parker, Jack H., and Anhur M. Fox, eds. Lope de Vega Studies, 193 7-62: A
Cntica/ Survey and Annotated Bibliography. Toronto: Univ. of Toronto Press,
1964.
Perez y Perez, M.C. Bib/zografia del teatro de Lope de Vega. Madrid: C.S.I.C.,
1973.
Simon Diaz, Jose, and Juana de Jose Prados. Ensayo de una bib/iografia de
las obras y artfcu/os sabre Ia vtda y escn"tos de Lope de Vega. Madrid: Cen-
tro de Estudios sobre Lope de Vega, 1955.

THE LOPEAN CYCLE (EXCEPT TIRSO DE MOLINA)

EDITIONS OF PLAYS
Belmonte Bermudez, Luis. E/ sastre del Campi/to. Ed Frederick A. de Armas.
Chapel Hill: Univ. ofNonh Carolina Dept. of Romance Languages, 1975.
Castro, Guillen de. Las hazafias del Ctd. Ed. John G. Weiger. Barcelona: Puvill,
1980.
___ . Los ma/casados de Valencia. Ed. Luciano Garda Lorenzo. Madrid:
Castalia, 1976.
___ .Las mocedades del Ctd. Ed. Luciano Garda Lorenzo. Madrid: Catedra,
1978.
___ . Obras. 5 vols. Ed. Eduardo Julia Maninez. Madrid: Imp. de laRevtsta
de Archivos, Bib/iotecas y Museos, 1925.
 Selected Bibliography 223

Godinez, Felipe. La trazcz6n contra su duefto. Ed. Thomas C. Turner. Madrid:

Castalia, 1975.
Mira de Amescua, Antonio. A Critical Edztzon of Mzra de Amescua's "La fe
de Hungrfa" and "EI monte de Ia pie dad." Ed. James C. Maloney. New
Orleans: Tulane Univ., 1975.
___ . Teatro de Mira de Amescua. Ed. Angel Valbuena Prat. Clasicos
Castellanos. Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, 1926.
Monroy y Silva, Cristobal. Dos comedias ineditas de Don Cristobal de Monroy
y St!va. Ed. Manuel R. Bern Barroca. Madrid: Castalia, 1976.
Ruiz de Alarcon, Juan. Obras completas. Ed. Alva V. Ebersole. 2 vols. Valen-
cia: Castalia, 1966.
___ . La verdad sospechosa. Ed. Alva V. Ebersole. Madrid: Citedra, 1976.
Valdivieso, Jose de. Teatro completo. Ed. Ricardo Arias and Robert V. Piluso.
Madrid: Isla, 1977.
Velez de Guevara, Luis. El amor en vizcaino, los celos en frances y El prfncipe
vzftador. Ed. Henryk Ziomek. Zaragoza: Ebro, 1975.
___ . Autos. Ed. Angel Lacalle. Madrid: Hernando, 1931.
___ .La creacion del mundo. Ed. Henryk Ziomek and Robert W. Linker.
Athens: Univ. of Georgia Press, 1974.
___ . The Dramatic Works ofLuis Velez de Guevara. Ed. Forrest E. Spenser
and Rudoph Schevill. Publications in Modern Philology. Berkeley: Univ.
of California Press, 19 37.
___ .Mas pesa el rey que Ia sangre, y Blason de los Guzmanes. Ed. Henryk
Ziomek. Zaragoza: Ebro, 1976.

BIOGRAPHIES
Bacon, George William. The Life and Dramatzc Works of Dr. juan Perez de
Manta/van. Revue Hispanique 26 (1912): 1-474.
Castro Leal, Antonio. juan Ruiz de Alarcon, su vida y su obra. Mexico: Edi-
ciones Cuademos Ameni:anos, 1943.
Cotarelo y Mori, Emilio. Mira de Amescua y su teatro. Madrid: Tip. de Ia Revzsta
de Archivos, Bzbliotecas y Museos, 1931.
Garda Soriano, Justo. "Damian Salucio del Poyo." Boletin de Ia Real Academia
Espanola 13 (1926): 269-82, 474-506.
Gregg, Karl C. "A Brief Biography of Antonio Mira de Amescua." Bulletin
of the Comediantes 26 (1974): 14-22.
Jimenez Rueda,Julio.juan Ruiz de Alarcon y su tiempo. Mexico: Porriia, 1939.
Kincaid, William A. "The Life and Works of Luis de Belmonte Bermudez,"
Revue Hispanique 74 (1928): 1-240.
Menendez Onrubia, Carmen. "Hacia Ia biografia de un iluminado judio: Felipe
Godinez (1585-1659)." Segismundo 13 (1977): 89-130.
Parker, Jack H., Juan Perez de Montalvan. New York: Twayne, 1975.
224 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

Parr, James A., ed. Critical Essays on the Life and Work ofjuan Ruiz de Alar-
con. Madrid: Dos Continentes, 1972.
Poesse, Walter. juan Ruiz de Alarcon. New York: Twayne, 1972.
Profeti, Maria G. Manta/ban. Pisa: Pisa U.P., 1970.
Pujol, Emilio. Ta"ega: ensayo biografico. Valencia, 1978.

BIBLIOGRAPHIES
Abreu Gomez, Ermilio. Ruiz de Alarcon: Bibliografia cntica. Mexico: Botas,
1939.
Hauer, Mary G. Luis Velez de Guevara: A Critical Bibliography. Chapel Hill:
Univ. of North Carolina Studies in Romance Languages and Literatures, 1975.
Poesse, Wiater. Ensayo de una bibliografia de juan Ruiz de Alarcon y Men-
doza. Valencia: Castalia, 1964.
Profeti, Maria Gracia. Per una bibliografia dij. Perez de Manta/ban. Verona:
Universita degli studi di Padova, 1976.

TIRSO DE MOLINA
EDITIONS OF PLAYS
El burladorde Sevzlla y convidado de piedra. Ed. Gerald E. Wade. New York:
Scribner's, 1968.
Ciga"ales de Toledo. Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, 1968.
Comedias escogidas de Fray Gabriel Tellez. Ed. Juan E. Hartzenbusch. In BAE,
vol. 5. Madrid: Rivadeneyra, 1848.
Comedias de Tirso de Molina. Ed. Emilio Cotarelo y Mori. In NBAE, vois. 4
and 9. Madrid: Bailly-Bailliere, 1906-7.
El condenado par desconfiado. Ed Daniel Rogers. Toronto: Pergamon, 1974.
Don Gzl de las calzas verdes. Ed Ricardo Domenech. Madrid: Taurus, 1969.
Obras. Ed Maria del Pilar Palomo. In BAE, vols. 236-39, 242, 243. Madrid:
Ediciones Atlas, 1970-71.
Obras dramaticas camp/etas. Ed. Blanca de los Rios. 3 vols. Madrid: Aguilar,
1946, 1952, 1959.
Vzllana de Vallecas. Ed. Jean Le Martine! and Gilbert Zonana. Paris: Ediciones
Hispano-Americanas, 1964.
BIOGRAPHIES
Castro, Americo. Tirso de Molina. Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, 1932.
Munoz Peiia, Pedro. El teatro del maestro Tirso de Molina. Valladolid: Hijos
de Rodriguez, 1889.
Penedo Rey, Fray Manuel, ed. Historia general de Ia Orden de Nuestra Senora
de las Mercedes. 2 vols. Madrid: Provincia de Ia Merced de Castilla, Colec-
ci6n Revista Estudios. 1973-74.
 Selected Bibliography 225

Sanz y Diaz, Jose. Tirso de Molina. Madrid: Compafiia Bibliografica Espanola,

1964.
Vossler, Karl. Lecciones sabre Tzrso de Molina. Madrid: Taurus, 1965.
Wilson, Margaret. Tirso de Molina. Boston: Twayne, 1977.

BIBLIOGRAPHIES
Hesse, Everett W. "Catalogo Bibliografico de Tirso de Molina (1648-1948),
incluyendo una secci6n sobre Ia influencia del tema de Don Juan," Estudios
5 (1949): 781-889.
Williamsen, Vern G., eta!. An Annotated Analytical Btbliography ofTirso
de Molina Studies, 1627-1977. Columbia: Univ. of Missouri Press, 1979.

CALDERON DE LA BARCA, PEDRO

EDITIONS OF PLAYS
Calderon de Ia Barca: Autos sacramentales. Ed. Angel Valbuena Prat. 2 vols.
Clasicos Castellanos. Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, 1967.
Celos aun del aire matan. Ed. Matthew D.Stroud. San Antonio: Trinity Univ.
Press, 1981.
Comedias. A facsimile edition. 19 vols. Ed. Don W. Cruikshank andJ.E. Varey.
London: Gregg International, 1973.
Las comedias de D. Pedro Calderon de Ia Barca. 4 vols. Ed. Juan Jorge Keil.
Leipzig: Ernest Fleischer, 1827-30.
Comedias de don Pedro Calderon de Ia Barca. 4 vols. Ed. Juan E. Hanzen-
busch. In BAE, vols. 7, 9, 12, 14. Madrid: Rivadeneyra, 1849-52.
Eight Dramas of Calderon. Trans. Edward Fitzgerald. London: Macmillan, 1906.
Four Plays. Trans. Edwin Honig. New York: Hill and Wang, 1961.
Four Comedies. Trans. Kenneth Muir. Lexington: Univ. Press of Kentucky,
1980.
El gran duque de Gandia. Ed. Vaclav Cerny. Prague: L' Academie Tchecoslo-
vaque des Sciences, 1963.
El medico de su honra. Ed. Cyril A. Jones. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1961.
Obras completas de Calderon de Ia Barca. Vol. 1: Dramas. Ed. Luis Astrana
Marin. Madrid: Aguilar, 1932. 5th ed. Ed. A. Valbuena Briones, 1966. Vol.
II: Comedias. Ed. Angel Valbuena Briones. Madrid: Aguilar, 1956. Vol.
3: Autos Sacramentales. Ed. Angel Valbuena Prat. Madrid: Aguilar, 1952.
Six Plays. Trans. Denis Florence Mac-Canhy. New York: Las Americas, 1961.
Three Plays by Calderon. Ed. George Tyler Northup. New York: D.C. Heath,
1926.
La vida es suefio. Ed. Everett W. Hesse. New York: Scribner's, 1961.
226 SPANISH GoLDEN AGE DRAMA

BIOGRAPHIES
Cotarelo y Mori, Emilio. Ensayo sobre Ia vida y obras de Calderon. Madrid:
Tip. de Ia Revista de Archivos, Bibliotecas y Museos, 1924.
Frutos Cortes, Eugenio. Calderon de Ia Barca. Madrid: Labor, 1949.
Menendez y Pelayo, Marcelino. Calderon y su teatro. Madrid: Tip. de Ia Revista
de Archivos, Bibliotecas y Museos, 1910.
Valbuena Prat, Angel. Calderon, su personalidad, su arte dramatico, su estilo
y sus obras. Barcelona: Juventud, 1941.
BIBLIOGRAPHIES
Parker,Jack H., and Arthur M. Fox, eds. Calderon de Ia Barca Studies, 1951-69:
A Critical Survey and Annotated Bibliography. Toronto: Univ. of Toronto
Press, 1971.
Reichenberg, Kurt, and Roswitha Reichenberg. Bibliographisches Handbuch
der Calderon-Forschung: (Manual btbliografico calderoniano). Kassel: Thiele
and Schwartz, 1979.

