In Search of Utopia

I N S E A R C H O F
U T O P I A
IN SEARCH OF UTOPIA
ART AND SCIENCE IN THE ERA OF THOM AS MORE
Jan Van der Stock

(1 9 6 5 – 2 0 1 2)
F O R V E R O N I Q U E VA N D E K E R C H OV E
Chief Curator of M-Museum Leuven and initiator

of this exhibition
FOR JAN ROEGIERS (1 9 4 4 – 2 0 1 3)

Emeritus Professor of History at the KU Leuven and
a source of inspiration for this exhibition
IN SEARCH OF UTOPIA
ART AND SCIENCE IN THE ERA OF THOM AS MORE
Jan Van der Stock

AU TH O RS
[C V D] Chet Van Duzer

[C K] Cecile Kruyfhooft
[DV H] Daan van Heesch
[E DP] Els De Palmenaer
[E M] Elizabeth Morrison
[E V] Emmanuelle Vagnon
[H I] Hannah Iterbeke
[ J H] Jan Herman
[ J L] Jeroen Luyckx
[ J L B] Jens Ludwig Burk
[ J P] Jan Papy
[ JS] Jochen Sander
[ J VG] Joris Van Grieken
[K B] Koenraad Brosens
[K S] Katharina Smeyers
[K VC] Koenraad Van Cleempoel
[L C] Lorne Campbell
[L M M] Linda M. Müller
[LW] Lieve Watteeuw
[M AC] Miguel Ayres de Campos
[M B] Maarten Bassens
[M D S] Marcus de Schepper
[M F] Malve Anna Falk
[M U] Matthias Ubl
[P V DB] Paul Vandenbroeck
[R J] Robrecht Janssen
[S H] Stephanie Heremans
[S M K] Scot McKendrick
[S V DE] Stéphanie Van den Eynde
[W W] Wendy Wauters
Contents
Catalogue
UTO PIA O F TH O M AS M O RE (1516)

A G o l d e n B o o k f ro m L e u ve n C o n q u e rs t h e Wo r l d
9 Foreword 73 Utopia the Book, in Leuven and the Low Countries

J A N PA P Y
13 In Search of Utopia – The Exhibition

J A N VA N D E R S T O C K 74 cat. 1–8
21 Europe-America-Utopia: Visions of an Ideal World 103 Editions and Translations of Utopia 1516 –1750
in the Sixteenth Century MARCUS DE SCHEPPER
HANS COOLS
104 cat. 9–2

31 Thomas More, Utopia and Leuven:
Tracing the Intellectual and Cultural Context 129 Utopia and European Humanism
J A N PA P Y J A N PA P Y
41 Erotic Utopia: the ‘Garden of Earthly Delights’ 130 cat. 13A–19

in Context
PAU L VA N D E N B R O E C K
49 The Enclosed Garden: a Utopian and Mystical Sanctuary

BARBAR A BAERT
55 Beyond the Horizon: Terra Incognita

E M M A N U E L L E VAG N O N
63 The Ultimate Utopia: a Universe in the Hand

KO E N R A A D VA N C L E E M P O E L
BEYO N D U TO PIA BEYO N D TH E H O RIZO N
I m a g e s o f Para dis e an d H e ll I m a ging t h e U nk n ow n
162 cat. 20–25 261 Terra Incognita

E M M A N U E L L E VAG N O N
187 The Garden of Eden – The Earthly Paradise

W E N DY WAU T E R S 262 cat. 42–58
188 cat. 26–31
213 The Conservation of Enclosed Gardens from Mechelen

A Closer Look at Fragile Mixed Media
L I E V E WA T T E E U W
214 cat. 32–35
233 Dystopia
DA A N VA N H E E S C H
234 cat. 36–41

H O LD I N G T H E U N IVERSE
D re aming o f S p a c e an d Tim e
331 In Search of Utopian Perfection: 408 Bibliography

Builders of Scientific Instruments
– the ‘Leuven School’ 424 Index
KO E N R A A D VA N C L E E M P O E L
426 Lenders to the Exhibition

332 cat. 59–72
427 Photo Credits
385 Eternity: Imaging Time
JULIE BECKERS 428 Colophon
386 cat. 73–77

8
Foreword
On 20 October 2016, the In Search of Utopia exhibition opens in M-Museum Leuven.

It brings together an extraordinary number of exceptional works of art, most of them
by masters who were active in Flanders and Brabant in the late fifteenth and early
sixteenth century. For both the City of Leuven and University of Leuven the exhibition
commemorates the fact that December 2016 is the 500th anniversary of the publication
of Utopia, written by the English humanist and statesman Thomas More. Dirk Martens,
the master printer from Aalst and Antwerp who, at the time, had a printing press in the
centre of Leuven, printed the book and marketed it. The renowned humanist Desiderius
Erasmus came up with the title and acted as intermediary between his good friends More
and Martens.
In his soon-to-be-famous book More brilliantly analysed the lamentable social and
economic conditions prevailing in England at that time before describing a ‘utopian’
alternative that was to be found on an island where everything was ‘perfectly’ regulated.
Utopia was not intended as a viable political programme; it was an intellectual exercise
– one, moreover, that touched on many subjects that are still highly topical today.
The celebration of 500 Years of Utopia also sees the launch of a citywide project in which
a range of themes are explored from both international and local perspectives.
Preparations for the ambitious exhibition project began in 2009 under the inspira-
tional leadership of Professor Jan Van der Stock and the late Veronique Vandekerchove
(1965–2012). They were joined by Lien De Keukelaere, Annelies Vogels, Hanna van Zutphen,
Professor Barbara Baert and Professor Lieve Watteeuw. Together they coaxed loans from
national and international lenders, mobilized funders and sponsors, and enthused a team
of highly motivated colleagues and associates.
The exhibition was of course preceded by considerable academic research. This
was carried out under the aegis of Illuminare – Centre for the Study of Medieval Art
(KU Leuven) and focused on the works of art that would come to Leuven. The extensive
examination of Mechelen’s Besloten Hofjes, the systematic study of compositions from the
tradition of Hieronymus Bosch, the analysis and conservation of the unique, large-scale
city portrait of Leuven and various other objects, are the subjects of doctoral dissertations,
9 FOREWORD
master’s theses and bachelor’s papers. The results are published in the present exhibition
catalogue and will be presented to the international academic community at the Imaging
Utopia: New Perspectives on Northern Renaissance Art symposium. The aim of the exhibition
is to make recent academic and scientific research accessible to the general public and at
the same time to highlight Leuven as a dynamic and vibrant city.
The organization of In Search of Utopia is in the joint hands of KU[N]ST Leuven vzw, in
which the City of Leuven and the University of Leuven collaborate, and the museum team
of M-Museum Leuven. We thank everyone who has contributed to making the complex
organization of the exhibition a success.
LO UIS TO BBACK
M ayo r of t h e City of L e u ve n
RIK TORFS
R e c t o r of K U L e u ve n
K ATLIJN M ALFLIE T
Vic e-r e c t o r of C ult u r e, KU Le u ve n
C o-c h air K U [N ] S T Le u ve n vz w
DENISE VANDEVOORT
Ald er m a n fo r Cult u r e of t h e City of Le u ve n
Chair of M-M use u m, Le u ve n
Co-c hair of K U [N ] S T Le u ve n vz w
10 FOREWORD
11
In Search of Utopia —
The Exhibition
JA N VA N DER S TO CK
Utopia. A word whose meaning has, down the centuries, caromed between naive dream and
powerful action. Half a millennium ago the isle of Utopia was conceived by the European
humanists Thomas More1 and Desiderius Erasmus,2 to give their ideal but entirely fictional
place a name and a tangible shape. Utopia is located ‘nowhere’, far beyond the horizon.3 And
though the perfection of that island is obviously an illusion, the dream of an ideal world is
certainly not. It’s a very real idea. The desire for it acts like a powerful engine, setting people
in motion with the promise of happiness but also with the risk of disappointment and failure.
This is the essence of the story: the journey to Utopia is one of repeated attempts; the isle itself
1
Thomas More, Thomas Morus in Latin recedes and is always out of reach. Either the dream remains intact or it becomes a nightmare.
(1475–1535), is the author of Utopia. More
was an English humanist, lawyer and
statesman. In 1499 he met Erasmus (cat. 13A
and 14A), who often stayed with him. It was
during one such visit that Erasmus wrote
In Praise of Folly (Moriae Encomium in Latin,
explicitly referring to More). The two men
wrote to each other frequently. According
to his own words, More was in Leuven for a
short time in 1508; but his presence cannot
be confirmed by primary sources. In 1515
More was in Bruges as an envoy of Henry VIII.
He also visited a number of other places,
including Antwerp, where he called on his
friend Pieter Gillis. It was there, in Antwerp,
that he wrote Utopia. In 1529 More became
Lord Chancellor of England, a post he held
until 1532. In 1535 he was executed, having
fatally clashed with Henry on the principle
of papal authority. Four hundred years later
he was canonized by the Catholic Church.
For a good biography of More, see Ackroyd
1998.
2
Desiderius Erasmus of Rotterdam
(1466/1469–1536) was the most famous
Dutch humanist of his day. He was also a
writer, philosopher, priest and Augustinian
canon. In 1502 he was offered and declined
the position of professor at Leuven’s
university. His best known works are In
Praise of Folly, dedicated to his friend
[fig. 1] Grave-slab of Dirk Martens with his only known portrait,
Thomas More, and the Enchiridion, in which
1534. The slab is now incorporated in an eighteenth-century
he examines the meaning of Christianity
for man. For a good biography, see Schoeck monument, Aalst, Church of St Martin.
1990–1993 and Jardine 1991.
3
The original title of More’s text was
Five hundred years ago, in mid-December 1516, Dirk Martens, Leuven’s and indeed
Nusquama or ‘Nowhere’. The eventual title, Flanders’s foremost printer, published a book called Utopia. That slim volume symbolically
Utopia, was suggested by Erasmus.
4 marked the start of a new era in European intellectual thought.4 The booklet’s full title is
See the essay on this topic by Jan Papy in this On the Best State of a Commonwealth and on the New Island of Utopia. A Truly Golden
catalogue (pp. 31–39).
5 Handbook, No Less Beneficial than Entertaining. Martens had published his first book in
In 1473/74 Martens worked with Joannes de
Aalst in 1473 (fig. 1). Later he founded a printing house in Antwerp, before finally moving
Westfalia. He died in Aalst on 28 May 1534.
Rouzet 1975: 140–143 and Heireman 1973. to Leuven.5 His premises were on the corner of the present Naamsestraat and Standonck-
13 IN SEARCH OF UTOPIA — THE EXHIBITION

straat, just across the road from the building now occupied by the University Halls.6 And
there he gradually became the printer-publisher of choice for several of the celebrated
humanists who taught and conducted their research in Leuven in the early sixteenth cen-
tury – a process in which his good friend Erasmus had a large hand. The cream of Europe’s
intelligentsia ran into one another on the banks of the Dyle.
The name Utopia is a play on words, typical of the humour of the time (‘utopia’
and ‘utopian’ are derived from the title of the book, not vice versa); a neologism, coined
by fusing the Greek eu-topos or ‘good place’ and ou-topos or ‘not place’. More introduces a
mysterious narrator to tell the tale of the island of Utopia (fig. 2), one Raphael Hythlodaeus
or ‘nonsense merchant’, ‘peddler of nonsense’ (more wordplay), who claims to have spent
no less than five years there. This device enabled More to dissociate himself from the story
[fig. 2] Ambrosius Holbein, Raphael Hythlodaeus tells Thomas More and Pieter Gillis the story of Utopia. The humanist John
Clement, then More’s servant, is also present, in: Thomas More, De optimo reip. statu, degue noua insula Utopia, libellus uere
aureus, fol. 25, Basel, 1518, KU Leuven, University Library (cat. 7.2).
6
In 1516 this building housed the Faculty of
Law. Martens’s Leuven printer’s address
(from 1512 to 1529) was E regione Scolae juris
civilis.
7
Pieter Gillis, or Petrus Aegidius in Latin
(1486–1533), was a humanist and Antwerp’s
town clerk. He was not only a good friend
of Erasmus and More but also of other
humanists such as Rodolphus Agricola and
painters like Quinten Metsys. In Utopia it
is he who introduces More to the fictitious
traveller Raphael Hythlodaeus, who tells
More all about the island. [fig. 3] The Church of Our Lady at Antwerp (with inscription Die gross kirch zu Anttorff, and date 1514, by Albrecht Dürer),
1507–1514, Vienna, Graphische Sammlung Albertina. It was outside this church that Thomas More set the fictitious meeting with
Raphael Hythlodaeus.

in the book; after all, he is simply repeating hearsay. But Hythlodaeus seems very like
a literary alter ego of Desiderius Erasmus. For in Utopia Erasmus is conspicuous by his
absence even though much of what is said was directly inspired by him.
A central theme in humanist thought and writing was the question of whether
man and the world are makeable. They found a positive answer, primarily in education
and training. More needs only a few dozen pages to produce a sharply drawn picture of
a society that now, five hundred years later, seems surprisingly modern in remarkably
many respects. He describes the redistribution of wealth, childcare, free education for all,
equal opportunities based on aptitude and ability, and democratic elections. He cites the
importance of elegant and pleasant gardens in cities, advocates getting rid of red tape,
and explains in some detail how working only six hours a day – three before noon and
three after – is highly beneficial for Utopia. And, he adds neatly, Utopians invariably spend
their spare time in meaningful intellectual activity, in which men and women are equal.
In Utopia there is freedom of religion and euthanasia is a common practice. The Utopians
have an unrivalled command of astronomy and have no truck with astrology. That this
book came off the press in 1516 is astonishing. At other moments More is a man of his time,
referring without a qualm to unlimited colonization and merciless capital punishment
for those who don't agree with it. Then again, More can hardly be blamed for knowing
nothing of the twentieth century’s wretched history. In any case, Utopia is not a party
manifesto. It’s an intellectual experiment, a successful attempt to articulate a coherent
utopia without taking into account all its practical consequences.
The starting point for the project in 2016 is a piece of Leuven history, namely the printing,
in 1516, of the first edition of Utopia. But the exhibition, In Search of Utopia, ranges far
beyond that straightforward fact. It explores the European fascination with man as an
individual, man’s dream of a better world and his curiosity about the boundless mystery
of the universe, time, and the planets. It’s a quest for knowledge, wealth and power, and –
yes – for happiness as well. Around 1516 that dream took shape in the most diverse ways,
illustrated in the exhibition by some ninety outstanding fifteenth- and sixteenth-century
works of art.
In Search of Utopia is arranged in four chapters. The first, Thomas More’s ‘Utopia’–
A Golden Book from Leuven Conquers the World, focuses on Utopia the book and the
intellectual and cultural context in which it was produced. It is constructed around
Thomas More’s really rather unremarkable-looking ‘golden’ book (cat. 1), which yet
acquires a sacred aura by being placed on a golden pedestal. A number of later editions
and translations provide symbolic evidence of the speed with which More’s ideas about
the ideal state spread to a wide international audience (cat. 7.1, 7.2, 8, and 9). The story of
Utopia the book is also the story of a close friendship, and its principals are naturally well
represented: More himself, of course (fig. 4, cat. 3, 5 and 6), Erasmus, and the Antwerp
town clerk Pieter Gillis, three friends and three extraordinarily incisive minds (cat. 13A–B
and 14A–B).7 Also occupying a place of honour is the earliest and unique portrait of the city
of Leuven, which dates from around 1540 and in which the town unblushingly casts itself in
the role of cultural and intellectual centre (cat. 2).
The second chapter, Beyond Utopia – Images of Paradise and Hell, follows the rhythm
of passion, devotion, and the fear of death. All three are fundamental drivers of human
enterprise that are seamlessly woven together. The passionate Garden of Earthly Delights, the
crypto-erotic Roman de la Rose and the enigmatic Festival of the Archers by an anonymous
Antwerp artist provisionally known as the Master of Frankfurt are the quintessence of this
section (cat. 22, 24). The Festival of the Archers, which dates from 1493, is a key piece: a group

[fig. 4] Hans Holbein the Younger, Portrait of Thomas More, 1527, New York, Frick Collection.
of people are enjoying themselves in an enclosed garden, the locus amoenus, a ‘pleasant
place’. Outsiders try in vain to scale the fence. Armed guards man the gate, keeping out
uninvited guests (fig. 5). The work that was produced more than half a millennium ago in
Antwerp is almost uncannily meaningful today.
The courtly erotic Festival of the Archers and the Roman de la Rose have their religious
counterparts in the three mysterious and mystical Besloten Hofjes or ‘enclosed gardens’
from Mechelen, made in the first decades of the sixteenth century (cat. 32–34). These
highly detailed mixed-media devotional objects are the revelation of the entire exhibition.
Artists – nuns, in this case – could hardly get any closer to the utopian ideal of paradise.
These fascinating creations epitomize the perfect convergence of profound contemplation
of the paradisal garden and unbridled imagination. The Hofjes were specially conserved
for this exhibition by a team of eight specialists who have worked on them for more than
three years. Besides Paradise on earth, sublimated in the Besloten Hofjes, a blood-red room
houses the most feared anti-utopia: burning Hell, the symbolic representation of utter
dehumanization and mortal fear of evil (cat. 36–41). There is no escape. Or is there?
The third chapter, Beyond the Horizon – Imaging the Unknown, is a search for Terra
Incognita, the ‘unknown land’, the seductive and mysterious utopian world beyond the

horizon. Creating an image of the unknown, the strange, gives solid form to the desire
to go in search of it. Mythical unicorns, exotic animals and costly dyestuffs guaranteed
to bring a profit are hoisted aboard European ships (cat. 46 and 54). All kinds of
extraordinary monsters and bizarre wild men inhabit still unknown areas (cat. 49–51).
When the French cartographer Pierre Desceliers in 1550 draws his Mappa Mundi, his
map of the world, on parchment for the king of France the entire earth is literally within
grasp (cat. 55). By the mid-sixteenth century the outlines of the continents and oceans
are known fairly accurately: only the large land mass that is assumed to lie to the south,
Terra Australis or Australia, is still largely guesswork. The interiors of America, Africa and
Asia are crammed with utopian fantasies, loosely based on travellers’ tall tales and vivid
imagination (cat. 52, 53 and 55). The numerous scenes on the world map give tangible
shape to the anticipated riches. They were undoubtedly intended to persuade the king to
support the expeditions of those who dared to venture far beyond the horizon.
The fourth and final chapter is The Universe in Your Hand – Dreams of Space and
Time. By around 1516, space and time have become rationalized and measurable – as if
in an ultimate utopia man seeks to comprehend and grasp the universe and eternity.
Science and art merge in grandiose form. The Movements of the Universe, a colossal Brabant
tapestry woven in 1500, perfectly encapsulates the mystery (cat. 69). An angel sets the
universe in motion by turning a crank. The tapestry is further populated by all kinds
of personifications, mythological figures and constellations. Time, traditionally seen
as a perpetual cycle, is represented in the Labours of the Months by Simon Bening a full
generation before Pieter Bruegel the Elder (cat. 73). And in the portrait of a girl by Jan
Gossaert (cat. 64), perhaps the most beautiful child portrait to come from the sixteenth-
century Netherlands, the young princess holds the universe in one hand, as only a child
can, in search of Utopia.
Utopia, first published in Leuven, was more than just the title of a book; it became a new
word and a new literary and artistic genre. In 2016 Leuven celebrates the quincentenary
of Utopia with a citywide project and this exhibition. With 500 Years of Utopia Leuven has
decided on engagement and action. Artists depict desires and fears, driven by utopia and
its obverse, dystopia. It is a nuanced story of those who dream of paradise, who are lured
[fig. 5] Master of Frankfurt, Festival of the Archers (detail: in vain the crowd attempts to access the closed garden), 1493,
Antwerp, Koninklijk Museum voor Schone Kunsten (cat. 24).

by the horizon, who long for the universe yet have a mortal fear of hell. That was the case
five hundred years ago, when More’s Utopia was published in Leuven, and it’s no different
today. More’s little handbook trenchantly analyses the society of his time, corrupted by
greed and envy, and sets out a utopian alternative. That alternative lies beyond the horizon.
You will never set foot on its shore, but the island inspires travel, the making of journeys.
Today, the scenario More and his friends dreamt up is more relevant than ever. People are
still looking for their Utopia. The story takes commitment.

19
Europe-America-Utopia:
Visions of an Ideal World
in the Sixteenth Century
H A NS CO OL S
[fig. 6] Titian, Europa, 1560–1562, Boston, Isabella Stewart Gardner Museum.
In Greek mythology, Europa was a Phoenician princess. One day, as she and her friends
were playing on the beach at Sidon, a magnificent white bull caught their attention. The
huge creature seemed remarkably tame and friendly and in no time at all had allowed
Europa to scramble up onto his back. Thus mounted, the princess paraded along the beach.
But bit by bit the bull drew nearer to the water then gently waded in, deeper and deeper,
and before long he was far out to sea with Europa still clinging to his back, to the great
dismay of her astonished friends. The great bull swam all the way to Crete, where at last he
resumed his true shape as Zeus, supreme deity and ruler of the gods. Not until Europa had
borne him several sons – the exact number varies with the different versions of the myth –
did Zeus return to Olympus, abandoning his Phoenician princess. Eventually she married
Asterion, the king of Crete, who adopted her sons and brought them up as his own. This
unlikely tale, which was told by several authors including Ovid (43 BCE–17 CE), who added it
to his Metamorphoses (II, 836–875), quickly became highly popular in the sixteenth century.
There is a reason for this. Europa as a name may have been old by then, but it was
not until the sixteenth century that the abducted princess gave her name to a continent. Up
to that point the peoples who lived on this neck of land would have described themselves
21 EUROPE-AMERICA-UTOPIA: VISIONS OF AN IDEAL WORLD IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

[fig. 7] Europa Regina, coloured woodcut in: Sebastian Münster,
Cosmographia, Basel, 1570: p. 54.
first and foremost as Christians. Their part of the world was that of christianitas. That
(Latin) Christendom stemmed from Roman culture, had grafted itself onto the structures
of the Roman Empire, and had survived the decline and fall of that empire in North Africa
and the West.
The Méditerranée was still regarded as the ‘mid-point’ of the known world. Along its
coasts Asians, Africans and Europeans had long rubbed shoulders and for ages Europeans
had exploited that interaction, especially in their pursuit of African and Asian riches and
knowledge. But all that was about to change. For at the very end of the fifteenth century a
new continent was ‘discovered’ on the other side of the Atlantic. In the following decades
the Mediterranean waned in importance as political dynamics, economic growth and
cultural flourishing gradually shifted westwards to the Atlantic coasts. Explorers sailed out
of Europe’s Atlantic seaports and a few years later fleets loaded with plundered American
gold and particularly silver sailed back in (cat. 53 and 54). Much of that silver was used to
help pay for the growing wars between European states, but some also went to Asia, where
merchants exchanged it for spices and porcelain (cat. 46). The seventeenth and eighteenth
centuries saw no diminution of this prosperous state of affairs along the Atlantic coasts, as
shipowners fitted out their slave ships there and received mountains of sugar in return.
In short, from the second half of the fifteenth century Europeans enlarged their
world. They made further explorations of Africa and Asia and conquered (large parts of)
America (cat. 55.). The economies of those continents integrated and Europeans steered
that process. They also capitalized on it, reaping huge rewards, to the great and often fatal
detriment of some of the earth’s other inhabitants – the decimation of native Americans
and the massive transhipment of African slaves being the most obvious examples of the
price paid by outsiders for European supremacy.1
Thus, in the sixteenth century Europa put off the guise of ingénue, all too easily
enticed and ravished, and stepped forth as a queen. Artists have portrayed this process
1
Pagden 2001: 50–87. countless times. Around 1560 for instance, Titian still depicted Europa as a distraught

nymph (fig. 6), helplessly carried away by the bull as ominous copper-coloured clouds
cover the sky. The painting is fraught with calamity.2 But the Europa depicted on an
anthropomorphic map that first appeared in a 1588 reprint of Sebastian Münster’s (1498–
1552) famous Cosmographia displays a very different character (fig. 7). In this woodcut she
advances as would a haughty empress, crowned and bearing orb and sceptre. The world
belongs to her, and in particular to her head, Spain. This image soon became extremely
popular: not one of the countless editions and translations of the Cosmographia – which
continued to appear until 1628 – was without it.3
Unknown America often functioned as Europe’s opposite. For unlike Africa and
Asia, to which ‘explorers’ also sailed in those years, America had never been written about
before in the Old World. So the new continent fuelled Europeans’ imagination. They
projected their dreams onto it, fashioning the New World according to their own taste
and understanding. At virtually the same time as Europa made her imperious appearance
in the Cosmographia, the Dutch artists Johannes Stradanus (1523–1605) and Philips Galle
(1537–1612) depicted the landing of Amerigo Vespucci (1454–1512) on America’s virgin
shores (fig. 8). Their engraving portrays Vespucci as a modern crusader. While cannibals
stoke a fire in the background the Italian explorer gazes at the naked princess personifying
America as she lounges in her hammock, then wakes her with a kiss.
Vespucci’s (partly fictional) account of his travels soon appeared in print. His often
somewhat imaginative ethnological observations were eagerly seized upon and had a
profound influence on the way Europeans saw the original inhabitants of the American
continent.4 Thomas More (cat. 3) had also read Vespucci’s travels. More to the point,
he makes specific reference to them in Utopia (cat. 1), in which he introduces Raphael
Hythlodaeus, the discoverer of Utopia, as a veteran of Vespucci’s expeditions.5 But unlike
Vespucci, who saw the native Americans as uncouth and uninhibited savages, More
represented the Utopians as a highly disciplined folk who despite holding property in
common maintained a monogamous lifestyle.6
2
Greengrass 2014: 29–30; Moormann & Uit-
terhoeve 1997: 106–107; FitzRoy 2015.
3
Meurer 2008: 355–370.
4
Fernández-Armesto 2006: 98–135.
5
See the essay by Jan Papy in this catalogue
(pp. 31–39).
6 [fig. 8] Johannes Stradanus and Philips Galle, Amerigo Vespucci discovers America, engraving in the series: Nova Reperta, c.1590,
Cave 1991: 211–216. Brussels, Royal Library of Belgium, Print Room.

[fig. 9] The Field of the Cloth of Gold, c.1545, Royal Collection Trust, Hampton Court.
More’s Utopians were not completely unspoiled. They derived their name from a
benevolent conqueror who nearly eighteen hundred years before the arrival of Hythlodaeus
had acquainted the people with the wonders of classical Greek civilization. Utopians thus
held up a mirror to Europeans. They were their better selves. Unlike Europeans, Utopians
shared their possessions, were concerned for the common weal, and abided by the law; they
were peace-loving and their prince did not indulge in dynastic wars.
Thomas More did indeed have a keen eye for the power politics of European
monarchs. As the English monarch’s counsellor and envoy he was himself a player in
their game. More’s patron, Henry VIII (1491–1547) was a distrustful man very prone to
feeling let down by those he should have been able to rely on (fig. 10). That lack of trust
was partly attributable to England’s recent past. In 1485 his father, Henry VII (1457–1509),
had unexpectedly emerged as the winner of the Wars of the Roses and founded a new
dynasty, the Tudors. After decades of civil war Henry VII brought peace and concentrated
on restoring his virtually bankrupt exchequer. Nevertheless, in the years that followed his
claim to the throne was contested by a succession of pretenders. Backed by foreign rulers,
the more ostensibly credible among them presented an all too real threat.
The uncertainty that threatened to undermine the Tudor reign continued under
Henry VIII. Henry had a short answer for doubters: Edmund de la Pole (c.1472–1513), for
instance, a Yorkist claimant who had been imprisoned in the Tower of London for years,
was sent to the block. He also agonized obsessively over the succession, more so than
other monarchs. His marriage to Catherine of Aragon (1485–1536) had resulted in six
pregnancies. Two boys and a girl survived their birth but only the latter, Mary (1516–1558),
known to history as Bloody Mary, lived into adulthood.
Henry was prepared to take drastic steps to ensure the continuation of the Tudor
line. When he failed to wrest an annulment of his marriage to Catherine from the pope he
successively married Anne Boleyn (c.1501–1536), had a special ecclesiastical court declare
his earlier union with Catherine invalid, and finally broke with Rome. None of which
produced the hoped-for result. On 29 January 1536, the very day of Catherine’s funeral,
Anne gave birth to a stillborn son. Less than six months later, Anne herself went to the
scaffold, accused of witchcraft and adultery. A like fate had already befallen More and
many other perceived opponents of the king.7
Henry VIII was not the only early modern monarch to take vigorous action in order
to ensure a male heir and buttress a still fragile claim to the throne. In France, Louis XII
(1462–1515) lost no time in ridding himself of his wife Jeanne once he had become king in
7
Guy 1988: 116–153. 1498. His new bride was Anne (1477–1514), Duchess of Brittany and widow of Louis’s rival

and predecessor Charles VIII (1470–1498). Between them, Anne’s two spouses sired a dozen
children, but only two daughters from her second union reached marriageable age. The
eldest, Claude (1499–1524), married France’s new king, Francis I (1494–1547; fig. 11), in 1514.8
Even though they had lost the Hundred Years’ War, England’s monarchs had
not given up their claim to the French throne. At Calais a strip of mainland French soil
still remained in English hands. Moreover, in 1513 Henry VIII had taken Tournai, then a
French enclave in Burgundian territory.9 Francis I and Henry VIII were therefore not only
contemporaries, in many ways they were also rivals. Both were physically well-favoured
athletic princes, each with a reputation to uphold. Both were fascinated by the culture of
chivalry, with its emphasis on individual heroism and physical exertion. Yet both knew
the other primarily from hearsay. It was not until the spring of 1520 that they came face to
face for the first time, at a meeting arranged to enhance the friendship between England
and France. Two dazzling encampments were built within the Pale of Calais on a site that
came to be known as the Field of the Cloth of Gold (fig. 9). The meeting also included
a tournament that lasted several days in which the flower of the two nations competed
against each other in all kinds of events. Even the two kings themselves had a wrestling
match that ended abruptly when Francis floored Henry.10
The outcome of that contest was something of a handicap in the negotiations
that French and English diplomats were meanwhile conducting behind the scenes. They
anticipated a good deal from an alliance between their two princes; it was for that purpose,
after all, that the meeting had been organized. For a year earlier, Charles V (1500–1558;
fig. 12; cat. 19) had beaten Francis I in the election of a new Holy Roman Emperor. As a
result the shy young Habsburg prince had become the most eminent ruler of Christendom.
From his parents and grandparents Charles had already inherited the various principalities
of the Low Countries and the Iberian kingdoms along with their territories in Italy and the
New World. What the title of emperor conferred was not so much actual power as prestige:
he could now claim to be the successor to the Roman emperors of Antiquity. Charles’s chief
advisor, Mercurino di Gattinara (1465–1530), aimed to turn that claim into real power too.
As far as he was concerned, Charles should aspire to nothing less than world dominance:
monarchia universalis.11
Not surprisingly that aspiration evoked considerable hostility, not least from Francis
I. He hoped with English support to put a damper on Habsburg ambitions. Up until then,
France had been the strongest power on the European playing field. The country had more
inhabitants and therefore more tax revenue than the Netherlands, the Iberian kingdoms
and England put together.12 Comparatively speaking, moreover, its government was highly
centralized. But now that Francis had lost the imperial election to Charles, and France was
almost completely encircled by Habsburg possessions, its dominance was under threat.
In the following decades, the Habsburg and Valois French monarchies would
contend for European supremacy in a practically unbroken series of wars. The battle was
largely fought out in Italy. That area was rich. The Renaissance was flourishing there
in cities and royal courts. Moreover, it lay midway along the Mediterranean – whoever
8 controlled Italy had Europe in his power, so contemporary policymakers believed.
Quilliet 1986: passim.
9
Like Francis I, Henry VIII feared Habsburg supremacy. Yet only an alliance with
Davies 1998: 1–14. Charles V offered any prospect of gaining or retaining at least part of those French lands to
10
Knecht 1994: 170–175. which he laid claim by right of descent. Thus Henry was constantly changing sides. In the
11 end that vacillation brought only loss to his dynasty. In 1558 Henry’s daughter Mary was
Blockmans 2000: 52–68.
12 forced to give up Calais, England’s last possession on the French mainland.13
Bonney 1991: 365–366.
Ultimately, the Habsburgs proved stronger than the Valois. By the terms of the
13
Greengrass 2014: 270. Peace of Cateau-Cambrésis, signed in 1559, Francis I’s son Henry II (1519–1559) resigned

[fig. 10] Joos van Cleve, Portrait of Henry VIII, c.1530–1535, [fig. 11] Joos van Cleve, Portrait of Francis I, c.1532–1533,
Royal Collection Trust, Hampton Court Palace. Philadelphia Museum of Art, John G. Johnson Collection.
his claims in Italy. Henceforth, the Habsburg dynasty was the European superpower par
excellence. But the victory was a Pyrrhic one. Philip II (1527–1598), who succeeded Charles V
in 1555, was immediately confronted with an empty treasury. For the rest of his long reign
he was almost constantly short of the financial wherewithal to fulfil the obligations of his
status. He also suffered a series of humiliating defeats. In 1588 the English fleet destroyed
his Armada and in France he failed to achieve the outcome he wanted from the civil
wars that raged in the second half of the sixteenth century. Rather the contrary in fact,
as the French crown finally went not to his daughter Isabella (1566–1633) but to Henry IV
of Bourbon (1553–1610). Admittedly, in 1594 that former Protestant leader did convert to
Catholicism, but he also granted civil rights to the reformers. Last but not least, a rebellion
broke out in the Low Countries that would last well beyond Philip II’s own lifetime. Not
until 1648, after eighty years of war, would Philip II’s grandson Philip IV (1605–1665)
acknowledge that the northern part of the Netherlands was permanently lost to the
Habsburg dynasty.
One of duties that Charles V had also undertaken as Holy Roman Emperor was to
preserve the unity of the christianitas. But neither he nor his son Philip II succeeded, though
they both waged a number of wars. As early as 1517 – almost the same time as the first
edition of Utopia was published – the German Augustinian friar and professor of theology
Martin Luther (1483–1546) had begun to question the pope’s ability to provide faithful
Catholics with entry to paradise in the form of indulgences. By doing so the pope detracted
from God’s omnipotence, said Luther. His message spread like wildfire. In no time at all
Luther’s theses were being printed and discussed in any number of places. Reformers rose
up everywhere. The precise content of Christian faith and the intermediary role of the
Church thus became the topic of heated public debate. Town councils and rulers of all
kinds determined the local results of these debates, if only to maintain public order. They
thus acquired an influence on the content of faith and brought the various communities
that had arisen here and there under their control.14
The Catholic Church responded slowly to the challenges the reformers presented.
The initial assumption was that condemning Luther’s theses and burning his books
14 – proceedings in which Leuven theologians took the lead – would be enough to see off the
Pettegree 2005: 17–39.
problem.15 But the convocation of a council was, for the time being, ruled out. For that kind
15
Gielis 2009: 57, 75. of general ecclesiastical gathering, at which the Church’s teachings were to be redefined,

implicitly encroached on papal authority. Eventually, in 1545 and with powerful backing
from Charles V, Paul III (Alessandro Farnese, 1468–1549) made it happen but not before he
had strengthened the Roman institutions – including the establishment of the Inquisition
as the central authority for combating heresy. For almost twenty years, a changing group
of Council fathers met periodically in Trento and Bologna. By the time that process ended
they had sharpened the definition of Catholic teaching, worked out a reform and training
programme for the clergy, and decreed guidelines for liturgy and religious art. As a result
of those proceedings the distance that separated the various Protestant denominations,
which had gone through similar heart-searching in the same years, became clear.16
While Amerigo Vespucci and his fellow explorers so confidently explored the
globe, in Europe the Christian civilization they thought they represented was torn asunder.
Moreover, it appeared that the monarchia universalis for which the Habsburg dynasty strove
was nothing but a chimera.
16
O’Malley 2013: 49–76. [fig. 12] Bernard van Orley, Portrait of Charles V, 1519–1520, Budapest, Szépmüvészeti Muzeum.

In that bleak indeterminate climate, in which numerous Europeans dreamed of
a better world, Thomas More’s Utopia found a ready market. In the late 1540s and early
1550s – not coincidentally the decades in which the religious division in Europe finally
took place – the book appeared successively in Italian (1548), French (1550; cat. 8), English
(1551) and Dutch (1553; cat. 9) translations.17 More himself, meanwhile, was dead, beheaded
in 1535 for his unwavering refusal to acknowledge Henry VIII’s takeover of the Church to
serve his own dynastic interests. His memory, however, lived on. In the late nineteenth and
early twentieth century, a time of renewed Catholic militancy, it was still vivid enough for
consecutive beatification and canonization (1886 and 1935). Despite his dislike for utopias,
More’s steadfastness was also admired by John Paul II (Karol Wojtyła, 1920–2005). In 1980,
he commended Thomas More to professional politicians as their patron saint. Whether
they will be guided in their actions by More’s ideals of altruism, care for the common weal
and respect for the law remains to be seen. But perhaps dreams do not always have to be
delusions?
17
Greengrass 2014: 178–179. See the contri-
butions by Jan Papy (pp. 31–39, 73, 129)
and Marcus de Schepper (p. 103) in this
catalogue.

29
Thomas More, Utopia and Leuven.
Tracing the Intellectual and
Cultural Context
JA N PAPY
From Nusquama to Utopia
Ever since its publication in December 1516, Utopia has constantly fascinated and also
constantly confused (cat. 1). To begin with, the title itself, which was suggested to Thomas
More by Erasmus, is a Greek neologism made up of ou and topos. A nod to the existing
Greek atopia – ‘placelessness’ or ‘uniqueness’, ‘unusualness’.1 That ‘Noplace’ is subsequently
revealed to be a newly discovered island, somewhere in the New World. The explanatory
subtitle of the work, printed by Dirk Martens in his premises known as De Gulden Toirtse
on the corner of Naamsestraat and Standonckstraat in Leuven, runs as follows: On the
Best State of a Commonwealth and on the New Island of Utopia. A Truly Golden Handbook, No
Less Beneficial than Entertaining. That perfect ‘best’ society has at least one definite place:
in a story. Though even there it is embedded in a dialogue in which a sunburnt voyager,
called Raphael Hythlodaeus, aims from the very first pages to transport the reader to an
imaginary world (fig. 13; cat. 7.1 and 7.2). But just how reliable is his account of the five years
he spent on Utopia? For his name also gives us pause. Not his first name: Raphael is, after
all, familiar as the name of the angel of healing, Tobias’s faithful companion and guide,
and accordingly of the patron saint of pilgrims and travellers. Hythlodaeus, on the other
hand, is once again compounded of highly suggestive Greek elements: hythlos (‘nonsense’
or ‘idle talk’) and hodaios (‘merchant’, ‘peddler’) as used in Homer’s Odyssey (8, 163 and 15,
1
See inter alia Plato, Phaedrus, 229e and 251d.
2
Since the interpretation given by G.J.
Vossius in his letter to Samuel Sorbière, who
published a French translation of Utopia
in Amsterdam in 1643 (cf. G.J. Vossius, [fig. 13] Ambrosius Holbein, Map of Utopia (detail: Raphael Hyth-
Opera, Amsterdam 1695–1701, IV: 240–341), lodaeus tells the story of Utopia to Thomas More) in: Thomas
Hythlodaeus’s name is also often explained More, De Optimo reip. statu, degue noua insula Utopia, libel-
as a compound of hythlos ( ‘idle talk’) and lus uere aureus, Basel, 1518, fol. 12v, KU Leuven, University
daïos (‘well-versed in’). Library (cat. 7.1).
31 THOMAS MORE, UTOPIA AND LEUVEN: TRACING THE INTELLECTUAL AND CULTURAL CONTEXT
445).2 More’s imaginary traveller, witness of that wonderful world of Utopia, is a purveyor
of tall tales. More, the man of letters, sets his readers off with a twirl.
Even then the reader must wait for that tale. For what follows is not the story of the
island of Utopia but a lengthy debate about whether Hythlodaeus would make a useful
member of a king’s council. Humanists, who since Petrarch had been driven to search for
a new intellectual stance between the poles of vita activa and vita contemplativa, invariably
defined themselves as ‘political and social counsellors’.3 But within that debate is yet another,
again narrated by Hythlodaeus, on the rising poverty and associated crime seen in both
rural and urban England, escalating tyranny and corruption, and the lamentable social
conditions that leave those dispossessed of home or work through no fault of their own
with no option but to steal or starve.4 And still the reader has not arrived in Hythlodaeus’s
Utopia but is borne along on a reflection by More, the humanist-counsellor, on political
and social developments in England (cat. 3). There the Tudor dynasty was installed, central
authority was fortified by a generously filled treasury, a loyal bureaucracy and a standing
army, and Henry VIII inherited a land at peace. Yet he dragged his people into a spiral of
senseless and costly wars.5 Thomas More, the humanist, embarks on his pacifist credo.
Only at the start of Book Two does Hythlodaeus’s tale of Utopia finally begin. As
it is undoubtedly to this second part of the work that Utopia as a whole owes its fame it
is worth knowing that More actually wrote it first, as a separate work, while he was in
Antwerp, working at it in his spare moments during his diplomatic mission in May to
October 1515.6 What we know as Book One was written last, and quite some time after his
return from Antwerp to England in late October 1515.7 According to Erasmus, spare time
was now a thing of the past for More.8 He was once again sucked into the hectic political
life of a turbulent England: Cardinal Wolsey asked him to join the king’s council.9 And
so for More the broad discourse about the nature of a true Christian state had suddenly
become an internal debate.
This genesis has its implications for the interpretation of Utopia as a whole.
Moreover, not only did More merge his ‘two utopias’ into a single work, he also left it
to Erasmus to see the book through the press (cat. 13A and 14A). If Book Two – what one
might call a proto-Utopia – was once an autonomous and coherent work in itself, the final
assemblage that More sent to Erasmus in early September 1516 in the form of a manuscript
3 entitled Nusquama (‘Nowhere’) gave a new direction to what would appear in Leuven as
Skinner 1978.
4 Utopia.10 Not only had More added Book One, he had also written a new, completely revised
Schulte Herbrüggen 1997a: 3–22. preamble and afterword to the dialogue and, in consultation with Erasmus, incorporated
5
Hoskins 1976. See the essay by Hans Cools in his Letter to Pieter Gillis as a kind of ‘note to the reader’. Book One was not inserted at
this catalogue (pp. 21–28).
6
the beginning without good reason, however. More obviously saw this long dialogue as
On this English trade mission to strengthen an introduction to the story of the ideal state of Utopia, while the Letter to Pieter Gillis,
the ties and trade relations with Flanders
following the accession of Francis I, see written in a style typical of humanist Latin openings or dedicatory letters and rhetorically
Rogers 1947: 16–20. laden with philosophical and literary platitudes, immediately hallmarked Utopia as a work
7
Surtz & Hexter 1965: xv–xxiii. belonging to that tradition. It goes without saying that it was intended for erudite friends
8
who shared those cultural and politico-philosophical backgrounds.11
In a letter to Ulrich von Hutten dated 1519;
see Allen 1906: no. 21; CWE 7: 24 and Hexter
1952: 99–102.
9
Elton 1972: 87–91; Guy 1980: 7. Erasmian Humanism: Language, Humour and (In)Accessibility
10
Allen 1906: no. 339 and 461; CWE 4: 66
(September 1516, Nusquama), 79, 93, 98, 125 Just as Erasmus, in his Moriae Encomium (Praise of Folly; fig. 15), had played on the Greek
(first reference to Utopia, letter from Gerard
Geldenhouwer to Erasmus), 131, 163–164. See moros (‘fool’) and More’s own name, simultaneously making his work a ‘Praise of More’,
also Rogers 1947: 75.
Thomas More likewise made it clear from the start, with his book’s very title, Utopia, that
11
Kristeller 1980. Greek neologisms were meant for those able to understand them.12 For example, running
[fig. 14] The Utopian Alphabet, designed by Pieter Gillis, in: Thomas More, Libellus vere aureus…de noua insula Utopia, Leuven, 1516,
Brussels, Royal Library of Belgium (cat. 1).
through the ‘invisible’ city state of Utopia, shown in a map of the island contributed by
his humanist friend Gerard Geldenhouwer (cat. 1 and 7.1),13 is a river, the Anydrus – ‘not
12
water’. That waterless river irrigates the capital Amaurotum, a name that is in turn derived
Goldhill 2002; Nelson 2004: 19–48. from the Greek amauros, ‘obscure’ or ‘unknown’. The seriocomic use of Greek can hardly
13
On the map of Utopia, which in the later be misunderstood: Utopia is a work for humanists who deplore the old order and advocate
edition published in 1518 by Froben in Basel a new society – the Christian-humanist society of reason and faith portrayed by Erasmus.
was the work of Ambrosius Holbein, but in
the first edition of 1516 was still attributed by The enthusiastic fictional narrator Hythlodaeus, who prefers Greek literature to Latin,
Gerard Geldenhouwer to ‘quidam egregius
gives their common idealism a classical semblance. In him, More’s humanist friends find
pictor’ (cf. Allen 1906: no. 380), see Schulte
Herbrüggen 1997b. their almost heroic stature. In his grievances and project they perceived the reformer
who carried their principles to a logical – or illogical – conclusion: the image of the
unachievable but always desirable Utopia. Social satire sought and found an antithesis: an
ideal, imaginary island.
Language plays a very particular part in Utopia. In 1515 Pieter Gillis (cat. 13B and
14B), first in a line of humanist town clerks in Antwerp and personally introduced to More
by Erasmus, devised a twenty-two letter alphabet for the Utopians, a people of ‘Greek
origin’ (cat. 1). His Utopian language was indeed somewhat related to Greek, though it
‘resembles Persian in most respects’,14 and in fact was more akin to Zend.15 The Utopian
quatrain that Gillis interpolated at the front of the book was accompanied by a word-for-
word Latin translation:
Vtopos ha Boccas peu la chama polta chamaan

Bargol he maglomi baccan soma gymno sophaon.
Agrama gymnosophon labarembacha bodamilomin.
Voluala barchin heman la lauoluola dramme pagloni.
Vtopus me dux ex non insula fecit insulam.

Vna ego terrarum omnium absque philosophia
Ciuitatem philosophicam expressi mortalibus.
Libenter impartio mea, non grauatim accipio meliora.16
Utopus, my ruler, converted me, formerly not an island, into an island.