THE CALDERONIAN CYCLE

EDITIONS OF WORKS
Bancas Candamo, Francisco. Autos sacramentales de Bances Candamo. Ed. Jose
Perez Filiii. Madrid: C.S.I.C., 1975.
___ . Theatro de los theatros de los passados y presentes siglos. Ed. Duncan
Moir. London: Tamesis, 1970.
Cubillo de Aragon, Alvaro. Alvaro Cubillo de Aragon. In Clasicos Olvidados,
vol. 3. Ed. Angel Valbuena Prat. Madrid: Blass, 1928.
Rojas Zorrilla, Francisco. Obras. Ed. Raymond R. MacCurdy. In Clasicos
Castellanos. Madrid: Espasa-Calpe, 1961.
Rosete Niiio, Pedro. Comedia fomosa de Pframo y Tisbe. Ed. Pedro Correa
Rodriguez. Pamplona: Universidad, 1977.
Velez de Guevara, Juan. Los celos hacen estrellas. Ed.John E. Varey and N.D.
Shergold. London: Tamesis, 1970.
BIOGRAPHIES
"Dramaticos espaiioles del siglo XVII: Don Antonio Coello y Ochoa." Ed.
Emilio Cotarelo y Mori. Boletfn de Ia Real Academia Espanola 5 (1918):
550-600.
Mathias, Julio. Un dramaturgo del siglo XVII: Francisco de Leiva. Madrid: Na-
cional, 1970.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
MacCurdy, Raymond R. Francisco de Rojas Zorrilla: bibliografia crftica. Cuader-
nos Bibliograficos 18. Madrid: C.S.I.C., 1965.
 Selected Bibliography 227

GENERAL HISTORICAL STUDIES

Bleiberg, German, and Julian Marias, eds. Diccionan·o de literatura espanola.
Madrid: Revista de Occidente, 1964.
Brenan, Gerald. The Literature ofthe Spanish People. Cambridge: Cambridge
Univ. Press, 1951.
Caiiete, Manuel. Teatro espana/ del siglo XVI. Madrid: M. Tello, 1885.
Chambers, Edmund K. The Mediaeval Stage. London: Oxford Univ. Press, 1903.
Cohen, Gustave. Etudes d'Histoire de Theatre en France au Moyen-Age et ii
Ia Renaissance. 7th ed. Paris: Gallimard, 1956.
Crawford, James P. Wickersham. Spanish Drama before Lope de Vega. 3rd
ed. Philadelphia: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press, 1967.
___ . The Spanish Pastoral Drama. Philadelphia: Univ. of Pennsylvania
Department of Romanic Languages, 1915.
Diaz de Escovar, Narciso, and Francisco de P. Lasso de Ia Vega. Histona del
teatro espana/. Barcelona: Montaner y Simon, 1924.
Diaz-Plaja, Guillermo, ed. Historia general de las literaturas hispanicas. Vol.
3. Barcelona: Barna, 1953.
Donovan, Richard B. The Liturgical Drama tn Medieval Spain. Toronto: Pon-
tifical Institute of Medieval Studies, 1958.
Grant, W. Leonard. Neo-Latin Literature and the Pastoral. Chapel Hill: Univ.
of North Carolina Press, 1965.
Hardison, O.B.,Jr., Chnsttan Rite and Chnsttan Drama in the Middle Ages.
Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1965.
Hathaway, Robert L. Love in the Early Spamsh Theatre. Madrid: Plaza Mayor,
1975.
Hermenegildo, Alfredo. La tragedia en el renacimiento espana/. Barcelona:
Planeta, 1973.
___ . Los triigtcos espanoles del siglo XVI. Madrid: Fundacion Universitaria
Espanola, 1961.
Jack, Wickersham Shaffer. "The Early Entremes in Spain: The Rise of a Dramatic
Form." Ph.D. diss., Univ. of Pennsylvania, 1923.
Lazaro Carreter, Fernando. Teatro medieval. Madrid: Castalia, 1965.
Leavitt, Sturgis E. An Introduction to Golden Age Drama in Spam. Madrid:
Castalia, 1971.
Lopez Morales, Humberto. Tradici6n y creaci6n en los orfgenes del teatro
castellano. Madrid: Ediciones Alcala, 1968.
Moratin, Leandro Fernandez de. "Origenes del teatro espaiiol." Obras de Lean-
dro Fernandez de Moratin. In BAE, 2nd ed., 2: 145-306. Madrid:
Rivadeneyra, 1848.
Pfandl, Ludwig. Histona de Ia literatura espanola en Ia edad de oro. Trans.
Jorge Rubio Balaguer. Barcelona: Gustavo Gili, 1952.
228 SPANISH GOLDEN AGE DRAMA

Schack, Adolf Friedrich von. Historia de Ia literatura y del arte dramatico en

Espana. Trans. Eduardo de Mier. Madrid: M. Tello, 1885-1887. Vols. 1-5.
Shergold, Norman D. A History of the Spanish Stage from Medieval Times
unttl the End ofthe Seventeenth Century. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1967.
Spingarn, Joel Elfas. A History of Literary Criticism in the Renaissance. 2nd
ed. New York: Columbia Univ. Press, 1908.
Stern, Charlotte. "The Early Spanish Drama: From Medieval Ritual to
Renaissance Art." Renaissance Drama, n.s. 6 (1973): 177-201.
Valbuena Prat, Angel. Historia de Ia literatura espanola. 3 vols. Barcelona:
Gustavo Gili, 1964.
___ . Historia del teatro espana/. Barcelona: Noguer, 1956.
___ . Literatura dramatica espanola. Barcelona: Labor, 1930.
Varey, John E., and N.D. Shergold. Teatros y comedias en Madrid, 1600-99.
4 vols. London: Tamesis, 1971-79.
Wardropper, Bruce W. Introducci6n a/ teatro religioso del Siglo de Oro: La
evoluci6n del auto sacramental, 1500-1648. Madrid: Revista de Occidente,
1953.
Wilson, Edward M., and Duncan Moir. A Literary History ofSpain: The Golden
Age of Drama, 1492-1700. New York: Barnes and Noble, 1971.
Wilson, Margaret. Spanish Drama ofthe Golden Age. Oxford: Pergamon Press,
1969.
Young, Karl. The Drama of the Medieval Church. 2 vols. Oxford: Clarendon
Press, 1933.

GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHIES

Barrera y Leirado, Cayetano Alberto de Ia. Cata/ogo bibliografico del teatro

antiguo espana/, desde sus origenes hasta mediados del siglo XVIII. Madrid:
Rivadeneyra, 1860. Facsimile editions, Madrid: Gredos, 1969; London:
Tamesis, 1969.
Cotarelo y Mori, Emilio. Bibliografia de las controversias sabre Ia solicitud del
teatro en Espana. Madrid: Tip. de Ia Revista de Archivos, Bibliotecas y
Museos, 1904.
McCready, Warren T. Bibliografia tematica de estudios sabre el teatro espana/
antiguo. Toronto: Univ. of Toronto Press, 1966.
Madrigal, Jose A. Bibliografia sabre el pundonor: Teatro del Siglo de Oro.
Miami: Ediciones Universal, 1977.
Sumner, Gordon Heyward. "Una bibliografia anotada de las comedias de san-
cos del siglo diez y siete." Ph.D. diss. Florida State Univ., 1979.
Williamsen, Vern G., and John]. Reynolds. "Bibliography of Publications on
the Comedia." Bulletin of the Comediantes, Yearly Fall issues.
 Index

Abel, Lionel, 197-98 Amar sin saber a quzen (Lope de Vega),

Academia de los Nocturnos, 83 72
aceitunas, Las (Rueda), 18 Amazonas de las Indias (Tirso), 99
acero de Madrid, El (Lope de Vega), amzstad castigada, La (Ruiz de Alarcon),
73-74, 192 109
Adonis y Venus (Lope de Vega), 77 amistad pagada, La (Lope de Vega), 63
Adversa fortuna de don Alvaro de Luna amo cn'ado, El (Hartzenbusch), 189
(Tirso), 99 amoral usa, El (Solis y Rivadeneyra),
Aeneid (Virgil), 22, 25 180, 192
Aeschylus, 52 Amor enamorado, El (Lope de Vega), 78
Aesop, 106-7 amor en vizcaino, los celos en frances,
Aethiopica (Heliodorus), 157 El (V€lez de Guevara), 115
Aftctos de odio y de amor (Calderon), amores de Albania y de Ismenia, Los
142, 153 (Lope de Vega), 76
A gran dana, gran remedio (Villaizan), Amor, honor y poder (Calderon), 139
131 Amory celos hacen discretos (Tirso), 128
Aguilar, Gaspar de, 83, 86 amotinados en Flandes, Los (Velez de
Alba, Antomo Duque de, 37 Guevara), 116
alcalde de Zalamea, El (Calderon), 138, Amour ii Ia mode, L' (Scarron), 191
148-49, 193 Amour cache par /'amour, L' (Scudery),
alcalde de Zalamea, El (Lope de Vega), 191
60 amparo de los hombres, El (Mira de
alcazar del secreta, El (Solis y Amescua), 111
Rivadeneyra), 180 Amphitri6n (Timoneda), 19
alegorias: by Sanchez de Badajoz, 19 Amphitryon (Plautus), 21
Alejandra (Leonardo de Argensola), 26 Angel fingido y renegada de amor, E1
Alencastre, Jorge de, 87 (Lope de Vega), 72
almenas de Taro, Las (Lope de Vega), 63 Angelica y Medora (Cafiizares), 161
aloja, 32 anticnsto, El (Ruiz de Alarcon), 109
A lo que oblzga el honor (Enriquez antigualla en Sevilla, Una (Rivas), 181
Gomez), 182 Antona Garcia (Tirso), 101
Amadis de Gaula (Vicente), 17 Antonia Clara, 39
amante lzberal, El (Cervantes), 191 anzuela de Fenisa, FJ (Lope de Vega), 70
amantes, Los (Rey de Artieda), 24 Apolo y Climene (Calderon), 159
amantes de Teruel, Los (Hartzenbusch), aposentos, 32
189 Aquinas, Saint Thomas, 156
amantes de Teruel, Los (Perez de Mon- Arabian Nights, 142
talban), 119 Araucana, La (Ercilla), 86
amantes de Teruel, Los (Tirso), 99 arbol de Ia vida, El (Valdivieso), 131
Amant lzberal, L' (Scudery), 191 , arbol del mejor fruto, El (Calderon),
Amar desputfs de Ia muerte (Calderon), 151
152 Arcadia, La (Lope de Vega), 76
230 INDEX