Alone of all lands, without the aid of abstract philosophy,
I have represented for mortals the philosophical city.
Ungrudgingly do I share my benefits with others; undemurringly do I adopt
whatever is better from others.
The philosophical city of Utopia, as Pieter Gillis lets it be understood from the opening
lines of Utopia, is built on the wisdom of the fabled ‘gymnosophists’ of the East, the ‘naked
philosophers’, the Brahmans of India. They perform no manual labour; they have a deep
aversion to vanity and laziness. Here the exotic touches the far-flung boundaries of Gillis’s
and More’s dazzling erudition. For they could only have learned about the gymnosophists
in any detail from Philostratus’s Apollonius, published, with a Latin translation by
Alemannus Rhinucinus, just a few years earlier in Venice; or from De optimo cive by the
Italian humanist Bartolomeo Platina (1421–1481), printed in Lyons three years before Utopia
appeared; circulating in the Middle Ages was St Ambrose’s De moribus Brachmanorum, and
14
Surtz & Hexter 1965: 180, L. 23–24.
15
Pons 1930: 589–607. A new interpretation of
the languages that Gillis had incorporated
into his Utopian alphabet is found in Vielle
2009 and Vielle 2013.
16
‘Zend’ is the earlier name of the Old Persian
language of the Avesta, the writings that
contain the teachings of Zoroaster. Since
zend possibly means ‘commentary’, and
the commentary on the Avesta is written in
Middle Persian, the language of the original
text is now called Avestan. Surtz & Hexter [fig. 15] Hans Holbein the Younger, Madness leaving the Tribune, marginal drawing in a copy of The Praise of Folly by Erasmus,
1965: 18. 1515, Basel, Kupferstichkabinett.
[fig. 16] Albrecht Dürer, Portrait of Erasmus, drawing, 1520, Paris, Musée du Louvre, Département des Arts graphiques.
those Indian sages were also mentioned by St Jerome and classical authors such as Cicero,
Plutarch and Lucian.17
More and Erasmus had already collaborated on the work of Lucian of Samosata
(c.125– c.180) in fact, having started translating the Greek satirist together in the years
before the writing of Utopia. In 1505–1506 Erasmus stayed with More at his London home,
the Old Barge in Bucklersbury, and there they competed in making Latin translations
of Lucian’s Greek dialogues. The result of that translation work – a typical humanist
preoccupation and to be understood in the context of the circle of London humanists
surrounding the theologian John Colet (1467–1519), in which the study of Greek for the
17 purpose of Biblical exegesis was key – was published in late 1506 by Josse Bade (Judocus
Derrett 1962: 18–34; Derrett 1966. Badius) in Paris.18 But their ‘Latin Lucian’ was not the only reason why More asked his
18
Thompson 1939: 855–881; Schulte friends Erasmus and Gillis to oversee the publication of Utopia. Erasmus had written his
Herbrüggen 1997a: 51.
serio-satirical Moriae Encomium at More’s home in 1509 and published it in Paris in 1511,
19
Allen 1906: no. 222; CWE 2: 161–164. with a dedication to More.19 In 1515 he introduced More to Pieter Gillis. Gillis, to whom
[fig. 17] Hans Holbein the Younger, Three Studies of Hands for the
Portrait of Erasmus, drawing, Paris. Musée du Louvre, Départe-
ment des Arts graphiques.
More dedicated Utopia, would act with Erasmus in getting the book printed by Dirk
Martens, for whom, he had worked as a corrector as a young man.20 Erasmus’s hand is also
evident in these developments. He had used Martens (fig. 1), the only printer in Leuven just
then, to print many of his works. Since his own Moriae Encomium had been reprinted in
Leuven in 1512, Martens – the prototype of the printer-humanist – would also have been the
obvious choice when it came to printing More’s Utopia.21
Without Erasmus’s intervention (cat. 13A and 14A; fig. 16, 17) More’s Utopia would
have looked quite different. For in September 1516, before the manuscript was handed over
to Martens for printing, Erasmus added the so-called parerga – a handful of epigrams and
the introductory letter to Pieter Gilles.22 Thus More’s utopian flight of imagination was
more than just a gratuitous, literary form of escapism. His Utopia, printed less than a year
before Luther nailed up his ninety-five theses on 31 October 1517, was written as a reflection
on the political and social developments in his own England. It was the response of the
erudite humanist and man of letters, of the statesman and thinker, to an extraordinarily
eventful and nervous century in which European powers evolved from medieval states
and kingdoms, the Church was reformed and religious barriers were erected, and civilians
were dragged into bloody strife. Erasmus’s prefatory matter made it clear that the work
was embedded in the humanist intellectual milieu. Consequently, More’s pithy dialogue
could only be read ‘humanistically’. If the reader was struck by the many notable echoes of
Erasmus’s own Praise of Folly, he also recognized many classical and contemporary thinkers
on politics and society. For instance, if Utopia’s constitution is 1760 years old at the time
that Hythlodaeus visits the island, the educated reader picks up the allusion to the Greek
20
Heireman 1973: 117–125.
philosopher Plutarch’s Life of Agis. Agis (265–241 BCE) was a king of Sparta who sought to
21 restore the laws and institutions initiated by the legendary Lycurgus, to redistribute the
Kronenberg 1967: 134–136; Heireman 1973:
159–163; Adam & Vanautgaerden 2009. For a land in Sparta, increase the number of citizens and also allow non-citizens to share the
general study on More and his printers, see advantages of his reforms, idealistically setting the ball rolling by giving up his own lands
Devereux 1975.
22 and other assets.23 Then again, More himself also displayed striking parallels with the
Allen 1963; Cave 2008.
social, political and religious views encountered in Utopia in more than one place in his
23
Schoeck 1977: 277–278. other works. In his letter to the monk John Batmanson, dated 1519, More reverts to man’s
selfish greed in terms that echo Hythlodaeus’s words in Utopia.24 And in a letter to William
Gonell, perhaps written a year earlier, More’s scale of moral values is that of Utopia: first
virtue, then study that leads to love of God and true charity.25
Lucian, Plato, Augustine: Biblical Humanism or Dystopia?
In Utopia More exposes human folly with a generous helping of irony – an irony also
evident in his Latin epigrams. It is the laughter, invariably and unvaryingly serious,
of Erasmus’s Moriae Encomium. Utopia – that voyage to an imaginary world – should
positively be read in a ‘Lucian’ spirit: poised between the present reality of apparent
objectivity and gripping fantasy.26 Like Amerigo Vespucci’s imagination-stirring account
of the New World, the fictional elements in More’s utopian world have an extra dimension.
Like Lucian, More gives his dialogue and characters imaginary names that are usually
rooted in Greek and are in themselves a commentary on their function in the dialogue.
But before everything else, More regarded Lucian’s True History (Vera Historia), written
in 165 CE, as the exemplar of an antique ‘science-fiction’ story in which the traveller arrives
at the Island of the Blessed to discover that of all the great men of the past, Plato alone is
missing. It was said that he was ‘living in his imaginary city under the constitution and the
laws that he himself wrote’.27 Plato, model for the entire dialogue from Utopia’s beginning,
24 is lost in mental space.
Rogers 1947: 165–206; Rogers 1961: 114–144.
Yet for all its humorous irony, Utopia cannot be dismissed simply as a witty satire or
25
Rogers 1947: 120–123; Rogers 1961: 103–107. piece of comic fiction.28 For it is just this passage from Lucian’s True History, after all, that
26
Margolin 1989: 307: ‘L’habileté de More, avec
More refers to as a key moment in the great Platonic dialogue, The Republic: the moment
ses interventions personnelles, soit dans sa when Socrates argues how philosophers should engage in society and politics. Glauco, to
lettre-préface à son ami Gilles, soit dans les
premières pages du récit lui-même, où il whom Socrates is talking, sees the state of the philosopher as something that exists only
évoque sa présence physique à Anvers, ses in ‘the city whose home is in the ideal,’ which ‘can be found nowhere on earth.’ To which
rencontres, dont celle d’Hythlodée, a pour
résultat que l’île d’Utopie se présente à nous Socrates replies, ‘Well, perhaps there is a pattern of it laid up in Heaven for him who wishes
à la fois comme une réalité qui s’intègre
to contemplate it and so beholding to constitute himself its citizen.’29 This ideal state is also
dans les récits de voyages et de découvertes
de l’époque (le nom de Vespucci est cité the Utopia of Raphael Hythlodaeus, the Portuguese voyager who sailed with Vespucci to
dès le début), une île lointaine, encore très
mystérieuse, isolée au milieu de l’Atlantique,
the New World and had seen the wondrous isle of the Utopians.
dans l’hémisphère austral, bien au-delà Twining through Hythlodaeus’s detailed descriptions is a skein of humanist
de l’équateur et de la zone torride des
tropiques, à mi-distance de la Flandre et de nostalgia, a longing for a primal state of social innocence, for a Pythagorean life of
l’Equateur, et comme une création littéraire community, collective ownership and mutual charity. It is the peaceful world of Ovid’s
ou philosophique. Elle se situe donc dans un
espace à la fois réel et imaginaire.’ Metamorphoses and Augustine’s City of God (cat. 35), where ‘the righteous men in primitive
27
Lucian, Verae historiae, II, 18.
times were made shepherds of cattle rather than kings of men’.30 If More saw a mirror of
28 his own time in late antiquity’s crisis of conscience, his Utopia – one of the many possible
Branham 1985: 23–43.
29 outcomes of the eternally recurring in the history of Providence – had to be the counter-
Plato, Republic, 592 A–B. image of what Europe had become and had left us as a legacy.31 The ideal commonwealth
30
Augustin, City of God, 19, 15. of Utopia lay in between Augustine’s divine and human cities. It is a building under
31
construction in which a utopian catharsis releases a Christian-humanist Erasmus-inspired
Prévost 1978: xvii. See also the essay by Hans
Cools in this catalogue (pp. 21–28). society.32 For if More’s Utopia was often interpreted as the tantalizing revelation and
32
Prévost 1978: xviii.
successful literary portrayal of an ideal society, a moneyless state with few laws and with
33 property held in common, his real concern lies elsewhere. The question that exercises
Socrates restricts the possession of gold
and precious metals to the category More is what process should be followed in order to put such a society into practice. One
of ‘guardians’(see Plato, The Republic, in which private property is not protected and privileged, in which one must learn to
416e–417a); in the Laws a law forbids
any private person to possess, trade in resist the ‘idols of society’. It is with that end in view that gold is kept not in a well-guarded
or exchange gold or silver (see Plato,
treasury but in the form of chamber pots, slave chains and other ignominious and publicly
Laws, 742a). These ideas were inspired by
Lycurgus’s legislation in Sparta. embarrassing objects – a nod to Plato’s Republic and Laws,33 and also to Vespucci’s account
of the New World, where the indigenous inhabitants prefer feathers to gold and pearls.34
The town planning and political, social and religious endeavours of Utopus, the conqueror
from whom the isle of Utopia takes its name, have enabled the Utopians to rise from a level
of relatively crude barbarism to a level of civilization that is, in fact, matched nowhere
in the world.35 Learning is a monastic rhythm of manual work and time for development
of both men and women, the giving up of senseless pleasure and the assumption of
a Pythagorean life of community, collective ownership and mutual charity. The reward
is security and support in sickness and in old age. It made Guillaume Budé (1468–1540),
the eminent scholar of ancient Greek and a friend of Erasmus, rename Utopia as Hagiapolis
(‘Holy City’).36 It caused William Tyndale (c.1494–1536), the exiled English theologian
and Bible translator who would be executed in Vilvoorde, to dub More’s Utopia
fantastic ‘poetry’.37
‘Infection’ from the mainland – with, as was well-known, the moral, social and
cultural decline that resulted from private property – was avoided and resisted by massive
excavations and therapeutic and appropriate education. If More’s Utopia is a pointed
analysis of that moral infection and if, in his ironic story of prevailing political practice, he
offers a contrasting ideal imaginary counter-narrative then ‘Morus’ – More’s fictional self in
the dialogue – is realistic and sober in his final words: ‘there are very many features in the
Utopian commonwealth which it is easier for me to wish for in our countries than to have
any hope of seeing realized.’38
If the ‘placeless’ Utopia by the humanist man of letters Thomas More seems like of
one of his most ‘Erasmian’ literary productions, embedded in a specific intellectual and
cultural context,39 then his literary and philosophical dream of a distant world, distant
in time, distant in space, still found a ‘place’ on the island of Utopia. His remarkable
neologism and his new genre continue to inspire. They brought about a new way of
thinking about the gap between what should be and what is.
34
See the Quatuor Americi Vespucij
navigationes, St. Dié 1507, I, sig. c1v, cited in
Surtz & Hexter 1965: 428. See also cat. 48.
35
Surtz & Hexter 1965: 236–237.
36
Schoeck 2002: 97, with reference to Surtz
& Hexter 1965: 12. On Budéas as a reader of
Utopia, see De la Garanderie 1989: 327–338.
37
Cited thus in Logan 1983: 8, who in turn
refers to Chambers 1935: 143.
38
Surtz & Hexter 1965: 246–247.
39 [fig. 18] Rowland Lockey, follower of Hans Holbein the Younger,
Papy 2000: 118–128; Mout 2015: 60, 65–76; Portrait of Thomas More and his Family (detail: Thomas More),
Papy 2015: 84–88, 90–97. 1593, London, National Portrait Gallery (cat. 5).
Erotic Utopia:
the ‘Garden of Earthly Delights’
in Context
PAUL VA NDENBR OECK
Utopia: Thomas More created the term in the sense we know today. But long before that
learned humanist devised his ideal society, many had dreamed of ‘a different life’ with
forms of society and types of experience that bestowed only pleasure. It didn’t have to lead
to theoretical musings. Popular cultures produced fantasies of concupiscent paradises
located somewhere on this earth but with a supernatural timeless dimension, ruled by
a fairy or other eldritch being, where one wallowed in physical pleasure till the Day of
Judgement arrived. Ecclesiastical and bourgeois culture had no idea what to do about
these dreams, shunned them as diabolically inspired, but still wondered whether they
might not actually be true. This half-earthly, half-supernatural pseudo-paradise was
known as the Grail.
In the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, however, what appeared in the
aforementioned myth as a fantasy was put into practice by heretical movements such as the
Brethren of the Free Spirit. These free-thinking groups recruited their members from the
fringes of society: folk who had nothing to lose. They sought to revive the state of blissful
perfection that they attributed to ‘Adamic’ man. In a flurry of ‘communism’, eschatological
mysticism and end-time expectation (chiliasm or millenarianism: the Millennium based
on natural law and the ‘Spirit’) they practiced the cult of Adam in order to reawaken the
lost paradise right here and now. Their utopia encompassed nudity, uninhibited sexual
practices (including homosexuality, group sex and other carnal pursuits), the rejection of
every religious and social institution, the renunciation of personal property, and so forth.
The Brethren of the Free Spirit, the Picards of Bohemia, the heretics of Durango in the
Basque country, the Ortlibarii of the Upper Rhine, the Turlupins in France and the Brussels
chiliasts led by Heilwige Bloemardinne (1265–1335) were just a few of such movements,
[fig. 19] Hieronymus Bosch, Triptych with the Garden of Earthly Delights, interior, c.1495–1505, Madrid, Museo del Prado.
41 EROTIC UTOPIA: THE ‘GARDEN OF EARTHLY DELIGHTS’ IN CONTEXT

[fig. 20] Hieronymus Bosch, Triptych with the Garden of Earthly Delights, exterior, c.1495–1505, Madrid, Museo del Prado.
which took root more of less throughout Europe. In ‘establishment’ eyes of the time they
were the ultimate threat to society’s social and religious foundations. To the powers that
be, these utopias represented not just an intellectual exercise but a pernicious belief that
must at all costs be converted – by fire and sword if need be.
The burgher class, which from the twelfth to the fifteenth century had established
and hardened its economic and political power, created its own concept of culture, its
own image of man. Its members were, nonetheless, equally fascinated by the idea of free
love, boundless pleasure, and the absence of any of the social strictures that as a class they
deemed essential to civilization. From that convergence of wild longing for pleasure and
moral prohibition emerged phantasmagoria like Hieronymus Bosch’s triptych, known by
its modern title of The Garden of Earthly Delights.
The original title – if there ever was one – of Bosch’s most famous work is unknown
(fig. 19).1 The triptych is a ‘history of the world’, beginning on the outside with the Creation
1 then, inside, pausing in the Garden of Eden for the joining of Adam and Eve, lingering long
Hieronymus Bosch (c.1450–1516), the so-
called Garden of Earthly Delights, c.1480–1485, over the ‘course of the world’ on the centre panel, and ending in Hell on the right wing.
oil on panel, 220 x 389 cm, Madrid, Museo
Nacional del Prado, inv. P02823. See Van-
On the triptych’s exterior (fig. 20) – though not copied in the tapestry (cat. 22) – is
denbroeck 1989: 9–210; Vandenbroeck 1990: an enormous transparent sphere that fill the panel's surface entirely: encapsulated within
9–192. These studies include all the requisite
bibliographic references, which are not it is a circular flat earth. Above and outside the sphere sits the tiny figure of God the Father,
repeated here. The content of that very de- and at the very top of the panels are lines from the Psalms: ‘Ipse dixit et facta sunt, ipse
tailed analysis of this triptych is still largely
valid, even though new interpretations have mandavit et creata sunt’ (Ps. 33, 9 & 148, 5: ‘For he spake and it was done; he commanded
appeared. The only point that I would now
and it stood fast’). Conspicuous in the landscape are the outlandish artificial-looking
reformulate is the issue of the patron. On
this topic, see Vandenbroeck 2016. organic and inorganic forms that appear so often in Bosch’s works. They’re generally

associated with temptations of saints or scenes of hell,2 but they occur in the Garden of
Eden as well. They allude to the rampant sexual power and ‘charging’ of Nature at the
beginning of time. They were created by God but are no less dangerous because of that. It
borders on the heterodoxy that Bosch saw the Earthly Paradise – which was thought of as a
‘lower’ paradise for the reasonably good souls in the Hereafter – as implicitly ‘natural’ and
sexually charged.
Depicted on the left wing of the open triptych is the First Marriage in the Earthly
Paradise. God, in the visible person of the Son, unites the first human couple (fig. 21).
Countless animals and the same sort of dream-like organic and inorganic forms as those on
the exterior panels demonstrate the sexual drive in nature. At the point where the
diagonals intersect – the very centre of the panel – the phantasmagoric paradisal fountain
is home to a little owl surrounded by birds. In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries the owl
was a symbol of seduction and deceit by seemingly innocent Evil. A refrain from the
collection of poems by Jan van Stijevoort (c.1524) brings all these ideas together and ex-
plains the Boschian motif: marriage, as it was instituted by God, has been corrupted by
those who have twisted God’s instruction to ‘Be fruitful and multiply’ into an endorsement
of unfettered lust and sexuality for its own sake.3 In connection with the subject of marriage
it alludes to the perversion of marriage instituted by God. Thus we already have an indica-
tion of what the contents of the centre panel are going to be. The role of Nature is clear from
the semi-natural, semi-artificial shapes of the fountain: around 1500, structures of this kind
symbolized the opus naturae, the ‘work of Nature’. Moreover, the paradisal fountain is a
kind of tree-fount, traditionally an image of fertility and life force (see also cat. 29).
The centre panel is one of the most famous paintings in the history of Western art.
In the mid-ground is a circular pool in which both dark- and fair-skinned young women
seductively display their naked selves. A horde of men, highly aroused as judged by their
attitudes and mounted on all kinds of real and fabulous creatures, one of which has a
distinctly phallic shape, rides anticlockwise around them (fig. 22). Here too, both literally
2
On the Hell panel of the so-called Garden of
Earthly Delights such sphere-peel and enor-
mous fruits exist in the underdrawing, but
were ommitted at the final painting stage.
See: Vandenbroeck 1981: 107–119; Madrid
2000.
3
Lyna & Van Eeghem 1930: 148, CCV, vv. 19–22;
Vandenbroeck 1989: 110–112. [fig. 21] Hieronymus Bosch, Triptych with the Garden of Earthly Delights (detail), c.1495–1505, Madrid, Museo del Prado.

[fig. 22] Hieronymus Bosch, Triptych with the Garden of Earthly Delights (detail), c.1495–1505, Madrid, Museo del Prado.
and figuratively, everything revolves around woman’s sexually enticing power and the
effect it has on men. It’s a central theme in the composition. Riding in a circle has long
been synonymous with ‘profane’ and sinful – and in particular lustful – man. Giving in to
the urge was seen as a relapse into an animal pattern that eternally repeats itself as a ride
around a closed circle. Riding wild animals was an image of sinfulness, and/or ‘savagery’:
as such it was a topical motif in late medieval images of wild men. In the foreground and
background of Bosch’s painting teeming crowds of people indulge in all sorts of pleasure.
There is not a single piece of ‘cultural’ information in the scene. Apparently mankind
dwells in an entirely natural state, as it was imagined in the fifteenth century: quemque
trahit voluptas sua – ‘each to his own pleasure’ – seems to be the motto.
A Paradisal Nature and her Art …
Rising in the background are a colossal fountain and four fantastical buildings in pink, red
and blue; four rivers branch off in four directions. Composition, constructions and choice
of colour allude to the architecture of Heavenly Paradise as medieval authors imagined it.
Certain components (planes, spheres, discs, spines…) occur in many of Bosch’s works as
elements of Nature. They have erotic connotations. The sexualization of Nature was an old
holistic view of the creatio continua. Natura and ars are directly related, Nature herself is an
artist who creates endless new mirabilia naturae from amorphous primal matter (fig. 23).
But the nature of the matter itself, and the impulsiveness in nature and man, pervert this
creative power. Evil and the sexual urge are thus inherent characteristics of Nature, which
is seen as ‘feminine’. Creative power, Evil, love, the (false) paradise and the feminine are all
strung together in a single chain of association.
… in Earliest Times and End Times
The whole picture, moreover, corresponds to what people in Bosch’s day imagined life
was like in earliest times. That period, between Adam and Noah, was the first of the Seven
Ages of world history. Luxuria or ‘lust’ predominated and was a prefiguration of the life

[fig. 23] Hieronymus Bosch, Triptych with the Garden of Earthly Delights (detail), c.1495–1505, Madrid, Museo del Prado.
of mankind before the End Times, as recounted in the New Testament. The outcome,
therefore, is predictable: Hell, painted on the right panel.
Paradoxically, despite its lustful character this earliest of times was seen as a Golden
Age (aetas aurea). Mankind lived a life of uncultivated pleasure, sensuality and freedom
from care. Oddly enough, that vision of ancestral enjoyment took no account of the rather
cogent notion of original sin, from which every man and woman since Adam and Eve
suffers (cat. 26, 28–31). Apparently, medieval man felt an irrepressible urge to extend that
paradisal existence to a long historical period (cat. 57).
The False Love-Paradise
But Bosch does not offer a purely ‘historical’ painting of primordial time. The outside of
the triptych emphasizes the idea of natural sexuality and fertility/ procreation. Inside, on
the left panel the First Marriage is the principal subject with ‘Be fruitful and multiply’ as
a motto. But the theme of the ‘days of Noah’ also refers to marriage. At the bottom left of
the centre panel we see a group of people pointing to the events taking place on the left
wing (fig. 24). It’s the visual equivalent of a topos in medieval literature: those who live
wanton lives point to the biblical injunction to be fruitful as the justification for their
promiscuity. In his profligate carnality man imagines himself to be living in a paradise,
but it’s a false and dangerous delusion… Medieval literature contains countless references
to false love-paradises. Worldly love is frequently and moralistically interpreted as a false
paradise. Though the authors of the extraordinarily successful Roman de la Rose (cat. 23),
which was still being widely read in the sixteenth century, saw it rather differently. Their
allegorical poem pushes sensual mysticism to unprecedented heights by promising true
Heavenly Paradise to those who follow Nature’s commandments and take sexual passion as
a guiding principle. The false paradise is reserved for those who disregard that ‘law’. This

[fig. 24] Hieronymus Bosch, Triptych with the Garden of Earthly
Delights (detail), c.1495–1505, Madrid, Museo del Prado.
theory was, of course, at direct odds with the views on marriage held by the bourgeoisie
and the Church, which, while accepting the role of sex solely for purposes of procreation,
feared sexuality as a cause of chaos and corruption. Proceeding from the idea of the false
(love-)paradise, Bosch also makes use of the topical elements from paradisal iconography.
It might be mentioned that in his oeuvre Bosch gives credence to two paradises in the
Hereafter: the ‘old’ Earthly Paradise as a place for the ‘reasonably good’ who must undergo
further purification, and the Heavenly Jerusalem which, logically, he does not represent
because no mortal can begin to picture it. Bosch has painted only the upward flight to it.
The middle panel merges the iconography of both paradises: the ‘sensuous’ Earthly
one (which is painted after the fashion of the stereotypical locus amoenus) and the ‘abstract’
Heavenly one (the quadrangle of fanciful constructions around the central fountain in
the background). Bosch leaves the border between the two very vague; moreover, various
elements make it clear that this can be either the ‘lower’ or the ‘higher’ paradise.
Where has Bosch looked for his inspiration? When he painted this triptych the
worldly garden of love had already been a hugely popular subject for three centuries, first
in courtly literature and later in bourgeois literature too (fig. 25). But Bosch has brought
together different traditions: the garden of love, the love-paradise and the pseudo-paradise,
the locus amoenus-nature painting, mankind in the earliest age, the doctrine of nature,
fancies about paradises in the hereafter, theories of marriage and love, and religious
warnings (‘as in the days of Noah’). He has fused all this into one umbrella theory of the
history of mankind, from Adam to Hell.

Bosch must have been aware of a popular belief, held quite generally in the Low
Countries and German regions (and elsewhere), in a paradise on earth where every
physical desire, especially the erotic ones, was smoothly and effortlessly satisfied. It was
located between man’s worldly existence and the hereafter: you did not have to be dead
to enter it, but if you stayed there for more than a year you could never leave it again.
Those who did stay would linger there until the Last Judgment, after which they would be
damned forever. The Church and the erudite branded this place a false paradise, a sinful
and diabolic ‘utopia’. Hence the warning that come the Day of Judgment, all who had
stayed there were doomed. It is precisely this that Bosch has portrayed in his Garden of
Earthly Delights: his basic material persisted in popular belief but the view he presented of
it was characteristic of an anti-popular culture. In his eyes, the Grail is a false, deceptive
and diabolic utopia that can only lead to Hell – which is therefore also depicted in all its
fearful menace on the right wing.
Bosch’s triptych deals with world history and the dramatic tension between man’s
basic instinct and morality. The work is a mirror of marriage – see the paradisal marriage
on the left wing – and a warning against the sexual perversion of it. A religious connection
(from Creation to Hell), a popular myth (the Grail) and perhaps a historical theme
(Adamic prehistory to the Flood) facilitate a reflection about sexual passion and control,
wildness and primitivism, and the links between nature, ethics and patterns of behaviour.
Bosch was the first to depict an ‘erotic utopia’. Yet the triptych remains unique
in European art history. Whatever utopia was imagined to be has almost never led to a
pictorial representation of it.
[fig. 25] Master of Frankfurt, Festival of the Archers (detail), 1493, Antwerp, Koninklijk Museum voor Schone Kunsten (cat. 24).

48
The Enclosed Garden:
a Utopian and Mystical
Sanctuary
BARBAR A BAERT
‘Besloten Hofjes’ or ‘Enclosed Gardens’ are the collective terms for a very special group of
altarpieces that were produced in the Low Countries and the Rhineland, very often in
convents and beguinages, in the late Middle Ages and Early Modern period (cat. 26, 32–34).1
These simulated gardens reflect the devotee’s desire to recreate the lost, utopian paradise.
The predominant motif in Enclosed Gardens is the locus amoenus or ‘pleasant place’ in
which the mystical marriage between the devout soul and the all-highest will take place.2
An Enclosed Garden is basically an upright shallow box, sometimes with painted
panels that can be closed like shutters, that is filled not with the traditional narrative
carving but with material remains from holy places such as Jerusalem: stones, relics and
little packets of earth are combined with papier mâché and wax medallions, silver-mounted
gems, souvenirs of pilgrimages and parchment scrolls. The precious remains are reverently
wrapped in pieces of silk or embroidery then surrounded with a profusion of decorative
components in the form of flowers made of textiles and silk thread, semi-precious stones,
pearls and paperolles (delicate scrolls of paper made by a technique known as quilling).
The final result resembles an intoxicating garden that is indeed enclosed by a hedge and
filled with ornaments in a whole range of media and qualities. The material remains such
as stones and bones are hidden amongst an abundance of artificial vegetation and artfully
imitated flowers.3 Sometimes little sculptures made of pipeclay or wood are also added –
perhaps a Calvary group (cat. 32), which also references the topography of Jerusalem, or a
scene from the Old Testament such as Daniel in the lion’s den (fig. 26).The tiny figures were
bought from the so-called Mechelen cleynstekers.4 But the fabricated flora and ornamented
1
Van der Stock 1991: 447; Scholten 1996: 13–15;
De Nijn & Eeman 1998; Triest 1998; Wolfson
2001: 64–65.
2
On this topic see inter alia Baert 2016d.
3
According to some sources the genre and
technique date back to the fourteenth
century. At that time the Enclosed Gardens
had more modest contents with paper
flowers behind glass, sometimes with a
religious statuette in the middle. Gradually
the paper was replaced by silk, silver or gilt
and increased in size, while the statuette
made way for larger groups of figures; De
Nijn & Eeman 1998: 49.
4 [fig. 26] Enclosed Garden with Daniel in the Lion’s [fig. 27] Enclosed Garden with the Garden of Eden (detail), c.1500,
This sculpture production is dealt with at Den (detail), Musea en Erfgoed Mechelen, Collec- Antwerp, Koninklijk Museum voor Schone Kunsten (cat. 26).
length in Kruip 2006a. tion Gasthuiszusters.
49 THE ENCLOSED GARDEN: A UTOPIAN AND MYSTICAL SANCTUARY

garden was predominantly in female hands, as it had been for centuries. Thus the Enclosed
Gardens evidence a division between the masculine canonical world of the figurative (the
carved groups and the painting on the shutters) and the feminine decorative world of
5
Silk flowers were made by both female domestic art (the ornamental garden elements, the wrapped souvenirs).5
religious and by the craft guild of the
passementerie makers. The latter had a
Enclosed Gardens are ambiguous objects that occupy a place somewhere between
monopoly on the manufacture of ribbons, altarpieces and domestic furnishings.6 They may have been used in the context of both
edgings and all kinds of textiles that served
as decoration on furniture and clothing. private devotion and the vita communis of the convent.7 And because they contain relics
Baert 2016b and Iterbeke 2015. (though not exclusive ones) and all manner of material remains of a ‘lesser’ sort, such as
6
Hamburger 1990; Vandenbroeck 1994; stones and bones and even baglets of earth, they are also (ditto) shrines (fig. 27). Perhaps the
Hamburger 1997; Hamburger 2004: 13–145;
Enclosed Garden can best be thought of as a kind of cabinet of curiosities whose contents
Schmitt 2004; Hamburger & Suckale 2005:
21–39; Schmitt 2004. are an intimate translation of the aspirations and spirituality of the religious woman.8
7
For nuanced points of view within the often
Briefly put, in the late medieval convents of the Low Countries a unique form of ‘mixed
methodologically rigorous split between a media’ recycled and found art developed that articulated feminine devotional identity in
so-called secular and so-called sacred space,
see Webb 2005: 27–49. a quite extraordinary way and maintained a stratal relationship with sacred topography.9
8 Wrapping these fragments of stone and bone in fine handiwork divested them of their
For the ambiguous typology of the Enclosed
Gardens within the phenomenon of the relic, material mundaneness and elevated them to its antithesis – fecund life itself. In this essay
the rarity, the fetish and by extension the
investigation of what constitutes ‘remains’
I want to look at the Enclosed Gardens as the sanctuary of interiorization, as the
and what a ‘thing’ is, see the studies by sublimation of the sensorium (especially smell) and as a unique form of creative process.
Laube 2011: 31 (‘Urgent questions arise: were
the objects regarded as sacred or as profane?
Can the idiosyncratic or strange object really
be out of the ordinary or were biblical or
dogmatic meanings nonetheless attributed The Sanctuary of Interiorization10
to it?’); Weddigen 2008: 3–6; Stielau 2011:
5–16, 5 (‘As an object meant to embrace
another object, the etui sits in an undefined The Dutch word ‘hof’, as in Besloten Hofje – enclosed garden – is an archetype of paradise
interstice between received categories. It is
not comfortable a work of art. Nor, when
whose semantic roots are in the Persian language and culture. The Old Persian for
ornamented and carefully crafted, can it ‘paradise’ is paridæza, rendered in Greek as peri (around) teichos (wall).11 The garden alludes
be placed in the vast category of functional
objects known as “material culture”.’) and to the seclusion of the convent itself and more specifically to the garth – not coincidentally
Rudy 2015: 26–29; 235–236. referred to as the paradise garden – where water plashes from the fountain and flowers
9
It appears from fifteenth- and sixteenth- bloom.12 The Enclosed Gardens are also a material expression of the Old Testament Song of
century wills, inventories and accounts
Solomon, in which the love between man and woman is lauded in the garden of love.13 The
that these shrines were found not only in
convents but also in lay collections. A will bridegroom invites the bride, saying ‘I come to my garden, my sister, my bride; I gather my
made in 1490 by one Catherine Le Quien
states: ‘Item, audit Colard Leurion je donne
myrrh with my spice, I eat my honeycomb with my honey, I drink my wine with my milk.
ung petit gardinet où est la Nativité de Eat, friends, drink, and be drunk with love’ (Song 5, 1).
Nostre Seigneur, enclose de gourdines de
soye verde, et le custode de bos.’ That men The garden is a material synecdoche of paradise and also a medium through which
also owned such shrines appears from to interiorize that ‘utopian’ metaphor for purity. The Enclosed Gardens are a means of
the will of a certain Phillip d’Escamaing,
dated 1455: ‘Item, je donne à demiselle seeking, finding and entering the unspotted ‘spot’ in the soul, and as such are consistent
d’Escamaing, femme à Robert, ung gardinet
ordonné de fleurs de soye, auquel est la
with many late medieval spiritual exercises. Effectively they are vehicles by which to make a
pourtraiture de Nostre Seigneur.’ Société mental journey to Jerusalem (or, by extension, to any holy place) without the need to move
historique et archéologique de Tournai 1897:
271, 334. See also Kaspersen 2004; Bynum physically.14 These ‘virtual pilgrimages’ are known from a genre of manuscript in which the
2011; Baert 2016b. holy places were visualized and described and thus could be ‘visited’ mentally. In much the
10
Baert 2014; Baert 2016a: 27–44; Baert 2016b; same way Enclosed Gardens facilitated the spiritual journey to a physically unreachable
Baert 2016c.
utopian place where one can saunter in the garden or search for the natural objects hidden
11
Stammler 1962: 106–116; Grimm 1977. among the bushes and experience the delights of discovering a treasure (a relic, a souvenir).15
12
It may be that the groups of figures in
The conspicuous energy expended on the detailed description of holy places in
the Enclosed Gardens were an analogous Jerusalem can also be found in the accounts and journals penned by pilgrims. The texts are
reminder of the monumental Calvaries and /
or Holy Sepulchres that were sometimes exemplars of a narrative horror vacui.16 The genre is a literary counterpart to the material,
encountered in convents and béguinages. repetitive and accumulative character of the Besloten Hof.17 Jerusalem is more likely to be
13
Beumer 1954: 411–439; Reinitzer 1982; Asiedu inaccessible than not, but it returns to the viewer via its material fragment, its synecdoche,
2001: 299–317.
its relics and its dead remains: hidden, wrapped and decorated and thereby sublimated.
14
Rudy 2011: 110–118. These material traces are accumulatively present in the Enclosed Gardens.

Tastes and Smells
The sublimated smell of Enclosed Gardens can be seen as a natural form of metonymy
for the idealized spot, particularly Paradise, Jerusalem or by extension the utopian
place. The Early Modern period marked a turning point in the mystical tradition of the
‘love in the garden’. Although the earliest treatises in which the allegory of the spiritual
garden forms the central theme date from as early as the thirteenth century, they became
especially popular in the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries.18 They were read by the
laity as well as the cloistered and were promoted by the Devotio Moderna. In Die geestlicke
boomgaert der vruchten, printed around 1500, and in Gerard Leeu’s slightly earlier Thoofkijn
van devotien (1487), for example, the spiritual relationship between the soul and God is
expressed in the drinking (hence tasting) of the water of life and the scents of the Garden
of Eden (fig. 28).19 If texts and prayers use taste and smell to channel devotional experiences
and spiritual insights, why should looking at motifs in the shape of flowers and fruits not
fulfil exactly the same spiritual function?20 This reasoning certainly applies to the Enclosed
15
Koldeweij 2006; Rudy 2011: 114 (‘To enter
them visually is to be mesmerized by
their dizzying array of flowers. To move
in their first layer of interpretation is to
penetrate the garden fence using prayer
as a vehicle. Entering the box, the viewer
enters the Holy Land on the scale of a
dollhouse, an idealized microcosm of female
enclosure.’)
16
Rudy 2011: 117.
17
Rudy 2011: 118 (‘In wrapping miles of thread
around tiny armatures, were the nuns
[fig. 28] Illustration from Gerard Leeu’s Thoofkijn van de-
pacing off equal distances toward Rome,
votien, Antwerp, 1487, Ghent, University Library.
Jerusalem, or any of the local shrines? Not
only do these hofjes provide an alternative to
travelling to Jerusalem, but they provide an Garden, which by its very nature materializes the mystical delights of the garden and is
alternative to the bookish pilgrimage. They
anticipate a body of images that let go of the thus a garden that ‘smells’ in all its exuberance. The garden emits its perfume because
tangible traces and move one step closer to of the nearness of God and the mystical union that takes place in it. ‘Awake, O north
the purely imagined.’)
18 wind, and come, O south wind! Blow upon my garden that its fragrance may be wafted
Falkenburg 1994: 20.
abroad. Let my beloved come to his garden, and eat its choicest fruits’ (Song 4, 16). The
19
Thoofkijn van devotien is a Middle Dutch garden smells like the lost Paradise or the Heavenly Jerusalem with its natural fragments
translation of Pierre d’Ailly’s Le jardin
amoureux de l’âme; Falkenburg 1994: 36–37.
and relics and remains enhanced by its flowery perfume. The eleventh-century poem by
20 Archbishop Guibinus of Lyons sings of the glory of Paradise and the Heavenly Jerusalem
Falkenburg 1994: 83 (‘In the perspective of
“mirrored piety” it is possible to look to the in very olfactory terms: ‘Paradisi amena regio / Quam possedit quondam primus homo, /
garden tracts for greater insight into the Quam pulcra es sanctis animabus et requies. // In te spirant odora gramina, / Rubet rosa,
nature of devotional attitudes associated
with the consumption of fruit and flowers in albescunt lilia, / Et arbusto profundunt balsama / Quam pulcra es sanctis animabus et
the “Andachtsbilder”.’)
requies. // Pulcher hortus, mellita flumina, / Sonat aura lenis per nemora, / Ibi flores et
21
Lohmeyer 1919: 45. mala punica, / Quam pulcra es sanctis animabus et requies.’21

Spiritual Horticulture
The manual work in the Enclosed Garden (fig. 29, 30) involves a twofold conjuration
of time: time that envelops and advances like a viscid jelly, and time that encapsulates,
cocoon-like, that enfolds fate, that entices the instantaneous into precise detailing. Once
the ‘time’ factor is introduced we also realize that the Hofje represents a scenography
of supreme meditation. Labour-intensive work, particularly when it’s repetitive, like
embroidery or weaving, is known to induce a flow of concentration: after a while the hands
appear to continue their work independently, as if separate from the body, autonomous
beings on automatic pilot. In turn the artistic ‘thinking’ hand – now an automaton with
its own particular memory – creates a new space, a space in the spirit for meditation and
prayer. The garden is never finished and demands loving care.
The ‘making’ of an Enclosed Garden is an action that goes in tandem with
intense concentration – for which, read ‘pray’. Moreover, if the meaning of the Enclosed
Garden coincides with its own production process, the Hofje itself is the prayer space.
Consequently, another sense (in addition to smell) presents itself on the periphery of this
particular artistic process – the sense of hearing. It is not inconceivable that as they worked
the women would have sung, prayed, muttered, or uttered words of some kind or other,
perhaps a rhythmic humming sound? This rhythmic translation of hands to song, voice
and speech is said to have helped to memorize or correctly execute intricate actions in
textile working.22
As a cabinet full of curiosities, baubles and relics all twined and woven together
into a garden, might one not also call an Enclosed Garden a ‘nest’? Etymologically, ‘nest’ is
related to the Hofje in the sense of the latter as a ‘niche’. The French niche probably derives
from the verb nicher (‘to build a nest’), which comes from the Latin nidicare or nidificare,
from nīdus: nest.23 Thus the spatial connotation of niche emerged through a formal
resemblance to the most intimate possible enclosure for something that is extraordinarily
precious and fragile. Is it not tempting, therefore, to think that in a manner of speaking,
scent and song envelop the nest in intimacy?
22
Harlizius-Klück 2004 is a challenging study
that starts from Greek semantic roots
(Odysseus mythography) for the linguistic
idiom relating to weaving. In the process
she comes upon the track of the origin of
mathematics as a cosmological model.
23
Philippa, Debrabandere, Quak et al. 2007: [fig. 29] Enclosed Garden with SS Elisabeth, Ursula and Catherine (detail), 1520–1530, Musea en Erfgoed Mechelen, Collection
416. Gasthuiszusters (cat. 33).

[fig. 30] Enclosed Garden with SS Elisabeth, Ursula and Catherine (detail), 1520–1530, Musea en Erfgoed Mechelen, Collection
Gasthuiszusters (cat. 33).

54
Beyond the Horizon:
Terra Incognita1
E M M A N UELLE VAG N O N
‘The island of the Utopians is two hundred miles across in the middle part,
where it is widest’
Thomas More gave his work the title of Utopia, which is Greek for ‘not place’. In so doing
he evoked a paradox that allowed him to describe in detail a real, specific and rationally
organized area that is simultaneously untraceable, abstract and purely imaginary, nothing
but language and imagery. More plays with the pliability of the human mind: his utopian
island hovers between actual, probable and desirable, rather in the way that equivocal new
islands appeared on world maps: whether they were real or merely speculative was unclear.
The imaginary aspect of the places he describes is entirely in keeping with what at the time
was more or less routine on maps and in travellers’ tales and stories about the discovery of
unknown worlds.
Utopia begins with a fictive encounter in Antwerp in which the author strikes up
a conversation with the ‘Utopian’, Raphael Hythlodaeus, who had sailed with Amerigo
Vespucci.2 More implores him to describe the isle of Utopia in the greatest detail, which
Hythlodaeus proceeds to do. Utopia, he tells More, was a peninsula until its inhabitants
cut a wide channel to sever their territory from the mainland, thus turning their land into
an island. That isolation, and the treacherous rocks and reefs that made entering Utopia’s
harbour too hazardous for strange ships, allowed their island to become completely
autonomous, a place where an ideal society could be created that no longer suffered from
the mistakes of the old world.
In describing his fictional island More exploited the conventions of the travel
literature and map collections that were so popular during the Renaissance. The empty
spaces between the islands, the blank places on the maps and the uncertainty about the
world’s contours left plenty of room for his ideal isle. It was neither more nor less real than
the unknown areas that had been described or depicted on western maps since Antiquity
– at any rate it was every bit as plausible as they were.
The French historian Jacques Le Goff once called the Indian Ocean the ‘oneiric
horizon’ of medieval Europe: a distant, almost inaccessible place of legends and wonders.
In fact that could be said of every region that was far from the Mediterranean and the
Roman Empire: sub-Saharan Africa, the North, China. Whether the medieval tales were
pedigree extensions of antique legends or mongrelized with dashes of popular fables and
travellers’ geographic descriptions, the weird and wonderful always began where actual
1 knowledge stopped or became confused and testimonies no longer afforded any kind of
For suggested further reading in relation
to this essay, see Le Goff 1977; Schaer & certainty. Contrary to the stock cliché, people did not see the world as a closed and finite
Sargent 2000; Lestringant 2005; Hiatt 2008; space demarcated by God’s will.
Hofmann, Richard & Vagnon 2012; Gauthier
Dalché 2013. As heirs of Antiquity medieval Christian scholars began to take an interest in
2
describing the world at a very early date. In their view the world was a sphere, most of
See also the essay by Jan Papy in this
catalogue (pp. 31–39). which was not yet known to man, had not yet been revealed by God. The earth was not,
55 BEYOND THE HORIZON: TERRA INCOGNITA

[fig. 31] Pedro and Jorge Reinel, Lopo Homem and Antonio da Hollanda, Circular Mappamundi, in: Miller Atlas, fol. 1, c.1519,
Paris, Bibliotèque nationale de France, BnF Cartes et Plans (cat. 53).
therefore, a flat disk but a solid sphere in the centre of the universe (fig. 31). The habitable
area, which historians called the oecumene, covered only a small part. Elsewhere on the
globe there might be other worlds – on maps, therefore, man gave his imagination free rein.
In their simplest version, the diagrams derived from the Etymologiae, an etymo-
logical encyclopaedia compiled by the learned bishop and church father Isidore of Seville
in the seventh century, only represent the oecumene. Often – but not always – they have a
symbolically circular shape. East is at the top and the surface of the oecumene is divided
between the three continents, with Asia above, Europe below left, and Africa below right.
Sometimes the Earthly Paradise is also depicted; sometimes Jerusalem is shown in the
centre. The three continents are portioned out to the three sons of Noah (the ancestors of
post-diluvian humanity, it was believed), Asia going to Shem, Europe to Japheth and Africa
to Ham (fig. 32; cat. 42). This simple and distinctly symbolic diagram remained in use in
diverse forms until the sixteenth century (cat. 43), along with other diagrams and more
detailed world maps on which regions and peoples and flora and fauna were indicated.
[fig. 32] Earliest example of a printed T and O map, in: [fig. 33] Michael Wolgemut and Wilhelm Pleydenwurff, Antipode,
Isidore of Seville, Etymologiae, published by Günter In: Hartmann Schedel, Liber chronicarum, published by Anton Ko-
Zainer, Augsburg, 1472. berger, Nuremberg, 1493, fol. 12r, Private Collection (cat. 50).

The other model from Antiquity, Ptolemy’s Geography, was hugely influential
during the Renaissance (cat. 44–45). In this case the oecumene occupies half the northern
hemisphere, spread out across approximately 180 degrees of longitude, from the Isles
of the Blessed in the west to Seres (China) in the east, and in longitude reaching from
slightly south of the equator to just north of the British Isles. What lies beyond Meroe,
a city on the east bank of the Nile, or south of Taprobana, as Sri Lanka was once called,
was terra incognita.
From the fifteenth century onwards new maps were made by mixing both models
of the habitable world with the stories that travellers brought back from their journeys. In
the handsome manuscript of Geographia in the Royal Library of Belgium, for instance, the
Ptolemaic model is combined with a wonderfully varied staffage of peoples and animals
from world maps and elements from illustrated sea charts (cat. 44). The world map in
the so-called Nürnberger Chronik (1493) by Hartmann Schedel (cat. 50) combines several
cartographic traditions: Ptolemy’s trapezoidal world whose shape represents the projection
of a part of the globe on a map; the antique winds that blow from all sides; and the three
Biblical figures, Ham, Shem, and Japheth, peeping in from outside the frame to see their
respective continents. The part-human, part-animal creatures in a column on the left of
the page are reminiscent of the classical and medieval tradition of the ‘monstrous races’
(cat. 49–50).
Some medieval world maps suggest that there is unknown territory in other parts
of the earth. In the fifth century, in line with Greek theories, Macrobius and Martianus
Capella wrote that the known world covered only that part of the globe which lay between
the North Pole and the equator, which were respectively considered too cold and too hot
for habitation. Theoretically it was possible that other lands lay on the other side of the
oceans. Those zones and their inhabitants were given all sorts of names, always related to
their position on the globe. The most well known are the ‘antipodes’ – etymologically: ‘with
the feet opposite’ (fig. 33). The term was first used for the people and eventually for their
assumed habitat ‘down under’ as well. Alfred Hiatt has shown that even in Antiquity the
antipodes were seen as the place of the possible and the opposite, as the place where the
other held up a critical mirror to society as understood in our world. The Middle Ages saw
those classical ideas reshaped into a Christian concept in which two forms of universalism
went hand in hand: that of the Empire that sought to be a world-imperium and that of
Christian Revelation, which was meant for all men, to the farthest corners of the globe.
‘All men’. In which case you have to know what a man is. Augustine was already
pondering this question in the fourth century. According to earlier Greek and Latin
treatises on paradoxa and mirabilia all kinds of monstrous races lived in far-flung regions
on the edge of the world, especially in Africa and India: creatures with deformed
bodies – sciapods, blemmyae, cynocephali (cat. 49) – or wild men completely covered
with hair (cat. 51). In De Civitate Dei (The City of God, or in French La Cité de Dieu; see
cat. 35) Augustine subjects these pagan legends to a rigorous critique: on the one hand,
it was theoretically possible that other zones did exist beyond the oecumene, zones that
were inaccessible to men of the habitable world because of their terrible heat or the
boundless tracts of ocean that intervened; on the other, however, the message of the Bible
was meant for all men. If these antipodal regions existed, argued Augustine, they were
either uninhabited or inhabited by creatures that were not men, the monstrous races of
which everyone spoke without ever having seen them. World maps (mappa mundi) from
the Middle Ages and Renaissance – up to which time Augustine’s views were generally
accepted – testify to the debate that was carried on in pagan Antiquity and by Augustine
thereafter. On these maps, moreover, these monsters also occur outside the antipodes

[fig. 34] Sailing Ships on the Atlantic, in: Atlas de Dauphin, Dieppe, c.1538, fol. 19v–20, The Hague, Royal Library (cat. 52).
(cat. 55). The cultural history of the West from Antiquity to the Renaissance is thus the
background of the exploration of terrae incognitae and the encounter with new peoples.
It is against that background that the great navigators sailed out from Europe.
When Christopher Columbus headed west across the Atlantic he expected to arrive in
China, which was already shown on Ptolemy’s maps and was described in the thirteenth
century by Marco Polo. Bartolomeo Diaz (1488) and Vasco da Gama (1498) sailed around
Africa in the wake of Alexander the Great’s generals and Marco Polo to reach the Indian
Ocean. Stories about heroes who discovered new worlds so that they could be conquered
and converted to Christianity turned the voyages into the ideological ‘great discoveries’
that are etched in the Western memory (fig. 34). Through their encounters with other
[fig. 35] Edo/Bini People, Kingdom of Benin (in present-day

Nigeria), Afro-Portuguese salt cellar, first half of the six-
teenth century, Paris, Musée du Quai Branly (see also cat. 47).

peoples Columbus and da Gama were seen as successors to Jason and Odysseus. Paintings
and tapestries glorified the exploits of men of their stamp (cat. 46).
European expansion began during the Renaissance with Portuguese voyages of
discovery along the coast of Africa. Following the conquest of Ceuta in 1415, ships sailed
down the west coast and their crews seized or founded factories and towns where gold,
salt, ivory and slaves were traded (fig. 35). The exploration of Africa and the Indian Ocean
only confirmed and reinforced what was already known thanks to classical geography and
Arab cartography. America, however, was another matter altogether: the discovery of that
continent was a revelation. Explorers saw these new territories as a tangled string of islands
and archipelagos. They had never been described, not even when the Roman Empire was
at its widest. Whereas Columbus continued to think that he had arrived in Asia until, on
his last voyage, he became convinced that he had found the site of the Garden of Eden,
Amerigo Vespucci boldly claimed to have identified the mundus novus. In 1507 a group of
scholars and cartographers from the Gymnasium Vosagense in Saint-Dié, amongst whom
was Martin Waldseemüller, linked Vespucci’s name to the new continent. Nevertheless,
the Europeans’ first impressions of what were, to them, the surprising animal and human
inhabitants of South America were expressed in the accustomed words and concepts of
classical and medieval culture (cat. 54).
On sixteenth-century maps these discoveries were represented as an improvement
on the scientific knowledge of Antiquity and as a political, economic and Christian
conquest of the world. Clearly marked on these maps was the division of the newly
discovered lands between Portugal and Spain, as sanctioned by papal authority (in the
Treaty of Tordesillas, signed in 1494, for example). Known places invariably lay next to
terrae incognitae, unknown parts whose very existence was far from proven, though that
did not prevent all sorts of ideas being formed about them. The world maps represent these
new worlds ever more accurately but at the same are heavily laden with symbolism – every
bit as weightily as the medieval mappa mundi were after their own fashion (cat. 55). The
sixteenth-century maps and atlases were based on mathematical principles and mariners’
observations, but no less did they embody the contemporary view of the world and of
man’s desires (cat. 52–53).
The classical theory of the antipodes resurfaced, now in the form of an immense
land to the south of America, Africa and Asia. It appears on Pierre Descelier’s mappa mundi
of 1550 (cat. 55), for instance. This new-style terra incognita was the cartographic response
to the hypothesis that there ought to be balance and symmetry between the regions of the
southern and northern hemispheres as well as to what Magellan and his successors saw of
Tierra del Fuego: to them that island was the beginning of an unknown continent, which
the map-maker nonetheless populated with all kinds of animals and characters (fig. 36).
Unknown, still inaccessible territory: the new worlds seemed to be asking to be
conquered, exploited and colonized. In the part of South America to the south of the
tropic of Cancer (Circulum Cancri) or the equator are wild lands with endless forests,
exotic animals and colourful parrots. The magnificent maps from the Atlas du Dauphin
(cat. 52) and the Miller Atlas (cat. 53) are not useful sea charts but illustrated books about
the world over which princes could pore to their heart’s content while being instructed
about the dangers and the riches of Terra Incognita (fig. 37) There they could see how large
numbers of naked savages armed with spears and sticks are captured by a mere handful of
conquistadors dressed in European clothes and armed with swords and guns (cat. 55) – to
‘civilize’ them or enslave them? The map of Brazil from the Miller Atlas shows ‘Indians’
in feather headdresses cutting down and collecting exotic wood so it can be shipped to
Europe in the majestic galleons bobbing about in the Atlantic (cat. 53). Painted images of

[fig. 36] Pierre Desceliers, Mappamundi (detail: Tierra del Fuego), 1550, London, British Library (cat. 55).
[fig. 37] Sailing Ships on the Atlantic, In: Atlas de Dauphin, fol. 11v-12r, Dieppe, c.1538, The Hague, Royal Library (cat. 52).
naked natives evoke the utopia of a human nature that has preserved intact the perfection
of the very beginning (cat. 56–57); the sculptural nude was based on models from classical
Antiquity (cat. 54).
The success of Thomas More’s book made the ‘not place’ of Utopia a commonplace
of literature and political thought: now the word ‘utopia’ tends to be used for projects
that sprout from the imagination or ideal societies whose practicability is moot. In the
Renaissance it was different: the previously undescribed worlds that appeared on the
maps led many to hope that there they would encounter that ideal society, unsullied by
our civilization, or be able to achieve it in one of the still virgin territories, as an inverted
mirror of the old world.

The antique and medieval maps evoke an Earthly Paradise of inaccessible antipodes,
those of the Renaissance terrae nondum cognitae, ‘lands not yet known. Sometimes the
desire for wealth and fame was projected onto these areas, sometimes the longing for an
origin untarnished by history – undamaged nature and innocent humanity. It was not
until the nineteenth century that these unexplored, vaguely sketched or merely suggested
territories – the famous blank areas on the map – disappeared, as lands and seas were
described with ever increasing accuracy. Utopia, though, does not appear. Tongue in
cheek, More confesses that a little problem has cropped up – he has neglected to ask his
‘Utopian’ a vital question: ‘For it didn’t occur to us to ask, nor him to say, in what part of
the New World Utopia is to be found. I would give a sizeable sum of money to remedy this
oversight, for I’m rather ashamed not to know the ocean where this island lies about which
I’ve written so much.’3
3
More 2008: 16.

62
The Ultimate Utopia:
a Universe in the Hand
KOENR A A D VA N CLEE M P OEL
Classical Antiquity and the Renaissance:

Measuring the Sublime Beauty of the Cosmos
Ever since Antiquity man has desired to reduce the universe to a human scale, to better
its understanding.1 That could be seen as the beginnings of a scientific approach, but at
the same time it seems distinctly at odds with what Thomas More set out to achieve in
his Utopia: here fiction, there reality; there an attempt to grasp reality, here an attempt to
escape it by imagining an ideal world. And yet the two things are connected: the sixteenth
century was an age of continuous discovery, both terrestrial and celestial. In that respect,
therefore, it was not so different from the classical period when Greek astronomers and
mathematicians mapped and measured the cosmos and formulated models to explain the
apparent motion of planets and stars.
Despite a difference of almost 1900 years, there is a bridge between classical
cosmography and sixteenth-century cartography: the porous border between objective
observation and the imagination that fills the gaps. Thomas More deals with the tension
between reality and fiction in much the same way.
The fictional Utopia appropriates the factual voyages of Amerigo Vespucci to the
New World as a historical and psychological context. The great Italian explorer, sailor and
1
On this topic, see inter alia: King 1978: [fig. 38] Johannes Stradanus and Philips Galle, Amerigo Vespucci aboard his Ship, engraving in the series: Nova Reperta, c.1590,
197–198. Brussels, Royal Library of Belgium, Print Room.
63 THE ULTIMATE UTOPIA: A UNIVERSE IN THE HAND

cartographer was the first to demonstrate that Brazil and the West Indies constituted a
separate and hitherto uncharted landmass, unconnected to any of the continents already
known. In 1507 he published an account of his journeys between 1499–1503 in a literary
genre of nautical tales (fig. 38). He narrates how, in 1504, he left behind a garrison of
twenty-four men on Cape Frio in Brazil. More latched on to this particular and cast his
fictitious character, Raphael Hythlodaeus, an avid traveller, as one of the twenty-four.
More’s fictive alter ego learns how Hythlodaeus and five companions from the garrison set
out to explore the new country: ‘After many days’ journey … they found towns and cities,
and commonwealths that were both very populous and not badly governed.’ An insatiable
explorer, Hythlodaeus went on to travel through many countries, until ‘at last, by strange
good fortune, he got via Ceylon to Calicut, where he opportunely found some Portuguese
ships; and so … he finally returned to his own country.’2
The fascination of newly discovered lands and islands with unknown peoples,
languages, customs, plants and animals is recognizable in the numerous travelogues
and images produced in the sixteenth century. They evidence man’s incessant curiosity
combined with amazement and imagination. In that respect, the travels genre comes close
to More’s premise of a newly discovered island. Fiction and reality start to resemble a
diptych that can hinge in either direction.3
The wonderment at the motion of the heavenly bodies, the observation of them
and reflection on those observations, was a recurring theme in Greek philosophy. Around
150 BCE they were synthesized in the Almagest, a book by the Roman astronomer Claudius
Ptolemy of Alexandria (c.90–168). His work was the conduit for the great revival of interest
in cosmography in the Renaissance. It relies largely on the geocentric model devised by
Plato (c.424–c.347/348 BCE) and Aristotle (384–322 BCE), which consists of ten concentric
spheres that are in constant rhythmic motion, like a huge clock. In the centre is the
stationary earth and around it seven planets orbit at different speeds, each on its own
sphere: in outward order these are the Moon, the Sun, Venus, Mercury, Mars, Jupiter and
Saturn. The eighth sphere carries the fixed stars – the firmamentum; the ninth sphere is the
crystalline caestallinum and the tenth sphere is the primum mobile. Sometimes, the ninth
and the tenth spheres are combined. The entire universe is borne on Atlas’s shoulders.
The earliest reference to a mechanical model of this system appears in Cicero’s De
re publica (60 BCE) where he cites the words of Sulpicius Gallus who alludes to an invention
of Archimedes (c.287–212) of around two hundred years earlier. In fact two spheres are
mentioned: one, a very ancient invention, was a solid compact sphere with the stars that
appear in the sky traced upon it, which stood in the temple of Vesta;4 the second was
openwork and showed the movement of the sun, moon and planets. Gallus explains that
the second sphere, created by Archimedes and displaying the motions of the sun and moon,
and the five planets, or wandering stars, could not be represented by the ancient solid globe,
and that ‘in this, the invention of Archimedes was admirable … In fact, when Gallus moved
this sphere or planetarium, we observed the moon distanced the sun as many degrees by a
turn of the wheel in the machine, as she does in so many days in the heavens. From whence
2 it resulted, that the progress of the sun was marked as in the heavens, and that the moon
More 2008: 25 and 26.
3
touched the point where she is obscured by the earth’s shadow at the instant the sun appears
See the essay by Emmanuelle Vagnon in this above the horizon.’5
catalogue (pp. 55–61).
4 Through his study of hydraulics and mechanics Archimedes was familiar with
Ovid, Fasti, VI: 277. the way that gearwheels worked and knew that by combining them things could be
5
Cicero, De re publica, I, 22, transl. by Francis made to revolve at very precise speeds. The passage from Cicero was known during the
Barham (http://oll.libertyfund.org/titles/
Renaissance and the mechanical sphere constructed by Pierre de Fobis (cat. 75) is obviously
cicero-treatise-on-the-commonwealth--
5#toc_list) an interpretation of the Archimedean model. The three Greek columns – albeit of the

Corinthian order – that surround the central cylinder, clearly reference de Fobis’s inspiration
from the antique. Moreover, the fact that the columns stand on uncultivated ground may be
a metaphorical allusion to the revival of classical culture after a period of darkness.
Another reference to a Greek model of the heavens comes from the poet Claudian
(c.370–c.404). He speaks of a glass sphere with an annual revolution of the sun and a
monthly movement of the moon. Nearly 1900 years later, during the Renaissance, this
model would also be reconstructed. In 1552 Mercator (1512–1594) made several scientific
instruments for Charles V, including a small globe encased in a glass sphere on which the
constellations had been engraved with a diamond and inlaid with gold. Sadly, this jewel-like
instrument has not as yet been rediscovered, although Mercator’s description of it survives.6
Spheres and Astrolabes
How closely all this relates to More’s world appears from a passage in the correspondence
between two of his close friends. On 18 January 1517 Pieter Gillis (cat. 13B and 14B) – to
whom More dedicated Utopia – wrote to Erasmus (cat. 13A and 14A) as follows: I felt it my
duty to write to you, since Nikolaus of Bavaria, who is an expert in astronomy, was leaving
for your part of the world. He has with him several astrolabes and spheres to be sold
there….’ 7 These two instruments represent yet another link between classical Antiquity
and the Renaissance. In each case the underlying astronomical and geometrical knowledge
is Greek, but the finest examples come from the sixteenth century.
No spheres survive from classical Antiquity itself but there are still several
descriptions from that period. A distinction is made between mechanical spheres – such as
the one made by Archimedes referred to above – and static spheres. In the latter category
there are two variants, the best known being the armillary sphere (fig. 39; cat. 65–68):
a globe nestles at the centre of a framework of rings and hoops on which stars and planets
are marked and which demonstrates the apparent effect of celestial bodies turning
around the earth. An armillary sphere provides a schematic representation of geometric
6
Watelet 1994: 368. Jan Van Raemdonck
discovered this manuscript at the end of the
nineteenth century and made a reconstruc-
tion drawing on the basis of it.
7
Erasmus 2006: 156, letter 515. The letter was [fig. 39] Ptolemaic Armillary Sphere, Leuven, c.1540, Private
sent from Antwerp to Leuven. Collection.

[fig. 40] Vittore Carpaccio, St Augustine in his Study, 1503, Venice, Scuola di San Giorgio degli Schiavoni.
relationships as perceived from the earth. It is the most evocative of astronomical

instruments and was often depicted as an attribute for astronomers, mathematicians
and scholars (fig. 40; cat. 77). The armillary sphere in Jan Gossaert’s painting (cat. 64) of
the young Princess of Denmark pointing to the meridian to indicate the latitude of her
country, is exceptional. And by holding the delicate instrument in close proximity to the
jewel on her bodice she lays even stronger emphasis on its precious and sublime nature.
With her right forefinger she not only points to the latitude; the obliquely angled ring
– which represents the horizon – leads the viewer’s eye to her magnificent jewel. This
sphere has a handle at the bottom, thus the little Danish princess literally holds the
universe in one small hand. The type of armillary sphere that rests in a horizontal ring on
one foot is more common (cat. 65–68).
The second type of instrument that Pieter Gillis mentions in his letter to Erasmus
is the astrolabe (cat. 71 and 72). Like the armillary sphere it connects Greek knowledge to
[fig. 41] Jan Gossaert, Portrait of a Girl Holding an Armillary

Sphere (Princess Dorothea of Denmark) (detail), c.1530, London,
The National Gallery (cat. 64).

the Renaissance. The underlying geometrical and astronomical principles were devised
by Hipparchus (190–120 BCE), and later recorded once more in Ptolemy’s Almagest. No
astrolabes are known from Antiquity. Some do survive from the Middle Ages, but it was
particularly in the Renaissance that the instrument was popular. Around 1650 it fell out of
use. In the Islamic world there was also a rich tradition of astrolabe schools. Possibly they
also made the connection – Toledo being one possible conduit – between the knowledge of
Antiquity and the Middle Ages.
An astrolabe is more mathematically complex than an armillary sphere as it is
created by means of a stereographic projection in which the terrestrial and celestial spheres
coincide in a single plane. Unlike a sphere, an astrolabe is a two-dimensional instrument:
an openwork disc – the ‘rete’ – represents Heaven (the stars and the sun) and moves above
a disk that represents a particular latitude.
The magnificent tapestry from Toledo (fig. 42; cat. 69) uses the rete of an astrolabe
as its central motif to represent the sky; on the left an angel sets the stars in motion by
turning a crank. But the astrolabe was more than an iconographic motif: it was relatively
simple way of making countless calculations – drawing up horoscopes, determining the
position of a number of stars and the sun above the horizon, the exact hour (to about three
minutes), and so forth. Calculations always start by measuring the angle of a celestial body
(the sun during the day, the stars at night) above the horizon.
[fig. 42] Flanders/Tournai, The Movements of the Universe (detail), c.1490-1510, Toledo, Museo de tapices y textiles de Toledo
(Cathedral of Toledo: Colegio de Infantes) (cat. 69).

[fig. 43] Jan van Stalburch, Posthumous Portrait of Gemma
Frisius, 1557, Brussels, Royal Library of Belgium, Print Room.
Leuven: Synthesis of Knowledge and Beauty
In 1548, thirteen years after Thomas More was executed, his countryman John Dee visited
Leuven’s university and was highly impressed by the meetings and conversations he had
enjoyed. Back in Cambridge the English astronomer and mathematician more than once
stated his admiration for his colleagues in the university town.8 He brought back with him
several scientific instruments that had been invented and made there. That combination of
research into new instruments and the skill needed to actually produce them was unique.
So high were the quality and accuracy of the Leuven-made instruments, moreover, that
they permitted much greater precision in calculation than had ever been possible before.
8
Fauvel, Flood & Wilson 2013: 78–79. [fig. 44] Ptolemeïsche armillaire sfeer (detail), Leuven, 1573, Munchen, Bayerisches Nationalmuseum (cat. 66).

The excellent reputation of the Leuven instruments was justified. At its root was the colla-
boration between Gemma Frisius (1508–1555) (cat. 59) and Gerard Mercator (1512–1594)
(cat. 63 and 71). Frisius held the chair of medicine and was Charles V’s personal physician.
In 1530 he began to devise scientific instruments. The relationship between medicine and
the study of the heavenly bodies was not uncommon in the Middle Ages and Renaissance
– but Frisius’s exceptional application and the number of new instruments he created
or improved was. He would quickly have recognized the brilliant intuition of his young
pupil Mercator. Together they laid the foundation for the so-called Leuven School,
which between around 1540 and 1580 produced Europe’s most sought-after globes and
instruments. Their status was raised even higher by Frisius’s treatises on the instruments.9
A posthumous portrait by Jan van Stalburch from 1557 (fig. 43) shows him seated at a
table whose surface is covered with all kinds of tools and equipment.10 His hands rest on
a celestial globe and on the edge of the table is an instrument known as the astronomical
rings, one of his own inventions. Behind him hang an astrolabe and an armillary sphere.
It is not clear whether Frisius actually made instruments with his own hands; a signature
on an early astrolabe suggests that he was its designer: Authore Gemma Frisio et exaratu a
Gualtero Arsenio Lovanij 1554.11
The high level of finish on the Leuven instruments was coupled with new astrono-
mical additions. When Mercator was working out the positioning of his stars on the rete
of his astrolabe, for instance, he took into account Copernicus’s theories of heliocentricity.
Nicolaus Copernicus’s De revolutionibus orbium coelestium had only just been published
(1543), but Frisius and Mercator lost no time in embracing its ideas. A second example is
the theory of trepidation or precession of the equinoxes. Four surviving armillary spheres
made by Arsenius (cat. 65 and 66)12 – after a model by Mercator – show the aforementioned
Ptolemaic spheres but between the eighth and ninth sphere is a wheel that allows the eight
inner spheres to tilt between the outer one: De motu octavae sphaerae. According to the
theory of the ninth-century Arab astronomer Thābit ibn Qurra that was one revolution
every 7000 years, and this is also engraved on the wheel of Arsenius’s armillary sphere
(fig. 44). It shows an astronomical model that seeks an explanation for the motions of those
planets that were inconsistent with Ptolemy’s concept. The Leuven practice of converting
several astronomical theories into models on a human scale was unique in Europe. It was
yet another reason why the Leuven instruments were in such great demand; why, via the
offices of Plantin in Antwerp, they were dispatched to destinations all over Europe.
9
The best intellectual biography of Gemma
Frisius is Hallyn 2008, in which the various
treatises are discussed at length.
10
23.4 x 30 cm. There are two known copies,
in Amsterdam (Rijksprentenkabinet) and
Brussels (Royal Library of Belgium, Print
Room). Van Sommeren 1890: 376, no. 1951.
11
This may have been one of the astrolabes
that were intended as gifts on the marriage
of Philip I I and Mary Tudor in 1554. They
display two different types of universal pro-
jection. Van Cleempoel 2002: 87–89, no. 9.
12
Now in Brussels, Greenwich, Chicago and
Munich, see Van Cleempoel 2002: no. 37,
39–41.

70
UTOPIA OF
T H O M A S M O R E (1516 )
A Golden Book from Leuven Conquers the World
71
Utopia the Book, in Leuven
and the Low Countries
JA N PAPY
Utopia: a book whose every page is informed by Low at the time and he immediately saw the unique me-
Countries humanism. It opens and closes with Erasmus’s rit of More’s literary work. At Erasmus’s prompting,
circle of friends. Thomas More and the thirty-two- More had dedicated his satirical dialogue to their
year-old Erasmus met for the first time in London in common friend Gillis. Like Erasmus, More deplored
1498. They saw each other again at Eltham the follo- the destructive political ambitions of the ‘heads of
wing year. A pivotal moment in their relationship came Christendom’, Henry VIII, Francis I, and Popes Julius II
in 1509 when Erasmus, who had just returned from Italy and Leo X. Like Erasmus (and Plato) he sought a better
and was staying with More, dedicated Praise of Folly world and with the Greek satirist Lucian, whose wri-
to him. Six years later More was in the Netherlands tings he and Erasmus had translated, he gave the high
as a royal envoy. He was lodged in the Prinsenhof in and mighty a brisk dressing down.
Bruges and while there he found time to visit Brussels Between them, Erasmus and Gillis, who were to oversee
and Mechelen and Antwerp. It was in the last of these the printing, turned Utopia into a humanist monu-
that he met up with his friends Desiderius Erasmus ment. They sought letters of commendation to buttress
[C AT. 1] D E TAIL
and Pieter Gillis, Antwerp’s town clerk, as well as More’s text. First of all, Gillis provided an introduc-
Hieronymus Busleyden, a member of the Great Council tory letter to Hieronymus Busleyden in which he pre-
of Mechelen, a powerful patron, and friend of Erasmus. sented More’s island and fiction and received in return
While Erasmus had been mulling over the idea of writing a fitting letter from Busleyden to More to introduce
Praise of Folly during his trip to Rome, More had been the utopian state. At More’s request the Leuven pro-
contemplating a political study: Utopia. During his fessor of poetica and rhetoric, Johannes Paludanus,
days in Antwerp he also discussed with Erasmus, newly sent a letter of commendation and a brief panegyric to
appointed as councillor to Prince Charles (the later bestow on the new publication the requisite grandeur.
Charles V), the latter’s Institutio Principis Christiani Meanwhile, Erasmus persuaded Dirk Martens, the Leuven
(Education of a Christian Prince). The two humanist university printer whose press had also produced his
friends exchanged thoughts about government and own work, to print the daring work in Leuven. While
administration, a new, pure Christianity, and the role Gillis himself provided the Utopian alphabet and a qua-
of the humanist-counsellor. It was at this time that train in that language, Erasmus’s friend the historian
Erasmus’s Praise of Folly and his new Latin translation and satirist Gerard Geldenhouwer, who had often worked
of the New Testament came under sharp attack by the with Martens, produced the famous map of the Island
Leuven theologian Martinus Dorpius: More composed of Utopia and penned a prefatory poem to the effect
a long and elegant letter in defence of Erasmus and that More, taking to heart Horace’s maxim, had brought
humanist scholarship in general. That letter, approxi- forth a work both pleasant and profitable. The Aalst
mately two-thirds the length of Utopia, was written in poet Cornelius Grapheus, who would later fill Gillis’s
the Netherlands. Moreover, in Antwerp, one of northern shoes as town clerk of Antwerp, brought the list of
Europe’s busiest trading ports, new perspectives luminaries to an end. He leads the reader to More’s
presented themselves to the literary More: wonder- wonderful island, a new-found world where people lead
ful tales of new discoveries by Amerigo Vespucci were new ways of life in harmony with each other and natu-
stirring people’s imagination. re, without greed, and with human virtue. Erasmus's
In 1516 More sent the final draft of Utopia to Pieter orchestration has not failed in its objective: his
Gillis. Erasmus happened to be staying with Gillis humanist programme adorns the gates of Utopia.
73 UTOPIA OF THOMAS MORE (1516)

1
Thomas More
Libellus vere aureus … de optimo reip. statu, deq(ue) noua Insula Utopia
(The irst edition of Utopia)
4°: [54] ff.
Leuven, Dirk Martens, 1516
Brussels, Royal Library of Belgium, inv. LP A 1945 (= V.H. 4802)
BINDING
Violet morocco (early nineteenth century, commissioned by Van Hulthem), boards with gilt
double-fillet borders, tight back gold tooled (decoration and lettering), gilt edge, board
edges gilded at corners, dentelle on inside of boards.
PROV ENA NCE
Three ex libris (at least one of which later transferred to more recent pastedown):
(1) Hendrik Jozef Rega (1690–1754), Leuven professor of medicine; (2) P.J. Baudewĳns
(1757–1817), Brussels Latin teacher; (3) Charles van Hulthem (1764–1832), Ghent collector,
ex libris designed by the neoclassicist architect Ti(e)l(e)man Franciscus Suys (1783–1861)
and engraved by Adolphe Jouvenel (1798–1867); French bibliographical note by Van Hulthem
on front endpaper.
BIBLIOGR APHY
Allen 1906: nos. 461, 467, 474, 477, 481, 484, 487, 491, 502, 508, 530, 534; Nĳhoff &
Kronenberg 1923–1971: 555, no. 1550; Gee 1933: 87–88; Rogers 1947: nos. 25, 28; Gibson
1961: 5, no. 1; Allen 1963: 91–107; More 1965: CLXXXIII– CXCII; Derrett 1966: 61–66; More
1966; Kronenberg 1967: 134–136; Heireman 1973: 192–194, nos. A 273–274, 278, no. M 136;
Prévost 1978: 215–240; Smith 1971: 261–262; Smith 1981: 20–29; Nink 1993: 28–43; Schulte
Herbrüggen 1997b: 215–230; Cave 2008a; Roggen 2008; Adam & Vanautgaerden 2009: 86–87,
221 no. 154; Vielle 2009; Pettegree & Walsby 2011: 941, no. 21636; Adam 2011: 27, 30; Scafi
2013; Vielle 2013: 203–222.
The creation of Utopia is well documented. In September 1515 Thomas More stays
for a time with Pieter Gillis (1486–1533) in Antwerp and ‘meets’ Hythlodaeus, who
tells him about the unknown island and its remarkable inhabitants. By the end
of March 1516 Book I I is finished, likewise the introduction to Book I. In mid-1516
More writes the rest of Book I and the conclusion to Book I I . On 3 September he
sends the manuscript of what he is still calling Nusquama (‘Nowhere’) to Erasmus,
relying on him to keep an eye on the printing process. He also asks him to see
about getting some recommendations from scholars and prominent personalities.
In October Erasmus reports to More that Gillis has written a dedicatory epistle to
the influential Hieronymus Busleyden (1470–1517) and that Dirk Martens (1446/47–
1534), who was very pleased to have been asked to print the work, is already getting
illustrations made. Between 15 and 31 December, Utopia comes off the press. In early
January 1517 the first copies arrive in England.

[cat. 1] detail
More and Dirk Martens were no strangers to each other. By 1516 they had
already been in touch through business for twelve years, and they would continue
to work together for a further seven. As for Erasmus, he had had no fewer than
sixty-one editions brought out by Martens. In 1512 Martens had already reprinted
Erasmus’s Praise of Folly, which was dedicated to More. After Utopia, in 1519, he
would publish another two editions of More’s translations of Lucian. Utopia may
have been intended as a strena (New Year’s gift – étrenne) and the first printing was
probably on the low side (300 copies?).
The text was surprising and new to its readers, but they may have been
even more startled by the paratext, particularly the map of Utopia and the
Utopian alphabet. The map, designed to make the text more credible, depicts a
horseshoe-shaped island seen in semi-bird’s-eye view, with the river Anydrus (‘not
water’) in the form of a Greek omega. In the background is a hilly coastline with
a many-towered city, in the foreground a cog with a crow’s nest and a pennant at
the masthead that bears the letters ‘N’ and ‘O’, as does a smaller craft. The rather
roughly cut map is anonymous and the significance of the letters is also unclear.
Martens believed that illustration was important, but the book also had to be
affordable for a general readership.
The Utopian alphabet, whose letters form a set of elementary geometric
shapes (circle, arc, triangle, right angle, square) facing in different directions and
possibly modified with diacritical marks, is pretty strange as well. It appears to
be based on oriental languages and travels in contemporary publications such as
Bernhard von Breydenbach’s Peregrinatio in terram sanctam (1486–1502), Calcoen
(Antwerp 1504: a narrative of Vasco da Gama’s second voyage to Calicut, 1502–1503),
or Balthasar Springer’s Die reyse van Lissebone … na … Naguaria … voorbi Callicuten
(Antwerp 1508). The reference to ‘gymnosophists’ links it to India: while there is no
suggestion of Sanskrit in the ‘Utopian’, there are traces of Malayālam, the Dravidian
language of Kerala (India).
From the moment it appeared, Utopia was received as a wonderful and
extraordinary book that would quickly establish More’s reputation as a humanist
and was to influence profoundly the Western view of society and the world. For
Dirk Martens the book was his masterpiece, for Leuven humanism it was a great
contribution to world heritage. Worldwide, some thirty copies still survive.
MDS

2
Monogrammist AP (?)
View of Leuven, City of Art, Culture and Science
Antwerp (?)
c.1540
Woodcut, 516 x 3660 mm
Brussels, Royal Library of Belgium, Print Room, inv. S. 23172 (unique)
PROV ENA NCE
Rudolph Weigel in Leipzig; before 1861 for 225 fr. acquired by the Royal Library of
Belgium in Brussels.
The woodcut has been specially conserved for the exhibition by Julie Swennen. The
conservation was funded by the Pastoor Manoël de la Serna Fund, King Baudouin
Foundation.
BIBLIOGR APHY
Alvin 1862: 15; Passavant 1862: 152–153; Merlo 1864: 139; Petit 1877: 47–53; Merlo 1895:
1088–1089; Van Even 1895: 181; Van ‘t Hoff 1955: 92; Utrecht/Leuven 1959: no. 98; Van
Hasselt 1961: 138; Van Uytven 1964: no. 111; Rotterdam 1969: no. 252; Roegiers 1969: no. 1;
Heireman 1973: no. A 206; Van Buyten 1975: no. 7; Roegiers 1976: no. 2; Appuhn 1976: 50–53;
Van der Heĳden & Roegiers 1994: no. BB–26; Bessemans, Honoré, Smeyers et al. 1998: no. 9;
Derez 1999: 8; Padmos & Vanpaemel 2000: no. 1; Derez & Verbrugge 2005: 10; Luyckx 2013:
33–65.
OTHER VERSIONS
Reduced-scale nineteenth-century reproduction by Jules Petit (530 x 2680 mm),

in M-Museum Leuven (inv. LP/920) and other places. Except in Heireman 1973 this
reproduction was always shown.
This monumental print is the earliest known view of the university town of Leuven.
It portrays the city’s notable buildings and landmarks as seen a couple of decades
after 1516.1 It consists of eighteen individual woodcuts glued together to form
a single large frieze. Its dimensions – a good fifty by three hundred and fifty
1 centimetres – make it early modern Europe’s widest surviving city view.2 The only
On this subject see inter alia Roegiers 2008. known impression of this town portrait is held in the Royal Library of Belgium.
2
On monumental woodcuts, see Apphun & A bird’s-eye view from the west and a town’s profile are combined to pro-
Von Heusinger 1976 and Silver & Wyckoff
duce an extraordinarily detailed portrait of a city, recognizable by its topographical
2008.
3 position, its streets and squares, and its characteristic buildings.3 Over fifty
Huvenne 1991: 46; Luyckx 2013: 33–65.
4
architectural and geographical landmarks are also identified by means of discreet
That students were among the target buyers letterpress texts. At top centre of the frieze is the coat of arms of the Holy Roman
has already been suggested in Van Even
1895: 181. Empire, set in the middle of a banderole inscribed with ‘CIVITAS LOVANIENSIS ’. There
5 are also coats of arms in the top left and right corners, respectively those of the
Passavant 1862: 152–153.
6 Duchy of Brabant and the City of Leuven. Hovering on clouds above the city are
This attribution is discussed in depth in
eight allegorical groups that allude to the seven liberal arts and philosophy, the
a forthcoming publication by the present
author. See also Hollstein, Dutch, XIII: 12–16. fundamental principles of Leuven’s university. Down below, in the middle of the

[cat. 2] detail
frieze, is the densely built centre of the town, including St Peter’s Church and the
Town Hall, surrounded by the old twelfth-century ramparts. A short distance away
are the castle on the Keizersberg and various glebes, vineyards and what may be
hop fields. Surrounding all this is the new, fourteenth-century town wall, furnished
with several towers and gatehouses. In the background there are also several villages
and some of the area’s important buildings. Throughout the image are dozens of
human figures. Below right, for instance, a student scurries after a professor.
The monumental woodcut is not a faithful record of what the city looked
like at a given moment but a recognizable representation of Leuven as a major
intellectual centre. Presumably, it was a private and commercially motivated
creation that was sold to students and professors as a souvenir of their stay in
Leuven, or to interested merchants, travellers and proud citizens of the university
town.4 It was widely imitated in the illustrated chorographic works of the sixteenth
century, one such copy being the simplified depiction of Leuven in Guicciardini’s
Descrittione di tutti i Paesi Bassi of 1567, which is obviously based on the monumental
cityscape, indicating a certain distribution and appreciation of the frieze.
The portrait of Leuven was first mentioned by Passavant, who ascribed
it to Anton Woensam von Worms.5 However, the differences in design and style
clearly make this attribution unsustainable. But the city view does display marked
similarities to the woodcuts of Monogrammist AP , an anonymous printmaker who
was active in the Netherlands around 1536.6 One of the printers who published the
woodcuts of Monogrammist AP was Willem Liefrinck in Antwerp, so it may be that
the creation of this frieze can also be assigned to that city.
JL

[cat. 2] detail
[cat. 2] detail
[cat. 2] detail
[cat. 2] detail
[cat. 2] detail
3
Hans Holbein the Younger, copy after
Portrait of Thomas More
The date 1527 is copied from the original
Oil on limewood, 74.9 x 58.4 cm
London, National Portrait Gallery, inv. 4358
PROV ENA NCE
Francis Russell, 5th Duke of Bedford (1765–1802); sold Christie’s, London, 30 June 1827 (83);
afterwards in the collection of William II, King of Holland (1792–1849); bought in 1964 for
the National Portrait Gallery.
BIBLIOGR APHY
London 1890: 45, no. 127; Morison 1957; Morison 1963: 11–15; Rotterdam 1969: no. 66; Strong
1969: 228–229; Trapp & Schulte Herbrüggen 1977: 30–31, no. 26; Wells 1981: 61; Rowlands 1985:
71–72, 132–133; MacLeod 1999: 10; Foister 2004: 117.
This is an accurate, full-size copy of Holbein’s original (fig. 4).1 The limewood
panel, the chalk ground, the reddish priming and the use of azurite as well as smalt
indicate that it was painted in Germany in the sixteenth or the first half of the
seventeenth century.2 It is reckoned to be the best of many copies (Rubens’s copy
now in the Prado being a freer interpretation) and was probably made directly from
the original, although the location of the original at that period is not established.
The collar of Esses, with two portcullises and a rose, is a livery chain signifying
More’s loyalty to the Tudor dynasty. In the portrait, it is mordant gilded and the
contour of the rose has been incised with compasses.
The face here and in the original resembles closely Holbein’s damaged
drawing at Windsor (fig. 3.1). 3 There are many similarities between the original
and the figure of Thomas in the versions of the lost group portrait of the More
family, probably painted at much the same time (cat. 5). The curtain and inscribed
chair-arm are very like the curtain and parapet in Holbein’s Laïs Corinthiaca (Basel),
dated 1526, though More’s curtain has a fringe and is restrained by a red cord.
1 Holbein, according to his usual practice, has slightly distorted More’s appearance.
Oil on oak, 74.9 x 60.3 cm, New York, Frick The face is enlarged in proportion to the head, the features, particularly More’s left
Collection, 1912.1.77.
2 eye, are enlarged in proportion to the face and their asymmetries are exaggerated.
On this topic, see inter alia: Bätschmann
2013.
The tear-duct of More’s right eye is enlarged and turned at a very strange angle to
3 his eye-socket; while the areas of white visible beneath both irises make him look
Parker 1945: 36, no. 3. ‘Sir Thomas More’,
inv. 12268. slightly withdrawn. The very strong contrasts of light and shade are unusual in
4 Holbein’s work.
Trapp & Schulte Herbrüggen 1977: 134.
5 It is interesting to compare Holbein’s portrait with the pen-portrait by
Reed 1926: 334.
Erasmus in a letter of 1519 (cat. 6). The stubble of his beard is not heavy; particularly
6
Stapleton 1928: 209. when he walks, his right shoulder seems rather higher than his left … he takes no
7
Trapp & Schulte Herbrüggen 1977: 119,
great care of his appearance. He dresses plainly and never wears his gold chain if he
139–140. can avoid it … 4

[fig. 3.1] Hans Holbein the Younger, Portrait of Thomas More, drawing, c.1526–1527, Royal Collection Trust, Windsor Castle.
More’s adopted daughter Margaret Giggs owned ‘a table [panel-painting] of
Sir Thomas More’s face’, valued in 1555 at £2.5 It was perhaps a version of Holbein’s
portrait. Margaret also owned ‘a life-like image, made with great skill, of More
going out to the place of execution …’6 Both images were reproduced on reliquaries
and as devotional images.7
LC

4
Hans Holbein the Younger, workshop
Portrait of Lady Alice More, Second Wife of Thomas More
London
c.1530
Oil on panel, 36.9 x 26.7 cm
London, Weiss Gallery
PROV ENA NCE
Frederick, 2nd Baron Methuen (1818–1891), Corsham Court, Wiltshire; thence by descent
to Paul, 4th Baron Methuen (1886–1974); sold August 1958 to Dr Hans Schaeffer, Schaeffer
Gallery, New York for £27,000; acquired (via Paul Herzogenrath) by Rudolf August Oetker
(1916–2007), Bielefeld, Germany.
BIBLIOGR APHY
London 1865: 99, no. 1146; Wornum 1867: 356; Chamberlain 1913: 307–308; Ganz 1936: 149;
Borenius 1939: no. 147; Borenius 1943: 285–288; Rogers 1947; Ganz 1950: 232, no. 42,
pl. 76; Salvini & Grohn 1971: no. 48; Wells 1981: 55–71; Norrington 1983; Rowlands 1985:
70, 231, no. 227; Sander 2005: 306 n. 16.
In 1511, barely a month after the funeral of his first wife, Jane Colt, Thomas More
1
In 1535 Father Bouge wrote to Dame remarried.1 His new wife, born Alice Harpur (c.1474–1551), was a highly desirable
Catherine Manne: ‘I buried his [Thomas catch, being at that time the widow of the wealthy merchant John Middleton. Her
More’s] first wife. And within a month after,
he came to me on Sunday late at night, and character has been and still is difficult to describe because sources often seem to
there he brought me a dispensation from
emphasize her sharp tongue and lack of manners. Nevertheless, it is a fact that she
Cuthbert Tunstall, to be married the next
day with no banns asking.’ Brewer 1862–1932: quickly showed herself to be a second mother to More’s children, a loyal companion
357–358, no. 1024.
2
to her husband and a firm and pragmatic mistress of his household.
Besides the drawing for the lost family Today this portrait is the only known, contemporary painted likeness of
portrait there is also a portrait miniature
of Lady More by Holbein. It was once in the Lady Alice More.2 She does not remotely resemble the ‘harpy's crooked beak’ that
collection of J. Heywood Hawkins and was one of More’s friends once described.3 Dressed according to her status, she seems to
exhibited in London in the mid-nineteenth
century. London 1865: 99, no. 1146; Wornum be mulling over an amusing thought. Her pose and clothing clearly correspond to
1867: 356.
3
those in the preliminary drawing (fig. 5.3) for and the copy after the famous portrait
Once Alice had assumed her position as of the More family (cat. 5). It is more than likely that the portrait shown here
head of the household, several of More’s
humanist friends found it difficult to derives from the lost family portrait.4
remain in his house any longer. For example, An alert observer will note a faint black band under Lady More’s brow.
Andrea Ammonio soon relocated to
London’s St Thomas’s College. Nor did he Infrared reflectology has recently revealed that beneath the paint layers is an
fail to proclaim his candid opinion of the
unfinished portrait of Erasmus (fig. 4.1). This overpainted portrait shows the
‘guilty party’, the new Lady More. Ferguson
& McConica 1975: 179–182, no. 236. Ammonio humanist in three-quarter profile, looking to the left. His hands rest on the pages
to Erasmus (27 October 1511).
4
of an open book. Portraits of Erasmus of this type were produced in great numbers
According to Ganz the portrait of Lady More in Holbein’s workshop (fig. 4.2). Most date from the early 1530s, which may be a
shown here would be a preparatory study
painted by Holbein for the family portrait. terminus post quem for the portrait of Alice More.
Because the work can sooner be attributed
to a workshop hand than to the master
himself, this is more than likely a workshop MB
replica. Thus Ganz’s proposed date of
1526–1528 is also not tenable. Borenius 1943:
286; Ganz 1950: 232, no. 42.

[fig. 4.1] Infrared reflectogram
[fig. 4.2] Hans Holbein the Younger, Portrait of Erasmus of Rotterdam, 1530, Parma, Galleria Nazionale.
5
Rowland Lockey, partly after Hans Holbein
Portrait of Thomas More and his Family
1593
Oil on canvas, 227.4 x 330.2 cm
London, National Portrait Gallery, inv. 2765
PROV ENA NCE
Seen in the artist’s workshop in London by the antiquarian William Burton (1575–1645);
commissioned by Thomas More II; borrowed from his son Cresacre More by William
Lenthall (1591–1662); retained by the Lenthall family until 1808; thereafter in various
collections; acquired in 1935 by the National Portrait Gallery.
BIBLIOGR APHY
Morison 1963: 22–25; Rotterdam 1969: no. 68; Strong 1969: 345–351; Trapp & Schulte
Herbrüggen 1977: 17–18, no. 1; Wells 1981: 60–61; Rowlands 1985: 69–71, 322–323; Honigmann
1990: 80–82; Campbell 1990: 142–145; MacLeod 1996: 12; Lewis 1998: 2, 30–35; Smith 2005:
490, 494; Müller & Kemperdick 2006: 370–377; Mitjans 2007: 33–36; Cooper 2008: 38–39.
The figures are, from left to right: Sir John More (c.1451–1530), Thomas’s father, in
judge’s robes; Anne Cresacre (1511/12–1577), Thomas’s ward and afterwards (1529)
the wife of his son John; Thomas himself; his only son John (1509–1547); Cecily
(1507–?), his third daughter, wife of Giles Heron; Elizabeth (1506–1564), his second
daughter, wife of William Dauntessy; Margaret (1505–1544), his eldest daughter,
wife of William Roper; John More (1577–c.1599/1600), his great-grandson; Thomas
More II (1531–1606), his grandson; Cresacre More (1572–1649), his great-grandson
and biographer; Elizabeth Scrope (1534–1607), wife of Thomas More II.
Above Cresacre More hangs a portrait of his grandmother Anne Cresacre,
here represented as an older woman. The coats of arms (once eight, now two) refer
to the persons beneath them; the Latin inscription in the lower left corner explains
their relationships.1
The seven figures on the left are copied from Holbein’s lost portrait of
1 Sir Thomas and his family.2 This was painted in ‘watercolour’, apparently glue-
The long Latin inscription is transcribed size, on a very large canvas (about 275 x 360 cm); the figures were life-size. It was
and translated and the coats of arms are
described and identified in Strong 1969: painted during Holbein’s first stay in England (1526–1528), when, recommended
346–348.
by Erasmus, he lodged for a time with More. Completed in or about 1527, it can be
2
On this topic see inter alia Bätschmann 2013. reconstructed from a drawing by Holbein (fig. 5.3), annotated by Nikolaus Kratzer
3
Hans Holbein the Younger, Study for the
with the names and ages of the persons represented and sent by More to Erasmus,
More Family Portrait, pen and brush in black who wrote letters of thanks in September 1529.3 It records a preliminary idea for
over a start in black chalk, with inscriptions
and separate motifs in brown ink, 389 x 524 the composition, later changed after consultations between More and Holbein.
mm, Basel, Kunstmuseum, Kupferstichkabi- Holbein’s drawings for seven of the heads are preserved. Van Mander, whose text
nett, inv. 1662.31.
4 was published in 1604, recorded that the group portrait had belonged to Andries
Van Mander 1994: fols. 221, 221v, 223.
de Loo (d. 1590) in London and that it had been acquired from his estate by Thomas
5
Cited by Strong 1969: 350. More II, grandson of Sir Thomas.4

[fig. 5.1] Rowland Lockey after Hans Holbein the Younger, Portrait of Thomas More and his Family,
1592, West Yorkshire, Nostell Priory, National Trust.
[fig. 5.2] Rowland Lockey after Hans Holbein the Younger, Portrait of Thomas More and his Family,
1593–1594, London, Victoria and Albert Museum.
He or his cousin Thomas Roper (1533–1598) commissioned in 1592 from
Rowland Lockey a copy that descended in Roper’s family and is now at Nostell
Priory, Yorkshire (canvas, 249 x 343 cm; fig. 5.1). In 1593 Thomas More II commis-
sioned from the same Lockey the altered and updated version exhibited here.
Behind Sir Thomas and his father are vases of very large flowers. They, the
musical instruments, the table and its carpet and the curtain and tester appear to
have been taken from Holbein’s picture. There the clock seems to have hung above
Thomas but here it has been moved to be close to his son John. It may have referred
to the good regulation of the More household.
Burton in 1593 described the painting as a ‘neat piece […] containing in one
table the picture of Sir John More […] of Sir Thomas More […] and of all the lineal
heirs male descended from them […] unto the present year’.5
The lost Holbein showed Sir Thomas with his father, his second wife, his
four children, his adopted daughter Margaret Giggs, his ward Anne Cresacre, his
fool Henry Patenson, his secretary John Harris and another unidentified man seen
from the back. It did not include Thomas’s grandchildren, his three sons-in-law,
his step-mother, his step-daughter, Alice Alington, or John Clement, the husband
of Margaret Giggs. No attempt was made to direct attention to Jane Colt (d. 1511),
Thomas’s first wife and the mother of his children. It was not a family tree. In an
earlier state, recorded in the Basel drawing, there were references to prayer; but in
the state recorded in the Nostell Priory copy there are no such allusions and the
painting is a ‘conversation piece’.
LC
[fig. 5.3] Hans Holbein the Younger, Portrait of Thomas More and his Family, Basel, Kunstmuseum, Kupferstichkabinett.

6
Erasmus
Description of the Appearance and Character of Thomas More
Letter from Erasmus to Ulrich von Hutten, dated 23 July 1519
In: Desiderius Erasmus, Farrago nova epistolarum, Basel, Johann Froben, 1519:
329–336
Ghent, University Library, inv. BIB.ACC.020333
BIBLIOGR APHY
Allen 1906: nos. 365, 778, 874, 923, 951, 961, 967, 745, 968, 986, 919, 999, 1233; CWE 7:
15–25; Kaegi 1924; Jardine 1993: 16–22, 160.
Ulrich von Hutten’s (1488–1523) parents had intended their son for the priesthood.
He soon left the monastery at Fulda, however, and went to study at the universities
of Cologne, Erfurt and Frankfurt an der Oder. In October 1515 he wrote his first
letter to Erasmus, lauding him as the ‘German Socrates’.1 In turn Erasmus referred
to Hutten in glowing terms in letters to prominent humanists such as Guillaume
Budé and Helius Eobanus Hessus. Although Hutten’s polemical writings against
Rome did not affect his cordial relations with Erasmus the Luther affair would ruin
their friendship. Shortly before that, however, on 23 July 1519, Erasmus sent Hutten
his famous epistle describing Thomas More. The letter, which allowed Erasmus
to linger awhile in contemplation of a friend, as he put it, was written in Leuven
during a peaceful period and subsequently sent from Antwerp. It presents a ‘verbal
portrait’ – a counterpart to the visual monumentum. Erasmus sought to sketch his
friend More in a narrative miniature:
‘In shape and stature More is not a tall man, but not remarkably short, all his
limbs being so symmetrical, that no deficiency is observed in this respect.
His complexion is fair, his face being rather blonde than pale, but with no
approach to redness, except a very delicate flush, which lights up the whole.
His hair is auburn inclining to black, or if you like it better, black inclining
to auburn; his beard thin, his eyes a bluish grey with some sort of tinting
upon them. This kind of eye is thought to be a sign of the happiest character,
and is regarded with favour in England, whereas with us black eyes are
rather preferred. It is said, that no kind of eye is so free from defects of sight.
His countenance answers to his character, having an expression of kind and
friendly cheerfulness with a little air of raillery. To speak candidly, it is a face
more expressive of pleasantry than of gravity or dignity, though very far
removed from folly or buffoonery. His right shoulder seems a little higher
than his left, especially when he is walking, a peculiarity that is not innate,
but the result of habit, like many tricks of the kind. In the rest of his body
there is nothing displeasing, only his hands are a little coarse, or appear so,
1
On this topic see inter alia Klawiter 1977. as compared with the rest of his figure…2
2
Citations from Erasmus 1962, vol. 3:
387–401.