arena/ de Sevzlla, El (Lope de Vega), 72 autos, early, 9-11, 19-21, 30

Ariosto, Lodovico, 19, 23, 172 autos, Marian, 98, 111, 165-66
Aristotelian theory, 40, 44, 196, 204nn. autos de nacimiento, 111
3, 6 Auto sacramental de Ia Abadesa del
Aristotle, 41 Cielo (Velez de Guevara), 118
armas de Ia hermosura, Las (Calderon), autos sacramentales, 10, 19-20, 50,
150 166-67, 195-96, 200; by Lope de
Armelina (Rueda), 18 Vega, 80-81; by Tirso, 89, 96-98; by
Armendariz, Julian, 131 Mira de Amescua, 111-12; by
Arniches, Carlos, 190 Quevedo, 128; by Valdivieso, 130; by
arpa de David, El (Mira de Amescua), Calderon, 138, 151-53, 156, 161-66;
111 by Bances Candamo, 185
Arte nuevo de hacer comedias en este autos vieJOS, Codtce de, 202n. 24
tiempo (Lope de Vega), 41-42, 44, 53 Avare, L' (Moliere), 181
Art of Poetry (Horace), 26 Avellaneda, Fernando de, 183
asalto de Mastrique par el Princzpe de Avenant, William D', 191
Parma, El (Lope de Vega), 64, 153 Avendano, Francisco de, 18
A secreta agravio, secreta venganza Averigiielo Vargas (Tirso), 101
(Calderon), 147 Avila, Gaspar de, 131
asombro de Turqufa y valiente Ayax Telamon (Cueva), 25
toledano, El (Velez de Guevara), 116
asp ides de Cleopatra, Los (Rojas), 170 Bague de l'oubli, La (Rotrou), 191
astr6/ogo fingido, El (Calderon), 139 bailes, 33, 125, 128, 167
atellanae, 7 balcones de Madrid, Los (Tirso), 101
Atila, azote de Dios (Velez de ballads. See romances
Guevara), 117 Baltasara, La (Coello), 179
Atila furioso (Virues), 23 Baltasara de los Reyes, 179
Attius, Lucius, 7 Bances Candamo, Francisco Antonio de,
Audiencias del rey Don Pedro (Lope de 183-86, 194
Vega), 56 banda y Ia jlor, La (Calderon), 157
Augustine, Saint, 79 Bandello, Matteo, 70, 139
Aulularia (Plautus), 181 banda/era de Flandes, El (Cubillo), 176
Aun de noche a/umbra el sol bandos de Verona, Los (Rojas Zorrilla),
(Godinez), 124 172
aurora en Copacabana, La (Calderon), Banez, Domingo, 93
156 banos de Argel, Los (Cervantes), 27
Auto da Feira (Vicente), 17 Barbter de Sevzlle, Le (Beaumarchais),192
Auto da Mofina Mendes (Vicente), 16 Barca do Inferno (Vicente), 14
Auto de Cain y Abel (Ferruz), 20 Barcas (Vicente), 17
Auto de Ia Pasion (Fernandez), 19 Barlaan y ]osafot (Lope de Vega), 78
Auto de Ia sibila Casandra (Vicente), 16 baroque dramatic characteristics, 44, 77,
Auto del Nacimiento (Velez de 92, 143-44, 185, 198
Guevara), 118 bastardo Muda"a, El (Lope de Vega),
Auto de los hie"os de Adan, 20 62-63
Auto [or Mzsteno] de los Reyes Magos, 9 Bataillon, Marcel, 196
Auto de los Reyes Magos (Vicente), 17 batalla del honor, La (Lope de Vega),
Auto del Repelon (Encina), 14 56
Auto de Nuestra Senora del Rosario: Ia batalla de Pavia, La (Monroy y Silva),
Madn'na del Czelo (Tirso), 98 129
Auto de San Martin (Vicente), 16 beatus ille theme, 69, 171
Auto fomoso de Ia Mesa Redonda Beaumarchais, Pierre Augustin Caron
(Velez de Guevara), 118 de, 192
autohistorias, 10 Belardo el fun·aso (Lope de Vega), 76
Auto pastonl caste/lana (Vicente), 16, 19 Balarmino, Robetto, 93
Auto que trata primeramente como el beligera espanola, La (Turia), 86
amma de Christo descendio a/ infierno Belisaire (Rotrou), 112
(Pedraza), 20 bella Aurora, La (Lope de Vega), 78
 Index 231

Belmonte Bermudez, Luis, 122-23, 170 Cain de Cataluiia, El (Rojas Zornlla),

Benavente, Jacinto, 190 170
Beneyto, Miguel, 83, 86 Calderon de Ia Barca, Pedro: life,
Bentley, Eric, 196 134-38; cloak-and-sword plays,
Bermudez, Jeronimo, 21, 22, 114 138-40; philosophical and palace
bizarrias de Belzsa, Las (Lope de Vega), plays, 140-44; honor and jealousy
37, 75 plays, 144-53; religious plays, 153-57;
boba para los otros y discreta para si, La other plays, 157-61; autos sacra-
(Lope de Vega), 74 mentales, 161-67; mentioned, ix-x,
bobo, 20 11, 48, 81, 89, 98, 103, 111, 113,
bobo hace ciento, Un (Soils y 123, 131, 133, 169, 175-77, 179-80,
Rivadeneyra), 180 183-84, 186, 189-90, 192-93, 195,
Boccaccio, Giovannt, 70 197-98, 212n.3
Bodas de sangre (Garda Lorca), 190 Camargo, Ignacio, 183, 194
Boiardo, 69, 160 Camoens, Luis, 114
boleto, 32 Cancer y Velasco, Jeronimo de, 170,
borracho, El (Quinones de Benavente), 180-81, 186
126 cancz6n, 43
Bouterweck, 27 Canczonero de romances, 65
Boyer, Claudio, 192 canczoneros, 114
Boy) Vives, Carlos, 83, 86 cantar de mio Czd, El, 84
Brecht, Benoit, 198 Canete, Manuel, 195
Breton de los Herreros, 189 Canizares, Jose de, 161, 188
Brooke, Henry, 192 capeadora, La (Quinones de Benavente),
Bruerton, Courtney, 195 126
buena guarda, La (Lope de Vega), 79 capellfm de Ia Vzrgen, El (Lope de
buffoons, 8 Vega), 79
Bugzardo, II (Goldoni), 191 carbonera, La (Lope de Vega), 56
Burgos, Francisco Javier de, 190 Carlos V en Francia (Lope de Vega), 64
Burgos, Jeronima de, 39 Carta de Escarramiin a Ia Mendez
Burguillos, N , 31 (Quevedo), 129
burlador de Sevilla, El (Tirso), 26, 80, Carvajal, Micael de, 19, 21
90-94, 123, 186, 189, 194, 209n. 7 Casa con dos puertas mala es de guardar
Bur/as veras (Armendariz), 131 (Calderon), 139
buscaoficzos, El (Salas Barbadtllo ), 124 casa de Bernardo Alba, La (Garda Lor-
Busc6n (Quevedo), 118, 129 ca), 190
Byzantme stories, 70 casa de los celos, La (Cervantes), 29
casa de los lznajes, La (Calderon), 161
caballero, 44-4 5 casa de los locos, La (Valdivieso), 131
caballero bailarin, El (Salas Barbadillo), Casalduero, Joaquin, 196
124 casamzento engafioso, El (Cervantes), 181
caballero hobo, El (Castro), 86 casamiento en Ia muerte, El (Lope de
caballero de Gracza, El (Tirso ), 95 Vega), 63
caballero de Olmedo, El (Lope de Casarse par vengarse (Rojas Zorrilla), 170
Vega), 65-66, 182 Cascales, Francisco, 40
caballero de Olrnedo, El (Monteser), Casona, Alejandro, 190
182 Castelvznes Y Monteses (Lope de Vega),
caballero de Olmedo, El (Morales), 30, 65 70
cabellos de Absal6n, Los (Calderon), castigo de Ia mzsena, El (Hoz y Mota),
151-52 181
cabeza del rey don Pedro, La (Fer- castigo del dzscreto, El (Lope de Vega),
nandez/ Gonzalez), 181 62
Cada cua a su negocio (Cuellar), 183 castzgo sin venganza, El (Lope de Vega),
Cada loco con su tema (Hurtado de 46, 61-62, 142
Mendoza), 177-78 castzllo de Lzndrabridzs, El (Calderon),
cadenas del demonio, Las (Calderon), 157
155 Castillo Solorzano, Alonso de, 123-24, 191
232 INDEX

Castro, Americo, 195 cisma de Ingalaterra, La (Calderon), 154

Castro, Francisco, 131 ciudad sin Dzos o El znobedzente, La
Castro, Guillen de, 83-86, 132, 152, (Ciaramonte), 123
174, 177, 191 ctvtlzdades, Las (Quinones de
catalan Serrallonga, El (Coello), 179 Benavente), 126
cat61tca pnncesa, La (Claramonte), 123 Clara Gazul (Merimee), 193
Cauteles son amzstades (Godinez), 125 Claramonte, Andres de, 123, 208n. 25,
cazuela, 32 209n. 7
Celestina (Calderon), 157 classiCal drama: influence and defiance
Celestzna, La (Rojas), 7, 11, 13-14, 16, of m Spanish drama, viii, 21, 35,
18, 58, 65, 69, 201n. 15 40-42, 49, 145; influence of Latin
Celos aun del aire matan (Calderon), comedy, 6-8, 17, 46, 69; influence of
160 Greek and Latin tragedy, 47, 63, 170,
celos de Rodamonte, Los (Lope de 185, 196
Vega), 71 Claudianus, Claudius, 36
celos de Rodamonte, Los (Rojas Zor- cloak-and-sword plays. See comedias de
rilla), 172 capa y espada
coloe de San jose; Los (Monroy y Silva), cobarde mas valiente, El (Tirso), 99
129 Coello y Ochoa, Antonio, 150, 170,
celos hacen estrellas, Los Ouan Velez de 179, 186, 192, 195
Guevara), 182 Cofradia de Ia Sagrada Pasion, 31
celosias, 32 Cofradia de Ia Soledad, 31
Celos no ofenden a/ sol (Enriquez Coliseo del Buen Retiro. See theaters
Gomez), 182 colzseos, 33
celoso, El (Vehisquez de Velasco), 131 colmenero dzvzno, El (Tirso ), 97
celoso prudente, El (Tirso), 147, 171 comedza: dramauc form as defined by
Celos szn saber de quzen (Hurtado de Lope, 40-42, defended by Tirso,
Mendoza), 178 208-9n. 6
cena del rey Baltasar, La (Calderon), 164 Comedza de Anfitn6n (Perez de Oliva),
cerco de Numancia, El (Cervantes), 27, 21
30, 52, 58 Comedza de Bamba (Lope de Vega), 63
cerco de Pavia, El (Tarrega), 83 Comedza del viudo (Vincente), 17
cerco de Vzena par Carlos V, El (Lope Comedta de Rubena (Vicente), 17
de Vega), 64 Comedia (amasa del Rey don Sebastian
cerco de Zamora, El (Diamante), 177 (V€lez de Guevara), 153
Cerco y toma de Tunez y Ia Goleta par Comedia Hzmenea (Torres Naharro), 16,
el Emperador Carlos Quinto (Miguel 58
Sanchez), 130 Comedia Hip61tta, 14
Cervantes, Mtguel de· plays, 27-30; Comediantes, 197, 222n. 13
mentioned, 18, 21, 36, 58, 86, 128, comedzas caballerescas (chivalresque
130, 157, 161, 170, 172, 175, 178, plays): by Rey de Artieda, 24; by
180-81, 191 Lope de Vega, 70-71; by Castro,
chacona, 33 84-85, 191; by Marquina, 190
Chaytor, H.J., 195 comedias de capay espada (cloak-and-
chivalresque plays. See comedtas sword plays), 131, 174; by Torres
caballerescas Naharro, 16; by Lope de Vega, 67,
Chr6mca de las tres 6rdenes y 71-75; by Aguilar, 86; by Tirso,
cauallerias de Santiago, Calatrava y 100-101; by Mira de Amescua, 110;
Alcantara (Rades y Andrada), 52 by Perez de Montalban, 119-21; by
Cid, el, 63, 83-85, 177, 190 Godinez, 124; by Calderon, 138-40;
Cid, Le (Pierre Corneille), 177, 191 by Rojas Zorrilla, 170, 172, 189; by
Czd, dona Sol y dona Efvzra, El Hurtado Hurtado de Mendoza, 178
de Velarde), 131 co medias de costumbres (comedies of
Cigarrales de Toledo (Tirso ), 87, 89 manners): by Lope de Vega, 68-75; by
Cznna (Pierre Corneille), 184 Castro, 85-86; by Tirso, 100-103; by
Cinthio, Giraldi, 70 Ruiz de Alarcon, 105-10; by
Cirne, Juan, 21 Calderon, 138-40; by Moreto, 174;
 Index 233