[fig. 6.1] Hans Holbein the Younger, Portrait of Thomas More, c.1526–1527, drawing, Royal Collection Trust, Windsor Castle.
Yet above all Erasmus wanted his portrait to show More’s innate qualities – his
austerity, his passion for social justice, his delight in recreation and his sense
of duty, his intellectual and religious depth, his decision to marry because ‘he
was resolved to be a chaste husband rather than a licentious priest.’ If More was
an exemplary husband and father, as a friend he was a faithful refuge and rock.
Moreover:
He seems to be born and made for friendship, of which he is the sincerest

and most persistent devotee. … If anyone requires a perfect example of true
friendship, it is in More that he will best find it.
In the story of a life (vita) set against the background of what was an almost real-
ized European Republic of Letters, the meaning of More’s life as a humanist man
of letters was sought. The reader of More’s vita is invited to find in it a catalyst for
imitation and emulation. It was not merely for the pleasure of it that Erasmus twice
added to his portrait of More in the sketches of More’s family he sent to Budé (1521)
and Johannes Faber (1533). After the first publication of the Moriae Encomium in
1511, which was dedicated to More himself, Erasmus included his ‘letter portrait’ as a
preface to every edition of the Praise of Folly.
JP

Editions and Translations of Utopia
1516–1750
M ARCUS DE SCHEPPER
FIRST EDITION: Leuven, Dirk Martens (1516). In More’s lifetime: Paris (1517), Basel (twice in 1518), Florence (1519).
LATER LATIN EDITIONS: Leuven (1548), Cologne (1555), Basel, Leuven (1565–1566), Wittenberg (1591), Frankfurt (1601, 1670, 1689), Hanau (1613,
1619), Milan (1620), Amsterdam (1629, 1631), Oxford (1663), Helmstedt (1672), Glasgow (1750).
FIRST TRANSLATIONS: German (1524), Italian (1548), French (1550), English (1551), Dutch (1553: cat. 9), Spanish (1637).
LATER TRANSLATIONS: German in Leipzig (1612), Frankfurt (1704), English in London (1624, 1639, 1684, 1685), Dublin (1737), Glasgow (1743), French
in Amsterdam (1643, 1717, 1730), Leiden (1715: cat. 12), Dutch in Hoorn (1629, 1630, 1634), Rotterdam (1677), Amsterdam (1700).
Before 1750 over fifty editions and translations of Landi was printed in Venice in 1548 for Anton Francesco
Utopia appeared. The rhythm of their publication is Doni. The French translation by Je(h)an le Blond was
uneven and happens in waves. The Latin text got off to printed in Paris in 1550 by Charles L’Angelier. An
a tremendous start, with five editions in three years. adaptation of it by Barthélemy Aneau came out in Lyon
The editio princeps (‘first edition’) of this ‘new’ and in 1559, published by Jean Saugrain. In 1585 Gabriel
‘golden’ book was printed by Dirk Martens in Leuven in Chappuys published his translation of Book II at Pierre
D E TAIL C AT. 7.1
the second half of December 1516, in an era in which Cavellat in Paris, where it was reissued by Regnault
voyages of discovery were following one another in Chaudière in 1598. A year after the French translation
quick succession. The many paratexts reinforced the Abraham Vele published the English version by Ralph
credibility of the tale and belief in the existence Robinson in London, followed by two reprints, in
of the Isle of Utopia. Next, in early October 1517, an 1556 (Vele) and 1597 (Thomas Creede). The 1553 Dutch
unauthorized edition appeared in Paris, brought out by translation brought out by Hans de Laet in Antwerp was
Gilles de Gourmont. In March 1518 a third edition was reissued in 1562 (cat. 9). Not until 1637 did a Spanish
printed in Basel by Johann Froben, swiftly followed by translation become available, in Córdoba.
a new edition in November of that same year, the last Between 1600 and 1750 the book appeared chiefly in large
edition to be corrected by More. In July 1519 Utopia was publishing centres in Germany (Frankfurt book fair),
reprinted in Florence by Giunta and bound with More’s England (London) and the Netherlands (the Magasin de
Latin translations of Lucian. l’univers). The Latin text was republished in Frankfurt
After More’s death in 1535 another Latin edition (1601, 1670 and 1689), Hanau (1613 and 1619), Milan
appeared in Antwerp and Leuven (1548: printed (1620), Amsterdam (two editions in 1629: Amsterdam and
in Leuven by Servaas van Sassen for Birckmann, a ‘Cologne’ and one in 1631), Oxford (1663), Helmstedt
Cologne publisher with a branch in Antwerp), Cologne (1672) and Glasgow (1750).
(1555: Birckmann), Basel (1563: Episcopius, humanist German translations appeared in Leipzig (1612) and
compilation with More’s Lucubrationes), Leuven (1565– Frankfurt (1704), English translations in London (1624,
1566: Joannes Bogardus for himself and for Petrus 1639, 1684, 1685), Dublin (1737) and Glasgow (1743),
Zangrius, More’s Opera, as a collection of the Latin French translations in Amsterdam (1643, 1717, 1730) and
texts of a great Catholic author) and Wittenberg (1591: Leiden (1715), and Dutch translations in Horn (1629,
Johann Kraft). 1630, 1634), Rotterdam (1677) and Amsterdam (1700).
During More’s life only one edition appeared in a Over the years, the title ‘golden handbook’ was
vernacular, that being a German translation of Book II displaced by ‘Utopia’ and the work was adapted to a
by Claudius Cantiuncula, published in 1524 by Johann Catholic or Protestant public.
Bebel in Basel. The Italian translation by Ortensio

7.1
Ambrosius Holbein
The (Fictitious) Voyager Raphael Hythlodaeus Tells the Story of
the Isle of Utopia to Thomas More
In: Thomas More, De optimo reip. statu, deque noua insula Utopia, libellus uere
aureus, Basel, Johann Froben, November 1518: 12–13
Woodcut on paper, 178 x 119 mm
Leuven, KU Leuven, University Library, Tabularium, inv. R 3 A 12099
BINDING
Modern parchment binding with turned edges, title in ink on spine.
PROV ENA NCE
‘O.R.E.’ (‘Office de Récupération Économique’: German reparations to Leuven after 1918,

front pastedown).
BIBLIOGR APHY
Gibson 1961: 10–12, no. 4; Prévost 1978; Hoyer 1981: 237–254; Bezzel 1983: no. M 6300;
Schulte Herbrüggen 1997b: 215–230; Bishop 2005: 107–112; Roggen 2008: 14–31, 273–275;
Salberg 2008: 32–46, 149–169; Vielle 2009; Heard, Whitaker et al. 2011: 186–187, no. 86;
Scafi 2013: 160–171; Vielle 2013: 203–222.
In the German-speaking regions More’s work was in great demand. On 19 Febru-

ary 1518, for instance, Martin Luther wrote to his friend Johann Lang, ‘Capito said
that Utopia is in the press in Basel – buy one for me at the Frankfurt fair – Utopiam
Morinam sitio’ (‘I hunger for More’s Utopia’). In March 1518 the Basel printer Johann
Froben had already published a new edition of Utopia, edited by Beatus Rhenanus
(1485–1547). The main title is framed in a woodcut by Hans Holbein (1497–1543),
with a ‘Vera Icon’ in the upper border and in the lower border ‘Lucretia kneeling
before Tarquinius’, which had been used in some of Erasmus’s earlier publications.
The start of Utopia has a border with putti. The text of this edition was reprinted in
Florence in 1519 and was the basis for the modern standard edition by E. Surtz and
J.H. Hexter in 1965.
It was soon obvious that one edition was not enough and the adroit Froben
at once set to work on a second. A number of corrections were also made in it. It was
the last edition in which More himself was in any way involved. By late November
the book was ready, and in December 1518 it appeared, together with More’s and
Erasmus’s Epigrammata. This time the title frame and border are the same, with
putti and Froben’s emblem. This edition was the model for the text in most later
editions, particularly those in Leuven, Cologne and Basel.
Both Froben editions are much handsomer than the Leuven one and cer-
tainly more so than the unillustrated Paris edition of 1517. The Basel printer added
woodcuts and elegant historiated initials. His editions also contain the Utopian
1 alphabet. Most striking of all is the map of Utopia, this time designed by Ambrosius
A distorted projection or drawing which
Holbein (c.1494–1519), elder brother of Hans. It is a modified copy, in reverse, of the
appears normal when viewed from a par-
ticular point. map in the 1516 Leuven edition. The most significant innovation is the addition of a

[cat. 7.1] detail
piece of land in the foreground from which three characters, including the narrator
Hythlodaeus, look towards the island. On the ship’s pennant an ‘R’ can be seen
as well as the ‘N’ and the ‘O’, but it makes the meaning no clearer. The festoons of
foliage, attached at the top of the image are typical of Holbein. There is one change,
however, that is based on an erroneous interpretation of the text: the watchtowers
have been replaced by churches. This ‘decorated’ edition was clearly intended for
the more select and wealthy buyer. More’s status was increased, but that still didn’t
make Utopia a ‘popular’ book.
There may be more to this map than meets the eye. Bishop has recently
contended that Ambrosius Holbein was already playing with anamorphosis1 fifteen
years before his brother Hans famously painted The Ambassadors (1533). The shape
of the island of Utopia seems to hint at a skull with the harbour mouth (ostium) as
the mouth and the ramparts with their (church) towers as the jawbone and teeth.
The ‘skull’ would be an allusion to the author (mors and Morus) and thus would be
a memento mori/Mori, a visual pendant to the beatae vitae exemplar (‘model of happy
life’) that characterizes the lifestyle of the Utopians.
MDS

7.2
Ambrosius Holbein
The (Fictitious) Voyager Raphael Hythlodaeus Tells the Story of
the Isle of Utopia to Thomas More in Pieter Gillis’s Garden
In: Thomas More, De optimo reip. statu, deque noua insula Utopia, libellus uere
aureus, Basel, Johann Froben, November 1518: 24–25
Leuven, KU Leuven University Library Tabularium, inv. R 3 A 12097
BINDING
Modern parchment binding (Italy, nineteenth century?), title in ink on spine, blue
speckled fore-edge (Italianate style, eighteenth century?).
PROV ENA NCE
‘Francisci Xaverii Guicciardi’ (eighteenth century, canon in Chur/Coira?); ‘O.R.E.’ (‘Office

de Récupération Économique’: German reparations to Leuven after 1918, front pastedown).
Froben’s edition is ‘modern’, with More’s letter to Gillis in the shape of an

hourglass and the main text beginning with a woodcut and a playful initial. The
Italianate setting shows Hythlodaeus (as a sage), More and Gillis (both wearing
the typical scholar’s cap), and More’s assistant John Clement (c.1500–1572) who
married More’s adopted daughter Margaret Giggs in around 1526.
MDS

8
Thomas More at his Writing Desk
In: Thomas More, La description de l’isle d’Utopie ou est comprins le miroer des
republicques du monde, & l’exemplaire de vie heureuse, Paris, Charles L’Angelier,
1550, fol. 1v–2
Leuven, KU Leuven, University Library, Tabularium, inv. CAAA 2212
BINDING
Recent calfskin binding ‘à l’antique’ with blind fillet over boards, gilt cornerpieces,
back on three raised bands.
PROV ENA NCE
‘Di Girolamo Cat[?]re da pec[?]a’ (title page); acquired at The Romantic Agony auction 48,
Brussels, on 16 June 2012 (lot 1083).
BIBLIOGR APHY
Peggram 1940: 330–340; Hallowell 1960: 86–92; Gibson 1961: 24–25, no. 19; More 1970;
Scrivano 1972: 99–108; Prévost 1978: ccxxix; Hosington 1984: 116–134; Minerva 1992: 51–61;
Biot 1995: 11–28; Seidel Menchi 1996: 95–119; Hester 1998: 133–148; Pettegree, Walsby &
Wilkinson 2007: no. 38574; Cave 2008b: 87–103, 205–217; Gjerpe 2008: 47–66, 171–179; Roggen
2008: 14–31, 273–275; Sellevold 2008a: 67–86, 181–203; Sellevold 2008b: 53–65.
In France, a country with a strong political elite and a robust intellectual con-
sciousness, Utopia has always played an important role. Quite a few literary and
philosophical texts refer to it (Rabelais, Montaigne). More himself was keen on
having a Parisian edition immediately after the Leuven edition of 1516 came out.
The introductory letter from Guillaume Budé in that edition forwarded the debate.
The French favoured texts in their own language so there was often more than one
translation of much-discussed books or interesting texts. Thus, too, with Utopia.
Je(h)an Le Blond d’Evreux (1502–1553), poeta minor and translator of Valerius
Maximus, Johann Carion and Francesco Patrizi, was a staunch advocate of the use of
French. In 1550 his translation of More’s book appeared, based on the Paris edition
of 1517, including Budé’s letter with its emphasis on Christian laws and values.
The edition contains twelve woodcuts, nine of them in Book II, accompanying the
start of each chapter. The opening illustration shows a learned author (More) in
his study with his dog, a clear allusion to St Jerome with his lion engaged in his
translation work for the Vulgate. Connoisseurs characterize Le Blond’s translation
as fidèle et élégant. The text’s message was conveyed, rather than the literal wording,
the aim being l’utilite & proffit de la republique. Therefore difficult concepts were
paraphrased and terms were used that were often outdated but clear.
In 1559 Le Blond’s translation was reissued (without attribution or paratexts)
in Lyon by the Protestant printer Jean Saugrain in a version revised by a certain
‘M.B.A.’, identified by many as Barthélemy Aneau (1505–1561), rector of the Collège de
Lyon and a prolific author and translator. Here the emphasis is on the exceptional,
even unique nature of Utopia and the translation shows an affinity with Aneau’s

own utopian fiction Alector (1560). A very different French version of Book II appears
in L’Estat, description et gouvernement des royaumes et republiques du monde (Paris
1585) by Gabriel Chappuys (1546–1611), a collection of texts on the government of
states. Chappuys’s translation appears to be a discrete adaptation of the Italian
version of Book II, as included in Del governo de i regni et delle republiche cosi antiche
come moderne libri XVIII (Venice 1561) by Francesco Sansovino (1521–1586). Chappuys’s
collection of political writings was intended as material for discussion at the time
of the French wars of religion in the reign of Henry III. Still in 1611 there appeared
a new translation of Sansovino’s collection by the otherwise unknown ‘F.N.D.’,
adapted to the new authoritarian political climate in the France of Henry IV. In
1643 an entirely new translation of Utopia came out in Amsterdam, written by the
Protestant freethinker Samuel Sorbière (1615–1670) and aimed at a cosmopolitan
readership with taste for political philosophy (Descartes, Hobbes). In France the
book was later read chiefly in the trop fameuse traduction de Nicolas Gueudeville
(Prévost) of 1715 (cat. 12).
MDS

9
Thomas More
De Utopie van Thomas Morus
8°: 87 ff.
Published in Antwerp by Hans de Laet, second edition, 1562 (irst edition: 1553)
Antwerp, Museum Plantin-Moretus, inv. R 10.40
BINDING
Mottled leather, eighteenth century, gold-tooled back on five raised bands with red
leather lettering label and panels with floral motif, red fore-edge.
PROV ENA NCE
Old ownership mark on title page (‘soy de fran […]’, struck through); seventeenth-century
inscription on front endpaper (‘joseph de […], geschreven den […] january […]’, struck
through); F. Dumont (on head-edge).
BIBLIOGR APHY
Gibson 1961: 50, no. 39; Cockx-Indestege, Glorieux & Op de Beeck 1968: no. 6872; Rouzet
1975: 115–117; Smith 1981: 28; Spaans & Cave 2008: 104–109, 219–231, 284; Buyens 2009:
43–68; Pettegree & Walsby 2011: 941, no. 21639.
The name of the translator of the first Dutch edition of Utopia is unknown. Slightly
more is known about its printer-publisher Hans de Laet, active in Antwerp from
1545 to 1566. He printed and published some hundred books, mostly in Dutch.
His edition is marked by a no-nonsense approach: there are no paratexts, no
illustrations, and the book is a handy octavo. He had received a ten-year privilege
for this translation on 29 October 1550. In 1553 he brought it out on the market
(with the address ‘in den Salm’) and just before the expiration of the ten-year
period (1562), he tried again with the remaining copies, which were now provided
with a new title page (with the address ‘in die Rape’).
Immediately conspicuous on that title page is the departure of the Dutch
title from the Latin. The standard reference to ‘the Best State of a Commonwealth’
has disappeared; attention is immediately focused on ‘Utopia’. Most striking of all,
however, is an addition in the title: een boeck / seer profijtelijc ende vermakelijck om
lesen, / bysondere den ghenen die heensdaechs / een Stadt ende ghemeynte hebben te /
regeren, daer hy meestendeel toe / dienende is (‘Very useful and entertaining to read,
especially those who have a town or borough to govern, for which it [the book]
is mostly used’). Utopia is now a practical handbook with handy tips for a town’s
office-bearers.
The Netherlands were the cradle of Utopia. The text was conceived there
(in Bruges and Antwerp), the frame narrative takes place there (Antwerp), and the
finished book was published there (Leuven). In that prosperous and literate region
it would certainly have found an attentive readership. In 1548 Utopia appeared
in Leuven again – the first edition after More’s death in 1535. The printer, Servaas
van Sassen, was even related to Dirk Martens, having married Martens’s daughter

Barbara. After her death (before 1527), he married Anna Amersvoet, sister-in-law
of Cologne publisher Franz Birckmann. Following the split between the northern
and southern provinces of the Netherlands (1585), Utopia was no longer reprinted
in the South. The North, strongly focused on the international book market, quickly
out brought pocket-sized Latin editions (Blaeu and Janssonius), as well as a new
and once again anonymous translation. In Hoorn, several editions of this version
appeared between 1629 and 1634, all a small size. The text was tailored to Protestant
receptivity: More’s reservations about certain religious rituals were gingered up
and ‘Catholic’ elements were toned down or removed altogether. Finally, in 1677,
an entirely new, fluent translation by printer and professional translator Frans
van Hoogstraten (1632–1696) appeared in Rotterdam, aimed at an even wider
readership.
The first Dutch translation of 1553/1562 was never reissued and barely
studied. Besides which, only a small number of either edition survives.
MDS

10
Hans Lützelburger, after a design by Monogrammist N.H.
Battle of Naked ‘Utopians’ and Clothed Peasants
Second state, c.1525
Watermark: a high crown with a diadem, cross and star (cf. Briquet 4968)1
Dresden, Staatliche Kunstsammlungen Dresden, Kupferstichkabinett, inv. A 125,1
BIBLIOGR APHY
1 Passavant 1862: 445, no. 2; His 1870: 169; Woltmann 1874: 193; Lippmann 1899–1900: 40;
Andersson & Talbot 1983: 318–319, no. 180.
2 Dörnhöffer 1904: 61; Dodgson 1907: 319–322; Dodgson 1911: 195–198 n. 1, 200–201, no. 1;
Andersson 1968: 155–167; Landau & Parshall Musper 1943: 171–179; Hollstein 1953: 64, no. 73; Winkler 1964a: 54–56, fig. 7; Geisberg &
1994: 394–395, no. 96–97.
3 Strauss 1974: 888, no. G.954; Andersson & Talbot 1983: 318–319, no. 180; Falk 1984: 281–282,
Parshall 1989: 32; Landau & Parshall 1994:
no. 3 (II); Parshall 1989: 30–43; Landau & Parshall 1994: 212–216, 394–395.
212–213.
4
The complete signature in the cartouche at
bottom left reads: ‘HANNS/ LEVCZELLBVRGER /
FVRMSCHNIDER/ 1522’. Following the death of Maximilian of Austria (1459–1519) the Augsburg printing
5
Woltmann 1874: 193. industry plunged into crisis. The number of projects visibly dropped off and
6
several illustrators were forced to tout for new customers. This was the context in
The known prints are held by the Kupfer-
stichkabinett in Dresden and the Kunsthalle which the first state of this woodcut, with its remarkable iconography, was created
in Karlsruhe. A third print, once sold in Ber-
lin (Boerner, 14–15 November 1933, lot 488),
(fig. 10.1). With quasi-classical naked men in a setting with German peasants and
has now disappeared without trace. This is drooping silver firs, designer and blockcutter tried to price themselves back into
probably the same sheet that is described
in Hollstein as being in the former Gotha the market.2 The sheet was effectively an advert for their artistic skills.3 In two small
collection. See Falk 1984: 282, no. 3. supplementary woodblock panels below the composition were the name of the
7
Ain Insel haiszt Utopion / Die leyt nit ferr von Furmschnider, Hans Lützelburger (d. c.1526) and a sample alphabet, declaring his
Morian / Da g [e]schach ain sollichs schlagen
expertise as a cutter of letters.4
/ Hundert tausent hort ich sagen / Doch ist es
eben vil der Jar / Das ich gelaub es sey nit war / Not long after 1522 the block was reused for the second state of the woodcut,
Wann wie wolt ain nackend man / Ain ange-
legten pawren b[e]stan.
which is the one shown here. The two promotional panels with Lützelburger’s
8 name and the sample of his letter cutting have gone, making way for a thirty-four-
Der maister der das hat erdicht / Der hat sein
kunst dahin gericht / Das man erkennen mug line poem in three columns. Composed in the Augsburg dialect, the rhyme gave
da bey / Wasz hoher kunst im maalen sey / Ausz an additional story to the iconography.5 Because most sheets are trimmed to the
maalen kumpt gar vil zu druck / Durch formen
schneyden manig stuck. The poet continues margins of the picture, the whereabouts of only two prints of this second state are
with a list of artists who were already de-
scribed in Pliny’s Naturalis Historia.
known today.6
9 In the middle of a forest is a group of men locked in combat. Some are
Dodgson 1907: 319–322; Parshall 1989: 35;
Landau & Parshall 1994: 213–214. naked, some are clothed; all are equipped with swords, flails, pitchforks and/or
10 scythes. According to the first lines of the poem this is an event that must have tak-
The German artist Nicolaas Hogenberg
(c.1500–c.1539) has been mentioned several en place in the far distant past on the Island of Utopia. The poet himself seems not
times in connection with the identification
wholly convinced of the story.7 In any case he turns almost immediately to an ode to
of ‘N.H.’. Born in Munich, he was active
in Augsburg before moving to Mechelen the arts with a list of antique painters.8 At certain points the text also refers derisive-
around 1527. Hogenberg’s style has a rather
more Netherlandish character, however,
ly to the print. The two figures on the far left of the composition, for instance, could
which undermines the attribution of this be identified with the designer and the blockcutter.9 The designer, the unidentified
composition to him. See Landau & Parshall
1994: 394 n. 95. monogrammist N.H., points with a stick to his own initials.10 He holds aloft a flagon
11 whose eccentric shape alludes – according to the poet – to his drinking problem.
Darumb man billich leben soll / Den, der sein
kunst beweiset wol / Als diser auch ain maister The other character with the tankard points to something outside the print.11
was / Doch ist jm lieber das wein glasz / Das
Perhaps this is the Furmschnider Hans Lützelburger, calling the viewer’s attention to
braucht er für ain langen spiesz / Er thue jms
nach, den das verdriesz. the little cartouche displaying his name that can be seen on the first state.

[cat. 10] detail
That the reference to Utopia should be so short – just a few lines – is in no
way extraordinary. Today this woodcut is the only known contemporary reference
to allude in an artistic way to Thomas More’s work outside the discourse of his
book. Even so, the exact context in which this second state originated is shrouded
in mystery. But the fact that in the last years of his life Hans Lützelburger went to
work for Hans Holbein the Younger in Basel does not seem entirely coincidental. It
happens to have been Ambrosius Holbein, the brother of Hans the Younger, who
provided the illustrations for the 1518 Froben reprint of More’s Utopia (cat. 7.1–7.2).
MB
[fig. 10.1] Hans Lützelburger after the Monogrammist N.H., Battle of Naked ‘Utopians’ and Clothed Peasants, first state,
1522, woodcut, Basel, Kunstmuseum, Kupferstichkabinett.

11
Abraham Ortelius
Map of the Island of Utopia
1596
Burin engraving, 38 x 47.5 cm (intaglio)
Private Collection
BIBLIOGR APHY
Kruyfhooft 1981: 10–14; Marc’hadour 1982: 103–105; Leslie 1998: 37–38; Meurer 1998: 151;
Schaer, Claeys & Sargent 2000: 100; Stoffers 2001: 1–50; Van den Broecke 2004: 89–94; Van den
Broecke & Ormeling 2005: 132–133; Van den Broecke 2011: 684–687; De Palmenaer & Parmentier
2015: no. 50.
The cartographer Abraham Ortelius (1527–1598) gained world fame as the compiler
of the first modern atlas. The publication in 1570 of his Theatrum Orbis Terrarum,
a collection of logically arranged maps with descriptive comments, immediately
opened up the knowledge of the then world to a wide audience. Ortelius was also a
humanist, art collector and historian and was in close contact with the scholars of
his time.
In creating his map of Utopia Ortelius has closely followed the image of the is-
land that appeared in the first editions of Thomas More’s book. He has put the south
at the top, which is surprising for a late-sixteenth-century map. Be that as it may, the
map shows a tranquil isle with forests, vineyards, ripe cornfields and numerous riv-
ers and towns. Many ships sail the surrounding sea, suggesting a thriving maritime
trade. The map is embellished with three elegant cartouches, each framing a text.
The title cartouche gives the island’s name and refers to Raphael Hythlodaeus as the
narrator, Thomas More as the writer and Abraham Ortelius as the map’s designer.
Below left, in a cartouche weighty with extravagant scroll work, Ortelius dedicates
the map to his dear friend Johannes Matthaeus Wacker von Wackenfels (1550–1619),
a scholar and diplomat in the service of Emperor Rudolf II, to name but one of his
patrons. In the cartouche below right, the glories of Utopia are described.
Ortelius was prompted to make this map by Wacker von Wackenfels, who in
a letter dated 1 August 1595 wrote to Jacobus Monau (1546–1603), likewise a friend
of Ortelius, that he would also provide the map-maker with the names of rivers and
towns.1 This Utopia does not have fifty-four towns as described by More but fifty-five,
for Ortelius had to add the place called Favolius to gratify a certain Johannes Baptis-
ta Favolia, an Antwerp scholar.2
Wackenfels supplied place names in ten different languages. The capital is
Amaurotum which can mean ‘foggy city’ and is possibly an allusion to London.
In addition to ‘Utopian’ the following languages were used: Latin, Greek, Italian,
Spanish, French, German, Dutch, Polish, and Arabic (?). The towns and rivers have
1 absurd and sometimes comical names like Horsdumonde, Keinstadt, Sottenbroeck,
Hessels 1887: 274.
2 Sanspoisson, Fischlos...
Hessels 1887: 286.
Apparently Ortelius was not altogether happy with this map. In 1596 he
3
Hessels 1887: 286. wrote to his nephew Jacob Cole, who was living in London, that he had in fact made

the map of Utopia unwillingly, at the insistence of James Monau and some other
friends.3
It appears from a letter from Cole to Ortelius written in October 1596 that
twelve copies of this map were sent to London. The map of Utopia is the same
size as an atlas map but it has never been found in Ortelius’s Theatrum nor in his
Parergon, a collection of maps of the classical world. At present the map of Utopia
shown here is the only known copy.
CK

12
Thomas More, translated by Nicolas Gueudeville
L’Utopie de Thomas Morus, Chancelier d’Angleterre: Idée ingenieuse
pour remedier au malheur des hommes & pour leur procurer une
felicité complete
Published in Leiden by Pierre van der Aa in 1715
Engravings by Frans van Bleyswyck
Leuven, KU Leuven, University Library, Tabularium, inv. CAAA 2343
This book is not in the exhibition. It is on display in the exhibition Utopia & More
(KU Leuven, Central Library)
BIBLIOGR APHY
Rosenberg 1982: 208–213; Meyer 1984: 289–290; Streng 1990: 111–136.
Utopia became known to the French-speaking world primarily by way of the trans-
lation by Samuel Sorbière (1615–1670).1 In 1642 that French philosopher settled
for a short time in Leiden as a physician. His translation of Thomas More’s work
appeared in Amsterdam in 1643. In 1650 Sorbière returned to France, converted to
Catholicism and became a historiographer in royal service.
In many respects, Nicolas Gueudeville, who produced a new translation of
Utopia in 1715, took the opposite route. A one-time Benedictine monk, Gueudeville
had lost his faith in the early 1680s. He escaped from Jumièges Abbey in Normandy
and in 1688 sought shelter in the Dutch Republic as a teacher of Latin among the
scholars of the diaspora of Huguenots who had fled France in great numbers on
the revocation of the Edict of Nantes (1685). He became a radical freethinker and
passionate opponent of absolutism, and it is in that spirit that his translation
of Utopia, which was published in Leiden by Pierre van der Aa in 1715, must be
understood. Gueudeville acknowledges in his preface that his translation of More’s
work (cat. 1) is a free one, glossed his own views – in fact the translation is almost
twice as long as the original. According to Gueudeville, More’s Utopia must be
interpreted first and foremost as a plea for an egalitarian society and a policy in
which the common weal takes precedence over the individual. His commentary to
this core idea is intent on radicalization and clearly aimed at the absolutist regime
in France, where corruption in Church and State, luxury and unbridled ambition
come in for particular criticism.
At the same time the statement that ‘Le monde ne jamais s’utopiera’
demonstrates Gueudeville’s scepticism, which is also characteristic of the early
Enlightenment. The ideal state remains an unattainable ideal, incompatible with
human nature. The Enlightenment, which was partly rooted in the Huguenot
diaspora, was sometimes seen by those in its own ranks as a ‘utopian’ movement
per se. In eighteenth-century France the idea of ‘Utopia’ flourished as never before
1 as a narrative vehicle for enlightened ideals. But what could be evoked in literature
For the history of Utopian literature, see
Racault 1991; Trousson 1999; Fortunati & via the imagination as a ‘possible world’ was not yet achievable in practice. In
Trousson 2000. On the topic of ‘utopias
political philosophy there was also a much more pragmatic and almost anti-utopian
and utopianism’, see inter alia Israel 2001:
177–179, 183, 591–593, 596–598. countermovement. In France, unlike the English-speaking world, it would be a long

[cat. 12] The Island Utopia
[cat. 12] The suitors are shown naked to each other prior to marriage.
time before the term ‘Utopia’ referred to anything but Thomas More’s book. Not
until 1752, in the Dictionnaire de Trévoux, does it enter the lexicon as a proper noun
relating to a literary genre, particularly a ‘plan d’un gouvernement imaginaire, à
l’exemple de la République de Platon’.
Gueudeville’s translation is the first edition to be fully illustrated. This pub-
lication, which was reprinted in 1717 and 1730, contains sixteen plates by the Leiden
engraver Frans van Bleyswyck (1671–1746) who spent virtually his whole career as
an illustrator. Van Bleyswyck’s style is strongly influenced by French classicism, but
shows a certain influence from the Holland style, particularly in the interiors.
JH

Utopia and European Humanism
JA N PAPY
Humanists were pedagogues par excellence. Their new But More’s London humanist friends, men such as John
Renaissance vision of what people should and could Colet, had all studied in Italy and it was they who
be – a well-balanced fusion of humanitas, based on brought both More and Erasmus into contact with Pico
antique culture, and Christian pietas – had already della Mirandola’s lofty Oration on the Dignity of Man
called for a new and adapted sort of education in and Marsilio Ficino’s Neoplatonist philosophy. They
fifteenth-century Italy. Yet the sedulous study of also directed them to the authoritative educational
classical languages and elegant discourse along the treatises of Maffeo Vegio and Battista Guarino and
lines of the antique authors was not at all unworldly. showed them the innovative political works of Poggio
Young people should be able to grow into developed Bracciolini (Momus sive de principe, 1450) and Filippo
and cultivated adults, open-minded intellectuals who Beroaldo (De optimo statu, c.1497). Surprisingly
were not only familiar with the wealth of antique enough, More was unaware of Machiavelli’s Il Principe
knowledge but could also put that knowledge to use in (written c.1513 to 1515, though published only in 1532).
ways that were meaningful for their own society. That Perhaps even more surprising is that same decade
D E TAIL FIG. X X X
humanist upbringing and new education ought to result should see the birth of a masterpiece on Realpolitik
in virtus: not simply ‘virtue’ or ‘virtuousness’ but and a classic on the Ideal State.
a life with the greatest potential that nature has Yet it is chiefly Erasmus’s own Panegyricus for Philip
to offer. Thus the foundations for man’s complete the Fair (1504), his Moriae Encomium (Praise of Folly,
cultural, moral and social development are already 1511) – dedicated to More as if to demonstrate their
laid in childhood. Manuals on the upbringing of the complete congeniality – and his Institutio Principis
young and mirrors for young princes followed each Christiani, written in 1515 and dedicated to Prince
other in quick succession. Often, their core idea Charles in May 1516, that have left the most traces
reprised Plato’s view that the state should be ruled in More’s ideal state. If the Institutio was Erasmus’s
by a ‘philosopher-king’, a monarch who has been positive political programme for a healthy and
properly brought up and educated, who embraces the wisely governed state, the antique sources of the
philosophical insights of Antiquity and humanism, and Institutio and Utopia are also largely parallel. Both
who has rid himself of short-sighted imperialism and works are variations on the same theme: the ideal
unchristian greed. Because power without goodness is state as a tight family bond founded on the pillars
tyranny, without wisdom it is a disaster. The welfare of morality in which the citizens participate in
of society therefore depends on the education of the the power. Compared to Erasmus’s Moriae Encomium,
monarch and his subjects. Only thus can a socially just More’s Utopia as a ‘Praise of Wisdom’ is the literary-
society, a world of peace and cultural flourishing be satirical and politico-philosophical complement to
guaranteed. the Praise of Folly dedicated to him five years earlier.
The pacifist Erasmus and ‘utopian’ More were at one Both contrast, as in a mirror, the ideal with the
in these ideals of Christian humanism. Both felt the shortcomings of their own world. Both offer a satirical
same sense of indignation with their world; both stepping stone to an earnest contemplation of truth.
sought their role as humanist scholars and political
advisors in order to improve that world. They found
a basis for that societas perfecta in the political
thought of Plato, Aristotle, Xenophon and Cicero.

13A
Quinten Metsys
Portrait of Desiderius Erasmus
Antwerp, 1517
Oil on oak panel, 50.5 x 45.2 cm
Royal Collection Trust / Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II, inv. 405759
In the open book, Erasmus has written on the recto the opening words of his Paraphrase of
Saint Paul’s Epistle to the Romans. On the facing page, he has written ‘GRATIA’, the key word
of the Epistle. On the shelves behind him, three of the books are inscribed across the page-
ends and are the New Testament, the works of Lucian (labelled in Greek capitals) and the
works of Saint Jerome. Another book bears a damaged inscription ‘M …’, perhaps meant
for Encomium Moriae, Erasmus’s Praise of Folly, which was dedicated to Thomas More.
13B
Quinten Metsys
Portrait of Town Clerk Pieter Gillis
Antwerp, 1517
Oil on oak panel, 61.4 x 47 cm
Collection of the Earl of Radnor, Longford Castle (not in the exhibition)
The books on the shelves are labelled as by Plutarch, Suetonius and Quintus Curtius Rufus
and as Archontopaideia (a Greek rendering of The Education of a Christian Prince, one of
Erasmus’s most famous works). Under Gillis’s right hand is Erasmus’s Antibarbari, again
labelled in Greek.
PROV ENA NCE
The portraits formed the ‘double picture’ painted by Quinten Metsys in 1517 and given to Thomas
More. It is not clear what happened to the portraits after More’s execution in 1535 but by 1627
they belonged to Vincenzo II Gonzaga, Duke of Mantua, and were acquired in 1628, with much of
the Mantuan collection, by Charles I, King of Great Britain. Both bear on their reverses the
crowned CR brand that was used to mark Charles’s pictures. Presumably separated from the Gillis
when Charles’s pictures were sold, the Erasmus was recovered for Charles II and has remained in
the Royal Collection. Meanwhile the Gillis was in the collections of Thomas Rawlinson (1681–1725)
and Richard Mead (1673–1754), at whose sale in 1754 it was bought by Jacob Bouverie (1694–1761),
Viscount Folkestone, ancestor of the present owner.
BIBLIOGR APHY
Nichols 1873; Campbell, Phillips, Schulte Herbrüggen & Trapp 1978: 725; Campbell 1985: 86–89;
Hand, Metzger & Spronk 2006: 116–121, 284–285, 315; Shawe-Taylor & Scott 2007: 58–61; Heard,
Whitaker et al. 2011:40–41, no. 6.

14A
Quinten Metsys, studio replica (?)
Portrait of Desiderius Erasmus
Antwerp
After 1517
Oil on canvas, transferred from panel, 58.4 x 46 cm
Rome, Galleria Nazionale d’Arte Antica, inv. 1529
PROV ENA NCE
By 1807 in the collection of Count Aleksandr Sergeyevich Stroganov (1733–1811),

St Petersburg; by inheritance, apparently through his grand-daughter Natalia Pavlovna
Stroganova, who married her third cousin Sergei Stroganov, to their son Count Grigory
Stroganov (1829–1910); given in 1912 by his heirs (his daughter Maria [1857–1920] married
Alexei Grigorievich Shcherbatov [1848–1912]) to the Galleria Nazionale (Rome).
BIBLIOGR APHY
Campbell, Phillips, Schulte Herbrüggen & Trapp 1978: 725; Hand, Metzger & Spronk 2006:
116–121, 284–285, 315.
14B
Quinten Metsys, studio replica (?)
Portrait of Town Clerk Pieter Gillis
Antwerp
After 1517
Inscribed on the book in the lower left corner: ‘[QUERELA PA]CIS ERAS[MI] R[OTERODAME]’
Antwerp, Koninklijk Museum voor Schone Kunsten, inv. 198
PROV ENA NCE
Florent Joseph van Ertborn (1784–1840), Antwerp; his bequest to the museum was received
in 1841.
BIBLIOGR APHY
Hand, Metzger & Spronk 2006: 116–121, 284–285, 315.
At Antwerp in 1517, Erasmus and Pieter Gillis commissioned from Quinten Metsys
(c.1465/66 –1650) portraits of themselves as gifts for Thomas More. He received the
‘double picture’ at Calais that October. The progress of the commission is reported
in letters from Erasmus to More. Gillis is represented holding a letter addressed
to him by More; More, in his letter of thanks to Gillis, mentioned Metsys’s skill in
imitating More’s handwriting and asked if he would return the letter. ‘Placed next

to the picture, it will make it seem more wonderful than ever.’ If the original letter
could not be spared, or found, More would try himself to imitate his own writing.
He must have meant that he would make a counterfeit of the first letter, which he
would exhibit next to the portrait.1
The accuracy of the likenesses had already been touched on in a letter from
Erasmus to More, in which he excused the delays in sending the promised gift. He
had foolishly followed a doctor’s advice and taken some purgative pills, with the re-
sult that, at his next sitting, the painter said that he no longer had the same counte-
nance. Work was delayed until Erasmus was more fully recovered.2 More wrote from
1 London on 16 July that he was impatient to see the portraits and his letters of thanks
‘Quare nisi aut ille in suum aliquem vsum
aut tu in tuum eam seruas epistolam,
are full of emotion.3 His letter to Gillis includes an epigram in elegiac couplets in
remitte rogo ad me: duplicabit miraculum which the picture speaks and expresses the feelings of all three men:
apposita cum tabella. Sin aut perierit aut
vobis vsui erit, ego experiar mee manus
imitatorem ipse rursus imitari.’ Allen, Allen I bear witness that Erasmus and Gillis are as dear friends as were, years ago,
& Garrod 1906–1958, III: 107).
2 Castor and Pollux. More is sad to be parted from them, though affection
‘Nos belle valebamus, sed nescio quomodo
medico venit in mentem vt purgandae bili
joins them to him as closely as anyone may be to himself. In turn they are
iuberet me pilulas aliquot sumere, et quod sad that their absent friend should miss them. An affectionate letter brings
ille stulte suasit, ego stultius feci. Iam pingi
coeperam; verum a pharmaco sumpto cum to More their inward thoughts but I bring their outward appearance.4
ad pictorem redirem, negauit eundem esse
vultum. Dilata est igitur picture in dies
aliquot, donec fiam Paulo alacrior.’ (Allen, More explained to Erasmus that he found it difficult to say how immeasurably
Allen & Garrod 1906–1958, II: 576).
the pictures had delighted him. He stated that the ‘likenesses are delineated and
3
‘Tabellam quae mihi tuam Petrique nostri expressed with such art that they fairly excel all the old painters’, and that:
imaginem referat non credas quam auide
expectem …’ (Allen, Allen & Garrod
1906–1958, III: 11–12). I triumph in this boast, that you esteem me so far as to make known by
4
‘TABELLA LOQVITVR. Quanti olim fuerant a memorial of such beauty that there is no one else whose affection you
Pollux et Castor amici, / Erasmum tantos prefer. Perhaps with some arrogance, but with no less confidence, I assuredly
Egidiumque fero. / Morus ab his dolet esse
loco, coniunctus amore / Tam prope quam interpret this present as one sent to me in order that the remembrance of
quisquam vix queat esse sibi. / Sic desyderio
you should be renewed to me not merely every day but every hour … If the
est consultum absentis, vt horum / Reddat
amans animum littera, corpus ego.’ (Allen, truth be told, I cannot shake off this urge to boast, with which I feel both
Allen & Garrod 1906–1958, III: 106).
5
wonderfully and delightfully titillated, whenever it occurs to me that I am
‘ … quae quam impense me delectent, commended to posterity as the friend of Erasmus: that is demonstrated by
procliuius cuius est a suo sensu consequi
quam dicendo mihi … tanto artificio letters, by books, by pictures and in every way. I wish that I had the powers to
deliniatis atque expressis imaginibus vt quae show by some evident proof that I was not unworthy of the love of a man so
veteres facile pictores omnes prouocauerint?
… ego vehementer hac triumpho gloria, greatly surpassing those of his own century and those of future ages.5
quod tanti abs te estimor vt tam egregio
monumento declares non alium esse
quenquam a quo tu amari malis. Nam sic The two panels have been cut. In 1648 they were described as ‘half ovals’ and may
ipse certe – satis pol superbe, sed tamen
sic – interpretor, quod istud abs te missum have had arched tops. Subsequently they were cut to their present, rectangular
est mihi quo non in dies modo sed in horas shapes. Cat. 13A measures 50.4 x 45 cm and had been reduced to that size by the time
etiam tui apud me memoria renouetur
… Sed tamen, vt verum fatear, vnum of Charles II. The Gillis (cat. 13B) has been cut to 50.6 x 44 cm and then enlarged on
hunc pruritum glorie excutere profecto
all four sides, apparently between 1734 and 1754, to 74.5 x 53.4 cm, to make it into a
non possum, quo mirum quam suauiter
titillor, quoties animum subit sere demum false pair for Holbein’s portrait of Erasmus dated 1523, which measures 74.8 x 52 cm.
posteritati me Erasmi amicitia litteris, libris,
tabulis, omnibus denique modis contestata
The Rome portrait of Erasmus (cat. 14A) and the Antwerp portrait of Gillis
commendandum. Vtinam ea mihi facultas (cat. 14B) are about the same size and may have been painted as a pair. The last ring
esset quae insigni aliquo documento possit
efficere ne indignus amore tam impenso in the two oak boards used to make the panel on which the Gillis is painted was
viri, cum suo seculo, tum secuturis etatibus formed in 1497. The dendrochronological evidence would favour a date after 1514
incomparandi, videar!’ (Allen, Allen and
Garrod 1906–1958, III: 104). for the execution of the painting.6 The Antwerp Gillis is not an absolutely accurate
6
copy after the original, since Gillis holds a letter in the original but a rolled paper in
Peter Klein, cited by Hand, Metzger &
Spronk 2007: 284. the Antwerp version; the hands differ accordingly. It is possible that the Rome and

Antwerp portraits were executed in the workshop of Metsys for Erasmus. Metsys’s
compositions were evidently known to both Dürer and Holbein and influenced
Dürer’s engraving and Holbein’s paintings of Erasmus. It was perhaps Erasmus who
showed them versions of Metsys’s two portraits.
LC

15A– B
Quinten Metsys
Portraits of the Antwerp Town Clerk Pieter Gillis and his Wife Cornelia
Sandrin (diptych)
Antwerp (?)
c.1514
Oil on oak panel, 32.7 x 27.5 cm and 32.8 x 27.8 cm respectively
Oldenburg, Landesmuseum für Kunst und Kulturgschichte, inv. 15.565 and 15.566
PROV ENA NCE
Until 1804 in the collection of the painter J.H.W. Tischbein; acquired by Duke Peter
Friedrich Ludwig of Oldenburg, 1804–1919 Großherzogliche Gemäldegalerie Oldenburg; 1922
transferred to the Landesmuseum für Kunst und Kulturgeschichte Oldenburg.
BIBLIOGR APHY
Böttiger 1800: 70, 72 ff.; Parthey 1863: 603, no. 86; Bode 1888: 81; Bredius & Schmidt-Degener
1906: 28, no. 14A; Hartlaub 1912: 74; Schäfer 1912: 6; Oncken 1913: 542; Friedländer 1916: 95,
183; Winkler 1924: 206; Holtze 1927: 292 ff.; Friedländer 1924–1937: VII, 65, 122, no. 49–50;
Köhler 1947: no. 103; Van Wachem 1954: 13, 71; Müller-Wulckow 1961; Keiser 1967: 42; Friedländer
1967–1976: VII, 34, no. 49–50; Nuremberg 1971: 117 ff., no. 205–206; De Bosque 1975: 239 ff.;
Anzelewsky, Mende & Eeckhout 1977: 105 ff., no. 187–188; Silver 1984: 113, 192, 234 ff., no. 56;
Van der Stock 1993: 207, no. 59; Deuter 2001: 30–31; Oldenburg 2012: 28 ff.; Woodall 2014: 46.
In 1804 the Duke of Oldenburg acquired the entire painting collection of the
classicist artist Johann Heinrich Wilhelm Tischbein. It included this pair of
portraits. In the nineteenth century they were thought to be by German artists
such as Hans Holbein or Barthel Bruyn. Friedländer was the first to connect them
with Quinten Metsys.1 It was the resemblance between this sitter and the portrait
of Pieter Gillis in the ‘double picture’ Metsys painted in 1517 (cat. 13B) that allowed
the identification to be made.2 Just as he does in the ‘double picture’, Gillis wears
1 a darkish coat with a light brown fur collar, which Metsys has painted with loose
Friedländer 1916: 95.
2
brushstrokes. Also typical of Pieter Gillis is the dimple just at the tip of his nose.
Van Wachem 1954: 71. The light falls from the left onto the sitter’s face as he turns his head to the right to
3
Gillis married a third time in 1530. Quinten look at the woman at his side. Her face is fully lit. Her white headdress reflects the
Metsys died in that same year. light and surrounds her entire face in starched pleats. A delicate pattern has been
4
Müller-Wulckow 1961: 7; De Bosque 1975: worked into the fabric of the veil. Unlike her husband, the woman lowers her eye
240.
and has a subdued expression.
5
Musée du Louvre, Paris, inv. 1444. The portraits were probably painted on the occasion of a marriage. In
6
Silver 1984: 235; Köhler 1947: 30 May 1517,
July 1514 Gillis wed Cornelia Sandrin. After her death he married again, in 1526,
letter from Erasmus to Thomas More. See his second wife being Maria Denis Adriaensdr.3 Because Gillis looks older in this
also cat. 13 in this catalogue
7 wedding portrait than in the ‘double picture’ of 1517, it has repeatedly been asserted
Dendrochronological analysis and report, that he is shown here with his second wife.4 Silver, however, noted that the strong
especially for this exhibition, by Peter Klein,
1 August 2015. contrast between light and dark in the portraits is similar to handling of light in
8
The Money-Changer and his Wife5 painted by Metsys in 1514, the same year as Gillis’s
Erasmus published the poem in 1524 in the
revised edition of the Colloquia. marriage to Cornelia Sandrin. He ascribed the difference in Gillis’s appearance in

1514 and 1517 to the fact that Gillis was ill when this diptych was painted. Erasmus
mentions Gillis’s malady in a letter to Thomas More.6
Recent dendrochronological analysis of the two panels has led to greater
certainty. Both Baltic oak panels came from the same tree and would have been
available for use from around 1513.7 The dating of the panels adds support to the
hypothesis that the portraits were produced around 1514, to mark the marriage of
Gillis and Sandrin, a union that was celebrated by Gillis’s friend Erasmus in the
form of an epithalamium and by their mutual friend Quinten Metsys with this pair
of portraits.8
MF

16
Quentin Metsys
Portrait of a Scholar
Antwerp
c.1522–1527
Oil on oak panel, 68.8 x 53.3 cm
Frankfurt am Main, Städel Museum, inv. 766
BIBLIOGR APHY
De Bosque 1975: 262–265, fig. 77; Silver 1984: 61, 114, 165, 166–167, 237–239, no. 61,
fig. 146; Sander, Knobloch & Klein 1993: 282–294, fig. 20; Sander 2002: 15, 282–294, 500 ff.,
511 ff. (with bibliography); Büttner 2011: 66; Seelig 2015: 501.
Quinten Metsys’s portrait of an unknown scholar in the Städel Museum in

Frankfurt is not only one of his greatest achievements as a portrait painter but also
one of the finest examples of humanist portraiture. Around ten years earlier, in
his ‘double picture’ of Erasmus of Rotterdam and Pieter Gillis (cat. 13A–B), Metsys
had suggested the relationship between the two learned friends with the utmost
subtlety. This time, however, he brings the unknown scholar into convincingly
direct contact with the viewer. The man has paused in his perusal of the book
before him and removed the spectacles that are meant to correct his short-
sightedness while he turns over in his mind the words he has just read. We seem to
be witnessing the very moment that light breaks and causes his involuntary gesture.
Seldom has that dazzling moment of intellectual insight been so persuasively
portrayed. Sadly, Metsys leaves us in the dark about the subject of the scholar’s
sudden enlightenment for the text in the book is nothing more than illegible quasi-
gothic script.
The monumentality of the portrayal, the deliberate absence of attributes
intended to glorify the sitter, and the resolute focus on the scholar’s physiognomy
and gesture, indicate that the painting must have been produced in the last five
years of Metsys’s life. Compared to his earlier portraits, influences from Italian
masters of the genre, such as Pietro Perugino and Andrea Solario, are much more
marked in creations that are, nonetheless, entirely his own invention.
As yet the portrait’s scholarly sitter has not been identified. According to
Silver, who argues his case at some length, he is Cornelius Grapheus, humanist and
town clerk of Antwerp. But Silver’s suggested comparison with a copper engraving
in Philips Galle’s 1572 Virorum doctorum effigies raises serious doubts about the
sitter’s identity. Conversely, the weak portrait in the Louvre (inv. 1346; fig. 16.1), now
attributed to Jan Provost, undoubtedly shows the man we see in the Städel portrait.
Whether the work in the Louvre is a portrait painted from life or a modified repeat
of the one shown here is uncertain. Even so, it offers the best chance of identifying
the scholar, as there is a coat of arms and a motto on the reverse – though whom
they belong to has still to be discovered.
When the work came to the Städel Museum from a collection in Augsburg
in 1829 an inscription on the now lost frame identified it as a portrait of Berend

[fig. 16.1] Attributed to Jan Provost, Portrait of a Man, c.1520, Paris, Musée du Louvre.
Knipperdolling, leader of the Münster Anabaptists, ostensibly painted by Metsys
in 1534. This is hardly possible as by that date Metsys had been in his grave for
four years. In 1734 the correct attribution to Metsys and incorrect identification
of the sitter as Knipperdolling were already cited in the catalogue for the sale
of Amsterdam burgomaster Willem Six’s collection. And there are even earlier
references to the painting. It can be seen in Willem van Haecht’s picture, dated 1628
and now in the Rubenshuis, of the visit of the Archdukes Albert and Isabella to the
Antwerp art collection of Cornelis van der Geest on 23 August 1615. From 1626 until
his death in 1637 Van Haecht was responsible for Van der Geest’s art collections,
and he repeatedly included works from them in his own depictions of art cabinets.
For instance, the present portrait can also be seen in an undated painting of the
workshop of Apelles (now in the Mauritshuis in The Hague; inv. 266). Van der Geest
sought to preserve Metsys’s fame for posterity, even to the extent of having the
painter’s tombstone transferred to the west front of Antwerp Cathedral as an early
monument to an artist.
JS

17
Albrecht Dürer
Portrait of a Humanist (Sebastian Brant ?)
1520–1521
Silverpoint on prepared paper, cut out along the contours (191 x 147 mm) and
mounted on a new sheet of paper (194 x 148 mm)
Berlin, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Kupferstichkabinett, KdZ 2229
PROV ENA NCE
Purchased in 1881.
BIBLIOGR APHY
1 Kalkoff 1905: 474–485; Janitsch 1906a: 75–78; Janitsch 1906b: 5–18; Friedländer 1908:
The drawing may have formed part of a
79–80; Veth & Muller 1918: vol. I, 31; Bock 1921: vol. I, 34 no. 2229; Flechsig 1928–1931:
larger sketchbook, although the figure is
a few centimetres too large to fit in what vol. II, 238; Tietze & Tietze-Conrat 1938: no. 754; Winkler 1936–1939: no. 817; Panofsky
remains of the silverpoint sketchbook that
the artist took with him on his trip. Fifteen, 1943: no. 1073; Tietze 1951: 34; Musper 1952: 276; Winkler 1957: 305; Strauss 1974: vol. IV,
often double-sided sheets in silverpoint no. 1520/42; Anzelewsky & Mielke 1984: 110, no. 107; Siewert & Bartetzky 1994: 45–46,
(c.133 x 194 mm) have survived. They are
today dispersed in collections in Berlin, no. 5; Unverfehrt 2007: 45.
London, Chantilly, Vienna, Frankfurt,
Nuremberg and Bremen. Dürer himself first
mentions this sketchbook (‘mein Büchlein’)
during his stay in Aachen in 1520. Joachim
von Sandrart describes what is probably the
This silverpoint drawing embodies Dürer’s mastery of portraiture. A few fine lines
same, still intact sketchbook in the imperial indicate the wrinkles on the man’s face. Hair-fine yet confident contours define the
collections in Vienna in 1675. See Unverfehrt
2007: 99, 208. On the art of drawing in eyelids, lips, bags under the eyes, the shape of the nose and the left cheek. With
silverpoint and metal stylus, see Sell & only the play of wavy parallel lines, Dürer evokes the rich fur lining of the coat. For
Chapman 2015.
2 the depiction of the chest and arms, he uses coarser but no less confidently executed
The silverpoint portrait by Lucas van
lines and hatching. The hands are only schematically indicated. The structure of
Leyden in Lille has approximately the same
dimensions and was evidently also conceived the composition reveals that the portrait probably came about during an informal
as a loose-leaf sheet commemorating the
friendship between two artists. See Strauss
sitting. The man’s relaxed posture distinguishes it from Dürer’s other portrait
1974: no. 1521/26. drawings. The loving care with which the portrait was composed, as well as the
3
First in the Schlesische Zeitung, 1887, no. 861; sitter’s posture and intelligent gaze, seem to suggest a considerable amount of
convincingly argued in Janitsch 1906 and trust between artist and model. Still, the man’s identity cannot be determined with
Janitsch 1906b.
4 any certainty. The drawing would have been created during Dürer’s sojourn in the
Brant describes how 109 fools depart in a
rudderless ship for the imaginary island of
Netherlands (1520–1521).1 Perhaps it is a loose-leaf sheet that Dürer gave the sitter as
‘Narragonia’. The fool, for Brant, represented a token of friendship.2 In his travel diary, Dürer made note of events and encounters,
the foolish and morally deficient person.
Humanity in his view was a rudderless ship and especial of his income and expenses. He mentions around 140 drawings,
populated by fools. Sebastian Brant, Das most of them portraits. Not all of these drawings have survived, while those that
Narren schyff, Johannes Bergman von Olpe,
Basel 1494. Today, 73 of the 114 illustrations have rarely match the ones mentioned. There are clear indications that Dürer did
are attributed to Dürer. See Schoch, Mende
not note down all of his encounters, and also that countless portraits were never
& Scherbaum 2004: no. 266.
5 mentioned.
According to our observations, the
perforated part corresponds perfectly with
Already in 1887, Janitsch pointed out the striking similarity between the
the contours of the figure in the engraving, man depicted on this sheet and several known portraits of the German humanist
although the figure in the latter is differently
framed and slightly tilted. The engraving in and satirist Sebastian Brant.3 Dürer had met Brant in Basel sometime before, and
Berlin (162 x 122 mm; Kupferstichkabinett, designed some of the illustrations to his renowned work Das Narrenschif (1493).4
inv. 154–9) was first associated with the
drawing by Bock 1921. Nagler also mentions Brant was moreover in the Netherlands in 1520 as a representative of the city of
an exemplar in Paris and identifies the
Strasbourg. On 6 August the new emperor, Charles V, received him in Ghent. On
monogrammist erroneously as Christoph
Amberger; see Nagler 1858: vol. I, no. 1123. 8 August he continued on to Antwerp, where Dürer had arrived six days earlier.

[fig. 17.1] Monogrammist AP, Portrait of a Man, engraving, Berlin, Staatliche Museen, Kupferstichkabinett.
It seems likely that the German artist portrayed him then. In his diary, however,
Dürer does not mention any such meeting with Brant, or a portrait. Given that
Brant was already back in Strasbourg by 22 August, this means his portrait would
have been made in the second week of the month at the latest. Yet the sitter in this
spontaneous and informal looking portrait wears formal and above all very warm
clothing. This could mean that he was drawn in the winter of 1520–1521, in which
case he cannot be Sebastian Brant. Another possibility is that Brant deliberately
had Dürer portray him in a fur coat and cap in August, but rather as preparation
for a formal portrait to be executed as an engraving or oil painting. In that case,
the clothing is an appropriate status symbol for the renowned humanist. That it is
a portrait of a well-known personality is also evident from the fact that the man’s
head and shoulders have been indented by a stylus for transfer to a copperplate. The
only known impression of the resulting engraving in reverse, by the Monogrammist
AP, unfortunately bears no inscription that can help us identify the sitter (fig. 17.1).5
J VG

18
Marinus van Reymerswaele
St Jerome in his Study
c.1540
Oil on oak panel, 74 x 109 cm
Douai, Musée de la Chartreuse, inv. 234
PROV ENA NCE
Collection of Marquis d’Aoust; collection of Marlier, painter, Douai; in 1836 acquired by

Dr Escallier from Marlier’s widow; in 1857 acquired by the Musée de la Chartreuse, Douai,
1 from the Escallier estate.
Milkers 1985: 38–40; Hand 1990: 3–5; Cavalli-
The painting has been specially conserved for this exhibition by Anne Perrin.
Björkman 1993: 49; Pabel 2002: 470–471, 473.
On the iconographic aspect of humanism’s Conservation work was funded by KU[N]ST Leuven vzw.
appreciation of Jerome, see Rice 1985:
104–113.
2 BIBLIOGR APHY
Pabel 2002: 470–471. In his Omnia Opera Divi
Eusebii Hiëronymi Stridonensis (Basel 1516) Demmler 1918: 63 no. 304, 116 no. 304; Held 1931: 85, no. 3; Leroy 1937: 43, no. 209;
– nine volumes including a revised vita of Hoogewerff 1941–1942: 459; Douai 1953: 9, no. 16; Marlier & Reis-Santos 1954: 132,
Jerome –Erasmus even presented the saint as
his own alter ego (Pabel 2002: 472, 474–475; no. 27; Van Werveke 1955: 129–130, no. 113; Guillouet 1956: no. 28; Marlier 1963: 163–164,
Pabel 2013: 134).
no. 212; Foucart 1965: 202–203, no. 247; Gillouet 1967: 108, no. 55; Chatelain 1967: no. 18;
3
That limited iconographic repertory is Recklinghausen 1967: no. 16; Friedländer 1975: 106–108, no. 162b, pl. 92; Anzelewsky,
typical of Van Reymerswaele’s oeuvre. It
encompasses only six variously repeated Mende & Eeckhout 1977: 115, 160–161, no. 343; Milkers 1985: 174–176; Baligand 1999: 55–56,
subjects. Sixteen versions of ‘St Jerome in his fig. 49; Baligand 2001; Heck 2005: 272–278, no. 36; Borchert 2010: 205, no. 67.
study’ are known (Hendrikmann & Filedt
Kok 2009b). For a concise summary of his
core oeuvre, see Ackroyd, Billinge, Campbell
& Kirby 2003: 50; for a comprehensive study
with a revised biography, see Mackor 1995. With piercing eyes St Jerome (c.342–420) stares at the viewer from his study. A skull
4
The date is problematic, given that it is
lies on the table in front of him: he points to it with an almost claw-like admonitory
based on stylistic connoisseurship of a finger, a stark reminder of the transience of earthly life. From the early sixteenth
changing core oeuvre and the erroneous
reading of the year recorded on the few century this was a popular topos in literature and the visual arts. In Jerome the
signed works (Ackroyd, Billinge, Campbell humanist milieu found the ideal ally for the propagation of their ideas.1 His ori-
& Kirby 2003: 50, 59 n. 3). For the attribution
and dating of the present Jerome, see Heck gins in the classical world helped to justify a theological culture in which secular
2005: 274–276.
knowledge and piety coalesced. For the Greek doctor of the church represented a
5
On the considerable influence of Dürer’s bridge between the two currents that have shaped humanism: the literary legacy of
Jerome on Southern Netherlandish painting,
see Held 1931: 87, 139–140.
the classical world and the patrimony of Christianity. His phenomenal activity, not
6 least as a translator of the Old Testament from Hebrew into Latin (Editio Vulgata,
According to Silver and Milkers the lost
original by Quinten Metsys is known from the first ‘popular’ translation) and a as writer of commentaries on the Bible, makes
copies in the Kunsthistorisches Museum, Jerome the ultimate ‘intellectual’, the perfect symbol of the studia humanitatis.2
Vienna (inv. 691) and the Alte Pinakothek,
Munich (inv. 5320/2888). Silver even dates In response to the medieval scholastic study of the divine, the focus now shifts to
the original before 1520, which means
that this painting, not Dürer’s, should be
the development of man. It is this aspect of him that Marinus van Reymerswaele
regarded as the prototype (Silver 1984: 218, (1490/5–1546/67) portrays time and time again.3
no. 28; Milkers 1985: 40–42, 40 n. 4, 41 n. 1,
93 n. 2). It is generally assumed that Van Reymerswaele’s portraiture (c.1540)4 is
7 based on the melancholy half-length picture of Jerome in his study by Albrecht
Van der Haagen 1837: 819–874; Milkers 1985:
44–45. Dürer (1521) (fig. 18.1).5 There are also some noticeable similarities with the
8
paintings of Quinten Metsys and his son Jan, including the horizontal format
Milkers 1985: 47–48, 170; Johns 1989: 47;
Cavalli-Björkman 1993: 49–50; Jeon 2005: and the grotesque physiognomy.6 Van Reymerswaele puts his own slant on this
210–211, 212 n. 905; Borchert 2010: 205.
9
stylistic characterization, transforming Jerome from a venerable saint into a gaunt
Eccl. 1: 2. and emaciated old man who exudes the finiteness of human life. Iconographically

[fig. 18.1] Albrecht Dürer, St Jerome, 1521, Lisbon, Museu Nacional de Arte Antiga.
[fig. 18.2] Albrecht Dürer, Last Judgement, woodcut from the Small Passion series,
Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum, Rijksprentenkabinet.
speaking, images of St Jerome fall into two categories, in which he either does
or does not look at the viewer. Meeting that penetrating gaze creates a sense of
involvement. Both the torments he endured in his restless period of wandering,
which contemporary viewers would have been sufficiently familiar with, and
his contemplative frame of mind, are manifest in this work. The painting invites
self-reflection and so gains the status of a cautionary image. Jerome confronts us
personally with the prospect of ultimate accountability to God.7
The notion of transience in Van Reymerswaele’s Jerome is entirely in keeping
with the spirit of the time. From the sixteenth century his study becomes filled with
vanitas attributes that underline the empty and fleeting nature of earthly existence.8
The skull moves into the foreground and is portrayed as chillingly as possible, the
occiput turned to the viewer. This open reference to the idea of memento mori con-
fronts the viewer with his own mortality. The need for inner reflection in the light
of human finitude is also evinced in the Bible open at the miniature of Christ at the
Last Judgment (Mt 25, 31–46), which is based on Dürer’s woodcut from around 1510
(fig. 18.2).The crucifix, the extinguished candle, the worn books and curling parch-
ment scrolls that represent the transience of spiritual riches, reinforce the painting’s
message: Vanitas vanitatum, et omnia vanitas (Vanity of vanities! All is vanity).9
WW

19
Bust of Charles of Habsburg (from 1519 Emperor Charles V)
Southern Netherlands (?)
Sixteenth (?) or nineteenth century replica of a lost original of c.1515–1517
Polychromed plaster, height: 53.5 (with cap), 51 (without cap) x 62 x 31 cm;
cap removable
Ghent, Museum voor Schone Kunsten, inv. 1983- E
PROV ENA NCE
Collection of L. Gonthier, Brussels; collection of J. Willems, Brussels; collection of

J. Ladot, Brussels; 1983 acquired by the Friends of the Museum voor Schone Kunsten Ghent.
BIBLIOGR APHY
Devliegher 1960: 240–241; Delmarcel 1976: no. 56; Lowenthal 1976: 84; Anzelewsky, Mende &
Eeckhout 1977: 126–127, no. 264; Eeckhout 1985: II, 400, no. B 2; Mechelen 1987: no. 204; Van
den Boogert 1993: 237, no. 173; Martens 1998: II, no. 232; Checa Cremades 1999: 32; Soly &
Van de Wiele 1999: 192, no. 39; Katz, Auersperg & Zock 2000: 18; Noever 2000: 131–132, no.
37; Checa Cremades 2000: no. 33–34; Kruse 2000: 132–133, no. 38; Eichberger 2005: 89, no.
25; Eikelman & Burk 2006: 252–253, no. 69; Van der Coelen, Rümelin, Trapman et al. 2008:
133, fig. 45; De Roy 2011; Michel & Sternath 2012: 158–159, no. 16; De Roy 2013: 561–562,
564–569; De Roy & Van Audenaeren 2015: 10–13; De Roy 2016: 97–108.
This bust of Charles V (1500–1558) bears a great likeness to the portraits of him that
were painted around 1515 by Bernard van Orley at the court of Margaret of Austria.
In 1515 Charles was declared of age and became sovereign ruler of the Netherlands.
In 1516 he became king of Castile and Aragon and in the autumn of 1517 he left the
Netherlands for Spain, returning only in 1520. From 1515, therefore, his portraits in
the Netherlands had a special significance, irrespective of medium. On the death
of his grandfather, Emperor Maximilian I, in 1519, Charles was elected King of the
Romans and subsequently Holy Roman Emperor.
The bust is cut horizontally at the bottom. Charles turns his head slightly
to the left and looks ahead, his mouth open, his jaw jutting. Descriptions by
contemporaries – by Antonio de ‘Beatis in 1517, for example – repeatedly emphasize
1
Bruges, Gruuthusemuseum, inv. C.4. the same physiognomic characteristics and the dignity and import of his actions.
2 The young prince wears a flat broad-brimmed cap with a drooping ostrich feather
Valladolid, Museo Nacional de Escultura,
inv. 2700. See Checa Cremades 2000: 212–213, at the back. His jaw-length hair is cut straight. Beneath his open cloak he wears a
no. 34, and Katz, Auersperg & Zock 2000: 18.
gold-trimmed doublet over a finely-pleated shirt. Around his neck hangs the collar
3
De Roy 2013; De Roy & Van Audenaeren 2015; of the Order of the Golden Fleece, into which he was inducted not long after his
De Roy 2016.
4
birth and of which he became grand master in 1506. In 1515 – when the prototype
Sterk 1980: 45, 234 (Duurstede, 1529 of this bust was created – Erasmus of Rotterdam was appointed as counsellor to
inventary).
5 Charles. The following year he wrote his Institutio principis Christiani (The Education
Michelant 1872: 361. of a Christian Prince), a ‘mirror for princes’ in which he advises Charles on what
6
On the authorship of the bust, see Duverger he should strive for in his policies. His rule should be based on Christian ethics
1934: 47, according to whom, Leone Leoni
– an ideal also pursued by Thomas More in his Utopia as he emphasized justice,
could not have been the maker of the sculp-
ture at that time. moderation and the nurturing of the common good.

[fig. 19.1] Southern Netherlands (?), Portrait bust of Charles V, c.1520, Bruges, Museum Gruuthuse.
In addition to the bust in Ghent, two others survive: one in the Gruuthuse-
museum in Bruges (fig. 19.1)1 and one in the Museo Nacional de la Escultura in
Valladolid.2 Yet even after recent research it is not clear how the three busts relate
to each other.3 Until some decades ago there was also a fourth bust that adorned
Middelburg Town Hall, was destroyed during the Second World War, and is
now only known from photographs. That it was made in 1522 is attested by the
inscription on it. There is nothing to support the earlier attribution of the bust to
Conrat Meit. Other artists in the Netherlands are known to have made busts in
terracotta at that time. In 1518, for instance, the Frenchman Claude de Chartres was
commissioned by Philip of Burgundy, Bishop of Utrecht, to make a set of fifteen
such sculptures for his castle in Duurstede.4 Charles V himself also had a bust of this
kind. His Brussels inventory of 1536 mentions La resemblance de l´Empereur en terre
cuycte, faicte par ung nommé Mre Lyon’.5 That bust was therefore certainly not made by
Conrat Meit, and although ‘Lyon’ may sound a little like ‘Leoni’, given the early date
it cannot be one of the bronze portrait busts of Charles that Leone Leoni once made
and which represented the pinnacle of imperial iconography.6 We can therefore
assume that there were once still more terracotta busts of Charles V in existence.
JLB

160
BEYOND UTOPIA
Images of Paradise and Hell
161
20
The Fountain of Eternal Youth
Strasbourg
c.1430–1440
Wool and silk, 90 x 115 cm
Colmar, Musée Unterlinden, inv. 161
PROV ENA NCE
Foltz collection until 1860.
BIBLIOGR APHY
Jubinal 1840: 29; Burckhardt 1923: 12, fig. 15; Kurth 1926: 235, no. 124; Van Marle 1932:
433, fig. 461; Göbel 1933: 89; Rapp 1976: 88–90, 121–125, 127, 148, no. 16.; Stewart 1989:
64–88; Rapp Buri & Stucky–Schürer 1990: 23, 308–309, no. 92; Camille 1998: 81–87; Antoine
2002: 57–59, 130–131; Lecoq-Ramond 2003: 23–25.
This tapestry, produced in Strasbourg in the first half of the fifteenth century, is
one of the earliest German representations of the Fountain of Eternal Youth.1 In the
middle of a paradisiacal garden stands the miraculous pool. The gothic, hexagonal
construction is enclosed by a wall with two gates.2 The arrangement recalls the
religious Enclosed Garden, which is sometimes surrounded by the Porta Ezechiel
and the tower of David (cat. 32).3 At the left, a group of crippled, exhausted elders
enters the building. Some of them walk with crutches; others are carried to the
water in carts or baskets. Then they undress and enter the pool via the steps. Above
their heads is a banderol with the text: ‘I praise you God, I, an old man, that I have
found the fountain’.4 Above, a youth points to the old cripple and says: ‘Because
we will all grow old, we save our money’.5 In the water, the elderly are transformed
into their young selves. In the middle, a half-naked couple caress one another. At
1 the right, a young man helps a rejuvenated woman from the water. Just outside the
Rapp 1976: 121–125.
2 gate at the right, the young celebrate their recovered youth with a banquet. The
The typology of the fountain was widespread
in the fifteenth century. Comparable con-
faces of the figures were originally executed in colourful silk embroidery, but today
structions can be found in painting, prints only traces of it are still visible.
and the applied arts of the fifteenth and
sixteenth century. The angular fountain as The Fountain of Eternal Youth is a legendary spring with a rich visual
live-giving source is also depicted in the tradition. Representations of the unattainable source first appear in fourteenth-
Lamb of God polyptich by Van Eyck (Ghent,
St Bavo’s Cathedral). century French ivories and miniatures. The originally religious and courtly motif
3
evolved over the course of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries into a voyeuristic
Antoine 2002: 57–59.
4 and erotically charged theme (cat. 21).6
Freely translated from German: ‘Ich lobe
dich Got ich altter man das ich de burnen
The fascination with the imaginary and miraculous construction was
funden han’. Rapp Buri & Stucky-Schürer particularly great and led to various stories and phantasms. Longing for the
1990: 23; Camille 1998: 83–85.
5 fountain was so cherished that in the course of the sixteenth century, an actual
Freely translated from German: ‘Sind wir search for the source was undertaken. The expedition was allotted to Juan Ponce de
gewesen also die altten so ist unser gelt gar
wol behalten’. Rapp Buri & Stucky-Schürer León, a Spanish explorer who was charged with finding the land of Benimy in 1513.
1990: 308–309; Camille 1998: 83–85.
According to legend, he found the Fountain of Eternal Youth in the New World
6
Stewart 1989: 64–88; Antoine 2002: 130–131. – more specifically, in present-day Florida. The legend illustrates the sixteenth-
162 BEYOND UTOPIA

[cat. 20] detail
century tendency to look for mirages, drawn from the well of human desire,
beyond the horizon and to project them upon the New World.
HI
165 BEYOND UTOPIA

21
Hans Sebald Beham
The Fountain of Eternal Youth
Nuremberg
c.1531
Woodcut coloured with brown, blue and grey, 506 x 1095 mm
Oxford, Ashmolean Museum, inv. W A1863.3079
PROV ENA NCE
Collection of Francis Douce (1757–1834); bequeathed to the Bodleian Library, Oxford;

in 1863 transferred to the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford.
BIBLIOGR APHY
Pauli 1901: 394–395, no. 1120; Dodgson 1933: 121; Stewart 1989: 64–88; Landau & Parshall
1994: 232–234; Stewart 2008: 73–84; Müller 2007: 309–318; Yasui 2016: 19–36.
In the Land of Cockaigne, only three miles from Christmas, behind the great Rice
Pudding Mountain, lies the Fountain of Eternal Youth. Only one hour of bathing
in the marble pool with warm and cold streams of water gives every greybeard a
rejuvenating cure for the heart, body and soul.
The preceding excerpt is taken from the verses of the Nuremberg
shoemaker Hans Sachs (1494–1576).1 This Meistersinger created the world known as
Schlaraffenland, the land of milk and honey, in which the Jungbrunnen was situated,
in numerous of his texts. In doing so the poet joined a longstanding tradition
and thereby gave it new impetus. His poems, coupled with the graphic work of
1 the woodcutters, brought dreams of abundance and eternal youth into many a
Sachs 1884: chapter 50, no. 48; Sachs 1893:
8–11, no. 4 and 321–323, no. 115.
sixteenth-century middle-class home and bathhouse.
2 When, in the second half of the sixteenth century, the medium of large
In 1989 Stewart indicated Glockendon as
the author of the poem on the woodcut, woodcuts became popular as wall decoration, Hans Sebald Beham (c.1500–
because his name was added after the text. 1550) developed his own interpretation of the Fountain of Eternal Youth. His
This cannot be considered a conclusive
argument, however, if one considers, Erhard composition of four large sheets, joined together and provided with a poem of
Schöns’ (1491–1542) representation of
Schlaraffenland, for example. There the name
at least 230 lines, was published in 1531 by the printer Albrecht Glockendon the
of the publisher, Wolff Strauch, appears Younger (c.1500–1545).2 The fact that the majority of these sheets were usually
after the poem, while the verses can be
attributed without a shadow of a doubt to pasted on walls has meant that only a few have survived the ravages of time. The
Hans Sachs. The origin of the texts under Oxford exemplar is unique. It is a coloured, late impression of the first state.3
Beham’s woodcut is therefore more likely to
have originated with Sachs or his circle. The complexity of the woodcut can be grasped in a multi-layered reading of
See Stewart 1989: 81.
the whole. A first glance reveals how, at the left, the elderly are carried on stretchers
3
Dodgson was the first to be able to place the to their invigorating bath. Once in the water, they display signs of rejuvenation
various states of Beham’s composition in
the right order. Previously Pauli, and later
immediately. Crutches and walking sticks are from then on superfluous and
Hollstein, erroneously described a first state can only serve as fuel for a joyous bonfire. The right side of the print depicts
with the monogram HSB. According to them,
a second state bore Glockendon’s address. a voyeuristic view into an Italianate bathhouse. Enjoying the benefits of their
In reality, the printing history of these two recovered youth, bathers fill their time with music, games and each other. Satire
states should be reversed. See Dodgson 1933.
4 and eroticism form a distinct undertone here. When, in a second phase, attempts
Marcantonio Raimondi after Raphael,
were made to place Beham’s print in the visual culture of the time, it became
The Judgment of Paris, c.1517–1520, engraving,
298 x 442 mm (B.XIV.197.245). evident just how much inspiration the artist drew from the work of Italian artists.
166 BEYOND UTOPIA

Several figures in the bathhouse print, for example, are literally taken over from
Marcantonio’s Judgement of Paris.4
MB
[cat. 21] detail
167 BEYOND UTOPIA

22
Brussels Master after Hieronymus Bosch
Garden of Earthly Delights
Before 1560 (after a cartoon of c.1528–1540)
Gold, silver, wool and silk, 292 x 492 cm
Madrid, Patrimonio Nacional, Real Monasterio de San Lorenzo de El Escorial,
inv. 10004013 (Tapicería, Serie 36/I V . – inv. A 265–7837)
PROV ENA NCE
In 1566 the series of tapestries after Bosch hung in the residence of Cardinal Granvelle
in Brussels; at his death in 1586 an inheritance – among which the tapestry of Garden of
Earthly Delights – went to his nephew Jean-Thomas, lord of Maîche in Franche-Comté; in
1600 sold to Emperor Rudolph II; its subsequent history is unclear; between c.1610 and
1660 transferred to Madrid; subsequently Valencia de Don Juan in the collection of the
Spanish crown since Philip IV (1621–1665); mentioned in the inventory of the Palacio Real
in Madrid from 1666 and 1701; in 1694 mentioned in the Pardo among tapestries in need of
restoration.
BIBLIOGR APHY
Kurz 1967: 150, 152–153, 156; Steppe 1967: 28–37; Schneebalg-Perelman 1971: 263–264, 289–
290; Vandenbroeck 1981; Junquera de Vega & Herrero Carretero 1986: 263–267; Vandenbroeck
1 1989: 9–210; Vandenbroeck 1990: 9–192; Volckaert & Delmarcel 1993: 94–95; Delmarcel 1999:
‘Cinq pièces de tappicerie de divers histoires
rehaulsée d’or d’argent et soye des devys 22, 362; Silva Maroto 2000; Vandenbroeck 2001: 87–92; Vandenbroeck 2009: 212–269.
de Hieronyme’. Schneebalg-Perelman 1971:
253–304 & spec.: 263–264, 289–290.
2
Junquera de Vega & Herrero Carretero 1986:
In Flemish tapestry of the sixteenth century, there is one exception to the unwritten
263–267.
3 rule that all series of tapestries are devoted to a particular theme or narrative,
Schneebalg-Perelman 1971: 253–304 & spec.:
263–264, 289–290: ‘5. Une aultre pièce en
of which diverse aspects or episodes are depicted. This unusual series without
laquelle est figuré le Monde, l’Enfer et le any thematic unity whatsoever was woven in Brussels around 1530–1540 after
Paradis terrestre, enchassé en ung tableau
contrefaict de menuyserie comme les compositions by Hieronymus Bosch. The representations were assembled on
précéddans, sauf qu’il y a deux coulonnes the basis of their common author. As far as we know, this has never been the case
par voye… la 5e 4 [aulnes] et demy quart
sur 2 [aulnes] et demy [= c. 300 x 495 cm].’ with any other series of tapestries. This attests to Bosch’s unique status in the
These dimensions correspond, within a few
centimetres, with those of the series in the
sixteenth century: as an artist, he created a universe that was so idiosyncratic that
Patrimonio Nacional. it could stand alone ‘without a story’. That this was also understood as such in the
4
Delmarcel 1999: 22, 362. sixteenth century is demonstrated by this series of tapestries. In an inventory of
5 the art collection of Francis I from 1542, which survives in a copy from 1552, they are
Volckaert & Delmarcel 1993: 92–112 & spec.:
94–95. summed up under the title ‘the concepts of Hieronymus’.1 Thus, the title itself does
6
not indicate a subject, but brings together several of the master’s concepts.
Steppe 1967: 28–37; Junquera de Vega & Her-
rero Carretero 1986: 263. Ze gaan zo ver om The series consisted of five tapestries with heterogenous subjects: the
te beweren: ‘los últimos trabajos de I. Mateo
Gómez y J.K. Steppe sugieren un encargo
so-called Garden of Earthly Delights, the Elephant, the Haywain on the sea of the
directo de Felipe II a Jerónimo Bosco.’ world, Saint Anthony in the wilderness and Saint Martin leaving a city. The tapestry
If Philip II (°1527) commissioned anything
from Bosch (d. 1516), it can only have oc- reproduces the open triptych, albeit with each panel in reverse due to the weaving
curred by transcendental means. technique.
7
For the details: Vandenbroeck 2009: 212–269 Although there were at least three versions, only one has survived – the
n. 210.
one now in the Spanish Patrimonio Nacional.2 The earliest document concerning
8
Vandenbroeck 2001: 87–92. the series of tapestries after Bosch isthe abovementioned inventory of the art
170 BEYOND UTOPIA

collection of Frans I.3 Thus, the tapestries were certainly created before 1542. Since
the tapestries of the Spanish Patrimonio Nacional are marked with a double B
(‘Brussels-Brabant’), they had to have been produced after 1528, the year in which
it became obligatory to mark in this way any tapestries wider than six feet.4 The
paintings are set in Renaissance pilasters or columns in the Italian style, which
place the Bosch compositions in a ‘modern’ frame.5
In an essay written on the occasion of the Hieronymus Bosch exhibition in
1967, J. K. Steppe discussed the sixteenth-century history of the tapestries. From
this it was evident that Cardinal Granvelle and the Duke of Alva already had such
series in their posession.6 The exemplar of the Patrimonio Nacional is probably that
of Granvelle; the cartoon on which it was based was probably not painted after the
original, but after a copy that belonged to the collection of the Count of Pomereu
and which is now in the German art trade. It is to this version that the tapestry
shows the greatest number of similarities.7
Bosch’s renowned counter-utopian painting, which hung in the Brussels
palace of Nassau on the Coudenberg from or in 1517, formed the stakes of the
‘political’ conflict that the Duke of Alva provoked with William of Orange.8
PVDB
[cat. 22] detail
171 BEYOND UTOPIA

23
Master of the Prayer Books of around 1500
The Lover Entering the Garden of Delights
In: Guillaume de Lorris and Jean de Meung, Le Roman de la Rose, Brugge,
c.1490–1500, fol. 12v.
Parchment, 395 x 290 mm (sheet), 210 x 195 mm (miniature)
London, The British Library, inv. Harley Ms. 4425
PROV ENA NCE
Made for Engelbert II, count of Nassau and Vianden (d. 1504); annotated in Spanish,
late sixteenth–seventeenth century; in the library of Jean Antoine II de Mesmes, count
of Avraux and Brie-Comte-Robert (d. 1723); in 1726 purchased by Edward Harley, second
duke of Oxford (d. 1741), at the sale of the library of Valentin Esprit Fléchier, bishop
of Nîmes (d. 1710); in 1753 purchased for the British Museum from Harley’s widow and
daughter; transferred to the British Library in 1973.
BIBLIOGR APHY
Bourdillon 1906: 12, 28, 75, 98, 149; Winkler 1915: 338–341; Durrieu 1921: 32, 62, pl. 72;
Winkler 1925: 128–129, 179; Kelly 1953–1954: no. 609; Tuve 1966: 257, 324; Fleming 1969: 28,
42, 71, 208; Hassall 1970: 343; Wright 1972: 145–146, 152, 238, 358–359, 444; Scott 1980:
196–197, fig. 135–137; Le Loup 1981: no. 87; Kren 1983: 49–58, no. 6; Backhouse 1987: 36;
Simpson & Fawcett 1987: 24; Braet 1989: 183–192; Gullick 1990: pl. 23; Martin & Vezin 1990:
282; Arnould & Massing 1993: 207; Backhouse 1993: 8 n.–9 n.; Braet 1994: 110–116; Braet
1996: 491–504; Backhouse 1997: no. 190; Camille 1998: 80–81, 91–92, pl. 68, 78; Jones 1998:
55, pl. III; Korteweg 1998: no. 12; Smeyers 1998: 444, 445, fig. 37; Smeyers 1999: 444, pl.
37; Backhouse 2000: 160; Nascimento & Miranda 2000: no. 68; Antoine 2002: no. 27; Nĳs 2002:
1033; Kren & McKendrick 2003: no. 120; Porter 2003: 7; Braesel 2004: 45–50; Wĳsman 2006:
94–101; Scott 2007: 161–162, 164, pl. 100; Campbell et al. 2008: no. 60; De Kesel 2010: 126;
Wĳsman 2010a: 371, 458, 463; De Kesel 2011; Smith 2011: no. 3; De Kesel 2013.
The Roman de la Rose was one of the most requested texts of the middle ages.1
More than 300 manuscripts and countless early impressions bear witness to its
popularity between its completion (1269–1278) and the end of manual copying in
the sixteenth century. Many European nobles had copies of the Roman made for
their libraries, with fine calligraphy and an abundance of splendid illuminations.
The most splendid of all is shown here.
Comprising around 20,000 octosyllabic lines of French verse, the Roman
de la Rose narrates the dream of a young lover, in which the long quest he
has undertaken ends when he obtains the much long-for rose. As is now well
established, the Roman is a composite of two texts composed by different authors
at least 40 years apart. Its second and much larger part, produced by Jean de
Meung (c.1240–before 1305), was appended to a pre-existing text of 4,000 lines.
1
See http://romandelarose.org. This earlier text – originally attributed to Guillaume de Lorris (thirteenth century),
2
although this is now disputed – is significantly different in character to its sequel.
For these events see De Lorris and De Meun
1995: 39–40, 48–53. Whereas Jean de Meung’s text is didactic, scholarly, pessimistic and clerically
174 BEYOND UTOPIA

[cat. 23] detail
mysogynist, the first fifth of the Roman is lyrical, courtly and redolent of the world
of romance.
The artists responsible for the illustration of the present manuscript were
particularly responsive to the courtly and poetic aspects of the text. Although their
92 illustrations depend in number, distribution and subject on an earlier sequence
devised for a printed edition of the Roman issued in Lyon in 1487, they diverge
significantly from their model in their painterly and imaginative treatment of the
narrative. Most notable are the four large illuminated pages that punctuate the
original narrative assigned to Guillaume de Lorris and take us from the beginning
of the lover’s dream to its apparent original conclusion with the lover barred from
the object of his love: the rose.
In one of these illustrations (fol. 12v) the illuminator delights in the
depiction of the fabled garden of Pleasure. The lover, dressed in a blue gown, red
hat and red tights, is shown being led by a young woman, Idleness (Oiseuse), to the
door of a walled garden. Distinguished by his costume, the lover is again depicted,
this time within the garden. The remainder of the illustration shows the wonders
he experiences inside that locus amoenus. Here, ‘happy, gay and full of joy’ the
lover imagines himself ‘truly in the Earthly Paradise’; indeed ‘so delightful was the
place that it seemed to belong to the world of the spirit’. Within the garden he sees
flocks of birds whose song seems to come from ‘heavenly angels’. Passing through a
formal garden the lover comes to a separate space where Pleasure and his company
of ‘beautiful people’ like ‘winged angels’ are engaged in music. Within the garden
are fruit trees of remarkable variety and the Fountain of Love where the lover first
sees and is entranced by the rose.2
SMK
177 BEYOND UTOPIA

24
Master of Frankfurt
Utopian Gathering of the Antwerp Archery Guilds
(the so-called Festival of the Archers)
Antwerp
1493
Oil on oak panel, 176 x 141 cm
BIBLIOGR APHY
Friedländer 1917: 139–140, 150, no. 42; Pauwels 1963: 172–173, no. 180; Goddard 1984:
126–129, no. 1; Goddard 1985: 3, 5, 10, 15; Hand & Wolff 1986: 151; Vandamme et al. 1988:
493; Vandenbroeck 1997: chap. 1;1 Bloom 2002: 106–217; Lowe 2005: 36; Chapmann & Woodall
2010: 70–89.
This extraordinarily complex and unclear representation is an exceptional remnant

of late medieval profane painting. A crowd of people enjoy themselves in a
luxuriant garden enclosed by a hedge with a gate: it is thus an Enclosed Garden.
This popular late medieval motif was used in both religious and profane contexts.
It was also performed as a tableau vivant, or stage show, at public festivities, and
appeared often in the literature of the time.
The Garden was a representation of a protected, heavenly environment
where human beings lack for nothing. It could merge with the motif of the ‘pleas-
ant place’, or locus amoenus. Characteristic elements include plucking fruit from
heavily laden trees, making merriment, making music, making love, luxuriant plant
growth, a lady holding a flower in her hand, outsiders who try to enter. The loving
couples make the garden into a garden of love. In the centre stands a young woman
who holds a large apple. This fruit is a symbol of love from time immemorial. There
is music: one many plays a bagpipe, and further to the left, under a tree, stands a
black African who plays a tabor and drum. Two fools in their characteristic fool’s
cloths dance to the music. We are witness to the performance of a moresca, a dance
that was highly beloved of aristocratic and urban society in the fifteenth century.
At courtly festivities, the moresca was inserted into what today would be considered
a scurrilous, phantasmagorical world of love castles, wild animals and dragons,
goddesses, dwarves and wild men. In middle-class milieus, the Morris dance was
primarily understood as an allegory of ‘foolishness’ of men caused by the power of
love or the sex drive (cat. 25).
Measured against the stylistic norms of the time, the moresca was wild,
outrageous and excessive. The lady who has chosen a man for herself (one of the
dancers), could only mean one thing in the eyes of fifteenth- and sixteenth-
century burghers: the reversal of gender roles, and hence perversion. A man chose a
woman – not vice versa. A lady who made a choice from among a selection of men
1 turned the ‘natural’ course of things on its head. In this way, the man is reduced to a
French edition: Vols d’âmes. Traditions de
spineless fool and power relations are disturbed. The artist makes an allusion to this
transe afro-européennes, with extensive
bibliography. (with a nudge and a wink?): he has painted himself in this utopian garden, while
178 BEYOND UTOPIA

[cat. 24] detail
a beautiful gypsy – her clothing reveals her origins – suggestively drapes her arm
over his shoulder as they play a dulcimer together. Making music together was an
image of making love.
One could call the Festival of the Archers a fantastical social utopia: a group of
city-dwellers – in this case members of Antwerp’s archery guilds – imagine how they
might live in harmonious joy and delight in a protected, heavenly environment.
PVDB
181 BEYOND UTOPIA

25
Jörg Breu the Elder, circle of
Fool’s Platter (The Eternal Regeneration of Folly)
Augsburg (?)
1528
Oil on panel, 78.9 cm (diameter)
Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum, Kunstkammer, inv. KK 4955.
PROV ENA NCE
Possibly identical to the ‘gar grosse hulzine gemalte schüssel in ir fürstlich durch-
leucht kunstchamer’ mentioned in the collection of Count Hannibal von Hohenems in 1577;1
afterwards mentioned in the estate inventory of Archduke Ferdinand II of Tirol from 1596;2
in 1821 the platter is mentioned in the inventory of Schloss Ambras.
BIBLIOGR APHY
Kenner 1893: 167, no. 10670; Kunsthistorisches Museum 1977: 117; Mezger 1979: 161–180;
Vandenbroeck 1987: 40, 324; Mezger 1991: 64, 176–178, 325–329, 379–380, 382, 394–396, 484;
Porteman 1995: 194, fig. 12; Vandenbroeck 2002: 40–42, 290–291; Seipel 2008: no. 85, 192;
Mezger 2009: 178–212.
1
Kenner 1893: 167, no. 10670.
2 The humanist preoccupation with wisdom and reason grew in proportion to the
Mezger 1979: 162, n. 7. cultural popularization of their opposite: folly. The figure of the Fool thus became
3
Vandenbroeck 2002: 20–44; Mezger 1991; a prominent theme in early modern literature, visual arts and festival culture.
Hess 1971.
Among the most well known texts are the Ship of fools by Sebastiaan Brant (1494)
4
Mezger 1979: 161–180; Vandenbroeck 2002: and the Narrenbeschwöring (Exorcism of fools) by Thomas Murner (1512), in which
40–42, 291; Mezger 2009: 178–212.
5
folly is inextricably tied to sinfulness and evil from an intellectually driven ethical
For the motif of the mother of fools, see standpoint.3 The Platter of fools from Schloss Ambras, shown here, should also be
Mezger 1991: 324–338; it is unclear whether
the inscription ‘Bertel Kesselschmid’ at the understood within the context of the early modern cultural concept of ‘fool-being’.
lower right of the garden can be identified Central in this respect is the eternal regeneration of folly and the senselessness of
as the signature of the (as yet unknown)
artist. Mezger 1979: 177. trying to purge it from the fool.4
6
See the essay by Barbara Baert in this cata-
In the middle of the wooden platter the Mother of all Fools stands in an En-
logue (pp. 49–53). closed Garden.5 Various fools dance and make music as they circle around her. One of
7
Vandenbroeck 2002: 41; Mezger 1991: them is hatching eggs, from which new fools will be born. The Enclosed Garden was
386–402. a popular motif in both religious and secular iconographic programmes and usu-
8
Mezger 2009: 196–200; on the drawing, see ally alludes to a paradisiacal environment where life takes its course peacefully and
also Butts & Hendrix 2000: 206, no. 80.
virtuously.6 In this way, the artist may have wanted to create a pseudo-paradise, in
9
Vandenbroeck rightly notes, however, that which corrupt folly prevails over virtuous reason. This artistic strategy of social and
the Platter of Fools came into existence
independently of Bosch’s Cutting the Stone.
religious inversion is also characteristic of Bosch’s Garden of Earthly Delights (cat. 22).
Vandenbroeck 2002: 41; this in contrast to The centre of the composition is taken up by a water mill in which fools are
Mezger 1979: 171, who sees a direct connec-
tion between the scene on the platter and ground. To the right, a fool’s head is being sharpened on a grinding stone. These
Bosch’s formal language. ‘fool mills’ probably allude to the eternal return of folly. In Christianity, the symbol
10
of the mill was associated with death and resurrection since time immemorial.7
Mezger 1991: 374–386.
11 Interestingly, the central compositional scheme is borrowed from a drawing of The
Vandenbroeck 2002: 42.
Children of Luna after Jörg Breu the Elder (c.1480–1537; fig. 25.1). The symbolism of
12
Cf. Porteman 1995: 194, fig. 12. the children of the planets is here translated ingeniously as the philosophy of fools.
182 BEYOND UTOPIA

[fig. 25.1] After Jörg Breu the Elder, The Children of Luna, c.1512–1516, drawing, Weimar, Kunstsammlungen zu Weimar, Schlossmuseum.
Those who were influenced by the moon were held to be fickle and inconstant –
subject to lunacy or moonstruck behaviour. Fishermen and sailors (both depicted on
the platter), among others, were believed to be governed by this heavenly body.8
Around the central scene are eight vignettes that likewise deal with the
endlessness of ‘fool-being’. In seven different ways, people try to cure the fools of
their folly: it is excised with a knife (Bosch’s Cutting the Stone!), bound with a barrel
hoop, smothered with a bellows, sanded away with a plane, removed with a drill,
drowned with water and even purged with a clyster.9 These healing processes, how-
ever, are futile: in the eighth and final scene, countless new fools are sown. Folly is
like an ineradicable weed that germinates again and again.10 Sometimes the ‘doc-
tors’ themselves are dressed as fools, which underscores all the more the senseless-
ness of their labours.11
The platter format of the painting is striking. It may be a reference to the
lanx satura (the etymological origin of the word satire), a platter filled with a variety
of sweetmeats that the fool presents to his public.12 In this way, not only the satirical
imagery but also the bearer thereof is a visual mockery of human folly.
DV H
185 BEYOND UTOPIA

The Garden of Eden – The Earthly Paradise
WENDY WAU TERS
In the beginning there was chaos and darkness, a non- Unfortunately it was heavily guarded and inaccessible
place (cat. 70) out of which the first utopian place to mortals. Its preferred location shifted through
would grow: the Garden of Eden (cat. 27 and 29). The the centuries. During the great age of exploration
character of this place is captured in the etymology in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, it shifted
of its name – Eden, derived from Semitic ’dn – which from the East in the direction of the New World. The
means abundance, luxuriance. Over the centuries its desire to rediscover Paradise, along with the urge to
paradisiacal beauty was celebrated in literature and find a utopian society in times of social and political
art, in particular to emphasise the contrast with the crisis, undoubtedly formed one of the driving forces
decline of the world after original sin. In this con- behind the expeditions. Various literary offshoots
tradiction lies the theology of Christianity. of the Genesis story originated in this period. Out
The root of evil was already germinating in Eden. of a sense of nostalgia and yearning, cartographers
Traces of it were embedded in the nature of Nature regularly indicated the Garden of Eden on their maps.
and the essence of man. Well-known topoi of evil The search for this Paradise continued until the end
[C AT. 30] D E TAIL
and decline are the serpent (cat. 28 and 30), the of the eighteenth century. It was only abandoned with
apple (cat. 31) and – centrally depicted in Bosch’s the discovery of fossils and the realisation that the
Garden of Eartly Delights (cat. 22) – the owl. Even in idea of an Earthly Paradise as the beginning of human
this ideal society, created by God, evil was already existence was no longer tenable.
inherently present and formed the occasion for the
failure of life in Paradise. The utopian world was
destined from the start to be transformed into a
dystopia. In an endless struggle to recreate this
paradise, humans set in motion a pendulum between
utopia and dystopia. These two poles are mutually
dependent, and rather than being absolute opposites,
they fuel each other’s existence.
According to late medieval theologians, the sym-
bolic reading of the story of Genesis could be
read in three ways: allegorically, morally or
eschatologically. These variations were considered
complementary to a realistic worldview. The Garden of
Eden was after all more than an imaginary place – it
was a historical and topographic reality. Augustine
identified the four rivers of Paradise not only as an
allegory of the four cardinal virtues, but also as
actually existing rivers. Even though the precise
location of paradise on earth was hotly debated by
late medieval theologians and writers, there was
clearly a consensus that this place could still be
found somewhere on earth.
187 BEYOND UTOPIA