by Hurtado de Mendoza, 178 commendadores de Cordoba, Los (Lope

comedias de cuerpo, 77, 121 de Vega), 54, 59
comedias de enredo (plays of high in- Como amante y como honrada (Perez
trigue), 192; by Lope de Vega, 73-75; de Momalbiin), 119
by Tirso, 100-101; by Calderon, Como hade ser el pnvado (Quevedo),
138-40 127
comedias de figuron: by Castro, 86; by Como se vengan los nobles (Morero), 175
Castillo Solorzano, 124, 191; by Rojas conde de Alarcos, El (Castro), 85
Zorrilla, 172, 189; by Moreto, 174; by conde de alarcos, El (Mira de Amescua),
Cubillo, 176; by Hurtado de Men- 112
doza, 178-79; by Rojas Zorilla and conde de Irlos, El (Castro), 85
Moreto, 186; by Caiiizares, 188 conde de las manos blancas, El (Hur-
comedias de repente, 118 tado de Velarde), 131
comedzas de rutdo, 77, 86, 117 conde de Saldana, El (Cubillo), 177
comedias de santos, 10, 35; by Palau, conde de Sex, o dar Ia vida por su
20; by Lope de Vega, 79-80; by Tirso, dama, El (Coello y Ochoa), 179
94-95; by Mira de Amescua, 111-12; conde Lucanor, El Ouan Manuel), 69,
by Perez de Momalban, 121; by 108, 111' 185
Jimenez de Enciso, 122; by Godinez, condenado por desconfiado, El (Tirso),
124; by Calderon, 155 80, 93-94, 130, 175
comedias de teatro, 77 Confesszons (St. Augustine), 79
comedias elegiacas, 7 constancta de Arcelina, La (Cueva), 26
Comedia Serafina (Torres Naharro), 14, Conte d'Essex, Le (Thomas Corneille),
16 192
comedias filosoficas (philosophical Contra valor no hay desdzcha y primero
plays), 140-44 rey de Persza (Lope de Vega), 66
comedias humanisticas, 12 cop/a, 43
comedias mitologicas (mythological Cop/as de Provincial (attrib. to Cota), 11
plays): by Morales, 30; by Lope de Cop/as de Mingo Revulgo, 11
Vega, 77-78; by Castro, 86; by Corneille, Pierre, 177, 184, 191
Calderon, 159-61 Corneille, Thomas, 192
comedias novelescas (novelesque plays): Cornelia (Timoneda), 19
by Cueva, 26; by Lope de Vega, 70; Corne/ie (Hardy), 191
by Sanchez, 130; by Calderon, 157; Corona de amory muerte (Casona), 190
by Rojas Zorrilla, 170, 172 corona de Hungria, La (Lope de Vega),
Comedia Soldadesca (Torres Naharro), 15 68
comedias palaciegas (palace plays): by corona merecida, La (Lope de Vega), 64
Tirso, 101-3; by Mira de Amescua, Corpus Christi tableaux, 10, 19-20
113; by Quevedo, 127; by Calderon, corrales, 30-33, 135; Las Ataranzas, 30;
140-44, 157; by Quevedo, 127; by in Barcelona, 31; owned by
Hurtado de Mendoza, 177-78; by Burguillos, 31; Corral del Carbon, 30;
Coello y Ochoa, 179; by Juan Velez de Ia Cruz, 33; Dofia Elvira, 30; Don
de Guevara, 182 Juan, 30; Las Higueras, 30; de Ia
comedias pastoriles (pastoral plays), Longaniza, 30; Mes6n de Ia Fruta, 30;
14-16, 19; by Lope de Vega, 50, de Ia Olivera, 30; de Ia Pacheca, 31,
75-77 33; del Principe, 31, 33; owned by
Comedia Tebaida, 14 Cristobal de Ia Puente, 31; at the
Comedia Tholomea (Alonso de Ia Royal Palace, 33; on Calle del Sol, 31 ;
Vega), 19 in Zaragoza, 31. See also theaters
Comedia Tinellaria (Torres Naharro), 15 corredor de las mujeres, 32
Comedia Trofea (Torres Naharro), 16 corsaria catalana, La (Matos Fragoso),
comedies of manners. See comedias de 182
costumbres costumbrista, 29
Comedieta de Panza (LOpez de Men- Cota, Rodrigo, 11
doza), 11 Cotarelo y Mori, Emilio, 195
comedy, French, 173, 191 creaczon del mundo, La (Lope de Vega),
Comella, Luciano Francisco, 188, 190 78
234 INDEX

creaci6n del mundo, La (Yelez de Del menosprecio de corte y alabanza de

Guevara), 118 aldea (Antonio de Guevara), 171
criadas, 44-4 7, 71 Del rey abajo, ninguno (Rojas Zorrilla),
cn'sol de su lea/tad, El (Rivas), 189 170-71
critics: British, 196, 215n. 10; North De raptu Proserpinae (Claudianus), 36
American, 197 Derniere nuit de Don juan, La (Ros-
Cr6nica de Fernando IV, La, 98 tand), 194
Cr6nica General, 55 desden con el desden, El (Moreto), 113,
Cr6nica general de Esf!ana (Ocampo), 27 173-74, 192
cruel Casandra, La (V1rues), 23 Desde Toledo a Madrid (Tirso), 101
Cruz, Juana Ines de Ia, 190 desdichada Estefonia, La (Yelez de
Cruz, Ramon de Ia, 188, 190 Guevara), 117
Cuando no se aguarda y prfncipe tonto desengano en un sueno, El (Rivas), 189
(Leiva Ramirez), 179 desenlace, 48
Cuantas veo tantas quiero (Rodriguez de desgracitzda R.tzquel, La (Mira de
Villaviciosa), 182 Amescua), 112, 177
Cubillo de Aragon, Alvaro, 175-77, 186 destrucci6n de Constanlinopla, La (Lobo
Cuellar, Jeronimo de, 183 Lasso de Ia Vega), 29
cuentas del Gran Capitan, Las (Lope de destrucci6n de Troya, La (Monroy y
Vega), 64 Silva), 129
Cueva, Juan de Ia, 14, 21, 24-26, 30, desvanes, 32
36, 63, 84 De tragoedia et comedia (Donatus), 41
cueva de Salamanca, La (Cervantes), 29, dues ex machina, 47, 69, 77
161 devoci6n de Ia Cruz, La (Calderon), 156
cueva de Salamanca, La (Ruiz de Alar- devoci6n de Ia misa, La (Calderon), 165
con), 108 devoci6n del rosano, La (Diamante ), 177
Cumplir dos obligaciones y Duquesa de diablo cojuelo, El (Yelez de Guevara),
Sajonitz (Yelez de Guevara), 117 114
cunoso impertinente, El (Castro), 86 diablo esta en Cantil/ana, El (Yelez de
Guevara), 116
dama, 44-46, 71 diablo, predicador, El (Belmonte Ber-
dama boba, La (Lope de Vega), 73-74, mudez), 122
192 Dialogo entre el Amory un viejo, 11
dama capitan, La (Figueroa y Cordoba), diiilogos: by Quevedo, 128
182 dialogues, disputative, 10-11
dama duende, La (Calderon), 139 Diamante, Juan Bautista, 61, 177, 181,
dama presidente, La (Leiva Ramirez), 179 195
danza de Ia muerte, La, 11 Diamonte, Joan. See Timoneda, Juan
Danza de los pecados (Sanchez de de, 19
Badajoz), 19 Diana, La (Montemayor), 75
Da Ponte, Lorenzo, 194 Diaz Tanco, Vasco, 18
Dar alliempo lo que es suyo (Matias de Dicha y desdicha del nombre
los Reyes), 131 (Calderon), 148, 157
Darle todo y no dar nada (Calderon), 150 Dido y Eneas (Castro), 86
Daza, Antonio, 94 Dido y Eneas (Morales), 30
De arte bene moriendi (Belarmino), 93 dzfunta pleitada, La (Lope de Ve~a), 70
decima, 42-43 Di mentira y sacaras verdad (Matias de
"De como Cipion destruyo a Numan- los Reyes), 131
cia," 27 discordia en los casados, La (Lope de
De comoedia (Robortello), 41 Vega), 70
De esta agu11 no bebere (Claramonte), dz'screta enamorda, La (Lope de Vega),
123 70
degollado, El (Cueva), 26 discreta venganza, La (Lope de Ve_ga), 66
Delavigne, Casimir, 193 discurso de todos los diablos o injterno
Del cielo viene el buen rey (Herrera y enmendado, El (Quevedo), 127
Ribera), 131 Disputa de Elena y Maria, 11
Deleitar aprovechando (Tirso), 89 Disputa del alma y del cuerpo, 11
 Index 235

divino afncano, El (Lope de Vega), 79 Egloga de Placida y Vitoriano (Encina),

divino Orfeo, El (Calder6n), 166 15
Doce autos sacramentales y dos come- eglogas (eclogues), 14-15, 50, 75-76, 160
dills divinas (Valdivieso), 130 ejemplar potftico, El (Cueva), 26
Doctor Carlino, El (G6ngora), 180 ejemplo mayor de Ia desdicha, El (Mira
doctor Carlino, El (Solis y Ravadeneyra), de Amescua), 112
180 elecci6n de los alcaldes de Daganzo, La
d6mine Lucas, El (Cafiizares), 186 (Cervantes), 29
Dom juan (Moliere), 194 Electra (Sophocles), 21, 63
Dona Beatriz de Silva (Tirso ), 95 Elisa Dido (Virues), 22
Dona Ignez de Castro (Ferreira), 114 Embidias vencen fortunas (Monroy y
Dona Ines de Castro (Lope de Vega), 114 Silva), 129
Don Alvaro (Rivas), 189 empenos del mentir, Los (Hurtado de
Donatus, Aelius, 41 Mendoza), 178
Don Bruno de Calaho"a (Zamora), 188 empenos de una casa, Los Ouana Ines
Don Carlos (son of Philip II), 61, cfe Ia Cruz), 190
121-22, 193. 195 enano de las Musas, El (Cubillo de
Don Carlos (Schiller), 193 Arag6n), 176
doncella Teodora, La (Lope de Vega), encanto es Ia hermosura y hechizo sin
70 hichizo, El (Salazar y Torres), 183
Donde hay agravio no hay celos (Rojas encantos de Ia culpa, Los (Calder6n), 166
Zorrilla), 172, 191 encantos de Medea, Los (Rojas Zomlla),
Don Domingo de Don Bias (Zamora), 170
188 encantos de Merlin, Los (Rey de Ar-
Don Duardos (Vicente), 17 tieda), 24
Don Gil de las calzas verdes (Tirso ), 87, Encina,Juan del, 14-15,17,75, 159,
100 195, 201n. 17
Don Giovannt (Goldoni), 194 Enciso. See Jimenez de Enciso
Don japhet d'Armtfnie (Scarron), 191 endemoniada fingida, La (Quevedo), 128
Don Juan, 90, 100, 193-94, 195 enemiga favorable, La (Tarrega), 83
Don juan d'Autriche (Delavigne), 193 En esta vida todo es verdad y todo
Don juan de Marana (Dumas), 194 mentira (Calder6n), 140
Don juan Tenorio (Zorrilla), 189 En Flandes se ha puesto el sol (Mar-
Don Quijote (Calder6n), 157 quina), 190
Don Quixote (Cervantes), 29 enganados, Los (Rueda), 15, 18
Don Quixote de Ia Mancha (Castro), 86 enredo, 48
Dorotea, La (Lope de Vega), 37, 76 Enriquez G6mez, Antonio, 182
dragoncillo, El (Calder6n), 161 Entrambasaguas, Joaq_uln de, 196
Dragontea, La (Lope de Vega), 37 Entre bobos anda el fUego (Rojas Zor-
Drake, Sir Francis, 37 rilla), 172
drama nuevo, Un (Tamayo y Baus), 190 "Entre los sueltos caballos" (G6ngora),
Duelos de amory lea/tad (Calder6n), 150 153
Dumas, Alexandre, 194 entremtfs cantado, 12 5
duque de Viseo, El (Lope de Vega), 66 Entremtfs de dona Esquina (Moreto), 175
duquesa constante, La (Tarrega), 83 Entremtfs del aguador (Moreto), 175
duquesa de Ia rosa, La (Alonso de Ia Entremtfs de los gatillos (Moreto), 175
Vega), 19 entremeses: characteristics of early form,
33, 204n. 41; by Cervantes, 29; by
Easter pieces, 20 Lope de Vega, 50; by Tirso, 89; by
Echegaray, Jose, 190 Mira de Amescua, Ill; by Quinones
~cole des femmes, L' (Moliere), 192 de Benavente, 125-26; by Quevedo,
Ecole des mans, L' (Moliere), 178, 192 126-28; by Francisco Castro, 132; by
Egloga de Fileno y Zambardo (Encina), Calder6n, 138, 161; by Moreto, 175,
14 186; by Hurrado de Mendoza, 178; by
Egloga de las grandes 1/uvias (Encina), Matos Fragoso, 182; in relation to
14 Garda de Ia Huetta's sainetes, 188; by
Egloga de los pastores (Encina), 14 other playwnghts,l24,125-26,132, 170
236 INDEX