26
Enclosed Garden with Earthly Paradise
Southern Netherlands
c.1500
Mixed media, 90 x 104.5 x 16 cm
PROV ENA NCE
Before 1929 in the possession of an inhabitant of the Beguinage of Kortrĳk; in 1929

purchased by family of Eugeen Van Herck; in 1971 purchased by the Koninklĳk Museum voor
Schone Kunsten Antwerp from Dr. J. Van Herck, honorary deacon in Kontich.
BIBLIOGR APHY
Antwerp 1948: 50, no. 355; Jansen & Herck 1948: 77, no. 228; Brussels/Mechelen 1954:
no. 84; Bruges 1960: 208–209, no. 105; Mechelen 1961: 182–183, no. 839; Vandamme 1981:
143–149; Eichberger 2002: 395–399; Huvenne 2003: 58; Geelen & Steyaert 2011: 222–225;
Ruby 2011: 110–118; Van de Velde & Van Hout 2013: 12; Vandenbroeck 2014: 85–87.
Both the Fall and Salvation are the basic ideas behind the iconographic programme
of the Enclosed Garden. The central part of the shrine consists of several groups of
carved figures that are not all related. At the lower left, Adam and Eve are driven
1
From photographs it appears that this En- from the Garden of Eden by the archangel Michael with upraised sword. 1 In the
closed Garden was dismantled in 1971, and centre is an image of St Agnes, possibly the patron saint of an early owner. At
when it was reassembled, several elements
had changed place: Adam and Eve were the right are images of John the Evangelist, who is related to the Madonna in the
originally reversed. Under the tree of good
nimbus above. In this representation, Mary is identified with the woman of the
and evil is a bust of a warrior with a coat of
arms, the meaning and function of which in apocalypse in the Revelations of John.2 This woman symbolizes the Salvation of
relation to the other figurines is unclear.
2
mankind at the end of times. In addition, Mary is likewise associated with the verse
Smeyers 1994: 283–285. ‘A great portent Fair as the moon, bright as the sun (Song of Solomon 6: 10), in which the chastity of
appeared in Heaven: a woman clothed with
the sun, with the moon under her feet, and the virgin is praised. This Madonna in a nimbus is also surrounded by a wreath
on her head a crown of twelve stars.’ (Reve- of silk flowers. In this way the theme of the Marianum merges with that of the
lation 12: 1–2).
3 Madonna of the Rosary, a symbol of eternal glory and dominion. Later, the rosary
From old photos (1960) it appears that the
Madonna wore a paternoster around her
was associated with objects of daily use such as the paternoster.3
neck. The figurines are surrounded by two portals that suggest a passage that
4
In translation: ‘Time is fleet, death is swift, begins with the Fall and ends with Salvation. This notion is confirmed by the
you do well to turn away from sin, o what a inscription below:
joy to be here, where a thousand years is (as)
a day’. The inscription is made up of two
rhymed proverbs that have been combined.
Die tyt is cort, die doot is snel,
The first, ‘Die tyt is cort, die doot is snel, Wa-
cht U van Sonde so doet ghi wel’, also occurs Wacht U van Sonde(n) so doet ghi wel.
in the Rethoricale wercken of Anthonis de
Roovere (1430–1482). This same combination
Och wat vroegde(n) daer wese(n) mach,
also appears on a pair of iron hinges on Daer duse(n)t jaer is ene(n) dach.4
a fifteenth-century charter cabinet from
Ypres. Mulder 2004: 47–51, although there it
is a hundred years and not a thousand. The group of figurines stands before a background of silk flowers and plants. In the
5
On earth and stone as contact relics, see corners above are two packets containing relics. The human remains, wrapped in
Rudy 2011: 107–118.
silk, are accompanied by an authentica, an inscription that identifies the contents
6
Geelen & Steyaert 2008: 222. of the packet. The one on the right reads: daer Sinte Joris ghedoot wort (there where
188 BEYOND UTOPIA

[cat. 26] detail
Saint Joris – that is, George – was killed) referring to the Promised Land, the place
where St George met his death. Hence, the packets contain not only bone fragments
of saints, but also stones and earth from the Holy Land.5 The whole is surrounded
by a green hedge referring to the Enclosed Garden of the Song of Solomon.
Traditionally, the place where this retable was produced, given its typology, would
be situated in the cloisters of Mechelen. Yet this Enclosed Garden difers marked-
ly in both extent and composition from known Mechelen exemplars (cat. 32, 33,
34). Moreover, its igurines are very diferent from the typical poupées de Malines
and none of them bear the city’s seal.6 Not only the igurines but also the wings
of the shrine have a diferent origin. On the let wing, Christ’s ascension into
Heaven and his descent into Limbo are depicted; on the right, the descent of the
Holy Spirit and Christ’s appearance to Mary Magdalene. hese wings have a pro-
nounced German character. he case may have had another function originally
and was only later recuperated as housing for an Enclosed Garden.
HI
191 BEYOND UTOPIA

27
Simon Marmion
The Garden of Eden
In: Jacquemart Pilavaine (scriptor), Le livre des sept Ages du Monde, Mons and
Valenciennes (?), c.1460
Parchment, 435 x 305 mm
Brussels, Royal Library of Belgium, inv. Ms. 9047
PROV ENA NCE
De Croÿ family.
BIBLIOGR APHY
Bayot 1928: no. 5; Delaissé 1959: 59–60, no. 49; Prevenier & Blockmans 1983: pl. 6, 18;
Lyna & Pantens 1984–1989; Dogaer 1987: 51–55; Van den Bergen-Pantens 1989: no. 1,
fig. f. 1v; vol. 3.1, 208–210, no. 299 and vol. 3.2 446, no. 299; Debae 1995: 123–125, no. 82;
Lachièze-Rey & Luminet 1998: 135; Cardon, Van der Stock & Vanwĳnsberghe 2002: 476,
482–483, 501, 645, 655, 657, 804; Kren & McKendrick 2003: 46–47; Wĳsman 2010a: 322;
Wĳsman 2010b: 112; Bousmanne & Delcourt 2011: 401, no. 113.
The splendid paradisiacal miniature – attributed to Simon Marmion – appears in

the only known exemplar of an illuminated world chronicle Les Sept ages du Monde,
written by an unknown French author. The text is partly based on St Augustine’s Sex
aetates mundi (c. 400). It begins with the story of Creation and is filled in up to the
year 1326. The manuscript was written in Mons (Henegouwen) in the workshop of
the renowned copyist Jacquemart Pilavaine for the De Croÿ family. The illumination
is by the particularly talented miniaturist Simon Marmion (1425–1489), who came
from a family of artists from Amiens. He was active at the Burgundian court and his
work – paintings on panel as well as miniatures – exercised considerable influence
on later generations of artists in the Low Countries.
The miniature shows Adam and Eve in a paradisiacal environment. Marmion
reinforces the idea of paradise on earth as an endless garden and has placed the two
figures in a broadly spreading landscape. The garden is an idyllic place: a hart drinks
water from a river; the landscape unfolds in delicate shades of green that transition
into atmospheric nuances of blue. Marmion manages the light and space of the
landscape with consummate virtuosity. Above, God the Father gives his blessing,
surrounded by choirs of angels in vibrant shades of red and orange. Around them are
the spheres of Creation. Near god is the firmament of stars, along with the planets,
the sun, and close to the horizon the moon. The different days of Creation as related
in Genesis are visualised in a broad, panoramically conceived, realistic miniature.
The two nude figures of Adam and Eve are strikingly depicted: they are
slender, their curves indicated by fine hatching, and they are painted in soft,
transparent shades of brown and pink. The two nude bodies suggest a figure type
that Marmion introduced in the third quarter of the fifteenth century. It can also
be seen in the depiction of the nude Tondal in the apocalyptic story ‘The Visions
1
Kren & McKendrick 2003: 47. of the Knight Tondal’ (Les visions du chevalier Tondal), illuminated in 1475 (cat. 37).1
192 BEYOND UTOPIA

[cat. 27] detail
Marmion’s influence on Hieronymus Bosch is notable: the depiction of the nude
Adam and Eve on the left panel of the Garden of Earthly Delights – painted around
1480–1490 – shows the same physiognomy and a highly similar transparent palette
of colours. The challenge of integrating the monumental and the pure in this
miniature, the utopian Garden of Eden before the Fall, acquires a new dimension in
Marmion’s hands.
LW
195 BEYOND UTOPIA

28
Aert van den Bossche (?)
Adam and Eve before the Fall
Brussels
c.1490
Ludwigshafen, Wilhelm-Hack-Museum, inv. 457/42
BIBLIOGR APHY
Clemen 1899: 70, pl. VII; Firmenich-Richartz, Clemen & Hartmann 1904: 65, no. 146;
Friedländer 1926: 134, no. 36.b; Winkler 1964b: 43 n. 4; Friedländer 1969a: 75, no. 36b,
pl. 43; Wilhelm-Hack-Museum 1979: 6–10, 184–187, no. 60; Demus 1981: 192; Scherer 2001:
363–370; Gombert 2005: 32–33, fig. 24; Scherer 2007: 31–44; Steyaert 2007: 180; Steyaert
2013: 258–259, no. 55.
In a densely wooded landscape, Adam and Eve stand before the Tree of Good
and Evil at the moment just before the Fall. From the distance, behind a tree,
the ‘serpent’ looks on. In a few moments it will convince Eve to pluck the apple.
In the foreground, Adam tries with a gesture, doomed to failure, to prevent his
companion from carrying out the deed. The serpent is depicted here as a lizard
that stands erect, with four legs and a woman’s head (virgineum vultum). The
serpent standing erect already occurs in Jewish and Christian literature from the
first century. It is only later in the story that God condemns this being to crawl
upon its belly. The addition of a woman’s head is of later but more obscure origins.
The serpent in the Garden of Eden is described in this way by Petrus Comestor
(c.1100–1179) in his Historia Libri Genesis and in the Speculum Naturale by Vincent
of Beauvais (1190–1264), among others.1 According to Comestor, the devil chose a
snake with a woman’s head because Eve would be more inclined to trust a creature
1 with ‘similar’ features.2
Koch 1965: 323–326; Kelly 1972: 301–328; There are three more or less identical versions of the composition described
Flores 1981.
2 above. Their contour lines correspond to such a degree that we may assume that
Koch 1965: 323–326; Kelly 1972: 301–328;
Crowther 2010: 28–29. This type of ‘snake’
the same or similar patterns were used to make the paintings.3 In 1899 the piece
was highly popular in the visual arts and was attributed to a painter from the circle of Hugo van der Goes.4 Nearly thirty
literature of the period. For a thorough
study of this tradition, see Flores 1981 and years later, Friedländer published the two other versions. In 2001 they were all three
also Bonnell 1917. attributed to the ‘Master of the Embroidered Foliage’, a name derived from a certain
3
The panel in Ludwigshafen was cut down similarity between the painted leaves of the trees and fine embroidery.5 Recently,
above and below over the course of time.
Steyaert attributed the work to Aert van den Bossche, who was probably a pupil or
4
Clemen 1899: 442–450. The panel was then at assistant of Hugo van der Goes. The painting dates from around 1490.6 In any case
Slot Frens, near Cologne. This castle already
existed in the fifteenth century. One might
the panel is related to The Fall by Hugo van der Goes (Vienna, Kunsthistorisches
wonder whether this was the panels original Museum; fig. 28.1).7
location.
5
Scherer 2001; Scherer 2007.
6
Steyaert 2007: 180; Steyaert 2013: 258–259,
no. 55.
7
Friedländer 1969a: 75, no. 36, pl. 43.
196 BEYOND UTOPIA

[fig. 28.1] Hugo Van der Goes, The Fall of Man, 1470–1475, Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum
29
Herri met de Bles
The Garden of Eden
c.1541–1550
Oil on walnut panel, 46.6 x 45.5 cm (tondo)
Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum, inv. SK- A-780
PROV ENA NCE
Sale, H.G. van Otterbeek Bastiaans (Deventer), Amsterdam (C.F. Roos), 31 January 1882, no. 9
(as ‘Velvet Brueghel’), fl. 320, to J. Balfoort, Utrecht, for the museum; via Victor de Stuers,
fl. 368, to the Rĳksmuseum; on loan to the Mauritshuis, The Hague, 1963–1997; on loan to the
Bonnefantenmuseum, Maastricht, 2004–2011.
BILBIOGR APHY
Winkler 1924a: 309; Friedländer 1924–1937: XIII, 136, no. 57; Tóth-Ubbens 1968: 8–9, no. 959; Boeke
1974: 67–163; Friedländer 1967–1976: XIII, 78, no. 57; Broos 1988: 60–61; Gibson 1989: xxi, 27; Serck
1990: I, 171–189, no. 1; Serck 2000: 148–151, no. 1; Kloek 2000: 184–185, no. 76; Wied 2003: 286–287,
no. 103; Bakker 2004: 123, 160; Van Wegen 2005: 122–123; Filedt Kok 2008: 104–111; Hendrikmann &
Filedt Kok 2009a; Bakker 2012: 106–108; Weemans 2012: 263–312; Bakker 2015: 115–132; Kloek & Ubl
2015: 200–203.
In a sort of microcosm, this tondo depicts the biblical story of Creation and the Fall
(Genesis 1–3). Concentric spheres surround the earth: outside is the dark, barren void
in the form of deluge, followed by the heavens with the sun, the moon, the stars and the
clouds. From this heavenly sphere, birds comoe to populate the earth. Paradise is shielded
from the rest of the world by dense forests. In the centre, a fountain provides the luxuriant
garden with water. In this apparently peaceful Garden of Eden, a wide variety of plants
and animals grow and swarm, among them a unicorn, a lion and an ape. Only upon closer
inspection does one notice the enmity between some of the animals, such as the dog
and boar in the foreground, or the pair of rutting goats just above. The water to the left,
populated by countless sea monsters, likewise refers to impending doom, the Fall. At the
left, God creates Eve from Adam’s rib; behind them, the two are admonished by Christ not
to eat from the Tree of Knowledge of Good and Evil. Spurred on by the snake, Eve finally
plucks the forbidden fruit and the first human couple are driven from paradise.
Through the vast landscape, artist Herri met de Bles (c.1500/10–before 1567), gives
Paradise the form of a concrete location. In comparison to the Enclosed Gardens from
1
Mechelen (cat. 32, 33, 34), this paradise is much more than an imaginary space. It is a
Bakker 2015: 119–120, 127–128.
2 hidden place that actually exists: the Garden of Eden, which is lost to humankind from
Boeke 1974: 70–71; Serck 2000: 148; Kloek &
Ubl 2015: 202–203 fig. 76B-F.
the Fall until the Last Judgment. The striking fountain, of which there is no mention in
3 the Bible, must also be seen in this context. In the first place, it does not refer to the source
Hieronymus Bosch, The Last Judgment, oil on
panel, 98.7 x 110.7 cm, Bruges, Groeninge- of the four rivers of Paradise (Genesis 2: 10). Rather, the fountain refers primarily to the
museum, inv. 0000.GRO0208.I ‘spring of the water of life’. It is the fountain of life that refers to Christ as the new Adam,
4
Ilsink & Koldeweij 2016: 164; Borchert 2016. the Saviour and the new paradise in the Book of Revelations (Revelations 21: 6).1
5
The landscape in the background shows an idealised combination of wild and
Allart 2000: 22, 25; Limentani Viridis 2010;
Weemans 2013: 8. cultivated nature with tall, capricious mountains, hills, fields, woods and sea. The fields of
200 BEYOND UTOPIA

[fig. 29.1] Monogrammist MS (workshop of Lucas Cranach), The Creation of the World, [fig. 29.2] Heinrich Aldegrever after Hans Holbein the Younger,
woodcut on the frontispiece of the Luther Bible published by Hans Lufft in Heidelberg, The Creation of Eve, engraving, 1541, Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum,
1534, Weimar, Herzogin Anna Amalia Bibliothek. Rijksprentenkabinet.
grain, a farm and the figures labouring in the fields refer to the world after the Fall,
in which man must earn his bread by the sweat of his brow.
Bles reveals himself here as a true miniaturist and narrator. In this painting,
which invites close looking, the successive yet simultaneously depicted biblical
narratives and especially the countless details speak to the imagination. These are
not limited to the foreground: even the background is crawling with little vignettes
and motifs, although many of the figures have grown transparent with time and are
now scarcely visible. We see a miniscule elephant to the right of the large mountain,
and just before it a bear walking erect in the meadow.
Bles based his overall composition on a woodcut by the anonymous
Master MS from the first illustrated Luther Bible of 1534 (fig. 29.1). The four scenes
with Adam and Eve are also borrowed from German prints: the first two from
engravings by Heinrich Aldegrever from 1540 and 1541 (fig. 29.2) and the second
two from prints by Albrecht Dürer from 1510. This provides the earliest possible
date for the creation of the painting, 1541.2 Bles borrowed the fountain of life from a
depiction by Hieronymus Bosch, as seen in his Last Judgment triptych in Bruges.3
It is not the exceptional iconographic combinations alone that make this
tondo a unique work. The use of walnut – a type of wood more commonly used
in Italy, France and Spain – for the painting’s support is also unusual in Northern
painting,4 and probably not without significance. It raises the question as to
whether Bles, who was active in Antwerp, might also have been to Italy.5
MU
203 BEYOND UTOPIA

30
Albrecht Dürer
The Fall of Man
Nuremberg
1504
Gravure, 251 x 190 mm
Signed and dated on tablet: ALB ERT [US] / DVRER / NO RICUVS / FACI EBAT /
[Dürermonogram]. 1504.
Amsterdam, Rijksmuseum, Rijksprentenkabinet, inv. RP - P - OB -1156
PROV ENA NCE
Royal Library, The Hague, transferred to the Rĳksmuseum, 1816.
BIBLIOGR APHY
Bartsch 1803–1821: vol. 7, no. 1; Dodgson 1926: 308–311; Meder 1932: no. 1; Panofsky
1955: 68, 70, 90, 91 ff.,119 ff., 150, 157, 171, 204, 262, fig. 117, 132; Thiem 1963: 21, no.
37; Stechow 1967: 5; Levenson 1991: 290–291, no. 195; Cole & Gealt 1991: 130; Boorsch &
Orenstein 1997: 30–31; Schoch, Mende & Sherbaum 2002: 110–113 no. 39 (with extensive
bibliography); Smith 2001; Eikelman & Burk 2006: 182–183, no. 36; Verdi 2007: 90–91,
no. 19; Bull 2009–2010: 93, no. 2, fig. 6; Borchert 2010: 425, no. 236; Vogelaar, Filedt Kok,
Leeflang et al. 2011: 303, no. 98; Chipps Smith 2011: 188–189; Leemans 2012; Niessen 2012:
55, fig. 45.
This engraving is one of Dürer’s most influential works. With heroic and
idealised nudes after antique models, he issued a direct challenge to his Italian
contemporaries. The bodies recall statues from antiquity, which in the Renaissance
had one again become models for the ideal human being. Numerous drawings
from the years 1500–1540 attest to his interest in theory of proportions based on
the writings of Vitruvius. In a draft of the foreword to his posthumously published
treatise Vier Bücher zur Menschlicher Proportion (1528), Dürer writes that he first
encountered the principles of proportion through Jacopo de’ Barbari.1 Dürer could
have met the Venetian artist during his first visit to the Republic in 1494. In 1500
1
Albrecht Dürer, Hjerin sind begriffen vier
De’ Barbari settled for a longer period in Nuremberg, where Dürer tried in vain to
bücher van menschlicher Proportion…, pry from him the secrets of proportion. According to him, he eventually succeeded
Hieronymus Andreae for Agnes Dürer,
Nuremberg, 1528. See London, Sloan 5230/44; in mastering the Vitruvian rules through self-study. The extent to which the rules
Rupprich 1956–1959: vol. I, 101–106; Schoch, of proportion and construction schemes determined the figure of Adam is evident
Mende & Scherbaum 2004: 277.
from a study sheet now in Vienna (fig. 30.1).2 This drawing was in turn used as a
2
Albrecht Dürer, Construction drawing of model for the figure study in New York dated 1504 that served as a model for the
Adam, pen and brown ink, 265 x 167 mm,
Vienna, Albertina, inv. 3080 D 80. See Strauss
figures in the engraving (fig. 30.2).3
1974: no. 1504/11; Schröder & Sternath 2003: From the large number of preliminary studies and proof impressions it is
254–257.
3 clear just how much Dürer strove in this work to surpass everything that had been
Albrecht Dürer, Adam and Eve, 1504, pen made in the genre up to that time. Filled with confidence, he signed not only with
and brown ink, brown wash, with touches
of white body colour, 242 x 200 mm, New his well-known monogram but also with his full name and place of birth in Latin.
York, Morgan Library, inv. I, 257d. See http://
Here too he is following in the footsteps of his Italian models. The wealth of details
www.themorgan.org/drawings/item/144288;
Strauss 1974: 1504/17. and the symbolism are characteristic of the art of the north, but Dürer departs from
204 BEYOND UTOPIA

[fig. 30.1] Albrecht Dürer, Adam, drawing, Vienna, Albertina. [fig. 30.2] Albrecht Dürer, Adam and Eve, 1504, drawing, New York, Morgan Library.
the iconographical tradition in a number of respects. The Tree of Knowledge of
Good and Evil, from which Eve plucks fruit, is represented as a fig tree, by analogy
with the fig leaves with which, according to Genesis, the first humans covered their
shame at their nakedness. The tree Adam holds onto has been identified as the
Fraxinus ornus, or flowering ash. This sort of tree was widely regarded in Central
Europe as the Tree of Life, and was hence thought to be avoided by snakes.
The animals that populate the Garden of Eden have not been chosen by
chance. The parrot was a symbol for caution (prudentia) and has perched on the
Tree of Life. As a personification of male virtue, he stands in stark contrast to the
deceitful seductiveness of the snake at Eve’s side. In her state of innocence, the cat
snoozes peacefully in the foreground, unperturbed by the presence of a mouse. As
future predator and prey, they are a foreshadowing of the tension that will arise
between the two species after the Fall. According to medieval tradition, the elk,
the cow, the rabbit and the cat represent the four temperaments that were also
associated with the four bodily fluids. These ‘humours’ would only determine
human behaviour after the Fall, leading to the eternal repetition of sin.
J VG
207 BEYOND UTOPIA

31
Conrat Meit
Adam and Eve
Mechelen or Antwerp
c.1530–1535
Boxwood, traces of polychromy, height: 25.5 cm (Adam) and 24 cm (Eve)
Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum, inv. KK 9888 (Adam) and KK 9889 (Eve)
PROV ENA NCE
From the property of the Augsburg art dealer Philipp Hainhofer (1578–1647); in 1609 given
to Emperor Rudolf II by the city of Prague (?); Prague art inventory of Emperor Rudolf II
1
from the years 1607–1611; in 1650, 1718, 1737, 1763 and 1782 in the inventory of the
Kaiserliche Schatz- und Kunstkammer in Prague Castle; Adam from c.1817 in the possession
of Josef Daniel Böhm, director the Vienna engraving academy;2 in 1865 at the sale of
Böhm’s estate purchased by the art dealer Artaria for the k.k. Österreichisches Museum
für Kunst und Industrie;3 Eve in 1869 in the estate of the painter and sculptor Hanns
Gasser (1817–1868), Vienna; that same year purchased as a pendant to Adam for the k. k.
Österreichisches Museum;4 1942/1943 transferred to the Kunsthistorisches Museum.
BIBLIOGR APHY
Vöge 1908: 110 ff., fig. 25–27; Winkler 1924b: 46; Troescher 1927: 12, 20 ff.; Bange 1928: 64,
pl. 64; Falke 1937: 111 ff.; Duverger 1934: 109; Van der Kemp 1964: 22, no. 26; Rasmussen
1973: 123 ff.; Lowenthal 1976: 91–104, 129–131, 181; Ullmann 1984: 339; Mechelen 1987:
98 ff., no. 203; Kunsthistorisches Museum Wien 1988: 177; Chipps Smith 1994: 388; Eichberger
2002: 305 ff.; Dienst 2002: 328 ff., fig. 166; Gosman, MacDonald & Vanderjagt 2003: 247; Burk
2004: 1037 ff.; Eichberger 2005: 314–315, no. 123; Eikelmann & Burk 2006: 38 ff., 80–82,
no. 4; Herrmann-Fichtenau 2007: 97; Borchert 2010: 182, no. 52; Burk 2016: 537.
Carved images of Adam and Eve are typical products of the Renaissance in North-
ern Europe. Conrat Meit depicted the first human couple with consummate artistry,
and in his sculptures incorporated references to renowned kindred spirits such as
1
Albrecht Dürer (cat. 30) and Jan Gossaert, whom he knew personally. No wonder,
Bauer & Haupt 1976: 99; Falke 1937: 112 ff. then, that his Adam and Eves were considered the best in the genre.
2
Eikelmann & Burk 2006: 82, n. 3. Adam and Eve are the first and only known nudes by Meit. Although the
3 pair of c.1510 that are now in Gotha (fig. 31.1), incorporate models by Albrecht Dürer
Eikelmann & Burk 2006: 82, n. 4.
4 and Lucas Cranach the Elder, the pair from Vienna shown here are characterised
Eikelmann & Burk 2006: 82, n. 5.
by a more muscular build and dynamic execution, and as a result by other propor-
5
Troescher 1927: 22. tions. The intimate involvement of the first pair, visible in their physiognomy and
6
Silver & Smith 1978: 240.
gestures, with the second pair gives way to a tension that is no longer hesitant but
7 focused and decisive.5 The figurines from Vienna show greater knowledge of the
Silver & Smith 1978: 239.
8 human body, but at the same time these nudes have something mannerist about
Schwarz 1953: 165. them thanks to their pronounced musculature. All trace of the artist’s late gothic
9
On the Adam and Eve paintings by Jan early years has vanished.
Gossaert, see Silver 1986: 3.
That the nude concept of the Vienna Adam and Eve has become more dy-
10
See Schoen 2001: 100. namic can be connected with a similar evolution in contemporary painting in the
208 BEYOND UTOPIA

[fig. 31.1] Conrat Meit, Adam and Eve, c.1510, Gotha, Herzogliches Museum.
Netherlands – namely, with the late work of Jan Gossaert and Lucas van Leyden.6
With their confident corporality, the heroic nudes of Van Leyden’s Fall of 1530,
which almost seem to dance, differ considerably from the childlike figures in his
earlier versions of this theme.7 And in Jan Gossaert’s works depicting this subject
from around 1525, we no longer find the coy figures of his earlier versions, but rather
nudes that, with their expressive, mobile poses and almost exaggerated three-di-
mensionality, take up space and give the impression that the Fall is no longer a
religious subject.8
That Adam in the Vienna figure group turns more toward Eve and the latter
crosses her legs is owing to Dürer’s Adam and Eve in Madrid, both from 1507, from
which Meit has taken inspiration. The bodily concept is different, but the gestures
of the two figures, the confident look Eve gives her companion, and Adam’s ques-
tioning, doubting outstretched hand and slightly open mouth are very close to the
two paintings. The psychology of the couple in Vienna is different to that of their
counterparts in Gotha: the later work is more about the beauty of man and woman
and the lust that drives them together.9 In this respect Eve’s pose is particularly
significant. Crossed legs stood for closing off – barring the way to spirits and curses,
hindering probing hands – and hence also for the opposite of sexual availability.10
Lucas Cranach the Elder and Gossaert both painted nudes with this defensive atti-
tude, but with Meit it is so foregrounded that it seems more like an alibi and there-
fore inviting rather than repelling.
The figures were not only meant to be looked at – the viewer was also meant
to handle them. Grasping in order to understand, that was the intention: not only
looking at the depiction of the Fall, but also literally coming into contact with the
moral message of the images.
JLB
211 BEYOND UTOPIA

The Conservation of Enclosed Gardens
from Mechelen
A Closer Look at Fragile Mixed Media
LIEVE WAT TEEU W
Sometimes art is meant for getting as close as possible to In this way this exceptional collection of seven Enclosed
some utopian paradise. This is essentially the meaning of a Gardens was preserved within the cloister community until it
special group of retables from Mechelen (see the contribution was transferred to the Stedelĳke Musea van Mechelen at the end
by Barbara Baert in this publication). The ‘Enclosed Gardens’ of the 1990s. In 2011, the entire group – the only one of its
or ‘Besloten Hofjes’ of Mechelen, as they are known, were made kind in the world – was added to the official list of Flemish
in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries for and probably masterpieces.
by Augustinian hospice nuns. No less than seven exemplars have The artefacts in the gardens, which amount to around 400 per
survived the turbulent course of history. Three such gardens, cabinet, are made of various organic and inorganic materials.
all of which date from the first decades of the sixteenth These have degenerated in different ways over the centuries,
century, were subjected to a complex conservation treatment and have become particularly vulnerable through a combination
specially for the exhibition. of contamination and natural aging. Light has faded the natural
The gardens are made of wood, silk, parchment, glass, semi- colours of the silk flowers; fibres have broken, metal threads
precious stones, crystal, sequins and metal thread. The wooden have corroded. The small objects come loose from their wooden
D E TAIL C AT. 3 3
sculptures are delicately polychromed and some are stamped support, they break, disintegrate or are crushed.
with Mechelen hallmarks. Between silk-encased stems, arranged From 2014 onwards, the Enclosed Gardens were conserved by
in lozenge-shaped patterns in the background, countless a team of eight conservators/restorers and scientists in
relics and other devotional objects find their place in this a specially equipped, air-conditioned workshop in the Hof
miniature cosmos. These include metal pilgrimage insignia, wax van Busleyden in Mechelen. New scientific imaging techniques
seals, figurines in papier mâché, miniatures and inscriptions revealed the ‘skeleton’ of the gardens. Through X-ray research,
on parchment, small prints, and even a delicate spider of the fine metal structures in the stems of the flowers were made
metal thread. All of these elements were mounted on a thin visible, thus enabling a highly precise conservation treatment
wooden panel at the beginning of the sixteenth century, and (fig. p. 217). The hundreds of components were treated one by
the whole was placed vertically in an oak retable cabinet. The one. Respect for patina, timbre and finish played an essential
sculptures (known as poupées de Malines) are secured with a role in their conservation. New research techniques and
wooden pin to a ground of turf covered with green taffeta. The conservation methods were applied in order to preserve the
garden is surrounded by an enclosure with a fine wooden gate unusual aura of the miniature utopian gardens for the future.
decorated with devotional texts. Finally, the ceiling and walls The three Enclosed Gardens featured here were conserved
of the retable are decorated with clusters of grapes made from specially for the exhibition by Joke Vandermeersch, Hilde
cherry pits, covered with embroidery, and filled with miniature Weissenborn, Jean-Albert Glatigny, Anne-Sophie Augustyniak,
reliquaries, pilgrims’ insignia and glittering sequins. Most Justine Marchal, Sarah Benrubi, Carola Van den Wĳngaert, Ann
Enclosed Gardens are equipped with painted wooden wings that Lievens, Ingeborg Tamsin, Derek Biront, Marjan Jacobs, Susan
protect the cabinet’s fragile interior. Verhagen and Lieve Watteeuw. The Musea & Erfgoed Mechelen
The Augustinian nuns used these gardens and preserved them received financial support for the conservation project from
with great care for hundreds of years. They were regularly the Topstukkenfonds van de Vlaamse Overheid, the Fonds Baillet-
restored from time to time: worn background paper was Latour of the King Baudouin Foundation (2014), the Vrienden van
replaced, figurines were repainted and loose flower garlands het Hof van Busleyden, Mechelen, and the crowdfunding campaign
re-attached. From the beginning of the nineteenth century, the ‘Red de Besloten Hofjes’.
wooden cabinets were sealed off with leaded glass in order to
give additional protection to the disintegrating silk flowers.
213 BEYOND UTOPIA

32
Enclosed Garden with Calvary and Hunt for the Unicorn
Mechelen
c.1500–1530
Mixed media, 124 x 158,5 x 33 cm
Musea en Erfgoed Mechelen – Collection Gasthuiszusters, inv. GHZ BH 0001
PROV ENA NCE
Onze-Lieve-Vrouw-Gasthuiszusters Augustinessen, Mechelen.
BIBLIOGR APHY
Weale 1864: 16, no. 149; Neeffs 1891: 274–275, no. 215; Van Doorslaer 1912: 31–32, no. 131;
Poupeye 1912: 61–62, 81–82; Godenne 1957: 120–125, no. XXXVIII–XLVI; De Borghgrave d’Altena
1959: 66; Crab et al. 1971: 451–454, no. MB/36; Vanderwiele 1981: 187; Vandenbroeck 1994:
120–125, 251, no. 175; Hoflack 1998: 55, no. 51; De Nĳn 2000: 125–126, no. 4; Antoine 2002:
52–53, no. 12; Eichberger 2002: 379–399.
Enclosed Gardens bear witness to the longing to be allowed back into Paradise. The
recreation of the divine garden is a virtuous and spiritual labour. In this Enclosed
Garden, religious scenes, inscriptions, relics, seals and silken flora and fauna
symbolise incarnation, virginity and salvation.
In the centre of the garden stands an altar on which the Crucifixion is de-
picted, surrounded by ten candlesticks. Above the cross, God looks down upon his
suffering son. To the left of the altar is John the Evangelist with a goblet of poison
1
containing two writhing snakes. He is accompanied by Mary Magdalene. Next
The original inscription reads: Reynosceron
forti imperio Egressus de celi palatio Virginis to her, white lilies bloom. Before the altar we see an angel with a pack of dogs,
mansuescit in gremio nos veneni purgans a
vicio. See Vandenbroeck 1994: 91–117.
the Virgin Mary, and a unicorn. Together this group represents the ‘hunt for the
2 unicorn’. This Christian theme alludes to both the Immaculate Conception and
Muir 2012: 2–12, 151–158.
3 salvation from original sin. The unicorn is identified as Christ, who descended into
This small pail has been moved several the Virgin Mary and was subsequently crucified in order to save the world from its
times. In 1912 the object still hung on one of
the arms of the cross to catch the blood of sins. This is confirmed by the inscriptions at the bottom of the Enclosed Garden:
Christ. As such it functioned not as a prefig-
uration of the Immaculate Conception, but
‘The unicorn, breaking out of a strong kingdom in paradise, becomes tame again
as a reference to the Eucharist and the origin in the lap of a virgin, thus cleansing us from a sinful poison.’1 The theme of the hunt
of the Holy Blood. Poupeye 1912, 81–82.
4 for the unicorn has strong sexual connotations. This erotic visual language seems to
A gothic M has been drawn to the lower contrast with the chaste lifestyle of the sisters. Here, however, it is rather a spiritual
right of Mary Magdalene’s dress. The back of
the image is marked by three bars. Gideon longing for unity on the part of the nuns.2 The scene depicting the hunt for the
bears a gothic M below on his armour and
unicorn is supplemented according to visual tradition with various Old Testament
is likewise hallmarked with three bars. The
same two hallmarks can be found on the scenes that prefigure the Immaculate Conception of Mary. Moses and the burning
clothing of Aaron, the Virgin Mary with
the unicorn, and Moses. See Crab et al.
bush, the urna aurea, the porta Ezechiel, the priest Aaron and the warrior Gideon
1971: 451–454; Kruip 2006: 27–39; Geelen & are all present and accounted for.3 Moreover, out of the Fons signatus grows a
Steyaert 2009: 19–49.
5 tree trunk, atop which a small, female figure holds the coat of arms of the city of
Originally: Tu es ortus cunctis deliciis Mechelen, confirming the Garden’s origins. Various figurines bear the hallmarks of
affluens multisque divitiis umquam tactus
spurriciis (sic) gignens florem refertum gratiie. the city as well.4
See Vandenbroeck 1994: 91–117. On the
The heavenly garden is enclosed by a gate with a Latin inscription: ‘You are
relationship between scent and virtue, see
Baert 2014; Baert 2016c; Iterbeke 2015: 36–48. the garden, entirely sweet and overflowing with various virtues, untouched and
214 BEYOND UTOPIA

[cat. 32] detail
[cat. 32] detail

filled with flowers and grace.’5 The inscription is both a panegyric on the Virgin
Mary and a personal appeal to the viewer to lead a virtuous life. The gate marks the
division between the immaterial sanctuary of the Enclosed Garden and the material
world of the viewer. The gate symbolically blocks access to the heavenly garden and
in this way protects it from ‘sinful’ influences.
HI
[cat. 32] X-radiograph
217 BEYOND UTOPIA

[cat. 32] detail
[cat. 32] detail
33
Enclosed Garden with St Elizabeth, St Ursula and St Catherine
Mechelen
c.1520–1530
Mixed media, 134 x 190 x 25 cm
PROV ENA NCE
BIBLIOGR APHY
Weale 1864: 15, no. 147; Neeffs 1891: 272–273, no. 213; Van Doorslaer 1912: 20–22, no. 78;
Poupeye 1912: 78–79; Antwerp 1948: 50, no. 352; Godenne 1957: 47–127; De Borchgrave d'Altena
1959: 67; Stockholm 1970: no. 26; Crab et al. 1971: 421–423, no. MB/37; Brokken 1990: 189;
Vandenbroeck 1994: 239, no. 114; Hoflack 1998: 54, no. 49; Koldeweĳ 2000: 222–252; De Nĳn
2000: 124–125, no. 3; Antoine 2002; Eichberger 2005: 271–272, no. 116; Koldeweĳ 2006: 247–256;
Kruip 2006a: 55–56; Kruip 2006b: 231–234; Van Asperen 2009: 102–108; Rudy 2011: 111–118;
Baert 2013: 111–152; Fraeters 2013: 65–94; Baert 2014: 9–45; Iterbeke 2015: 44–47.
Enclosed Gardens represent much more than just their iconographic programme.
They are the incarnation of specific norms and values. Represented by three
female saints, the notion of virtue dominates this Enclosed Garden. The heavenly
surroundings contain not only the figurines of St Ursula, St Catherine and
St Elizabeth of Hungary, but also a noli me tangere scene.1 In the centre of the garden
stands the figure of St Ursula, one of the eleven thousand martyred virgins. The
legend of the eleven thousand virgins was particularly beloved of sixteenth-century
nunneries. Due to a misinterpretation of an earlier text, in which the ‘XIM’ stood
for ‘eleven martyrs’ instead of the Roman numeral ‘eleven thousand’, a very
1
Vandenbroeck 1994: 239. large number of relics of these three female saints were in circulation. The
2 relics ‘vanden XI Maechden’ – of the eleven Virgins – as they are called in the
Rudy 2011: 117.
3 inscriptions decorating this reliquary shrine, are also included as such in many
Baert 2013: 142–145.
4
other Enclosed Gardens.2
Koldeweij 2000: 222–252; Koldeweij 2006: Ursula is accompanied on the left and right by St Catherine and St Elizabeth
247–256; Kruip 2006b: 231–234; Van Asperen
2009: 102–108. of Hungary. The pious lifestyle and engagement of the latter was considered a great
5 example for the nuns who had taken her as their patron saint.
In the middle ages, a distinction was made
between the physical senses and the inner, Finally, there are two more small figurines arranged in this garden. The
spiritual senses. A sensual stimulus could
small figure with the red mantle is Christ, depicted as a gardener. At the right, Mary
be discerned or experienced by the physical
senses, but interpreted by the inner senses. Magdalene adores him. This group illustrates the noli me tangere, the first encounter
In this way, the soul could detect the sweet
odour of God without its being physically
of Christ with another person after his resurrection.3 The story of the resurrection is
present. Fraeters 2013: 65; Iterbeke 2015: 44. moreover depicted within the Enclosed Garden on a wax seal above St Ursula.
6
Rudy 2011: 111–118; Baert 2014; Baert 2015; This Enclosed Garden is dotted with silk flowers, plants, pilgrims’ insignia
Iterbeke 2015: 45–47. and relics.4 They offer the viewer the possibility of making a ‘virtual’ pilgrimage.
7
I would like to thank Andrea Pearson for This imaginary pilgrimage to the Holy Land or the Kingdom of Heaven takes place
sharing the results of her research. See
in the imagination of the faithful. By looking at the relics and insignia, he or she
Pearson 2017.
travels a spiritual path that leads to greater insight.
220 BEYOND UTOPIA

[cat. 33] details
In addition to the relics and pilgrims’ insignia, the silk flowers likewise
contribute to the spiritual journey. The flowers in the reliquary shrine are on the
one hand a reference to Heaven and the symbolism of flowers based on the Song
of Songs; on the other, they represent the mystical ‘sweet scent’ of God.5 In this way
they ask the viewer to see beyond the materiality of the Enclosed Garden and to
open him- or herself up to what is not visibly present, but can only be experienced
spiritually.6
The Garden can be closed by the two painted wings. Recent research has
identified the figures on the wings as Jacob vanden Putte, his wife Margaretha Svos
and their daughter Maria vanden Putte, who probably commissioned the Enclosed
Garden. Maria vanden Putte was a hospice nun in Mechelen and took her vows
around 1524.7
HI
223 BEYOND UTOPIA

34
Enclosed Garden with St Anne, the Virgin and Child, St Augustine
and St Elizabeth
Mechelen
c.1520–1550
Mixed media, 150 x 240 x 38 cm
PROV ENA NCE
BIBLIOGR APHY
Weale 1864: 17, no. 152; Neeffs 1891: 276; Van Doorslaer 1912: no. 82; Poupeye 1912: 79–80;
Brussels/Mechelen 1954: 24, no. 81; Godenne 1957: 116–120, no. XXXVIII–XLVI; De Borghgrave
d’Altena 1959: 66; Crab et al. 1971: 459–462, no. MB/43; Godenne 1972: 38; Brokken 1990:
188–189, no. 78; Van der Stock 1991: 447, no. 212; Vandenbroeck 1994: 240, no. 115; Hoflack
1998: 52–53, no. 48; De Nĳn 2000: 125–126, no. 4; Antoine 2002: 55–56, fig. 14a.
In this reliquary shrine, paradise lost is recreated. Behind the golden gate in the
centre of the Enclosed Garden stands St Anne. In her right arm she carries the
Virgin Mary, who holds Jesus on her lap. Saint Anne with the Virgin and Child
is not only a representation of three successive generations, but also the female
genealogy of the Christ Child.1 This doctrine of faith implies that Mary was born
into the world without original sin, which in turn enabled the Christ Child to be
born free of sin. At the very top of the cabinet is yet another image of the Virgin
Mary with her son, this time in an aureole. The image is a representation of the
Lucerna Clarissima (cat. 26), a motif that has its origins in the apocalyptic visions of
John. The ensemble is surrounded by four cherubs and a grapevine.2 A small image
1
Bynum 1992: 79–85. of God the Father watches from directly above.
2 This central group is flanked by figurines depicting St Elizabeth of Hungary
This Mary in an aureole corresponds
to the Marianums of the Onze-Lieve- and St Augustine. This church father is depicted as a bishop with mitre and staff. In
Vrouwen-in-de-zon (Our Lady in the Sun),
which decorated many church buildings
his right hand he offers his hart, a gift that goes back to his Confessiones.
in the fifteenth century. There was also In this Enclosed Garden there is also an exceptional medallion in papier
a Marianum in the Onze-Lieve-Vrouw
Gasthuis in Mechelen. Vandenberghe 1983: pressé (fig. p. 225).3 Although the origins of these medallions are still unclear, the
137–149. patacons in pipe clay are a product of Mechelen. Similar reliefs in papier mâché and
3
The theme of the hunt for the unicorn is also pipe clay were made in cloisters.4 The medallion depicts the hunt for the unicorn.
discussed in cat. 32.
In addition, reference is also made to various other Marian symbols such as the
4
This is evident among other things from fons signatus, virga Aaron, vellus Gedeonis, urna aurea, rubus Moysis, porta Ezechiel
excavations and an inventory of the Bethania
cloister in Mechelen. Cordemans de Bruyne
and hortus conclusus. All these Old Testament elements are prefigurations of the
1895: 20–111; Van der Stock 1991: 448–450, Immaculate Conception. The seal is surrounded by a wreath of silk flowers carried
no. 213 (with earlier literature).
5 by two polychrome cherubs.
In this Enclosed Garden there are The background of the Enclosed Garden is covered by a lattice of paper rolls
neither pilgrims’ insignia nor relics with
inscriptions. (paperollen), silk flowers and small ornaments.5 The pattern of the lattice creates
6
the impression of an orchard, a frequently occurring backdrop in the devotional
Falkenburg 1994; Baert 2014; Baert 2016c;
Iterbeke 2015: 29–35. literature of the sixteenth century. The garden that is depicted here is the orchard
224 BEYOND UTOPIA

[cat. 34] details
of the cloister, the Enclosed Garden from the Song of Solomon and the Garden of
Eden, as well as the loving soul of the believer. It is in the earthly, tangible objects
that the spiritual or higher counterpart is represented. The garden allegory permits
the devout viewer to explore the unknown while in the familiar environment of the
nuns. The viewer is encouraged to (re-) create a virtuous, heavenly environment in
which his or her encounter with the Lord can take place.6
This Enclosed Garden can be closed with two painted wings. On the left
panel St Hieronymus is depicted; on the right, two unidentified nuns kneel in
prayer, attended by St Catherine.
HI
227 BEYOND UTOPIA

35
Maître François
The Heavenly and the Earthly City
In: St Augustin, La cité de Dieu, Paris, c.1475–1480, fol. 6
Translated from Latin into French by Raoul de Presles (c.1364–1380)
The Hague, Museum Meermanno, House of the Book, Ms. 10 A 11
PROV ENA NCE
Made for Jacques d’Armagnac, duke of Nemours (1433–1477), after his imprisonment,
finished for Philippe de Commines (1447–1511), lord of Argenton (coat of arms in the
margin and below); sale, J.-A. Crozat de Tugny (1696–1751), Paris (Thiboust), 1751,
acquired there by L.-J. Gaignat, Paris; his sale, Paris (G.F. De Bure le Jeune),
1 February 1796, lot 242), acquired there for Gerard Meerman (1722–1771), Rotterdam and
later The Hague; by inheritance to his son Johan Meerman (1753–1815); between 1816 and
1824 acquired by Willem H. J. van Westreenen van Tiellandt (1783–1848), The Hague, who
bequeathed it to the Kingdom of the Netherlands.
BIBLIOGR APHY
Boeren 1979: 14–15; Blöcker 1993: 297–299, no. 45, fig. 12a–i; Avril & Reynaud 1993: 52;
Bartelink 1994: 2, 34; Le Guay 1998: 34–35; Wilkins 1999: 28, fig 16; Van Bueren 1999: 27–28,
fig. 19; Wieser & Giorgi 2000: I, 52 & II, 244; Korteweg 2002: 17–18, 129, 132–134, 210, no.
56, fig. 103–104; Brayer & Korteweg 2003: microfiche 15; Reidemeister 2006: 76; Rehnig
2006: fig. 2, 52; Rabel 2007: 268; Shoham-Steiner 2008: fig. 2.
In his Civitate Dei, or City of God, the church father Augustine (354–430) describes
as world divided into two cities: the City of God and the City of the Devil. The City
of God is found in heaven as well as on earth. On the one hand, it is inhabited in
Heaven by God himself, the angels and saints; on the other, people who lead a
virtuous life on earth also belong. The City of the Devil, inhabited by the wicked, is
only located on earth. Here, these two different worlds intermingle.
The Civitas Dei was Thomas More’s preferred reading material. Of all the
church fathers, Augustine is the one More cites most frequently and there are
reasons to assume that he already knew the text quite well as a young man.1 The Cité
de Dieu was also one of his sources of inspiration for Utopia.
The Civitas Dei was written between 413 and 426 and consists of twenty-two
‘books’ that cover a wide variety of subjects. Greek philosophy is discussed, as is
the origin of the Divine and the Worldly States and the relationship between them.
Augustine also goes into politics and social and economic problems. The author’s
significance for Christian thought is immense. He was the first to formulate the
concept of the ‘doctrine of two kingdoms,’ with a heavenly city (civitas caelestis)
and an earthly city (civitas terrena). Life on earth is not bad in itself, as long as one
1
focuses on the heavenly afterlife by striving to cultivate the virtues depicted and by
Trapp & Schulte Herbrüggen 1977: 28,
no. 20. turning away from wickedness.
228 BEYOND UTOPIA

The French translation shown here dates to around 1475–1480. It was made
in Paris and it is one of the most richly decorated versions to survive. The coat of
arms of the original owner have been cut away and replaced by the arms of Philippe
de Commines (1447–1511), chronicler and advisor to King Louis XI. The existence
of the two cities is magnificently depicted. On a miniature that takes up almost an
entire page, the world is depicted as a walled city. In front of it seven devils dance
in the foreground as representatives of the seven deadly sins. Within the walls,
the city is divided into seven compartments, each of which contains a depiction
of one of the seven virtues and its corresponding vice. In the foreground is Sloth,
represented by several sleeping men and an unemployed spinster, opposite several
people diligently working. Then follows Contentiousness, opposed to Peacefulness,
represented by several praying figures. Jealousy stands opposite Friendship and
Pride opposite Modesty or Humility. Lust opposes Chastity, represented by several
monks and laypeople that turn away from its seductions. Gluttony is placed
opposite Sobriety, and finally greed opposite Generosity. Above, seven virtuous
men are conducted to heaven by female saints. Heaven is depicted as a walled castle
in which a large number of saints are milling around the throne of God the Father,
with Mary nearby.
230 BEYOND UTOPIA

Dystopia
DA A N VA N HEESCH
In dystopia – a combination of the Greek words ‘dys’ tastes the nectar of happiness in Heaven. In the end,
(bad, abnormal, difficult) and ‘topos’ (place) – utopia and dystopia (in fact two sides of the same
Paradise on earth makes way for a gruesome place coin) are inextricably bound to these ancient human
where poverty, crime, chaos and inequality rule the fantasies concerning the eternal fire of Hell and the
day. The notion of an ideal city or state is turned divine glory of Paradise.
around and replaced by a political or social bugbear,
a negative inversion of what is actually desired. The
term dystopia, a derivative of Thomas More’s Utopia,
first turned up in Victorian England, after which
it evolved into an entire topos within the genre of
twentieth-century science fiction. Nevertheless, the
roots of utopia’s dark side are centuries old. Artists
gave not only positive but also negative form to a
[C AT. 39] D E TAIL
feverish imagination, driven by political, religious

and social uncertainties. Works of art that depict
divine retribution, eternal damnation and other
fearsome images often refer not only to sinful human
nature, but also to contemporary social problems.
Themes such as the destruction of Sodom and Gomorra
(cat. 38) were particularly popular in the visual
arts the year Utopia was published. A godless and
perverted city like Sodom was a true counterpart
of the island Utopia and can thus be viewed as an
archetype of the dystopian myth. In addition, artists
like Hieronymous Bosch and his followers use the
pictorial space of the underworld to give form to
all manner of objectionable aspects of daily life
(cat. 39). In their Hell scenes it is as if the damned
are still on earth (cat. 41). In this way, aspects
of daily life that are tied to a specific time and
place are embedded in conventional Christian themes
such as the Last Judgment and Hell. The terrible
tortures that sinners must endure in Hell warn the
viewer against the reprehensible behaviour that is
characteristic of the anti-utopia described above. In
the Last Judgment (cat. 40) and the popular text The
Vision of Tondal (cat. 36–37), man is confronted by
two extremes. The knight Tondal experiences not only
the gruesome punishments of sinners in Hell, but also
233 BEYOND UTOPIA

36
Hieronymus Bosch, follower
The Vision of Tondal
c.1530
Oil on panel, 54 x 72 cm
Madrid, Fundación Lázaro Galdiano, inv. 2892
PROV ENA NCE
Nicolaas Beets, Amsterdam; before 1913 acquired by José Lazaro, Madrid.
BIBLIOGR APHY
De Tolnay 1965: 384, no. 51; Boon, Bruyn, Lemmens et al. 1967: 151, no. 43; Corwin 1976: 215;
Zehnpfennig 1979: 43; Unverfehrt 1980: 222, no. 83; Klein 2001: 125; Vandenbroeck 2002: 333,
no. 64b; Tapié 2012: 182, no. 29; Cecchi, Hersant & Rabbi-Bernard 2013: 128–129, no. 58.
The painting of The Vision of Tondal from Madrid is entirely in the style of the di-
abolical creations of Hieronymus Bosch. It is not clear where and when the work
was created. Various authors attribute it to an anonymous Antwerp master who
was active in the years 1520–1530, but concrete indications of its origins are lacking.1
Compositionally and stylistically, the work is closely related to two paintings with
1 the same theme in the Denver Art Museum (fig. 36.1) and an unknown private col-
Dendrochronological research has shown
that the earliest possible felling date for the lection. In all likelihood these three works were produced in the same workshop.2
tree from which the panel is made is 1488. The religious text Visio Tnugdali was written around 1149 by an Irish monk
Klein 2001: 125.
2 named Marcus. The main character in this vision of the afterlife is the licentious
Corwin 1976: 213–216; Unverfehrt 1980: 222
knight Tondal, who becomes unwell and falls into a state resembling death for three
and Cecchi, Hersant & Rabbi-Bernard 2013:
128. The dimensions of the three panels are days. During this period an angel conducts his soul through Purgatory, Hell and
practically identical (Madrid: 54 x 72 cm;
Denver: 55.5 x 71.8 cm; private collection:
Heaven. The terrible punishments meted out to sinners in the afterlife confront him
52 x 70.5 cm). Each panel bears the with his own sinful existence. After Tondal awakens, he decides to lead a compas-
inscription Visio Tondaly(s); for the work
from Denver see Bach 1949 and Unverfehrt sionate life of preaching.
1980: no. 82, fig. 225; the work in a private The Visions of the Knight Tondal was a widespread text in the Low Countries
collection is illustrated in Unverfehrt 1980:
no. 84, fig. 224; according to De Tolnay 1965: in the sixteenth century. A printed edition appeared with Bosch’s fellow citizen
384 the work in Madrid may be by the same
hand as the Last Judgment from the former
Gerardus Leempt in 1484. Several editions were also published in Antwerp, among
Kadjar collection (sale Christie’s, London, which one with Mathijs van der Goes in 1472 and another with Henrick Eckert in
9 July 2003, lot 25).
3 1515.3 Several authors have tried to associate the text with works by Bosch and his fol-
Palmer 1982. lowers (usually from Antwerp). In most cases, the hellish pictorial motifs in these
4
Bax 1949: 275–277; Bax 1983: 379; Palmer 1982: paintings are too general to be able to speak of direct kinship with the literary text.4
219–220 and Kren 1992: 19–20.
In contrast to what the inscription at the lower left of the panel claims (Visio
5
On the association of Bosch’s visual Tondaly), this painting is also not a direct visual translation of Marcus’s text. It is in-
language with dream images in the early
sixteenth century, see Gibson 1992; see in
stead a phantasmagorical catalogue of various punishments that reflect the missteps
addition Zehnpfennig 1979: 13–14. of the sinners. The knight Tondal lies sleeping at the lower left. As if in a dream, he
6
It is not possible here to discuss each experiences the horrors of Hell.5 Behind him stands the angel who leads his soul
motif separately. For a cultural-historical through the afterlife. The sinners are tormented by devils that take on hybrid and
interpretation of Bosch’s formal language,
see among others Bax 1949; Bax 1983 and at times anthropomorphic guises: an executioner with a pig’s head, a monster with
Vandenbroeck 2002.
a trumpet-nose, a rat-like creature with orchid-butterfly wings, etc.6 In the centre
7
Among others see Vandenbroeck 1985. stands a frightening, mask-like face with glassy eyes and ears that have been pierced
234 BEYOND UTOPIA

[cat. 36] detail
by trees. From the nose of this grotesque head, innumerable pieces of money stream
into a large washtub in which souls are bathing. Various scenes refer to the deadly
sins, such as pride (the demon with the mirror at the upper left) and gluttony (the
diabolical tavern scene right of centre). The owl, which observes this terrifying scene
from atop the hell-head, was a known symbol of folly and deceptive evil.7
DV H
[fig. 36.1] Follower of Hieronymus Bosch, The Vision of Tondal, c.1520–1530, Denver Art Museum.
237 BEYOND UTOPIA

37
Simon Marmion
The Torment Reserved for Murderers
In: David Aubert, Les Visions du chevalier Tondal, Valenciennes and Ghent, 1475,
fol. 13v–14
Ink, tempera colours, and gold on parchment, 363 x 262 mm
Los Angeles, J. Paul Getty Museum, Ms. 30
PROV ENA NCE
Margaret of York, duchess of Burgundy (1446–1503); Le Marquis de Ganay, in 1853 [his

sale, Paris, Hôtel Drouot, May 12–14, 1881, lot 39]; Le Comte de Lignerolles [his sale,
Paris, Charles Porquet, 1894, lot 17]; Baron Vitta; Baron de Brouwer, Manoir du Relais,
Pommeroeul (Hainault); [to libraire Fl. Tulkens, c.1944]; [to H. P. Kraus, New York]; to
Philip Hofer (1898–1984), Cambridge, Mass., in 1951 (his Ms. Typ 234 H); private collection,
United States; acquired by the J. Paul Getty Museum, 1987.
BIBLIOGR APHY
Cambridge 1955: no. 88; Miner, Carlson & Filby 1965: 53 no. 35; Kren & Wieck 1990: 3–36, 43,
pl. 6; Eichberger 1992: 129–140; Nascimento & Miranda 2000: no. 119; Greenblatt 2001: 62–64,
73–74, 110–111, fig. 8–9; Dinzelbacher 2002: 104–105; Kren & McKendrick 2003: no. 14, and passim;
Heck 2003: 227, 234, fig. 256; Kren & Ainsworth 2003: 46–47; Blanc 2004: 30–31, 51, fig. 22 and
40; Michalove 2004: 77; Giorgi 2005: 36, 43; Legaré 2005: 210, 211, fig. 4; Eichberger 2005:
210–211, 245–246 no. 84; Selliers 2006: 354–355, 368; Silver 2006a: 92–93, 348, 350; Turner 2006:
1 61–63, fig. 5.8; Morrison 2007: 91, 96–97, fig. 77; Klein 2007: 223, no. 82; Woods, Richardson &
This entry is indebted to the research of
Lymberopoulou 2007: 116–118; Laneyrie-Dagen 2008: 169, fig. 3; Brown 2008: 241, 448; Cavagna
Thomas Kren and Roger Wieck. See espe-
cially Kren & Wieck 1990 and Kren 1992. 2008: 7–9, 16–18, 121–239; Marti, Borchert & Keck 2009: 251, fig. 103; De Pontfarcy 2010: XIV–XXII,
2
This text was originally bound together with
passim; Kren 2010: 6, 21–23, 35, 26, 81–84; De Kesel 2010: 100–101, fig. 22–23; Mandabach 2010:
a copy of La Vision de l’ame de Guy de Thurno 42–47, fig. 13–17; Göttler 2010: 228–29, fig. 100; Sciacca 2010: 9, 52, fig. 7 and 49; Wolfthal
(J. Paul Getty Museum, Ms. 31), and the Vie
de Sainte Catherine (Bibliothèque nationale 2010: 188, fig. 136; Bousmanne & Delcourt 2011: 396–397; Carroll 2011: 253, 255; Van Buren &
de France, Ms. n. a. fr. 28650): Kren 2013. Wieck 2011: 224, 227, 374; Scott 2011: 41, fig. 24; Black 2012: 122, fig. 53; Schwarz 2012: 36–39,
3
Kren & Wieck 1990: 3–7. fig. 2–5; Kren 2013: 4–11; 18–35; Dubois 2013: 36–37; Guernelli 2014: 26, 31; Schinkel & Schmidt-
4
Rutsch 2014: 128–131, no. 2.66, 2.66.1–2.66.13.
For a partial English translation, see Kren &
Wieck 1990: 37–59; for editions of the French
text found in the Getty manuscript, see
Cavagna 2008 and De Pontfarcy 2010.
5 The twenty illuminations of the Getty’s Les Visions du chevalier Tondal depict the
Kren & Wieck 1990: 41.
6 varied horrors of Hell as well as the serene delights of Heaven.1 The only known
Kren & McKendrick 2003: 116.
illuminated copy of this text, the Getty manuscript was illuminated by Simon
7
Wieck in Kren 1992: 119–128. Marmion at the behest of Margaret of York (1446–1503), duchess of Burgundy and
8
Although Kren (1992: 19–20) concludes
wife of Charles the Bold (1433–1477).2 It is perhaps the most original and visceral of
that Bosch probably did not see this manu- all Marmion’s creations.
script, Carroll (2011, 253) points out that
Margaret of Austria, who was named for The story of Tondal, originally written Latin but translated into a multitude
her step-grandmother Margaret of York and of vernacular languages, became one of the most popular medieval accounts of
may have known her manuscript collection,
also owned a painting by Bosch, while Silver the afterlife before the advent of Dante.3 The text describes the spiritual journey
(2006a: 92–93) seems to leave the possibility
of a knight who, after being led by an angel on an extended tour of Hell and then
open (see also bibliography cited in Kren
1992: 26 n. 58–61). Heaven, vows to live a better life.4
238 BEYOND UTOPIA

[cat. 37] fol. 16
In Hell, a specific set of bodily tortures awaits those guilty of a particular
vice or sin, such as the illumination on fol. 13v showing the torment reserved for
murderers. The text describes a dark valley, over which is suspended a round lid of
iron on which souls are roasted and then liquefied, falling into a searing fire below.5
Marmion was a master at drawing out the physical terrors of Hell, making a point of
evoking all five senses. One can almost hear the sizzle of the bodies as they hit the
surface, feel the red-hot pain of Hellfire, and smell the odour of despair.
By comparison, it has often been noted that the scenes of Heaven that
follow seem almost dull in their pastel peacefulness.6 For an artist, it is no doubt
much easier to envision the painful varieties of bodily torment than the evenness
of spiritual bliss. In addition, in Hell, Tondal is often called upon to sample himself
the particular torment awaiting those accountable for a particular sin. In the text as
well as the illuminations of the Heaven scenes, it is clear that Tondal is constantly
being separated from any personal experience of the delights of Paradise, often by
walls or other barriers.7 The difference between body and soul, Hell and Heaven, is
thus underscored in multiple ways.
Although it is uncertain whether Bosch could have ever personally seen
these visualizations of the Tondal story, the same nightmarish and almost claus-
trophobic concept of Hell permeates his works (cat. 36).8 But while Marmion was
intent on creating a convincingly naturalistic vision of Hell, Bosch’s work is infused
by a characteristic chimeric fantasy and frenzy that is absent from Marmion’s more
physically sensual Hell.
EM
241 BEYOND UTOPIA

38
Joachim Patinir
Landscape with the Destruction of Sodom and Gomorra
Antwerp
c.1521
Rotterdam, Museum Boijmans Van Beuningen, inv. 2312, on loan from the Instituut
Collectie Nederland, Amsterdam
PROV ENA NCE
In 1925 sold by P. de Boer to D.A. Hoogendĳk (both Amsterdam); by 1927 in the possession
of Ch.A. de Burlet in Berlin; before 1929 sold to F.W. Koenigs in Haarlem, who lent it
to the Museum Boĳmans Van Beuningen between 1935 and 1940; in 1940 sold to Goudstikker
in Amsterdam; via the gallery Goudstikker/Miedl, the panel entered the possession of
Hermann Göring; after the Second World War, the panel was regained by the Dutch state,
which once again gave it on loan to the Museum Boĳmans Van Beuningen in 1948.1
BIBLIOGR APHY
Koch 1968: 24, 71; Corwin 1976: 220–221; Unverfehrt 1980: 178–179; Bätschmann 1981: 164,
174; Falkenburg 1988: 6, 55, 65, 106; Gibson 1989: 5–7; Lammertse 1994: 220–223; Silver
2001: 626–627; Silver 2006a: 367–369; Vergara 2007: 164–169, no. 2 (with exhaustive
bibliography); Borchert 2010: 199, no. 63; Fricke 2011: 271–300; Vogelaar, Filedt Kok,
Leeflang et al. 2011: 221–222, no. 16; Tapié 2012: 194–195, no. 35.
One of the earliest dystopian myths tells of the destruction of Sodom and Gomorra,
1
For more details, see Vergara 2007: 164, two cities in moral decline that are described in the Old Testament book of Genesis
168–169.
2
(18–19). These immoral cities, destroyed by God with ‘fire and brimstone’, were the
Almog 2014: 157; Greene 2001: 294. paragon of a corrupt society guilty of violence, cruelty and xenophobia.2
3
Silver 2001: 626. In this small panel, the landscape painter Joachim Patinir (1475/80–1524)
4 situates the story in a panoramic, rocky landscape flooded with fire. The over-
Vergara 2007: 164–169, no. 2.
5 whelming inferno towers over the miniscule figures at the right side of the painting.
For a technical analysis of the painting,
see Vergara 2007: 167–169.
The stark contrast between the low-lying cities around the Jordan River and the
6 mountainous refuge is an image that is directly borrowed from the Bible (Genesis
Vergara 2007: 168.
7 19).3 Lot and his daughters, the only ones spared by God, are led away by angels at
Vandenbroeck 2004: 36–41; Vandenbroeck the lower right. In the centre of the composition stands Lot’s wife, who has been
2012: 107.
8 changed into a pillar of salt because she did not heed God’s command not to look
Falkenburg 2007: 69–79. See also Koch 1968:
back; At the upper right, Lot is seduced in a tent by his two daughters, who hope in
24; Corwin 1976: 220–221; Unverfehrt 1980:
177–180; Silver 2001: 626–628 and Silver this way to ensure they bring forth descendants.
2006a: 365–372.
9
The panel in Rotterdam is regularly identified as the Lot and his daughters by
Vandenbroeck 2002: 149, 310 and ‘Master Joachim’, which the Antwerp pensionary Adriaen Herbouts gave to Albrecht
Vandenbroeck 2012: 105–109; on the
relationship between natural phenomena Dürer in 1521. Although the painting is of higher quality than the versions in Oxford
and evil in the work of Bosch and Patinir, (Ashmolean Museum) and Antwerp (Koninklijk Museum voor Schone Kunsten),
see also Falkenburg 2007: 69–73 and
Falkenburg 2011: 102–116. this statement remains hypothetical.4 What is certain is that it is by the hand of the
10
artist, who Dürer described as ‘der gut Landschaftsmaler’.5 On the basis of dendro-
Gibson 1989; Silver 2006b: 26–52;
Weemans 2013. chronological research, the work can be situated late in Patinir’s oeuvre, or c.1521.6
242 BEYOND UTOPIA

[cat. 38] detail
Themes such as the Destruction of Sodom and Gomorra and Lot and his
Daughters were particularly popular in the visual arts from the early sixteenth
century onwards. Such works reflected the prevailing idea that a fundamental
disruption of the social and divine order led to universal disaster.7 Patinir drew in-
spiration for his fiery landscapes from the phantasmal oeuvre of Hieronymus Bosch
(c.1450–1516).8 The artistic kinship between the two masters is not limited to the
strictly formal: in the works of Bosch, the idea that natural disasters and cataclysms
are inextricably bound with moral wrongdoing also manifests itself.9 Patinir’s
‘world landscapes’ were widely copied in the sixteenth century and lay at the basis
of landscape painting as an independent artistic genre.10
DV H
245 BEYOND UTOPIA

39
Apocalyptic Vision
c.1575–1600 (1595?)
Venice, Palazzo Ducale (on loan from the Soprintendenza PSAE e per il Polo
Museale della città di Venezia e dei comuni della gronda lagunare), inv. 269
1
'[...] de più grande sta di rimpetto ad
esso tribunale; tutto con varie istoriche e
PROV ENA NCE
chimeriche rappresentazioni’. Zanetti 1771:
492. See also Bellavitis 2010: 192. Possibly identical to the large painting ‘opposite the tribunal’ in the chamber of the
2
Apocalypse 12: 7–9: ‘And war broke out Council of Ten in the Doge’s Palace in Venice, together with paintings of ‘Il Civetta’
in Heaven; Michael and his angels fought (Herri met de Bles) described as ‘various narrative and imaginary representations’.1
against the dragon. The dragon and his
angels fought back, but they were defeated,
and there was no longer any place for them
BIBLIOGR APHY
in Heaven. The great dragon was thrown
down, and that ancient serpent, who is Corwin 1976: 418–419, no. 157; Collobi Ragghianti 1990: 56, no. 95; Limentani Virdis 1992:
called the Devil and Satan, the deceiver of
the whole world – he was thrown down to 122–124; Danesi Squarzina 1995: 85–87; Bellavitis 2010: 191–195, no. 5; Squellati Brizio
the earth, and his angels were thrown down 2013: 133, no. 60; Meganck 2014: 181, n. 10.
with him.’
3
The Musée des Beaux-Arts et d’Archéologie
in Châlons-en-Champagne has a Boschian
painting with similar iconography (inv. The struggle of the divine order against diabolical evil is central to this apocalyptic
861.1.104). This work is also based on the
engraving by Hieronymus Cock (see below).
vision.2 In the sixteenth century, this cosmic battle was usually depicted as the
4 battle between the archangel Michael and the seven-headed dragon, referring to
Squellati Brizio 2013: 133.
5 the seven deadly sins. Michael, here in golden armour, does not fight the dragon
Compare with Limentani Virdis 1992: 122; of the apocalypse but a legion of infernal beings that swarm through a diabolical
Squellati Brizio 2013: 133 and Meganck 2014:
104, 181, n. 10. labyrinth.3
6
A gigantic star or globe appears to descend into the hellish chaos. This
The motif is highly unusual in both
Boschian and apocalyptic iconography. highly exceptional pictorial element has in the past been associated with two
A fifteenth-century manuscript in the
Huntington Library (HM 83), which tries to
passages from the Apocalypse in which stars from Heaven fall to earth (6: 12–13
map the geographic transformation of the and 9: 1–3).4 The concentric circles of the cosmic globe, however, suggest that these
world during the apocalypse and after the
Last Judgment, shows a similarly unformed, are descending heavenly spheres, among which the Empyrean, or highest Heaven,
crystallised ‘new’ heaven/earth. Van Duzer & where God dwells with the angels and saints.5 The Apocalypse relates that after the
Dines 2016: 185, 191, fig. 5.10.
7 victory over Satan (20: 7–10) and the Last Judgment (20: 11–15), the old order will be
See n. 1, Bellavitis 2010: 191–192 and Squellati
Brizio 2013: 133.
replaced by a new, glorious Heaven (21: 1).6 At the upper left, various souls are being
8 borne up to Heaven, which suggests that the Last Judgment has already taken place.
Aikema 2001: 25–26; see also Aikema 2014:
30–43. The painting in the Doge’s Palace in Venice is probably a simultaneous depiction of
9 the imminent conclusion of the Apocalypse, in which sin has been vanquished and
See cat. 40 [Pieter Huys] in this catalogue
and Corwin 1976: 419. the New Jerusalem established on earth.
10
Earlier authors have suggested that the painting functioned as a justice
Van Grieken 2013: 248–249, no. 62 and Bass
2015: 136–139, no. 14. scene in one of the courtrooms of the Doge’s Palace, but there is no concrete
11
Compare with Limentani Virdis 1992: 122.
evidence to suggest it.7 The anonymous artist clearly took inspiration from the
12 hell scenes of Hieronymus Bosch, whose works could be found in Venice from 1521
Squellati Brizio dates the panel to 1595 on
the basis of an only partially (?) legible onwards.8 The overall composition and choice of pictorial motifs, however, are
inscription ‘[15?]95’, but it is as yet unclear more closely related to the work of Bosch’s Antwerp followers. The devilish horn-
whether it is actually a date, or the number
95. Squellati Brizio 2013: 133. player at the lower right, for example, also appears in several works by Pieter Huys
13
(c.1520–before April 1586) and his immediate circle.9 The tormented soul with the
Limentani Virdis 1992: 122 (as ‘JS’) and
Squellati Brizio 2013: 133 (as ‘IS’). swollen belly in the central foreground is moreover bor from a torture scene from
246 BEYOND UTOPIA

[cat. 39] detail
the Boschian engraving Triptych with the End of Time, Heaven and Hell, published
by Hieronymus Cock (1517/18–1570) in the 1560s.10 Finally, the carefully painted
insects in the foreground bring to mind the artistic naturalism of artists such as
Joris Hoefnagel (1542–1600).11 Hence, the painting can probably be dated to the last
decades of the sixteenth century.12
The work was previously attributed to the ‘Monogrammist IS’ on the basis
of a supposed letter combination on the shield of a demon at the lower left of
the panel.13 It is unclear, however, whether this pictogram can be identified as a
monogram. It is more likely a rod of Aesculapius, a staff entwined by a serpent that
since time immemorial has been associated with medicine. In this way, a sadistic
and absurd drama unfolds in which a damned soul is forced to eat poisonous
reptiles and amphibians under the approving eye of a diabolical physician.
DV H
[fig. 39.1] Cornelis Cort after a follower of Hieronymus Bosch, detail from the right wing of the Triptych with
the End of Time, the Heaven and the Hell, Brussels, Royal Library of Belgium, Print Room.
249 BEYOND UTOPIA

40
Pieter Huys (?)
The Last Judgement
1554
Brussels, Royal Museums of Fine Arts of Belgium, inv. 3900
PROV ENA NCE
Acquired by the museum via E. De Coninck in 1908.

The painting has been specially conserved for this exhibition by Etienne Costa.
BIBLIOGR APHY
Ninane 1963: 123, no. 139; Boon, Bruyn, Lemmens et al. 1967: 230, no. 106; Corwin 1976:
325–326, no. 97; Mund 1977: 84–85, 153–154, no. 24; Unverfehrt 1980: 281, no. 129; Davies
1993: 86–89; Silver 1999: 37, 54 n. 18; Silver 2006a: 137, 280 n. 15; De Vrĳ 2006: 77–78.
In this painting Christ, as ultimate judge, passes his judgment on the blessed and
the damned.1 Above, Mary and John the Baptist assist him, each with six apostles
at their side. The heavenly court is drowned out, however, by a swarming parade
of multifarious and agonizing infernal beings. The possibility of salvation seems
distant, but if one looks closely, one sees a tunnel of light opening up in the dark
mass of clouds at the left to lead a few of the chosen to heavenly bliss. The figure on
the slope in an antique style with a sickle probably refers to Revelation (14: 14–18)
1
in which angels descend to earth in order to harvest the ‘overripe grapes’ – a known
The lily and the sword above his head
represent compassion and justice, symbol of the Last Judgment.
respectively.
2
The grotesque and playful demons embody various vices, such as pride,
As a copy after the panel in Springfield in gluttony and ire, but refer above all to the phantasmagorical visual world of
Corwin 1976: 325–326, no. 97; Davies 1993: 86
and De Vrij 2006: 77. By contrast Silver 1999: Hieronymus Bosch (c.1450–1516). The work is indeed punctuated by visual citations
37 and 2006: 137 considers the Brussels panel of this extraordinarily popular master. The compositional scheme is related to
the prototype.
3 Bosch’s Last Judgment in Vienna, and the divine tunnel of light seems borrowed
Attributed to Huys in Ninane 1963: 123,
no. 139; Boon, Bruyn, Lemmens et al.
from the Ascent into Heaven in Venice.
1967: 230, no. 106; Corwin 1976: 325–326, The painting is probably a relatively faithful copy of a Last Judgment by Jan
no. 97; Mund 1977: 84–85, 153–154, no. 24;
Unverfehrt 1980: 281, no. 129; De Vrij Mandijn (c.1500–c.1559) in Springfield.2 The Brussels Last Judgment is traditionally
2006, 77–78; attributed to Mandijn and/ attributed to the painter and engraver Pieter Huys (c.1520–before April 1586), one
or workshop in Corwin 1976: 325–326; for a
recent study of the signed oeuvre of Huys, of the many Antwerp artists who adapted Bosch’s pictorial language to a more
see Van Heesch 2014.
contemporary stylistic idiom.3 There is no consensus as to the attribution, but what
4
Corwin 1976: 324; see also cat. 39. is certain is that Huys must have been familiar with this composition or one of its
5
Already suggested in Ninane 1963: 123,
variants. The figure group with the trumpeting devil on the right, for example,
no. 139; on Huys as an engraver and designer recurs in Huys’s Hell in Madrid (1570) and again in reverse in his Temptation of
of book illustrations, see Bowen & Imhof
2008: 40, 47–49, 342–345. St Anthony in Antwerp (1577).4
6 The original frame with painted devils in grisaille (of which two figures
Compare with Unverfehrt 1980: no. 21a,
33, 55a–b, fig. 31–33, 53–54, 56; see also the below hold a banner bearing the date 1554) is quite striking and extremely rare.
margin decorations of Bernard Salomon in
It is tempting to connect Huys’s activities as a designer of printed margin
La Métamorphose d’Ovide figurée (1557) in
Elsig 2004: 183–184, fig. 2. decorations with this pictorial translation of what was then primarily a graphic
250 BEYOND UTOPIA

[cat. 40] detail
art form.5 By the middle of the sixteenth century, Boschian demons were more
often used as independent pictorial motifs in a decorative context.6 Bosch’s bizarre
creatures were indeed recreated here in an ornamental context and thereby elevated
to diabolical mirabilia, as it were.
DV H
253 BEYOND UTOPIA

41
Christ’s Descent into Hell
c.1525–1550
New York, Harris Brisbane Dick Fund, The Metropolitan Museum of Art,
inv. ACC 26.244
PROV ENA NCE
Philipp, count of Saint Genois, Vienna (before 1895); [Kominík, Prague, after 1895];
František Kominík, Prague (until 1926); [Hugo Feigl, Prague, 1926; sold to The Metroplitan
Museum of Art].
BIBLIOGR APHY
Donath 1926: 378–379; Friedländer 1927: 149, no. 88; Burroughs 1927: 272–274; De Tolnay
1937: 105, no. 58; Lewisohn 1937: 185; Baldass 1938: 21; Dallas 1947: 17; Wehle & Salinger
1947: 123–124; Larsen 1960: 98–99; Bergmans 1963: 136–137; Macagy & Sourian 1964: no. 2;
De Tolnay 1966: 385, no. 58; Friedländer 1969b: 85, no. 88; Corwin 1976: 406–408, no. 144;
Unverfehrt 1980: 289, no. 158; Sintobin 1998: 36, 254–256, no. 64; Larsen 1998: 136,
1
James 1926: 83–85; Voragine 1969: 221–223.
no. 41; Stroo & Goetghebeur 2003: 401; De Vrĳ 2012: 568, no. E.24; Weemans 2013: 286–287;
Unverfehrt 1980: 202 mentions two other Büttner 2014: 31; Müller 2016.
versions of the scene; one, a faithful copy, is
in a private collection in Milan; the second,
the whereabouts of which are presently
unknown, was property of the art dealership
Matthiesen (Berlin) in 1928. This vividly populated Boschian panorama of the underworld presents Christ’s
2
descent into the first circle of Hell (limbo) between his death on the cross and his
For the identification of the figure with
Diogenes, see Bergmans 1963: 138–139; for resurrection in order to redeem the souls of the Just of the Ancient Law, as outlined
its identification with Zephanias, one of
the twelve minor Old Testament prophets,
in the Gospel of Nicodemus in the Apocryphal New Testament (16: 1–13) and Jacobus
see the correspondence between Felix de Voragine’s Legenda aurea.1 While armed demons try to prevent Christ’s arrival,
Thürlemann and the author, 2015–2016,
New York, The Metropolitan Museum Old Testament patriarchs and prophets in anticipation of the Saviour populate a
of Art, European Paintings Department, massive ruin, evoking the Tower of Babel. Besides Adam and Eve, the scene features
departmental file 26.244.
3 Abraham and Isaac with the expiatory ram, Noah with a model of the Ark, Moses
Voragine 1969: 377–382.
4
with the Tables of the Law, David with his harp, the Repentant Thief with his cross,
Müller 2016; for the cult of Saint Christopher and presumably Lot accompanied by his daughters. The figure at the rear carrying a
during the sixteenth century and his
different connotations, see Unverfehrt 1980: lantern has been related to both Diogenes and Zephaniah.2
187–201. Besides the main narrative, a tiny St Christopher, carrying the Christ Child
5
Büttner 2014: 31. The figure of Judas in such on his shoulders, can be identified in the tumult of the Antichrist’s legion behind
a pictorial context was emphasised by Karel
the tower. As the Golden Legend teaches us, St Christopher served the devil’s
van Mander in his description of a Hell that
he had seen in Amsterdam and attributed army in his search for the world’s greatest ruler before finding his lord in Christ.3
to Bosch. This painting might have been an
original panel by Bosch, which is lost today,
Although unconventional, the appearance of the saint in this context might be
or The Met’s painting, as Büttner suggested; read as an allegory for the human pilgrimage to Christ, challenged by trials of
see Van Mander 1994: 124–125.
6 mischief and temptation.4 In contrast, the painting confronts its beholder with
Donath 1926: 378; Müller 2016; for Sisyphus’s Judas, prominently holding his moneybag, at the base of the right rock. Planning
early modern reception see Simon 2007:
136–192. to slip off with the Old Testament figures, he is stopped by devils and prevented
7
from seeking redemption, for he committed suicide by hanging, a deed strongly
For the reception of Brant’s book by Bosch
and his circle see Silver 2006a: 243–252. repudiated by the Church in the sixteenth century.5
254 BEYOND UTOPIA

[cat. 41] detail
Moreover, Sisyphus, who climbs to the top of the right rock, plays a pivotal
role for the image’s subtext. In Greek mythology, Sisyphus was punished for his self-
aggrandizing deceitfulness by being forced to roll an immense boulder up a hill in
the underworld, only to watch it roll back down, repeating his action for eternity.
In Christian thought and in contradiction to such saints as St Christopher, Sisyphus
became the epitome of vain effort and senseless life. On the other hand, his endless
aspiration to reach the rock’s summit was received in humanist literature since
Petrarch as an encouraging, moral metaphor for the human struggle to overcome a
sinful lifestyle.6 An allusion to immoral living is also ascribed to the burning ship
and shipwreck in the painting’s background. This recalls the image of the Christian
community as a ship, inverted to serve as a satire on folly and vice in Sebastian
Brant’s Ship of Fools (1494), in whose conception the latter is ultimately an image of
the followers of the Antichrist.7
In closely adopting Hieronymus Bosch’s visual vocabulary, the painting’s
interwoven narratives offer a deep eschatological subtext for its audience, providing
them with an encouragement to devote their lives to Christ and renounce immoral
living in anticipation of the Last Judgment.
LMM
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258
BEYO N D THE H O RIZO N
Imaging the Unknown
259
Terra Incognita
E M M A N UELLE VAG N O N
People living during the Middle Ages did not need to Christianity and divided the world among the European
set out on faraway travels to come up against the powers. Seafarers sailed to Africa and the Indian
boundaries of the known world. The way in which Europe, Ocean, remote territories of which little was known
Africa and Asia are configured around the Mediterranean but which, all the same, had been part of the known
Sea in the schematic circular world maps often seen world since Antiquity, and in doing so, they opened
in medieval manuscripts was also a way of marking the the path to completely new and wholly unsuspected
boundaries that world. Often, these maps also depicted terrae incognitae: the American continent and later
the history of mankind, from its origins in the East the islands of the Pacific Ocean. All that is human was
to man’s recent spread across West-Europe. Looking at projected onto the new worlds: the dream of paradisiacal
these maps gave people some idea of how the land and territories with unspoilt nature and humans unaffected
the sea related, allowing them to wonder as to what by the sins of civilisation, the desire for quick riches
extent the world was inhafbitable and how the terrae and power, and the ability to start from scratch to
incognitae could be reached: those uncharted regions build a perfect Christian society.
[C AT. 4 6] D E TAIL
that lay beyond the familiar circle of territories The cartographers of the Renaissance combined the
that had already been described in Antiquity, regions legacy of Antiquity – Ptolemy’s Geographia – with the
that were undoubtedly populated by monstrous races tales of medieval travellers, the contributions of
and mythical creatures. Not all maps from before the Arabic cartographers and of portulan charts and bundles
sixteenth century are this schematic. Some do a good with islands or townscapes. Until fairly recently, there
job of accurately describing the regions. Yet, in their were gaps in every representation made of the world. New
apparent simplicity, more than anything else they served worlds existed in people’s imaginations before they were
as visual aids that stirred the imagination and caused discovered and explored: fervent efforts were first made
people to reflect on the world in which they lived: the to locate Terra Australis (literally: South Land) and it
possible materiality of the biblical Garden of Eden, was not until the seventeenth century that man started
the climate around the equator, whether or not a ‘world to explore the continent to which it owes its name,
of the antipodes’ existed, etc. The myriad hypotheses Australia. Home to uncharted territories and a wealth
put forward by medieval scholars in this respect came of islands packed with natives and exotic animals, the
to an end when, during the Renaissance, seafarers were European maps of the sixteenth century were a visual
able to establish with their own eyes whether or not any geographical encyclopaedia that allowed for what was
of these assumptions were true, sailing on to discover possible, what was probable, and for the past, present
territories ‘beyond the horizon’ which no one had ever and future state of the world. There was every reason to
heard of. believe that Thomas More’s imaginary island Utopia would
The world of the Europeans had already expanded during find its place in that world.
the thirteenth century, with the travels of Marco Polo
(1254–1324) and other merchants and missionaries.
During the fifteenth century, fearless mariners allowed
themselves to be tempted by hopes of discoveries and
untold riches to enter the service of the kings of Spain
and Portugal, and to take up employment with the major
trading companies. The pope ensured the expansion of
261 BEYOND THE HORIZON

42
Simon Marmion
World Map (Mappamundi)
In: Jean Mansel, La Fleur des Histoires, Valenciennes, 1459–1463, fol. 281v
Parchment, 437 x 300 mm (folio), 300 x 220 mm (miniature)
Brussels, Royal Library of Belgium, inv. Ms. 9231
BIBLIOGR APHY
Durrieu 1921: no. 6; Delaissé 1959: no. 058; Dogaer & Debae 1967: no. 175; Hottois 1982: no. 068;
Lyna & Pantens 1984–1989: no. 301.1; Dogaer 1987: 14, 43–47, 51–53; Van den Bergen-Pantens 1989:
no. 52; Van den Bergen-Pantens 1989: no. 52; Lemaire & Henry 1991: no. 04; Woodward 1991: 83; Avril &
Reynaud 1993: 73–74; Zahlten 1995: 659; Cockshaw & Van den Bergen-Pantens 1996: 11, 92; Cardon
1996: 86; Bachfischer 1998: 118; Prevenier 1998: 101, 111, 189, 229, 337, fig. 90v, 176, 74, 120v, 116;
Pelletier 1998: 31, 33–35, fig. 18; Orloff-Govaerts 1998; Smeyers 1999: 311, 338, 342, 345, 352,
no. 38, 92, 102; Alexander, Marrow & Sandler 2005: no. 86; Van Hoorebeeck 2007: vol. II, 219–220;
Wijsman 2010a: 233, 332, 362; Bousmanne & Delcourt 2011: 110, 389, 391, 393, no. 109; Dubois 2016.
Jean Mansel (c.1400–1473/74) served as an official in the employ of the Duke of Burgundy,
Philip the Good. In addition to an Histoire romaine after Titus Livius, he also wrote La
Fleur des Histoires, a compilation – in French – of the history of the world, from the time
of Creation up until the reign of King Charles VI of France. This world map is the handi-
work of Flemish artist Simon Marmion (1425–1489), who garnered considerable acclaim
as a miniaturist, working at the Court of Burgundy (cat. 27 and 37).
The map has all the makings of a genuine painting. It has the time-honoured
configuration of circulars maps, with an inscribed T. The inhabited world is divided
into three parts, with all four elements duly represented: the earth is successively sur-
rounded by the ocean (water), a sky filled with clouds (air), a circle of fire, and the stars.
Asia takes in the top half of the circle. Separated by the Mediterranean Sea, Europe and
Africa each take up a quarter of the circle at the bottom. The text underneath the image
indicates that it is based on the Etymologiae by archbishop Isidore of Seville (560–636).
This seventh century encyclopaedic work puts forward a description of the civilised
world that is imbued with a Christian interpretation. Each continent is assigned to one
of Noah’s sons: Asia goes to Ham, Europe to Japheth and Africa is assigned to Chem.
Jafet is dressed in Roman style (a red mantle is seen draped across his shoulder), whilst
Sem and Cham are wearing an exotic tunic and hat.
This world map delivers a summary picture of the geography and history of
the world. It tells of how, in the wake of the Flood – with Noah’s Ark left stranded on a
mountain in Asia – the Earth rose up again from the water and how this acted to sepa-
rate the continents. In the same breath, the map shows the genealogy of the patriarch,
who – according to legend – was the driving force that brought forth all the nations
populating the inhabited world. Painted in the background of each continent are char-
acters and delightful perspective landscapes. In the distance, ‘ideal’ yet unidentifiable
fortified towns with towers and copulas are depicted in a blueish mist. The toponyms
do not offer any clues that would enable them to be identified.
EV

43
In: Rudimentum novitiorum, published by Lucas Brandis de Schass, Lübeck, 1475,
fol. 74v–75
Coloured round woodcut, 375 mm (diameter)
Private collection
BIBLIOGR APHY
Winter 1952: 102; Brown 1952: no. 42, pl. XV; Nordenskiold 1973: 3, fig. 2; Shirley 1984: XXI,
pl. 3 & 1–2, no. 2; Campbell 1987: 144–151, no. 26; Nebenzahl 1995: 61–62, pl. 20; Brown
2000; Scafi 2006: 204, fig. 8.3, pl. 11a; Edson 2007: 169–172, fig. 7.2; Whitfield 2010: 34–35.
These First principles (Rudimentum novitiorum), first printed in Lübeck in 1475, make
up a kind of history textbook aimed at young monks or students. In 1488–1491,
the book was published by Pierre le Rouge and Guillaume in a French translation:
La Mer des Hystoires. Before 1555, the book saw at least seven reissues. The work is
illustrated with genealogical tables and maps, providing a summary of the history
of the entire world according to medieval views which were Christianised concepts
from Antiquity.
The schematic and didactic codes of the world atlas adopted in this book
take little or no account of the right scales of topographical accuracy. As such,
the map is in keeping with the type of world maps produced during the Middle
Ages. So much so that, for a map that was created before the end of the fifteenth
century, it looks quite archaic. The presentation of the local regions and towns
looks more like a list than a spatial representation. The hills lined up one behind
the other in different planes are used to create the illusion of natural scenery. Each
hill represents a region. Brown ink was used to colour the water that separates
the regions. The map observes the traditional scheme, involving a circle with an
inscribed T (a cross in this particular case); the East is situated on top, with the
names of the directions of the wind written at the four outer ends of the cruciform.
The top half is taken up by Asia, the bottom half by Europe (left) and Africa (right)
(cat. 42). Because of the fold in the book, the Mediterranean Sea – which separates
Europe from Africa – is barely visible. The world extended from a walled garden
(widely believed to be the Garden of Eden) at the top to the Pillars of Hercules (the
Strait of Gibraltar) at the bottom. Right in the middle are Judea and Palestine and a
depiction of Jerusalem. In Europe, viewers’ attention is drawn to Rome (walled city,
papal figure) and Venice. There is no sign of Constantinople. The two characters
in the Garden of Eden are not Adam and Eve, but two men bearing olive branches.
Historians have identified these men as prophets, representing the dialogue
between the Old and the New Testament or a master and his pupil.
The map incorporates the usual locations seen in the accepted geography
of the Bible and Classical Antiquity. For the towns and cities, simple building
indications are used, whereas crowned figures are adopted for the kingdoms. In
Asia, the Queen of Sheba is depicted on the Kingdom of Ophir and the Red Sea.
Just outside the Garden of Eden is the Tree of the Sun and Moon, which is said to

[cat. 43] detail
have been known to Alexander the Great. On the edge of the world, dragons and
monsters are seen to loom large (terra diversorum monstrorum, a caption explains).
The hair-covered character with the devil’s tail in the north, close to the Caspian
mountains (Caspii), could possibly be the King of Gog and Magog. The way in
which the geographical objects are configured is a little confusing at times. On the
right, by the Indian Ocean, is the island of Taprobana (modern-day Sri Lanka), as
well as ‘island of Tile’ from Classic Antiquity, which is commonly thought to be
Iceland.
EV

44
Map of the River Nile and Unknown Territories in North Africa
In: Claudius Ptolemy, Geographia, Ghent 1482–1485, fol. 79v–80
Latin translation of the original Greek text by Jacopo d’Angelo [Jacobus Angelus]
Scriptor: Jean de Kriekenborch (studio)
Patron: Raphael de Mercatellis
Brussels, Royal Library of Belgium, inv. Ms.14887
BIBLIOGR APHY
Stevens 1908; Van den Gheyn 1927: no. 7350; Bagrow 1945: 318–387; Brussel 1973: no. 24; Derolez 1979:
no. 6; Elkhadem, Heerbrant, Calcoen & Wellens-De Donder 1994: 19; Elkhadem 2005: 86–87, no. 30.
The Geographia by Claudius Ptolemy (c. 90–168), written in Alexandria in the middle of
the second century, sometimes also referred to in the humanist tradition as the
Cosmographia, is one of the main geographical treatises that was studied during the
Renaissance. In the Middle Ages, the work was simply unavailable in the Western
world. It was not until around 1409, when Jacopo d’Angelo translated a copy from
Greek into Latin, which Byzantine scholar Manuel Chrysoloras had brought with him
when he travelled to Florence. In the fifteenth and the sixteenth century, the study of
the Cosmographia – as the work was referred to at the time – resulted in a thorough
overhaul of geographical insights and contributed to the expansion of Europe. The work
is a description of the world as it was known at the time of the Roman Empire, based
on mathematical and astronomical foundations. The first parts sets out the general
principles of the structure of the world and explains how a map should be made. This
is followed by a lengthy list of place names with matching coordinates, a map of the
inhabited world quadrilled by parallels and meridians (mappa mundi) and, depending
on the manuscript, twenty-six or sixty-four detailed regional maps (the oldest remaining
Greek specimen of which date back to the thirteenth century) with the principal ‘cities
of interest’ and their latitude and longitude. The work met with great favour among
humanists. Numerous luxury versions were made for scholars and sovereigns.
Manuscript 14887, shown here, once belonged to an illegitimate son of Philip
the Good, Raphael de Mercatellis (1437–1508), who subsequently served as abbot at
Saint Peter’s Abbey in Oudenburg and Saint Bavo’s Abbey in Ghent. The decorations
are much more sumptuous than seen in other manuscripts. Ptolemy’s pursuit of
scientific rigour is combined with an iconography rooted in the universe of
imagination of Classic Antiquity and the Middle Ages and in the decor of portolan
charts. As such, the map of Africa has been embellished with botanical, zoological and
ethnographic elements in which the peculiar and the wondrous rule supreme: exotic
characters, dromedaries, predators, snakes, dragons, etc. There can be no doubt: there
is no comparison between the civilised world, with its many clearly identified towns
along the Mediterranean coastline, and the Nile delta or the unexplored territories full
of indigenous peoples, wild animals and monsters in deepest darkest Africa.
EV