entremeses (wagons). See rocas Farsas y eglagas al modo y estilo pastoril

entretenida, La (Cervantes), 29, 178 y castellano (Fernandez), 15
erario y el monte de Ia piedad, El (Mira farsias (farces), 12
de Amescua), 112 Faustian theme, 193-94
Ercilla, Alonso de, 86 favor agradecido, El (Lope de Vega), 70
Errar principios de amor (Rosete Nifio ), favores del mundo, Los (Ruiz de Alar-
182 con), 109
escarramfm, 33 Feast of the Fools, 12
esc/avo del demonio, El (Mira de fo de hungria, La (Mira de Amescua),
Amescua), 111, 155, 193 112
esc/avo de Roma, El (Lope de Vega), 66 Femmes savantes, Les (Moliere), 192
esc/avo en grillos de oro, El (Bances fenix de amor, El (Valdivieso), 131
Candamo), 184 fenix de Salamanca, La (Mira de
escondido y Ia tapada, El (Calderon), Amescua), 112
140 fe pagada, La (Turia), 86
escuela de Celestina, La (Salas Bar- ferias de Madnd, Las (Lope de Vega), 62
badillo), 124 Fernandez, Lucas, 14, 15, 19, 159
escuela de matrimonio, La (Breton de Fernandez de Moratln, Leandro, 194
los Herreros), 189 Fernandez y Gonzalez, Manuel, 181
espanol mas amante y desgraciado Ferreira, Antonio, 22, 114
Macias, El (Bances Candamo), 184 Ferruz,Jaime, 20,21
Espinel, Vicente, 36 fianza satisfecha, La (Lope de Vega), 79
estatua de Prometeo, La (Calderon), 159 Figueroa y Cordoba, Diego, 182
Estrella de Monserrate, La (Morales), 30 Figueroa y Cordoba, Jose, 183
Estrella de Sevtlla, La, 56-58; authorship Filis (Leonardo de Argensola), 26
questioned, 123, 206n. 25; recast ver- fille du Cid, La (Delavigne), 193
siOns and translations of, 189, 19 3 Ftlosofta antigua poitica (LOpez Pin-
estribillo, 43 ciano), 41
Eufemia (Rueda), 18 fingida Arcadta, La (Calderon), 157
Euripides, 21 fingido vizcaino, El (Cervantes), 29
examen de maridos, El (Ruiz de Alar- Flos Sanctorum (Villegas), 79, 94
con), 105, 107, 113 Foote, Samuel, 191
Examinador miser Palomo (Hurtado de Force du sang (Hardy), 191
Mendoza), 178 fortuna adversa de/Infante don Fernan-
exemplary novels, 86, 17 5, 180-81, 191 do de Portugal, La (Lope de Vega), 153
Fortunas de Andromeda y Perseo
Fama Posthuma (Perez de Montalban), (Calderon), 157
50 Francisco de Medrano, Sebastian, 89
Famille de Carvajal, La (Merimee), 193 Fray Diablo (Lope de Vega), 122
fomosas asturianas, Las (Lope de Vega), Frye, Northrop, 197
63 Fuenteovejuna (Lope de Vega), 46-47,
farces, 7, 8, 12, 19, 139, 180 51-54, 65, 92, 152
Farsa de lnes Pereira (Vicente), 17 fuerza de Ia sangre, La (Castro), 86
Farsa del herrero (Sanchez de Badajoz), Fuerza lastimosa (Lope de Vega), 56
19 fullerias de amor, Las (Avila), 131
Farsa de Lucrecia: Tragedia de Ia
castidad de Lucrecia (Pastor), 21 galan de Ia Membn"lla, El (Lope de
Farsa de Santa Susana (Sanchez de Vega), 64, 142
Badajoz), 19 galanes, 44-46, 71, 75, 86, 174
Farsa dos Fisicos (Vicente), 17 galan fantasma, El (Calderon), 157
Farsa llamada Danfa de Ia Muerte galiin sin dama, El (Hurtado de Men-
(Pedraza), 20 doza), 178
farsas: by Sanchez de Badajoz, 19 galiin tramposo y pobre, F1 (Salas Bar-
Farsa sacramental (LOpez de Yanguas), badillo), 124
19 Galan valiente y discreto (Mira de
Farsas del Santisimo Sacramento (San- Amescua), 113
chez de Badajoz), 19 galeotes, Los (Quevedo), 128
 Index 237

gallardo Escarramfm, El (Salas Bar- guarda cutdadosa, La (Cervantes), 29

badillo), 124 guarda cutdadosa, La (Miguel Sanchez),
gallardo espana/, El (Cervantes), 27 130
gal/as, Los (Quinones de Benavente), 126 guardainfante, El (Quinones de
Ganassa, Alberto, 30, 33 Benavente), 126
Garda de Ia Huerta, Vicente, 188 Guardo, Juana de, 39
Garda Lorca, Federico, 190 Guarini, Giovanni Battista, 76
Gauthier de Costes, 192 Guevara, Antonio de, 171
Gendarme de Bevotte, 195
genera chtco, 190 hagiographic plays. See comedtas de
gttana melanc6/ica, La (Aguilar), 86 santos
Gttanilla (Cervantes), 180 halc6n de Fedenco, FJ (Lope de Vega),
gitamlla de Madrid, La (Soils y 70
Rivadeneyra), 180 Hamlet (Shakespeare), 26
gttanos, Los (Cincer y Velasco), 180 Hardy, Alexandre, 191
Godinez, Filipe, 124-25 Hartzenbusch, Juan, 189, 194
Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von, 27, Hazanas de Escandemberg (Velez de
193-94 Guevara), 117
Golden Legend (Varaggio), 129 hazanas del Ctd, Las (Castro), 84-85
Goldoni, Carlo, 191, 194 haz de lena, El (Nunez de Arce), 193
golfo de las strenas, El (Calderon), 160 hechizado par fuerza, El (Zamora), 188
Gongora, Luis de, 89, 105, 153, 176, hechos de Garczlaso de Ia Vega y el
180, 184 mora Tarfe, Los (Lope de Vega), 50
Gongorism, 184, 186 Hector y Aqutles (Monroy y Silva), 129
Gozzi, Carlo, 192 Hecuba (Euripides), 21
graczosos, 15, 16, 20, 44-47, 71, 75, 90, Hecuba tnste (Perez de Oliva), 21
91-92, 103, 109, 132, 140, 142, 146, Heliodorus, 157
163-64, 172-74 Hercules de Ocana, El (Diamante ), 177
gradas, 32 Hercules Oetaeus (Seneca), 23
gran casa de Austn'a y Divzna Margarita, heredero del ctelo, El (Lope de Vega),
La (Moreto), 175 80, 165
gran Cenobia, La (Calderon), 150 hermanos parecidos, Los (Tirso), 97
grandezas de Alejandro, Las (Lope de hermosa Ester, La (Lope de Vega), 78
Vega), 66 hermosa fea, La (Lope de Vega), 74
grandezas de Sevtlla, Las (Monroy y hermosura de Raquel, La (Velez de
Silva), 129 Guevara), 118
gran duque de Gandia, El (Calderon), Hemam (Hugo), 193
155 Herrera y Ribera, Rodrigo de, 131
gran duque de Moscovta, El (Lope de Hesse, Everett W., 197
Vega), 68, 142 Heureuse Constance, L' (Rotrou), 191
gran jorge de Castnoto, El (Belmonte htdalga del valle, La (Calderon), 165
Bermudez), 122 Hidalgo, Juan, 160
gran patto de palacio, El (Rojas Zorr- hidalgo Bencerraje, El (Lope de Vega),
illa), 172 63
gran patnarca San juan de Rtbera, El hija del aire, La (Calderon), 149
(Aguilar), 86 hzjas del Cid, Las (Marquina), 190
gran princtpe de Fez, El (Calderon), 156 hz;o del Sol, Faet6n, El (Calderon), 159
gran Semiramis, La (Virues), 23, 149 hijo de Reduiin, El (Lope de Vega), 51
gran Seneca de Espana, El (Avila), 131 hijo obedtente, El (Beneyto ), 86
gran sultana, La (Cervantes), 27 hijo pr6digo, El (Lope de Vega), 80
gran teatro del munrio, El (Calderon), hijo pr6digo, El (Valdivieso), 131
163 hijos de Ia fortuna, Teiigenes y Cariclea,
Greek tragedy. See classical drama Los (Calderon), 157
Grillparzer, Franz, 61, 193 ht;o venturoso, El (Lope de Vega), 51, 70
Grismer, Raymond L., 196 Hilborn, H.W., 195
guante de dona Blanca, El (Lope de Hispanists, British, 196, 215n. 10
Vega), 64 Histona Baetica (Verardi), 13
238 INDEX

Historia de Ia glonosa Santa Orosia ticaras, 125, 128, 138, 167

(Palau), 20 James, Henry, 192
Historiae Phtlippicae Oustin), 22 ;ardfn de Falerina, Ei (Calderon), 160
hombre de estado, Un (L6pez de ;erga germanesca, 129
Ayala), 190 Jesuit Theatine college (Madrid), 36
honor, development of theme in Spain: feu de /'amour et du hasard, Le
as interpreted in Lope de Vega's time, (Marivaux), 192
48-49, 58-59; as codified in Aguilar's ieux d'amour, 73
plays, 86; brought to culmination by Jimenez de Enciso, Diego, 121-22, 193,
Calderon, 144-46 195
honor da estendimiento 0 el mas bobo ioculatores (jugglers), 8
sabe mas, Ei ( Canizares), 186 Jodolet duelliste, Le (Scarron), 191
honor dramas: by Torres Naharro, 16; Jodolet ou le Maitre vallet (Scarron),
by Cervantes, 27; by Lope de Vega, 191
51-63, 80; by Castro, 84-85; by iornadas, 16, 25-26
Aguilar and Beneyto, 86; by Mira de ioya de las montaiias, La (Tirso), 99
Amescua, 112; by Velez de Guevara, fuanilla Ia de Jerez (Diamante), 177
115-16; by Calderon, 139, 144-49; by Juan Manuel, Don, 69, 108, 111, 185
Rojas Zorrilla, 170-71 Judas Macabeo (Calderon), 151
honra de Dido restaurada, La (Lobo iudfa de Toledo, La (Diamante ), 177
Lasso de Ia Vega), 29 fudin von Toledo, Die (Grillparzer), 193
honrado hermano, Ei (Lope de Vega), iuegos de escarnio, 8, 14
66 ;uez de los divorcios, Ei (Cervantes), 29
honrador de su padre, El (Diamante), Julia Martinez, Eduardo, 195
177 Justin, 22
Horace, 26
Horozco, Sebastian de, 20 Kennedy, Ruth L., 90, 195
hospital de los mal casados, El King Lear (Shakespeare), 63
(Quevedo), 128 Ksiaie Niezlomny (Slowacki), 193
Hoz y Mota, Juan de Ia, 130, 181, 186
Hrotsvitha, 7 Laberinto de amor, Ei (Cervantes), 29
Hugo, Victor, 193 Laberinto de Creta (Tirso), 98
Hurtado de Mendoza, Antomo, 177-78, laberinto de Creta, El (Lope de Vega),
186, 192 78
Hurtado de Velarde, Alonso, 131 lagos de San Vicente, Los (Tirso), 87, 94
lagrimas de David, Las (Godinez), 124
imperial de Ot6n, La (Lope de Vega), [Lamentaciones] fechas para Ia Semana
46, 67 Santa (Manrique), 10
indiano, 47, 178 Lara, Princes (In/antes) of, 25, 131,
Ines de Castro (Ferreira), 22 180, 182' 189
Ines de Castro (Mexia de Ia Cerda), 131 Larra, Mariano]. de, 194
Ineszlla de Ia Pinto (Cruz), 188 laurel de Apolo, Ei (Calderon), 160
Inez de Castro, 188, 190 Laure Persecutee (Rotrou), 191
infomador, El (Cueva), 25 Leal, Antonio Castro, 106
infonz6n de Il!escas, Ei (Lope de Vega), legitzmo bastardo, Ei (Morales), 30
175 Leiva Ramirez, Francisco de, 179, 186
info/ice Marcela, La (Virues), 23 Leon, Luis de, 176
ingles hablador, Ei (Castro), 131 Leonardo de Argensola, Lupercio, 21,
in medias res, 9 26-27' 36
znocente sangre, La (Lope de Vega), 64 Leon y Merchante, Manuel, 183
interludes, See entremeses Lesage, 192
invisible principe del bail/, El (Cubillo), Letania Moral (Claramonte), 123
176 letnlla, 43
Iris de las pendencias, El (Avila), 131 Liar, The (Foote), 191
Isabela (Leonardo de Argensola), 26 libertad de Espana por Bernardo del
isla bar6ara, La (Miguel Sanchez), 130 Carpio, La (Cueva), 25
 Index 239

Lzbertad de roma por Mucio Scevola manceb6n de los palaczos, El Ouan

(Cueva), 25 Velez de Guevara), 182
lzbre a/bedrio, 16 3 Mancha que limpia (Echegaray), 190
Ltbro de buen amor Ouan Ruiz), 11 mangamlla de Melt!la, La (RU!z de
licenciado Dieta, El (Hurtado de Men- Alarcon), 107-8
doza), 178 Manrique, Gomez, 10, 12
Licenciado Vzdnera (Cervantes), 175 Man's the Master, The (D' Avenant),
Ltcenczado Vzdriera (Moreto), 175 191
Lieder, F.W.C., 195 Marcelo o i a cuiil de los tres? (Breton
Iindo don Dzego, El (Moreto), 174 de los Herre cos), 189
lira, 43 Marco Antonio y Cleopatra (Leiva
Lista, Alberto, 194 Ramirez), 179
liturgical drama (medieval), 8-10, Maria Evangelista, 95
19-20, 35. See also autos Manage de Figaro, La (Beaumarchais),
Livius, Lucius Andronicus, 7 192
loas, 33, 125, 128, 138, 160, 165 marido asegurado, El (Boyl Vives), 86
Lobo Lasso de Ia Vega, Gabriel, 21, marido fontasma, El (Quevedo), 128
29-30 marido hace mujer, El (Hurtado de
Lo cterto por lo dudoso (Lope de Vega), Mendoza), 178, 192
56 marido miis firme, El (Lope de Vega), 78
locura porIa honra, La (Lope de Vega), Man-Hernandez, Ia gal/ega (Tirso), 101
62, 80 Marivaux, 192
Lo fingzdo verdadero (Lope de Vega), marques de Bastos, El (Velez de
79, 89 Guevara), 117
Lope de Vega. See Vega, Lope de marques de las Navas, El (Lope de
Lopez de Ayala, Adelardo, 190 Vega), 66
LOpez de Castro, Diego, 26 marques del Czgarral, El (Castillo Solor-
Lopez de Mendoza, Ifiigo, 11 zano), 123, 191
LOpez de Yanguas, Hernan, 19 marques de Mantua, El (Lope de Vega),
LOpez Pinciano, Alonso, 41, 194 71
Lo que son mujeres (Rojas Zornlla), 172 Marquina, Eduardo, 190
Lotti, Cosme, 34, 77, 159 Marta Ia pzadosa (Tirso), 100
Loyola, Baltasar de, 156 Martinez de Meneses, Antonio, 182
Lozano, Cristobal, 132 mascaras, 12
Lucas de Avila, Francisco, 90 miis galiin portugues, El (Lope de
Lucefio, Tomas, 190 Vega), 66
ludi scemct, 8 Miis merece quzen miis ama (Hurtado
Ludovzco el pzadoso (Godinez), 124 de Mendoza), 178
Lujan, Micaela ("Camila Lucinda"), 39 Miis pesa el rey que Ia sangre, y Blas6n
luna de Ia sierra, La (Velez de de los Guzmanes (Velez de Guevara),
Guevara), 115 116
Lusiadas, Os (Camoens), 114 Matias de los Reyes, 131
Luzan, Ignacio de, 194 Matos Fragoso, Juan de, 181-82, 186,
189
Madrid por dentro (Rosete Nifio), 182 maya, La (Lope de Vega), 80
maestro de danzar, El (Calderon), 139 mayorazgo figura, El (Castillo Solor-
maestro de danzar, El (Lope de Vega), zano), 123
75 mayor constancia de Muczo Scevola, La
miigzco prodigioso, El (Calderon), 111, (Leiva Ramirez), 179
155, 193 mayor desengaiio, El (Tirso), 95
mal casada, La (Lope de Vega), 74 mayor encanto, amor, El (Calderon),
mal casados de Valencta, Los (Castro), 137, 157, 158
85 mayor hazaiia del emperador Carlos V,
Mal Lara, Juan de, 18 La Oimenez de Enc1so), 121
malquerida, La (Benavente), 190 mayor monstruo, los celos, El
Man and Superman (Shaw), 194 (Calderon), 147-48
240 INDEX

mayor rey de los reyes, El (Ciaramonte), mockery plays, 35

123 mojiganga, 125, 138, 160
Medecin malgre lui, Le (Moliere), 192 Moliere Oean Baptiste Poquelin), 49,
medico de su honra, El (Lope de Vega), 178, 181, 191, 192. 194
60, 123, 146 Mollina, Luis de, 87, 93
medieval drama, 6 momos (mummers' plays), 12
Medora (Rueda), 18 monja alferez, La (Perez de Montalban),
meJOr alcalde, el rey, El (Lope de 119
Vega), 54-55 Monroy y Silva, Cristobal de, 129
mejor amigo el muerto, El (Rojas Zorr- monstruo de los jardines, El (Calderon),
illa), 171 159
mejor espzgadera, La (Tirso), 96 Montalvo, Rodriguez de, 17
mejor moso de Espana, El (Lope de montantfs ]uan Pascual, primer asistente
Vega), 64 de Sevilla, El (Hoz y Mota), 181
mejor representante, El (Lope de Vega), Montemayor, Jorge de, 75
79 Monteser, Francisco Antonio de, 182
melanc61ico, El (Tirso), 102-3 Montherlant, Henry de, 190
melindres de Belisa, Los (Lope de Moore, Jerome A., 195
Vega), 74 Morales, Cristobal de, 30, 65
Memorias (Maria Evangelista), 95 moralidades (morality plays), 10; by
Menaechmi (Piautus), 113 Sanchez de Badajoz, 19; by Lope de
Mendoza, liiigo de, 10 Vega, 20, 35, 80
Menendez Pidal, Ramon, 195 Moratin, 105
Menendez y Pelayo, Marcelino, 123, 195 Morby, E.S., 196
Menennos, Los (Timoneda), 19 Moreto y Cabaiia, Agustin, 113, 169,
Menteur, Le (Corneille), 191 173-75. 180-81, 186, 192
mercader amante, El (Aguilar), 86 Morir en Ia cruz con Cn'sto (Hoz y
Merchant of Venice, The (Shakespeare), Mota), 181
105 Morir pensando malar (Rojas Zorrilla),
Merimee, Prosper, 193 170
mesonera del czelo, La (Mira de Morir y dz'szmular (Perez de Montalban),
Amescua), 111 118
Mesonero Romanos, Ramon de, 195 mon'sca de Alajuar, La (Rivas), 189
Metamorphoses (Ovid), 25, 77-78, 160 Morley, Sylvanus G., 195
metatheater, 53, 56, 62, 72, 79, 100, moro exp6sito, El (Rivas), 189
102, 144, 146, 152, 154, 155, 163. mosqueteros, 32
174, 189-90, 197-99 moza de ciintaro, La (Lope de Vega), 73
Mexia de Ia Cerda, 131 Mozart, Wolfgang Amadeus, 194
Milagros del desprecio (Lope de Vega), Muchos aczertos de un yerro Oose
173 Figueroa), 18 3
mimes, viii, 8 Mudarse para mejorarse (Ruiz de Alar-
miracle plays, 30 con), 109
Mira de Amescua, Antonio, 61, 82, 98, muerte de Baldovinos, La (Cancer y
110-13, 124, 132, 138, 155, 170, 177, Velasco), 180
193. 195 muerte del rey don Sancho y reto de
Miranda, Luis de, 18 Zamora, La (Cueva), 25
miserable, El (Quifiones de Benavente), mujeres sin hombres, Las (Lope de
126 Vega), 78
mzstenos, 10 mujer que manda en casa, La (Tirso),
mocedad de Roldan, La (Lope de Vega), 95
71 mujer varonil, 115-16
mocedades de Bernardo del Carpio, Las mula, La (Cancer y Velasco), 180
(Lope de Vega), 63 munecas de Marcela, Las (Cubillo), 176
Mocedades del Cid (Cancer y Velasco), Muiioz Pefia, Pedro, 195
180 musical comedies, 138
mocedades del Cid, Las (Castro), 84-85, Muzio, 18
152, 177, 191 mystery plays, 20, 35
 Index 241

mythological plays. See comedias Oedipus, 93

mitologicas Ofender con las finezas (Villaizan), 131
Officium Pastorum, 9-10
nacimiento de Urson y Valentin, El Officium Stellae, 9
(Lope de Vega), 48, 71 6!1ivier, Albert, 93
Naevms, Gnaeus, 7 opera: eclogue by Lope de Vega used
Narczso en su opinion, El (Castro), 86, for libretto of, 76, 160; Italian, 161,
174 188; sacred libretto by Calderon, 163;
Nativity plays, 20, 111 by Mozart, 194
negrito hablador, El (Quinones de orders: of Alcantara, 2; of Calatrava, 2;
Benavente), 126 of Santiago, 2, 137, 170; of St. John
Negromante, II (Ariosto), 19 of Jerusalem, 39; of Our Lady of Mer-
neoclassicism, 82, 105, 167, 187, 189 cy, 89
neo-Platonic love, 47 Ordo prophetarum, 16
Nevares, Marta de, 39 Oriental folkloric tales, 209n. 13
nina de Gomez Anas, La (Calderon), Origen, perdida y restauracion de Ia
152 Virgen del Sagrano, 156-57
nina de Gomez Anas, La (V€lez de Orlando Furioso (Ariosto), 23, 172
Guevara), 115, 152 Orlando innamorato (Boiardo), 160
nina de plata, La (Lope de Vega), 56 Osorio, Elena, 37
Ninfo del cielo, La (Tirso), 95, 97 Othello (Shakespeare), 26
Nise lastimosa (Bermudez), 22, 114 Oveja perdida (Timoneda), 20
Nise Laureada (Bermudez), 22, 114 Ovid, 7, 25, 77-78, 160
noche de San juan, La (Lope de Vega),
72 paces de los reyes y tudia de Toledo,
No hay amigo para amigo (Rojas Zor- Las (Lope de Vega), 60, 64, 112, 177,
rilla)l, 172, 191 188, 193
No hay amor con fingir (Leon Mer- palace plays. See comedias palaciegas
chance), 183 palacio confuso, El (Mira de Amescua),
No hay bur/as con las mujeres, o casarse 113
y vengarse (Mira de Amescua), 112 Palacio de Bellas Arres (Mexico), 106
No hay plaza que no se cumpla ni palacios de Galiana, Los (Lope de
deuda que se pague y Convidado de Vega), 71
piedra (Zamora), 188 Palau, Bartolome, 20-21
No hay ser padre siendo rey (Rojas Zorr- palcos, 32
illa), 170 palenque, 32
jNo le arriendo Ia genancia! (Tirso), 97 Pamphilus de amore, 7
No son todos ruisenores (Lope de pantomimists, 8
Vega), 70 paredes oyen, Las (Ruiz de Alarcon),
novelesque plays. See comedias 105-6
novelescas Parker, Alexander A., 196-97
novelle, 12, 27, 29, 45, 61, 70, 139, Parr, James A., 197
186, 191 partes, 34, 50
novio miserable, El (Castro), 131 pasos, 15, 18; by Rueda, 29
Nuestra Senora del Pilar (Avellaneda), passagero, El (Suarez de Figueroa), 40
183 Passion plays, 20
nueua victona de D. Gonzalo de Cor- Pastor, Juan, 21-22
doua, La (Lope de Vega), 64, 153 pastoral de jacinto, La (Lope de Vega),
Nuevo mundo descubierto, El (Lope de 76
Vega), 64 pastoral plays. See comedias pastoriles
Numancia cercada (Rojas Zorrilla), 170 Pastor Fido (Guarini), 76
Numancia destruida (Rojas Zorrilla), 170 panos, 32
Nunez de Arce, 193 Patinos, Carlos, 76
pechos privilegiados, Los (Ruiz de Alar-
Ocampo, Florian de, 27 con), 109
Occasions perdues, Les (Rotrou), 191 Pedraza, Jean de, 20
octaves, 25, 42-43 Pedro de Urdemalas (Cervantes), 29
242 INDEX

Pedro de Urdemalas (Diamante ), 177 principe Don Carlos, El Oimenez de

Pedro Telonario (Mira de Amescua), 111 Enciso), 121
Pedro the Cruel, 55-56, 146, 189 principe esc/avo, El (Velez de Guevara),
peligro de venganza, El (Morales), 30 117
peregn·no en su patria, El (Lope de principe ignorante y discreto, El
Vega), 50, 64 (Godinez), 124
Perez de Montalban, 24, 36, 49-50, principe perfecto, El (Lope de Vega), 66
118-21, 150, 156, 169-70, 189, 193 Pn"ncipessa filosofa (Gozzi), 192
Perez de Oliva, Fernan, 21, 195 Principe tirano (Cueva), 25
perfecta casada, La (Cubillo ), 176 principe vicioso, El (Rey de Anieda), 24
Peribinez y el comendador de Ocana Prima/eon (Vazquez), 17
(Lope de Vega), 53-54, 65, 115, 171 Pn"mera parte de Ia Szlva de varios
perro del hortelano, El (Lope de Vega), romances, 65
75, 101 primer duelo del Mundo, El (Bances
persecuctones de Lucznda, Las (Lozano), Candamo), 185
132 Pring-Mill, R.D.J., 197
Perseo, El (Lope de Vega), 78 privanza y caida de don Alvaro de
Persians (Aeschylus), 52 Luna, La (Salucio del Poyo), 130
Persiles y Segismunda (Rojas Zorrilla), privilegio de las mujeres, El (Calderon),
172 150
philosophical dramas. See comedias Progne y Filomena (Castro), 86
filosoficas Propalladia (Torres Naharro), 16
Piadoso veneczano (Lope de Vega), 70 Prospera fortuna de don Alvaro de Luna
piedra filosofol, La (Bances Candamo), y adversa de Ruy Lopez Davalos (Tic-
184 so), 99
pie/ de Gedeon, La (Calderon), 166 pr6spera y adversa fortuna del con·
pintor de su deshonra, El (Calderon), destable don Ruy Lopez de Avalos, La
147' 190 (Salucio del Poyo ), 130
platea, 32 protestaczon de Ia fe, La (Calderon), 153
Plautus, 7, 21, 69, 113, 181 prudencza en Ia mujer, La (Tirso), 98-99
pleito matrimonial de alma y el cuerpo, prueba de las promesas, La (Ruiz de
El (Calderon), 11 Alarcon), 108
pobrezas de Reinaldo, Las (Lope de prueba de los amigos, La (Lope de
Vega), 71 Vega), 45, 69
poder en el discreto, El (Lope de Vega), pruebas de Cnsto, Las (Mira de
56 Amescua), 111
Poetic Academy (Madrid), 89 Puente, Cristobal de Ia, 31
Poetzcs (Aristotle), 41 Puente de Mantible, La (Calderon), 157
Politica de Dios (Quevedo), 127 puerta macarena, La (Perez de Mon-
Por el solano y el tomo (Tirso), 101 talban), 119
Porfiar hasta monr (Lope de Vega), 64 pundonor, 59, 144-45
PorIa puente, Juana (Lope de Vega), purgatono de San Patricio, El
74 (Calderon), 156
Por su rey y por su dama (Bances Can- purpura de Ia rosa, La (Calderon), 160
clarno), 183 Pyramus and Thisbe, 21
Prado de Valencia, El (Tarrega), 83
Precieuses ridicules, Les (Mohere), 191 "Quem quaeritis?" (antiphonal
premio de Ia hermosura, El (Lope de response), 9
Vega), 71 Querer por solo querer (Hunado de
premio de Ia virtud, El (Hunado de Mendoza), 177
Mendoza), 178 Quevedo, Francisco de, 89, 118,
presumida y Ia hermosa, La (Zarate), 126-29, 180
182 Quien es quien premia el amor (Bances
pretendor cop pobreza, El (Castro), 86 Candamo), 184
Prinr;esse d'Eiide, La (Moliere), 192 Quien mal anda mal acaba (Ruiz de
principe constante, F1 (Calderon), 137, Alarcon), 107, 111
157, 193 quinas de Portugal, Las (Tirso), 99-100
 Index 243

Quinones de Benavente, Luis, 18, riesgos que tiene un coche, Los (Hur-
125-26, 175 tado de Mendoza), 178
quintillas, 42-43 Rioja (LOpez de Ayala), 190
Rios, Blanca de los, 90
Racine, Jean Baptiste, 49 Rivadeneyra, Pedro de, 94
Rades y Andrada, Francisco, 52 Rivas, Duke of, 181, 189
Ralph, James, 192 robo de Dzgma, El (attrib. to Rueda), 20
rami/fetes de Madnd, Los (Lope de rocas (wagons), 10, 30, 205n. 41
Vega), 70 Rodriguez de Villaviciosa, Sebastian, 182
Ramirez de Arellano (Lope de Vega), 64 Rojas, Fernando de, 14, 26, 58, 65, 69,
Raquel (Garda de Ia Huerta), 188 201n. 15
rayo de Andalucia, El (Cubillo ), 176 Rojas Villandrando, Agustin de, 123
Reborrello d'Udine, Francisco, 41 Rojas Zorrilla, Francisco de, 115,
Recopilaci6n en metro (Sanchez de 169-73, 175, 179, 186, 189, 191-92
Badajoz), 19 Roma abrasada (Lope de Vega), 66
redondillas, 25, 42-43 romance (verse form), 42-43, 128
refranes del viejo celoso, Los (Quevedo), Romance del testamento que hizo Esca-
128 rraman (Quevedo), 129
refundiciones, 131, 134, 152, 186-87 Romancero general, 65
Reichenberger, Arnold, 196 romances (ballads), 23, 25, 27, 64-66,
rezna Esther, La (Godinez), 124 84, 103, 153, 195
reina Juana de Napoles, La (Lope de romancillo, 43
Vega), 68 Romantic drama, 23, 189, 193
reina Maria Estuardo, La (Diamante), Romeo and juliet (Shakespeare), 70, 172
177 romera de Santzago, La (Tirso), 95
Reinar despues de monr (Velez de Romero, Mateo, 76
Guevara), 114, 182 Rosete Nino, Pedro, 170, 182
Reine morte, La (Montherlant), 190 Rostand, Edmond, 194
reino sin rey, El (Lope de Vega), 142 Rotrou, Jean de, 112, 191-92
Rejaule y Toledo, Pedro [pseud. Ricardo royal octave. See octaves
del Turia], 40, 83, 86 Rueda, Lope de, 14-15, 17-18, 20,
relaci6n, 48 29-30, 36, 195
Renaissance drama, 6, 186 rueda de Ia Fortuna, La (Mira de
renegado del cielo, El (Morales), 30 Amescua), 112
Renegado, rey y martir (Morales), 30 rujian dichoso, El (Cervantes), 27
Representaci6n de Ia famosa historia de rujian viudo, El (Cervantes), 29
Ruth (Horozco), 20 Ruiz de Alarcon, Juan, 11, 81-82, 89,
Representaci6n de Ia historia evangtflzca 103-10, 113, 132, 191
de capitulo nono de San juan (Horoz- Ruy Bias (Hugo), 193
co), 20
Representaci6n de Ia parabola de San saco de Roma, El (Cueva), 25
Mateo a los veinte capitulos de su sacristan mujer, El (Calderon), 161
sagrado Evangelio (Horozco), 20 sainetes, 188, 190
Representaci6n del Nacimiento de saints' plays. See comedias de santos
Nuestro Senor (Manrique), 10 Salas Barbadillo, Alonso Jeronimo de,
Respuesta de Ia Mendez a Escarraman 124
(Quevedo), 129 Salazar y Torres, Agustin de, 183
Retablo de las marvaillas (Cervantes), 29 Salcedo, Lucia, 39
rey abajo, nznguno, El (Rojas Zorrilla), Salucio del Poyo, Damian, 99, 129-30
115 salvajes, 48
Rey de Arrieda, Andres, 21, 24, 83, San Angel Carmelita (Lope de Vega),
119, 189 79
rey don Pedro en Madnd y el infonz6n San Antonio de Padua (Perez de Mon-
de /1/escas, El (Lope de Vega), 55, 123 talban), 121
rey penitente Davzd, El (Lozano), 132 Sanchez, Miguel, 130
rey szn reino, El (Lope de Vega), 45, Sanchez de Badajoz, Diego, 19
67-68 Sanchez de las Brozas, Francisco, 18
244 INDEX

Sancho Ortiz de las Roe/as (Trigueros), siega, ltJ (Lope de Vega), 80

56, 189 Si el caballo vos han muerto (Velez de
San Diego de Alee/a (Lope de Vega), 79 Guevara), 116
San Franco de Sena (Moreto ), 175 Siempre ayuda Ia verdad (Tirso), 114
San Isidro de Madrid (Lope de Vega), 79 siete Infontes de Lara, Los Cancer y
Sanjwn Facundo (Armendariz), 131 Velasco), 180
San Nicolas de Tolentino (Lope de siete In/antes de Lara, Los (Cancer y
Vega), 79 Velasco), 180
San Sebastian (Godinez), 124 silva, 43
Santa Casilda (Lope de Vega), 94 Sim6n de Abril, Pedro, 18
Santa jwna (Castro), 94 silio de breda, El (Calder6n), 142, 152,
Santa Liga, ltJ (Lope de Vega), 64 157
Santa Margarita 01menez de Enciso), Slowacki, Juliusz, 193
122 Solaces de un prisionero (Rivas), 189
Santa Susana (Velez de Guevara), 118 so/dado del cie/o, El (Godinez), 124
Santiago elverde (Lope de Vega), 72 sol de medianoche, y estrellas a
santo reyDon Fernando, El (Calder6n), mediodia, El (Mira de Amescua),
165 111-12
Santo y sastre (Tirso ), 95 Solis, Dionisio, 188
sastre del Campil/o, El (Belmonte Ber- Solis y Rivadeneyra, Antonio de, 180,
mudez), 122 182, 192
sayagues, 15 sonnet, 43, 49
Scarron, Paul, 191-92 Sophocles, 7, 21, 63, 198
Schack, Adolf von, 195 Spanish Armada, 37
Scheville, Rudolph, 195 Spongia (Torres Rarnila), 41
Schiller, Johann Christoph Friedrich staging: of classical and secular drama
von, 193 in SJ?ain, 7-8, 12; of medieval
Schlegel, August Wilhelm von, 27 religious drama, 8-10; of autos
Scudery, Georges de, 191 sacramentales, 20, 166-67; of Spanish
segunda Celestina, ltJ (Salazar y Torres), plays during the sixteenth and early
183 seventeenth centuries, 30-35; during
segundo blas6n del Austria, El time of Calder6n, 134-35; of courr
(Calder6n), 152 productions, 159-60, 178; after 1670,
segundo Escipi6n, El (Calder6n), 150 183-84, 188
segundo Seneca de Espana, El (Perez de Srurdevant, W. 196
Montalban), 119 Suarez de Figueroa, Crist6bal, 40, 105
selva sin amor, ltJ (Lope de Vega), 76, sueltas, 50
191 sueno de Ia Muerte, El (Quevedo) 128
semiotic, analytical approach: in Suenos (Quevedo) 126
Fuenteovejuna, 206n. 20; in ltJ vida
es sueno, 212n. 8 tab/ado, 31
Seneca, 7, 22-23 Tab/as poeticas (Cascales), 40
senor de Noches Buenas, El (Cubillo), tableaux, 30
176 Talego nino, El (Quinones de
senor Don juan de Austria, El (Perez de Benavente), 125
Montalban), 119 Tamayo y Baus, Manuel, 189
se"ana de Ia Vera, ltJ (Velez de Tamer/an de Persia (Velez de Guevara),
Guevara), 115 117
sem~na de Plasencia, ltJ (Valdivieso ), 131 Tan largo me lo fois (Tirso ), 90
Servir con mala estrella (Lope de Vega), Tanto ello de mas como lo de menos
56 (Tirso), 96
Sessa, Duke of, 39 Tarrega, Francisco A., 83, 86
Shakespeare, William, 26, 49, 63, 70, teatro menor, 111, 127
105 tejedor de Segovia, El (Ruiz de Alar-
Shaw, George Bernard, 194 con), 109
Shelley, Percy Bysshe, 27 Tellez, Gabriel [pseud. Tirso de
sibila de Oriente, ltJ (Calder6n), 151 Molina]: life, 87-90; eschatological
 Index 245

plays, 90-94; religious plays, 94-98; traici6n contra su dueno, La (Godinez),

historical plays, 98-100; comedias de 124
costumbres, 100-103; comedias de tratdor contra su sangre, El (Matos
enredo, 1\l0-101; palace plays, Fragoso), 182, 189
101-103; mentioned, 24, 26, 55, tramoyas, 32
80-82, 109-10, 113-14, 116, 119, 128, tratos de Argel, Los (Cervantes), 27
130, 138-39, 142, 147, 151, 156, 168, tres diamantes, Los (Lope de Vega), 70
171, 179. 186, 189, 193-95 Trigueros, Candido Marfa, 56, 189
Tellez Giron, 87 Trillo de Armenta, Antonia, 39
Tellos de Meneses, Los (Lope de Vega), Trilogia de los Pizarros (Tirso ), 99
69 triunfos de san Miguel, Los (Cubillo),
tercera de si misma, La (Mira de 177
Amescua), 112 tropes (in the Mass), 8
tercero de su afrenta, El (Manfnez de tropes (versification), 44
Meneses), 182 Turcaret (Lesage), 192
tercets, 25, 42-43 Turia, Ricardo del. See Rejaule y
Terence, 7, 69, 105 Toledo, Pedro
Temario Sacramental (Timoneda), 20
testimonio vengado, El (Lope de Vega), ultimo godo, El (Lope de Vega), 63
63, 175 Urbina, Isabel de ("Belisa"), 37
theaters: at old Alcazar, 33; at Aran-
juez, 33, 177; Teatro Espaiiol, 33; at Valdivieso, Jose de, 81, 98, 130-31
Royal Palace, 33, 160; Coliseo (in Valencian Group, 82-86
Buen Retiro), 34, 113-14, 137, 157, valiente justiciero, El (Moreto), 175
160, 177-78, 183-84. See also co"ales; valiente negro en Flandes, El
zarzuelas (Claramonte), 123
Theatro de los theatros de los passados y valle de Ia Zarzuela, El (Calderon), 165
presentes siglos (Bances Candamo), valor no tiene edad, El (Diamante ), 177
183 Varaggio, Jacobo de, 129
Timone, II (Boiardo), 69 Vazquez, Francisco, 17
Timoneda, Juan de [anagram, Joan Vega, Alonso de Ia, 18, 21, 195
Diamonte], 18-20, 195 Vega, Garcilaso de Ia, 75
tirana castigado, El (Lope de Vega), 80 Vega, Lope de: life, 36-40; dramatic an
Tirso de Molina. See Tellez, Gabriel and production, 40-50; heroic-honor
to/do, 33 plays, 51-58; honor-vengeance plays,
Torres Naharro, Banolome de, 14-16, 58-63; historical plays, 63-68; com-
26, 58 edias de costumbres and novelesque
Torres R:imila, Pedro, 41 plays, 68-71; cloak-and-sword plays,
trabajos de job, Los (Godinez), 124 71-75; pastoral plays, 75-77;
Tragedia de los amores de Eneas y de Ia mythological plays, 77-78; religious
reyna Dido (Cirne), 21 plays, 78-82; mentioned, ix-x, 14,
Tragedia de Marco Antonio y Cleopatra 17-18, 24, 26-27, 85, 89-90, 92, 98,
(LOpez de Castro), 26 100, 103, 109, 112-15, 118, 122-23,
Tragedia fomosa tie Dona Intfs de 130, 132-33, 134-35, 138-39. 142,
Castro (Mexia de las Cerda), 114 144, 146, 149, 152-53, 159, 165,
Tragedia 1/amada ]osefina (Carvajal), 19 167-69, 171, 173, 175, 177, 181-82,
Tragedia Serafina (Alonso de Ia Vega), 188-89, 191-95, 197
19, 21 Vega, Ricardo de Ia, 190
tragedies, Spanish: by Ferruz, 20-21; by Velasquez, Jeronimo, 37
Pastor, Cirne, and Perez de Oliva, 21; Valasquez de Velasco, Alfonso, 131
by Ferreira, 22; by Bermudez, 22-23; Velez de Guevara, Juan, 182
by Virues, 23; by Rey de Anieda, 24; Velez de Guevara, Luis, 89, 113-18,
by Leonardo de Argensola, 26; by 133. 138, 152-53, 169-70, 179, 182,
Cervantes, 27, 30; by Lobo Lasso de Ia 193
Vega, 29-30 vellocino de oro, El (Lope de Vega),
tragedy, classical. See classical drama 77-78
tragicomedia, 41 vell6n, 112
246 INDEX

Venegas del Busto, Alejo, 18 vze;o celoso, El (Cervantes), 29, 128

vengadora de las muteres, La (Lope de vtejo enamorado, El (Cueva), 26
Vega), 74, 173 Vilaragut, Antonio, 22
venganza de Agamen6n, La (Perez de Villaizan, Jeronimo, 131
Oliva), 21 Villamediana, Count of, 105
venganza de Tamar, La (Tirso), 96-97, vi/lana de Ia Sagra, La (Tirso), 101
151 vi/lana de Vallecas, La (Tirso), 101
venganza honrosa, La (Aguilar), 86 vi/lana en su n"nc6n, El (Lope de Vega),
ventanas, 32 69, 171
Verardi, Carlos, 13 vi/lana en su rincon, El (Valdivieso),
verdadero amante, El (Lope de Vega), 131
36, 76 Villegas, Alonso de, 94
verdad sospechosa, La (Ruiz de Alar- vina del Senor, La (Calderon), 165
con), 105, 106, 191 vina de Nabot, La (Rojas Zorrilla), 172
vergonzoso en palacio, El (Tirso), 101-2, Vindel, Francisco, 13
142 Virgil, 22
versification, 23, 42-44, 53, 58, 85, Virginia y Apia Claudto (Cueva), 25
111, 127, 144 Virues, Cristobal de, 21, 22-24, 27, 29,
verso agudo, 43 36, 83, 116, 149
verso esdritjulo, 43-44 vzsita de Ia ciircel, La (Cancer y
verso llano, 43 Velasco), 180
verso pareado, 43 Vita Chnsti (Mendoza), 10
verso sue/to, 43 Vitae Patrum, 93
Very creer (Matos Fragoso), 182 viuda valenciana, La (Lope de Vega), 74
vestuarios, 31 Vossler, Karl, 197
viate del alma, El (Lope de Vega), 80 voto de Santzago y battalla de Clavijo,
Viaje entretenido (Rojas Villandrando), El (Herrera y Ribera), 131
123
Vicente, Gil, 14, 16-19, 159 Wardropper, Bruce W. , 196-97
Victoria Chnsti (Palau), 23
victoria de Norlingen, La (Castillo Sol6r- Yagiie de Salas, Juan, 24, 119
zano), 124 YeTTOs de naturaleza y aciertos de las
vida de Santa Maria de Cervel/6n, La fortuna (Calderon and Coello), 142,
(Tirso), 87 179
vida en el ataud, La (Rojas Zorrilla), 171
vida es sueno, La (Calderon), 48, 137, Zamora, Antonio de, 130, 188
140-44, 163, 179, 184, 189, 193, 198 zapatero y el rey, El (Zorrilla), 181, 189
Vida par honra (Hartzenbusch), 189 zarabanda, 33
vida y muerte de Herodes, La (Tirso), 96 Zarate, Fernando de, 182
Vida y muerte de judas (Salucio del zarzuelas, 138, 159-61, 177, 188
Poyo), 129 Zayas, Maria de, 181
Vida y purgatorio de San Patncio (Perez Zorrilla, Jose, 181, 189, 194
de Montalban), 156, 189 Zumel, Francisco, 93