[cat. 44] detail

45
Word Map (Mappa mundi)
In: Claudius Ptolemy, Geographia (Cosmographia), Ulm, 1486
Paper, coloured woodcut, 420 x 565 mm
Antwerp, Museum Plantin-Moretus, inv. R 9.11
BIBLIOGR APHY
Campbell 1987: 122–138, no. 39; Edgerton Jr. 1987: 13; Ptolemaei 1990: 1; Pühlhorn & Laub
1993: 660–661, no. 2.16; Schneider 2004: 10–11; Fiorani 2005: 84; Hiatt 2008: 150, fig. 20;
Whitfield 2010: 8–9; Lehmann 2010: 181; Horst 2011: 19.
The Geographia, also known as the Cosmographia by Claudius Ptolemy (c.90–168),

was translated into Latin in the early part of the fifteenth century and thereafter
copied, adapted, commented and expanded with maps in numerous manuscripts.
In 1477, the first printed edition was published in Bologna, soon followed by
further impressions in Rome (1478) and Ulm (1482 and 1486). The coloured maps
in the famous Ulm editions are woodcuts, inspired by the works of Nicolaus
Germanus, a German geographer who worked in Italy during the second half of
the fifteenth century. In the preamble, Germanus explains that he used Ptolemy’s
first projection for the maps, as set out in the latter’s text, as this best enabled him
to render the spherical shape of the Earth. In addition, he supplemented Ptolemy’s
work with ‘modern’ regional maps with an updated shape and toponymy: i.e., a
map of Scandinavia that had been detailed by Claudius Clavus in the early part of
the fifteenth century, and a medieval map of the Holy Land. In due course, some
of his innovations would be adopted and disseminated by fellow mapmakers such
as Martin Waldseemüller, Gerardus Mercator and Abraham Ortelius. In this way,
territories that were discovered during in the Renaissance were given a place in a
world view that was rooted in Antiquity.
The map shown in this tome is a mappa mundi: all land that rose from the sea
surrounded by allegorical depictions of the winds. The known and unknown land
is divided into latitudes and simultaneously transected by meridians with circular
arcs in consideration of the duration of the day at the time of the summer solstice.
However, before the precision instruments of the eighteenth century became avail-
able, calculating longitudes was particularly awkward. The measurements that had
been used since Antiquity were largely based on estimates of distances between the
towns and cities of the Roman Empire and on the observation of eclipses.
In the fifteenth century, the readers of Ptolemy’s Geographia became aware
that his world map was not entirely accurate. During the Greek scholar’s lifetime,
Scandinavia was unknown. Nicolaus Germanus rendered this territory by adding
a ‘protrusion’ to the northern part of Europe. And whilst Ptolemy considered the
Indian Ocean a sea that was sealed off on its southern edge by a continent that
linked Africa to Asia, this assumption was already contradicted by medieval mappa
mundi: Africa was depicted as a continent that could be circumnavigated. In 1488,
the Portuguese explorer Bartolomeu Diaz was the first to sail around what is now
known as the Cape of Good Hope. In the 1486 Geographia, this world map was the

first in which cartographers ventured to cast aspersions on the authority of a Greek
scholar, adding the words Terra incognita secundum Ptholomeum, meaning ‘unknown
territory according to Ptolemy’ beneath Africa and the Indian Ocean.
In spite of Bartolomeu Dias’s feat, which was repeated in 1498 by Vasco de
Gama, who sailed as far as Calicut (Kozhikode on the south-western coast of India),
Ptolemy’s hypothesis was not discarded. In fact, it gained fresh impetus when the
Europeans set out to find the southern continent in the sixteenth century (cat. 55).
The strip of land from Antique cartography might just point to the existence of
a continental land mass on the other side of the Indian Ocean, in the southern
hemisphere. This hypothesis prompted the exploration of the Pacific Ocean and the
discovery of Australia and Oceania.
EV

46
The so-called ‘Landing of Vasco da Gama in India’
Tournai
Early sixteenth century
Tapestry, wool and silk, 400 x 760 cm
Lisbon, Caixa General de Dépositos, inv. 3721. On loan to the Museu Nacional
de Arte Antiga, Lisbon
BIBLIOGR APHY
Gentil Quina 1998: 57–77; Campbell 2002: 140; Vandenbroeck 2007: 121–137; Levenson 2007:
100–101, no. P-30.
The tapestry depicts the port of the Indas Novae – the New Indias – as appears from
the inscription above the gates of the city at the left.1 The ruler of the city, with a
full beard and sumptuous robes, stands before the gates. Soldiers and turbaned
advisors follow on his heels. He receives a letter from a visitor who has removed his
cap and greets him with a small bow from the knee. This man is the leader of the
centrally represented fleet, on the verge of embarking for the West. Sailors load a
handful of ships with exotic animals. In the foreground are a panther and parrots
in cages. A unicorn is hoisted onto a ship. Two camels are already standing on the
deck. Five ostriches are being rowed to another ship in a sloop. In the foreground at
the right, we find a group of magistrates and courtiers who comment on the scene
unfolding before them.
Like most tapestries, this piece is also part of an edition of a series
comprising several scenes.2 This series turns up for the first time in an archival
document of 1504. It was then that Philip the Fair (1478–1506) purchased a number
of tapestries faicte à la maniere de Portugal et de Indie (made in the style of Portugal
and India) from Jean Grenier, a tapestry dealer from Tournai.3 Other sixteenth-
century documents mention seven other editions of what is presumably the same
series: histoire de calcou (story of the turkey), ystoire de gens et de bestes sauvaiges à
la manière de calcut (story of people and wild animals in the style of Calicut) and
histoire indienne à ollifans et jeraffes (Indian story of elephants and giraffes).4 Of
1
Vandenbroeck 2007: 121–137 is the best these editions, some twenty tapestries have been preserved in public and private
analysis of this and related tapestries. For
detail photos and references to earlier collections.5 This tapestry may have belonged to one of these editions.
literature, see Gentil Quina 1998. The scene known as The Landing van Vasco da Gama illustrates both the
2
For a concise introduction to the complex fascination for and ignorance of the New World, as well as the vivid imagination
problems of late medieval tapestries, see
of the artists who turned all manner of fragmentary and unclear written and
Cavallo 1993: 17–77. For the tapestries of
Tournai, see Soil de Moriamé 1892. pictorial sources into a pseudo-realistic but essentially mythical-romantic vision
3
De Farcy 1913: 107.
of an unknown land. The tapestry dealer, who took the financial risk of ordering
4 the cartoons and having the tapestries woven for the market, wanted a generic
Cavallo 1993: 591.
5 series of scenes that played on the admiration for – and latent fear of – the foreign
Vandenbroeck 2007: 121–123. and the Other. It is therefore not an attempt to document the discovery of Calicut
6
Also demonstrated by Gentil Quina 1998: by Vasco da Gama; nor is it an illustration of the Portuguese passion for discovery
144–165.
around 1500.6 As Vandenbroeck has already emphasised in his convincing analysis
7
Vandenbroeck 2007: 137. of this tapestry and the series to which it belongs, there are three central themes:

the peaceful encounter between cultures and peoples, the non-sedentary nature
of exotic peoples, and finally the struggle between nature and culture.7 Hence, this
tapestry – now shown in isolation, but meant as part of a tapestry environment –
shows an imaginative evocation of a terra incognita that, in expectation of further
exploration and documentation, was already projected on the walls of the Old
World in monumental form.
KB
[cat. 46] detail

47
Edo/Bini people
Afro-Portuguese Luxury Saltcellar
Kingdom of Benin (in present-day Nigeria)
1
Saltcellars were known as saleyros in First half of the sixteenth century
Portuguese, salières in French. See Bassani Ivory, 19.2 x 7.2 x 8 cm
2008.
2 Antwerp, Museum aan de Stroom (M AS ), inv. AE.1974.0025.0001
From the sixteenth century onwards,
luxurious cups were produced that
incorporated exotic materials such as
nautilus shells, ostrich eggs and ‘Indian’
PROV ENA NCE
nuts. One of the earliest surviving coconut
cups from the Netherlands is mounted Collection of Frans Maria Olbrechts (1899–1958), Belgium; given to the Ethnographic Museum
in a silver gilt setting (1543–1544) and is
now preserved in DI VA . Antwerp Home of Antwerp in 1974 by his widow, Margriet Olbrechts-Maurissens.
Diamonds (inv. S 63/5). See De Palmenaer
1999: 301, no. 207.
3 BIBLIOGR APHY
West-African regions were given names
Claerhout 1976: 28; Anzelewsky, Mende & Eeckhout 1977: 95–111, no. 184; Lisbon 1983: 99,
such as the ‘Grains of Paradise Coast’ (after
the malaguetta pepper), ‘Tooth/Ivory Coast’, no. 31; Bassani & Fagg 1988: 161–186, no. 249; Claerhout 1989: 4; Herreman, Holsbeke & Van
‘Gold Coast’ and ‘Slave Coast’ in the profit-
oriented commercial policy of the time. Alphen 1991: 18; Bott 1992: 853, no. 5.25; Ambrosio & Brusa 1992: 226, no. 147; Bassani 1997:
Meridith 2014: 117–118. 261; De Palmenaer 1999: 304, no. 213; Bassani 2000: 257–258, no. 798; Bassani 2003: 160, no.
4
Afro-Portuguese ivory carving is a collective 2.24; Eichberger 2005: 325, no. 136; Curnow 2007: 299, no. 11.
name describing artworks that were
commissioned by the Portuguese (between
1490 and c.1600) and made by African
craftsmen for export to Europe. Typical
objects include luxury tableware such as
This ornamental Afro-Portuguese vessel for pepper and salt is a precious witness to
saltcellars and flatware, but also hunting African-European cultural exchange in the sixteenth century. From the beginning
and powder horns, the hafts of arms. De
Palmenaer 1999: 304; Blackmun 1992: 163. of the Renaissance onwards, ivories in the Afro-Portuguese style appeared as curiosa
5 on the tables of the European elite. Ivory saltcellars,1 carved in ‘white gold’, were
Bassani 2000: XXII; Duchâteau & Van Damme
1990: 15; Meridith 2014: 119. perfect accompaniments to the luxurious silver and gilt tableware that was made by
6
European silversmiths and sculptors.2 They ended up in the cabinets of curiosities and
Inneh 2007: 107.
7 on the tables of the European upper classes, who, in the spirit of the terra incognita
Bassani & Fagg 1988 distinguish between
ivory carving in Edo-Portuguese style from
and discoveries of the times, sought out all that was rare and exotic.
Benin and the Sapi-Portuguese exemplars At the end of the fifteenth century, Portugal gradually succeeded in opening
with a single recipient made in the same
period by craftsmen of the Sapi, forefathers an alternative southern spice route to the East along the west coast of Africa (cat. 46).
of the present-day Temne/Bullom peoples From then on, local chieftains of the African coastal regions built up trade relations
from Sierra Leone.
8 with Portuguese seafarers and tropical products such as black pepper and salt reached
Probably engravings or sketches of covered
boxes. Bassani 2008: 52.
European markets.3
9 This rare ivory artwork attests to the first trade contacts between Europe and
There are fifteen known Edo-Portuguese
saltcellars. Only three ‘double’ exemplars the Sub-Saharan African kingdom of Benin.4 Already in 1486, the Portuguese reached
survive, including this exemplar from the the kingdom of the Edo peoples, which were governed from the capital Benin.5 Here
MAS in Antwerp. The other examples are
by the ‘Master of the Merchant Ship’ with they were confronted for the first time with the artists’ guilds of the Oba, or king, who
standing Portuguese from the collections of
were specialised in high-quality ivory carving.6 Although trading and working in
the British Museum, London (inv. 78.11.1.48;
fig. 47.1), and the Musée du Quai Branly, ivory was strictly reserved for the regalia of the ruler of Benin and ritual objects for an
Paris (inv. 70.2008.14.1; fig. 35).
10
affluent elite, the ivory carvers’ guilds also made luxury tableware commissioned by
Curnow 2007: 299. the Portuguese for export to Europe.7
11
This ambiguous nude figure is also depicted The Afro-Portuguese saltcellars are probably made after European models.8
on the Edo-Portuguese saltcellar in the This exemplar is one of the oldest surviving ‘double’ ivory saltcellars in the Edo-Portu-
Museum Volkenkunde Leiden
(inv. RMV 1323-1). According to Curnow, the guese style.9 The cellar comprises two parts stacked one on top of the other and sealed
prototype was the angel on the exemplar in
by a lid decorated with a caparisoned horse, but no rider. In the central part are two
the Smithsonian Museum Washington
(inv. 2005-6-36). hollow bowls, probably meant to hold what were then costly ‘spices’: salt and pepper.

[cat. 47] Left view
[cat. 47] Right view
The artwork is a synthesis of European-inspired formal language enriched
with African decorative and iconographic motifs carved in relief. The European
influence is expressed in the depiction of figures in western dress, two Portuguese
horsemen depicted in profile. In front, between their horses, sits a smaller man in
an unusual position.10 The hatched decoration refers to African weaving motifs. The
fish motif carved in relief symbolises Olukun, the god of the ocean and bringer of
wealth. The fish motif alludes to the trade relations with the Portuguese seafarers,
who brought the Edo people good fortune via the ocean. On the reverse stands
a nude male figure with the same facial features as the Portuguese horsemen.
Perhaps he is an angel, an un-African being, which the ivory carver has interpreted
in his own way. The figure’s wings are not attached to his shoulders, as in Christian
iconography, but appear in vague relief on either side of his ears.11
EDP
[fig. 47.1] Edo/Bini People, Kingdom of Benin (in present day Nigeria),
Afro-Portuguese salt cellar, first half of the sixteenth century, London, British Museum.

48
New Spanish Artist after an Antwerp Prototype
Adoration of the Magi
Mexico
c.1540–1560
Feather mosaic on amate paper and panel (recto), oil and gouache on panel
(verso), 43.5 x 31 cm (centre panel), 43.5 x 16.5 cm (wings)
Madrid, Museo de América, inv. 12.343
PROV ENA NCE
Possibly in possession of Cristóbal Vaca de Castro (c.1492–1566/71), governor of Peru

under Charles V; after Vaca de Castro’s death presumed to have been acquired by the
Convento de Santa Isabel in Valladolid where the de Castros had their family tomb;
acquired by Enrique Traumann in 1935 through the Convento de Santa Isabel in Avila;
gifted by Traumann to the Museo de America in 1954.
BIBLIOGR APHY
Feest 1987: 176; Vandenbroeck 1991b: 417–418; Vandamme 2003; Vandamme 2006: 93–135; Russo
2014: 30–31; Estrada de Gerlero 2015: 308–309.
1 In this New Spanish Adoration of the Magi of c.1540–1560, the Mesoamerican feather
On this complex transformation process, see
Russo 2014 and Russo, Wolf & Fane 2016. mosaic technique is seen to engage in dialogue with the traditional Western
2 medium of the triptych.1 The hybrid work of art is a prime example of the cross-
The Adoration displayed at the Museo de
América is attributed to Pedro de Gante’s pollination between Mesoamerican and European visual cultures right after the age
workshop in Vandenbroeck 1991b: 417–418
of colonisation got under way. All the more so as feather art in modern-day Mexico
and Russo 2014: 31.
3 was traditionally associated with the worship of various indigenous deities, such
See Vandenbroeck 1991b: 417–418 and
Vandamme 2006: 97–98; on the production
as the Aztec god Quetzalcoatl (‘feathered serpent’). By depicting a conventionally
and dissemination of such Adorations see Christian topic such as the Adoration of the Magi using a familiar, indigenous
Vermeylen 2003: 29–30 and Ewing 2006:
274–299. technique, links were established between the spiritual world of the time before
4 and the time after the arrival of European missionaries. Traditionally, the origins
Sale, Paris (Sotheby’s), 21 June 2012, lot 2.
5 and dissemination of this mixed style of art are traced back to the workshop of
As such, an earlier assertion that this type
of crown steps away from the Antwerp
Netherlandish Franciscan fray Pedro de Gante (c.1480–1572), who served as a
Adoration tradition needs to be revised. See missionary in Mexico from 1524. 2
Vandamme 2006: 128; on this topic, also see
Vandenbroeck 1991b: 418. The European prototype of the feather mosaic at the Museo de América was
6 entirely in keeping with the triptychs depicting the Adoration of the Magi, which
See Vandamme 2006: 98–99.
7 were highly popular at the time, and which were being produced for the open
Vandamme 2006: 24–26 and 128–130.
market by Antwerp workshops over the 1520–1540 time period.3 This type of work
8
Vandamme 2006: 123–124. by the so-called ‘Late Gothic Mannerists’ must have been exported via the Iberian
9
See above under ‘Provenance’. For further
Peninsula to the overseas colonies, after which they presumably went on to play
details, see Vandamme 2003: 31–33, 144 and an active part in the Christianisation of local populations. The exact example or
Vandamme 2006: 119–120.
10 prototype on which the New Spanish artist modelled his work is untraceable, but
Respectively imagen de los Tres Reyes hecha de the indigenous work of art bears striking similarities with an anonymous triptych
tapicería a la manera de las Indias and imagen
del ofrecimiento de los Reyes en tela de India. of an Adoration in the style of Pieter Coecke van Aelst (1502–1550) (fig. 48.1).4
See Russo 2014: 30–31, 261, n. 48–49.
Particularly striking is the likeness in the crown worn by Balthazar, with points
11
See Vandamme 2006: 121–124. ascending at a right angle, which is rare in the Antwerp pictorial tradition. In

[cat. 48] Front
[cat. 48] Reverse

[fig. 48.1] Circle of Pieter Coecke Van Aelst, The Adoration of the Magi, 1520–1550, sold at Sotheby’s, Paris, 21 June 2012.
the latter tradition, the black king is usually depicted bareheaded or wearing a
fantastical turban or pointed hat.5 The fact that the composition of the feather
mosaic is the mirror image of what is presumed to be the Antwerp exemplar may
be explained by the production process of colonial feather mosaics, in which the
artist first traced the Western exemplar before transferring the composition onto
amate paper.6
For all that, this feather triptych is not a straightforward transposition of
a European model. For instance, the unusual star of Bethlehem in the centre was
associated with the use of similar gilded stars in indigenous evangelisation theatre,
and the plain back of the triptych differs substantially from those seen in the
Antwerp Adorations.7 The reverse of the Adoration shown here depicts the Cross of
Golgotha and the pillar on which Jesus was tortured, rendered in red faux marble
in the centre. In addition, the composition was also enlivened with varicoloured
birds, which may refer to the origin of the medium used, and also underscores the
exotic, non-native nature of the work. The latter, self-referential element therefore
suggests that the feather triptych may have been produced for a European audience
– for instance, as a diplomatic gift.8 Indeed, the provenance of this Adoration points
in this direction.9 A similar work held as part of the collection of Charles v in
Brussels was documented as a ‘depiction of the Three Magi made of tapestry in the
manner of the Indians’ (1545), and another exemplar in Simancas was described
as a ‘depiction of the gifts of the Magi of fabric of India’ (1559).10 Very likely, these
colonial Adorations served not only devotional purposes in the Christianisation
process of New Spain, but also as part of the rising demand for mirabilia from the
New World among European dignitaries of the time.11
DV H

49
Diverse Species of Monsters from Distant Lands
In: Thomas of Cantimpré, Liber de naturis rerum creatarum, Ghent, 1492, fol. 1v–2
Patron: Raphael de Mercatellis
Manuscript on parchment, 280 fols., 409 x 295 mm
Ghent, Sint-Baafskathedraal, inv. Ms. 15
BIBLIOGR APHY
Wittkower 1942: 159–160; Versyp 1950: 32–33; Cantimpratensis 1973: 98–99; Smets 1974;
Derolez 1979: 168–175; Derolez, De Kok & De Schryver 1984: 281–282, no. 166; Arnould 1991:
21, 185–186; Massing 1991b: 125, no. 6; Jackson 2006: 101, fig. 6.2.
This lavish compendium of medieval knowledge of the natural world was produced
for Raphael de Marcatellis (1437–1508), abbot of St Bavo and a tireless bibliophile.1
It is mostly derived from the Liber de natura rerum of Thomas of Cantimpré
(1201–1275),2 a testimony to the strong fascination that scholastic encyclopaedism
could still exert on an erudite mind at the dawn of the modern era. Cantimpré’s
formidable work, in keeping with the much older encyclopaedic tradition of Isidore
of Seville and Hrabanus Maurus, included as part of its sweeping panorama of
created species an account of the marvellous peoples of Africa and Asia.3 The
repertoire rallies the familiar figures of the Cyclops, the headless Blemmie, the dog-
1
For biographical notes, see Van Acker 1960 headed Cynocephalus and the crane-fighting Pygmy; the Sciopod is here shown
and Massing 1991b: 125. On this theme see, resting in the shade of his huge foot, while a mouthless man feeds off the scent of
among others: Davies 2016.
2 an apple. Some specimens are rendered wondrous on account of their behaviour,
Cantimpratensis 1973. The volume includes
like the Amazons or the Indian tribes of the Gymnosophists and the Bragmanes
also a selection of texts of historical interest,
ranging from the byzantine historian (derived from old travellers’ accounts of the Brahmin caste).4
Jordanes’ De origine actibusque Getarum to
the more contemporary John of Thurocz’s
These races enjoyed a venerable pedigree, for the most part traceable to
Chronicle and Aeneas Silvius Piccolomini’s Greek periploi like those of Ctesias, Megasthenes and the Pseudo-Scylax – whose
Historia Bohemica (Massing 1991b: 125).
3 descriptions reached the Middle Ages through the compilations of Pliny and
The text given here corresponds to Solinus.5 The long tradition associated with the Alexander saga provided another
Cantimpratensis 1973: 98–99.
4 rich hunting-ground for the prodigious, while pseudo-epistolary concoctions like
For a catalogue of monstrous races of
the classical and medieval legendaries,
the Letter of Alexander to Aristotle,6 or the purported exchanges between Hadrian
including those shown here, see Friedman and an Eastern king about the wonders of Asia,7 afforded a pretext for distilling
1981: 9–21.
5 narrative sources into tantalizing lists of mirabilia – some of which would blossom
For an overview of Greek sources of the into finely-illustrated catalogues by the turn of the first millennium.8
legendary of monstrous races and their
transmission, see Wittkower 1942: 159–160. The enthusiasm with which this material was consumed and circulated,
6
spanning a variety of media and genres, yields precious glimpses into the inner
On which see overview in Orchard 1997:
116–139, and translation of the Latin and Old workings of the medieval mind. Within the intellectual and imaginative modes
English texts: 204–253.
7
proper to the fruition of these fantastical accounts, natural history walks hand in
On the Epistle of Fermes, alternatively hand with antiquarianism, science with literature, experience with authority.
Farasmanes, Feramen, Premo or Parmoenis,
see James 1929: 1–59 and Gibb 1977: 15–30. A properly empirical curiosity about the outer world coexists with a bookish
8 pleasure in the far-fetched and implausibility for its own sake: the monster disturbs
Most notably, the remarkable Wonders of
the East manuscripts in England, on which and delights not because he is radically different, but because he is at once other and
see Gibb 1977: esp. pp. 28–29 and Friedman
same, and so arrestingly ambiguous. When re-presented on the page, the spectacle
1986; the three extant manuscripts are
reproduced in James 1929. of his contradictions is expressed as a cacophonous combination of familiar forms

– unsatisfying analogies that draw us back to his indescribability. Such tensions
remind us of these exercises’ indebtedness to another ancient tradition, that of
paradoxography, and to a dimension of formal and conceptual play extending far
beyond the positive categories of true and false. The earth’s manifold monstrosities
are not, in this sense, mere reference points around the edges of the mappa mundi
(cat. 50) or guardians of some external and unreachable frontier – they are pretexts
for introspection and self-discovery, points where knowledge becomes reflexive and
is made to meditate on its own limits.
M AC

50
Michael Wolgemut and Wilhelm Pleydenwurff
Mappa Mundi and Strange Monsters from Distant Lands
Paper, coloured woodcut
In: Hartmann Schedel, Liber chronicarum, Nuremberg,
published by Anton Koberger, 1493, fol. 12v–13
Private collection
BIBLIOGR APHY
Brown 1952: no. 44, pl. XII; Rucker 1973; Wilson 1976; Husband 1980: no. 4; Shirley 1984:
18–19, no. 19; Schoch 1986: 97; Campbell 1987; Woodward 1987: pl. 16; Massing 1991c: 124,
no. 5; Puhlhorn & Laub 1993: 661–662, no. 2.18; Vogel 1994: 73–97; Landau & Parshall 1994;
Fussel 1994: 7–30; Mund-Dopchie 1994: 25–26, 34; Bartrum 1995; Zahn 1996: 230–248; Padmos &
Vanpaemel 2000: no. 105, 201–202; Reske 2000; Fussel 2001 (with exhaustive bibliography);
Werfel 2001: 3; Dackerman 2002: 102–104, no. 7, Schneider 2004: 33 fig. 19, 126–127 fig. 73,
Clobus & Hebert 2009: 35–56; Leitch 2009: 144; Silver 2010: 220; Helman 2013: 40–41.
The Nuremberg world-chronicle, elaborated by the humanist Hartmann Schedel

(1440–1514), is conceived as a vast panorama of space and time, spanning the pro-
verbial seven ages of the world as well as the full surface of the mappa mundi.1 This
monumental digest is illustrated with 1804 woodcuts from the workshop of Michael
Wolgemut, which effectively turn it into a diorama of natural and human history.
While in every technical sense a fruit of its own age, its contents are in many
respects traditional, looking back to the legacy of the great medieval encyclopaedi-
as. Its conception of time, which provides the framework for its sweeping views of
geographical space, relies on the scheme devised by Isidore in his Etymologies, in the
1
On this topic, see inter alia Friedman 1981: seventh century; the world map on these pages, with its adjacent gallery of marvel-
37–58; Davies 2016. lous men from far-away lands, finds its place within an account of the Flood in the
2
Namely, Gen. 9: 22–27. Book of Genesis,2 an event marking the dawn of the earth’s second age. The graphic
3
Gen. 9:25; an expressive commentary on
composition here is important in ordering this body of knowledge, inserting it into
this passage is provided by the anonymous its traditional biblical context. The figures of Japheth, Shem and Ham correlate ge-
author of a Middle Irish treatise on the Six
Ages of the world (Oxford Bodleian Library ographical knowledge with chronological time, rooting an understanding of space
Rawlinson Ms. 502b): ‘His famous father in the historic moment when the continents were divided among Noah’s sons (cf.
cursed the son called Ham so that he – he
excelled in perversity – is the Cain of the cat. 42) – but they insert it also in the broader timeline of salvation history, and thus
people after the Flood. From him with
in the teleological framework proper to Christian accounts of the created world. The
valour sprung horse-heads and giants, the
line of maritime leprechauns, and every progeny of the reprobate Ham, cursed because he did not avert his eyes from his
unshapely person; those of the two heads
[…] and the two bodies in union, the
father’s nakedness, was scattered across the wild and wonderful lands of Africa and
dun-coloured, one-footed folk, the merry Asia.3 A second Cain, he becomes the patriarch of a degenerate humanity, repre-
blue-beaked people […]’ (cited in Friedman
1981: 99). sented by the fantastical peoples of the classical and medieval legendary.4 They are
4 illustrated here according to longstanding iconographic types: a six-armed man, a
On Cain’s and Ham’s association with the
legendary of monstrous races, see Friedman feral woman, a man with six fingers on each hand, a satyr, a hermaphrodite, a man
1981: 87–107; on Cain’s curse and the history
with four eyes and a Ciconian (a member of the eponymous people from classical
of its representations see Mellinkoff 1981.
5 lore, often imagined literally as a bird-men). Wolgemut’s reliance on older models
Massing 1991c: 124.
6
is betrayed by these pictures’ close resonance with those in the Mercatellis compen-
Jacobsson 2002: 6. II. 29–30 (66–68). dium (cat. 49) and in the related Bruges, Stadsbibliotheek Ms. 411.5

[cat. 50] fol. 12r
To interrogate the humanity of these fantastical beings, to assess their place
within categories of sameness and difference, is also to seek their place in this divine
scheme. Framed by these troubled genealogies, the mappa mundi becomes the ob-
ject of a special understanding of the created world, one that is also axiological and
whose overarching harmony does not preclude disquieting dissonances. In this, it
reverberates with another longstanding idea, issued from Augustinian aesthetics:
God’s creation is rendered beautiful on account of an interplay of luminous and
dark elements – a chiaroscuro lost on the mortal eye, which can only be captured by
the vast, scanning gaze of the first maker.6 This integrated vision of the varied in-
dividual threads that make the tapestry of nature is in some sense akin to the great
visual artifice that the map, as a picture, represents: an inconceivable whole assem-
bled out of endless conflicting parts.
M AC

51
Wild Man with Club
Southern Netherlands
Early sixteenth century
Wood, 179 x 45 x 42 cm
Private collection
In medieval imagination – which continued to live on unabated during the Age of

Discovery – the ‘wild man’ represented all things alien to ‘civilisation’.1 As such, he
was the perfect figure for inversive self-definition.
The late medieval yearning for the primeval state manifested itself in numerous
literary works, in folklore entertainment at the courts of noble families, and in middle-
class circles (where people would play-act the ‘wild man’ on festive occasions), as well
as in countless works of art. In the Upper Rhine centres of the fifteenth and sixteenth
century, for instance, a great many wall tapestries were woven that took the wild
man and wild woman as their central motif. Here, wildness is often a metaphor for
unbridled sexual desires, to be ‘tamed’ – that is to say sated – by one’s lover. Here, the
‘wild man/savage’ epitomised the utopian dream of a blissful and satisfied ‘natural’ life.
In the wilderness, all things that are unthinkable in the ‘civilised’ world
are possible, enabling people to give free rein to their uninhibited impulses. The
‘wild men/savages’ epitomise the absence of all constrictive norms and obligations
of normal social intercourse. Their image is seen in countless forms and shapes in
the courtly culture of the aristocracy and in middle-class culture. ‘Wild/savage’
encapsulated all things that lay beyond human culture, morals and norms, all things
demonic and supernatural, all things unfaithful and amoral, all things rough and raw,
all things wrong and muddled, all things odd, frightening and wondrous. Wildness
was menacing and terrifying, but equally fascinating and exhilarating. The hairy
savage equally embodied all things people desired, but which were forbidden under
the conventions and norms of regular society: insouciant living in unison with nature,
idyllic love and freedom from restraint by social obligations. The savage is ‘Desire’
(in the fifteenth century Spanish novel Cárcel de amor by Diego de San Pedro, he is
called Deseo) or the ‘Law of nature’ (in Jean Germain’s Le chemin de paradis from 1457;
Brussels, Royal Library of Belgium, Ms. IV 823), according to which humankind had
lived from the time of Adam up until the Flood.
But the wild primeval state of man was also a source of fascination for
medieval folk in the religious aspirations of reformed Augustinism from the
fourteenth century forward (ut reddamur ad pristinum statum Adae!), in subversive
movements such as the ‘Brethren of the Free Spirit’, and in the Adamite cults from
Bohemia to Picardy and from the Low Countries to the Basque Country (such as the
fifteenth century heretics of Durango). These groups endeavoured to breathe new life
into the supposed traits and behavioural patterns of primitive man in preparation of
1 the Thousand Year Kingdom of the Holy Spirit. Which is why they sought to abolish
On this subject, see inter alia Bernheimer all institutions and propagated free love (viewed from the male perspective). In doing
1952; Möller 1963: 69–70, no. 99, Husband
1980; Silver 1983; White 1986: 150–182; so, ‘primeval wildness’ became the guiding principle that would usher in a utopian
Vandenbroeck 1987: 7–21; Tchalenko 1990;
dream, which they were prepared to turn into a reality – by fire and sword if need be.
Isaacson 1998; Moseley-Christian 2012;
Pouvreau 2015; Stock 2016.
PVDB

[cat. 51] detail
[cat. 51] detail
52
Kaart van Brazilië
In: Atlas de Dauphin, Dieppe, c.1538, fol. 15v–16
Parchment, 39 fol., 440 x 312 mm
The Hague, National Library of the Netherlands, inv. 129 A 24
PROV ENA NCE
Louis César de la Baume le Blanc de la Vallière (?–before 1783); Pierre Antoine Bolongaro
Crevenna (1783); Joost Romswinckel (1790); Royal Library, The Hague (1807)
1
Levenson 2007: 187; De Palmenaer &
Parmentier 2015: 66. BIBLIOGR APHY
2 Anthiaume 1916: 193–194; R.A.S. & Destombes 1964: 89; Cortesâo & Teixeira da Mota 1987:
Cortesão & Teixeira da Mota 1987: 133.
3 133–134, 141; Destombes & Gernez 1987: 144–145; Colin 1988: 138–140, 141, 304; Levenson
In all probability, the cartographer was a
2007: 187; Raaflaub & Talbert 2010: 334; Stols, Piccoli, De Peuters & Petre 2011: 17–18;
Portuguese who had emigrated to France.
His dual nationality can be seen in the Davies 2012: 332; Palmenaer & Parmentier 2015: 66; Heremans 2015.
nomenclature. Salient place names, such as
the names of islands, have been recorded
in a French translation, whilst place names
along the French coastline have been written
down in Portuguese or in a hybrid of the The Atlas de Dauphin contains fourteen illuminated nautical charts of Europe,
two languages. Cortesão & Teixeira da Mota
Africa and America, with a particular focus on the depiction of the Portuguese
1987: 133–134.
4 colony in Brazil. The atlas was intended for the French dauphin and subsequent
Destombes & Gernez 1987: 144–145; Cortesão
& Teixeira da Mota 1987: 135–136; Colin
King Henry II of France, and is believed to have been a present from merchant
1988: 141. seamen from the north of France.1 The atlas was fashioned by the so-called School
5
Anthiaume 1916: 193–194; Colin 1988: of Dieppe, a group of cartographers, illuminators and cosmologists working out of
138–140. Normandy c.1540–1560.2 From a cartographic perspective, their nautical atlases are
6
In 1537 and 1538, Francis I ordained stricter in keeping with the Portuguese tradition, although they stand out by virtue of their
rules: all who were caught flauting the
own distinctive figurative details.
ban on sailing to Brazil or Guinea and
were captured by the Portuguese were The cartographer and the illuminator(s) of the Atlas de Dauphin are
now required to hand over their ships,
colonial products and commodities. The
unknown.3 The atlas is dated to around 1538, based on the then geographical
Portuguese were also allowed to inflict understanding and cartographic expertise and the overseas trade policy of King
corporal punishment, and those who failed
to obey were liable to face the death penalty. Francis I.4 The Portuguese crown sought to secure its supremacy in overseas trade
Anthiaume 1916: 193–194; Colin 1988: by concluding a friendship treaty (1536) with Francis I, which resulted in a royal
138–140.
7 ban on French ships sailing the seas to Brazil and Guinea.5 However, this was
Heremans 2015: 10.
8
against the will of the French merchant seamen, who maintained very frequent
Brazil-wood was used in the French textile trade links with the indigenous populations of the Portuguese colony.6 The Atlas
industry; it was ground and dried to obtain
the coveted red pigment. Raaflaub & de Dauphin, which came about shortly after, was presumably ordered and paid for
Talbert 2010: 334; Stols, Piccoli, de Peuter & by merchant seamen from the north of France in hopes of preserving transatlantic
Petre 2011: 17–18 and also cat. 54A–B in this
catalogue. trade relations.7 All the more so as there was considerable demand for Brazilian
9
products, such as certain wood varieties and animal species, pigments and pearls.8
Davies 2012: 332.
10 In addition, traders were importing small monkeys and parrots, which were highly
This map shows the south coast of Brazil.
South is situated on top and is indicated by a
sought after as pets in the West. It is assumed that most illuminators never clapped
crescent moon, whereas north is situated at eyes on these overseas territories for themselves, although it is likely that seamen
the bottom and is indicated by a fleur-de-lys.
11 were encouraged to gather information on the appearance of the indigenous tribes
These kinds of positive depictions of the and the local fauna and flora.9
Brazilians make for a stark contrast with the
cruel scenes of cannibalism in the pictorial Folios 15v–16 in the Atlas de Dauphin comprise the most resplendent and
language of Portuguese nautical atlases.
most colourful depictions of recently discovered Brazil,10 showing large numbers of
12
Colin 1988: 304. small monkeys and parrots. In addition, this map shows the contacts that existed

[cat. 52] detail of fol. 25v–26
between the indigenous populations amongst themselves and the relations they
entertained with Westerners. The way in which Brazilians are seen to fell trees and
lug them to French ships is indicative of a ‘good’ relationship that legitimates the
mutual trade links (cat. 53 and 54).11 Moreover, their cooperation enabled the French
to trade with these native Brazilians without having to set up permanent infrastruc-
tures. Folios 15v–16 are also believed to incorporate a symbolic request for peaceful
colonisation; Brazilians are seen to head inland with a handful of Frenchmen in
tow, invitingly pointing to the soil.12 Perhaps this pictorial programme was meant
to encourage the crown prince to adopt a different course of foreign policy that
stepped away from the policy pursued by his father. The Atlas de Dauphin exhibits
an expanding cartographic understanding and a fascination with the unknown,
tinged by political and economic interests.
SH

53
Pedro & Jorge Reinel, Lopo Homem & António da Hollanda
Map of Brazil
In: Miller Atlas, c.1519, fol. 5v
Paris, Bibliothèque nationale de France, BnF Cartes et Plans, inv. GE - DD 683 (RÉS)
PROV ENA NCE
The maps were offered for sale as loose-leaf charters to the Viscount de Santarém in
1855 by the book dealer Jacques Charavay; later in the collection of the former’s French
friend, Emmanuel Miller, as debt settlement; sold to the Bibliothèque nationale de France
by his widow in 1897.
The title page was only later connected with a group of maps in the Bibliothèque
nationale de France. First mentioned in the collection of Major J. A. Morrison of
1
Basildon Park; subsequent sale, London, Sotheby & Co, May 1930;1 later in the collection
Heawood 1930: 159–160; Heawood 1931:
250–255. of Marcel Destombes, who linked the sheet to the collection of maps in the Bibliothèque
2
nationale, then known as the Cartes Miller;2 in 1975 taken up in the collection of the
Destombes 1937: 460–464; Kammerer 1938: Bibliothèque nationale.3
450–453; Caraci & Destombes 1938: 263–266;
Destombes 1939: 485–492.
BIBLIOGR APHY
3
Marques 1994: 57. Denucé 1908: 42; Heawood 1930: 159–160; Heawood 1931: 250–255; Destombes 1937: 460–464;
Caraci & Destombes 1938: 263–266; Kammerer 1938: 450–453; Destombes 1939: 485–492;
4
It is presumed that several maps, such as Adonias 1963: 23; Morison 1971: 231; Cortesão & Teixeira da Mota 1987: 55–60; Colin 1988:
the map of the African continent, have
298–300; Marques 1994: 53–57; Traub 2000: 63; Marques 2005; Alegria, Daveau, Garcia &
been lost.
Relaño 2007: 1029–1030; Marques 2009: 68–73; Hofmann, Richard & Vagnon 2012: 180; Davies
5
Cortesão & Teixeira da Mota 1987: 57. The
2016: 121–123.
coat of arms of Catharine de’ Medici were
only added to the title page at a later date.
6 The Miller Atlas, also known as the Lopo Homem-Reineis Atlas, is a richly illustrated
The inscription reads: ‘Hec est vniuersi
orbis ad hanc usqe diem cogniti tabula manuscript that was made in 1519 by the Portuguese cartographer Lopo Homem.
Quam ego Lupus homo Cosmographus in
The geographic extent of the atlas is considerable. In addition to a mappa mundi,
clarissima Ulisipone ciuitate Anno domini
nostri Millessimo quingentessimo decimo it contains maps of the North Atlantic Ocean, Northern Europe, the Azores,
nono Jussu Emanuelis incliti lusitanie Regis
collatis pluribus alijs tam vetustorum quam
Madagascar, the Indian Ocean, the Sea of China, the Moluccas, Brazil, the Atlantic
recentiorum tabulis magna industria et Ocean and the Mediterranean Sea.4 Although the provenance of the atlas cannot
dilligenti labore depinxi.’
be determined with any certainty, it is generally assumed that it was given by the
7 Portuguese king Manuel I to Francis I of France (cf. cat. 52). Later it belonged to
Marques 1994: 53–57.
the collection of Catharine de’ Medici (1519–1589), daughter-in-law of Francis I,
8
as is evident among other things from the presence of her coat of arms on the
Cortesão & Teixeira da Mota 1987: 57. The
complete description is as follows: ‘Tabula title page.5 An inscription on the same title page explains: ‘This is a map of the
hec Regionis magni brasilis est ad partem
occidentaleÐ Antilias castelle regis obtinet.
entire globe of the universe such as it is now known, which I, Lopo Homem,
Gens uero eius nigrescentis coloris. fera cosmographer, comparing many other maps both old and knew, have drawn with
immanissima carnibus humanis uescitur.
Hec eadem gens arcu sagittis egregie great exertion and diligent work in the illustrious city of Lisbon, in the year of
utitur. Hic psytaci (sic) uersicolores alieqÐ our Lord 1519, at the behest of Manuel, eminent king of Portugal’.6 Although their
innumere aues fereqÐ monstruose. et
Scymuarum (sic) plura genera reperiuntur names are not mentioned on the title page, these maps may have been made with
plurimaqÐ arbor nascitur que brasil
the cooperation of cartographers Pedro and Jorge Reinel and the Dutch painter
nuncupata uestibus purpureo colore
tingendis, opportuna censetur.’ António de Holanda.7

[cat. 53] detail
The map of Brazil, shown here, shows the Brazilian colony on the left and
the South Atlantic on the right, dominated by Portuguese ships. Although the map
is equipped with navigation guidelines, it is unlikely that this showpiece actually
functioned as a maritime map. The luxuriant and exotic illustrations of overseas
territories instead suggest that it had a purely cultural and ceremonial function
within the trans-Atlantic trade policy of Portugal and France, on the one hand,
and the promotion of geographical knowledge of recently discovered areas on the
other (cat. 52 and 55). The inscription at the upper left, in addition to indicating
the geographic position of the area depicted, provides some explanation of the
customs, flora and fauna of the Portuguese colony. The inscription reads: ‘This is
the chart of the region of great Brazil and on the western side it reaches the Antilles
of the King of Castile. Its people are somewhat dark in colour. Savage and very
cruel, they feed on human flesh. These same people are most skilful in the use of
bow and arrows. Here are multi-coloured parrots and innumerable other birds and
monstrous wild beasts. And many kinds of monkeys are found and there grows in
great quantity the tree called brazil, which is considered proper for dyeing clothes
in purple’ (cat. 54).8 Thanks to its geographical depictions – accurate for the time –
and minutely executed illuminations, the Miller Atlas is counted as one of the most
important and earliest representations of a new, trans-Atlantic order.9
HI & DV H

54
L’Ile du Brésil
Frankrijk (Rouen?)
c.1530
Bas-relief in oak, two panels, 52 x 221 cm and 53 x 170 cm
Rouen, Musée départemental des Antiquités, inv. 1401-2 D
PROV ENA NCE
L’Hôtel du Brésil, the wooden house of a wealthy ship owner at Rue Malpalu 17 in Rouen;
acquired by the museum in 1837.
BIBLIOGR APHY
De la Quérière 1821: 150–153; Dubosc 1921; Rouen 1932: 134–135, no. 362; Paris 1955: no.
16; Costa 1964: 64, no. 286; Honour 1976: 15, no. 8; Mauduech 1976: 71, no. E7; Chirol
1980–1981: 25–26, no. 22–23; Chirol 1984: 230–231, no. 117; Collin 1988: 347–328, no. M.6
1 and M.17; Justo Guedes & Lombardi 1990: 230; Jaffe, Viola & Rovigatti 1991; De Moraes
The study by Amy Buono, which was Belluzo 1994; Van den Eynde 2015; Buono 2016.1
only completed after the catalogue was
published, could not be consulted.
2
Chirol 1980–1981: 25; Dickason 1984: 135.
The frieze is variously dated. De la Quérrière These two bas-reliefs from the second quarter of the sixteenth century2 were
1821: 151–153. The two panels are directly
linked to the fête brésilienne that the city
originally part of L’Hôtel du Brésil in Rouen,3 the home of a wealthy ship owner who
of Rouen organised in 1550 for the joyous traded in Brazil-wood. Only a few decades after the discovery of the New World,
entry of Henry II (1519–1559) and Catherine
de’ Medici (1519–1589). Chirol 1980–1981: the owner of this house provided lodgings to mariners who had come back from
25. At the beginning of the nineteenth or were about to depart for Brazil.4 The commercially important harvesting and
century, two panels were discovered under
the shingle of the house at number 115 transportation of Brazil-wood is the central theme of these two panels (cat. 53). This
rue du Gros-Horloge that L’Ile du Brésil
species of wood, from which Brazil gets is name, was used by the textile industry in
resembles considerably in terms of style.
For this reason, Chirol proposes the decade Rouen to make scarlet dye.
1527–1537. Van den Eynde 2015: 3–7. The
most recent publications situate the work
The panels, which together form a whole, must be read from right to
‘around 1530’. left. The first panel shows how the Tupinambá (an indigenous Brazilian people)
3
De la Quérière 1821: 151. penetrate deep into the interior in order to fell trees. After the trees have been
4 stripped of their bark, the Indians carry them on their naked shoulders (fig. 54.1)
Chirol 1980–1981: 25; Dickason 1984: 135.
5 – as Hercules bore the columns – all the way to the coast.5 The second panel shows
Cloulas-Brousseau 1963: 108, 140, 173–175, 177;
Chirol 1984: 230.
the trees being loaded onto a galleon,6 after which the ship departs for France.
6 For Europeans of the time, America was not only the new world but also the
Chirol 1984: 231.
7 other world. The anonymous sculptor of the reliefs has probably tried to explain
Book I: v. 107. this confusing reality by drawing parallels with familiar episodes from classical
8
De Léry 1994: 147–148. antiquity. The early colonisers still felt that the New World resembled a dream,
9 the eternal spring of the Golden Age in Ovid’s Metamorphoses.7 For the sculptor,
Hemming 1978: 64–65.
10 the cedar trees that appear throughout the two panels must have seemed the
Cro 1994: 384–385; Davies 2012: 346
11
ideal means of referring to classical antiquity. In this way he could emphasise the
Book IV: 1–82; Van den Eynde 2015: 18–19, 32. evergreen character of nature in Brazil and transport the ideal – which until then
12
De Léry 1994: 15. had been situated far off in time – to a great distance in space.8
13 The manner in which the male Tupinambá are represented is unusual: with
Hemming 1978: 199.
14 the exception of the Indian who strips a tree of its bark, all male members of the
De Léry 1994: 432–433.
tribe have either a moustache or a moustache and beard, whereas in reality they
15
Van den Eynde 2015: 19–20. removed their facial hair.9 The Tupinambá are probably being compared here to

[cat. 54] detail
[fig. 54.1] Gabriel Salmon, The Pillars of Hercules, c.1528, woodcut, Chicago, Art Institute.
the primitive tribes familiar to the humanists from classical literature, such as the
Germans in Tacitus’s Germania10 or the Scythians in Herodotos’s Histories.11
The Tupinambá were fond of laughing.12 In L’Ile du Brésil, the liveliness of
the Indian men, women and children immediately catches the eye: indefatigable,
they undertake even the hardest tasks for the French with a smile on their faces.13
The fact that the women suckled their infants themselves – instead of giving them
to a wet nurse, as was often customary in France – was a source of admiration for
the early colonists, as attested by the prominent place given to the women nursing
her child on the far right in the second panel.14 The many depictions of animals are
also striking: across the entire frieze we find parrots, and in the first panel we see a
monkey. Both species were coveted items of trade.15
SVDE

55
Pierre Desceliers
Dieppe
1550
Parchment, 135 x 215 cm
London, British Library, inv. Add. Ms. 24065
PROV ENA NCE
Cristoforo Negri (1852); British Museum (1861).
BIBLIOGR APHY
Collin 1988: 314, no. K. 20; Massing 2003: 231–248; Schneider 2004: 109–112; Massing 2005:
53, 57, 60; Toulouse 2007: 1550–1568; Hiatt 2008: pl. 7; Barber & Harper 2010: 21, 84–85;
Whitfield 2010: 62–63; Baverel, Goutagny & Measson 2011; Baverel, Goutagny & Measson 2011:
95–115; Hofmann, Richard & Vagnon 2012: 136, 160, 171, no. 98; Van Duzer 2013: 399, 416,
425; Van Duzer 2015.
In 1550 the Norman cartographer Pierre Desceliers made this large world map
which had been commissioned as a gift for the French king Henry II. The gift
was intended to help rehabilitate the career of Claude d’Annebault, Admiral of
France, one of Henry’s ministers who had fallen out of favor, and no expense was
spared in its decoration. In fact, as Henry already owned a large world map made
by Desceliers in 1546, it is likely that a team of artists was recruited specifically to
decorate the map at a higher artistic level than the earlier map. As a result, the
1550 map is one of the most beautiful to have survived from the Renaissance. It
was designed to be consulted by being laid out on a large table: the images and
texts in the northern half of the map are oriented so as to be right-side up when
viewed from the north, and the images and texts in the southern half of the map
are designed to be viewed from that edge of the map. It also includes 26 long
descriptive texts set in cartouches that supply details about the geography and the
inhabitants of various regions none of which texts appears on Desceliers’ 1546 map
or on his 1553 world map. These texts constitute another deluxe feature that sets the
1550 map apart from the 1546 map.
Desceliers was one of several cartographers who worked in Normandy from
the 1540s to the 1560s, who are sometimes collectively referred to as the Dieppe
School of mapmakers, and one thing that sets him apart from his peers is his greater
interest in Asia. Atlases and maps made by other cartographers working in and
around Dieppe at this period omit most of Asia. We do not know why the other
Norman cartographers gave short shrift to Asia, but Desceliers created a rich and
detailed image of the continent. He includes images of the Amazons, the Great
Khan, and other Asian potentates; cynocephali (men with dogs’ heads) and a man
with no knees; elephants, a camel, bears, a baboon, and a flying serpent. And most
of his descriptive texts relate to Asia.

A feature of the Norman maps that has attracted much attention is their
inclusion of a southern continent, which some have argued represents a ‘pre-
discovery’ of Australia, before its generally accepted discovery by Willem Janszoon
in 1606. I believe that this continent is merely an elaboration of the purely hypo-
thetical southern continents that had appeared on earlier maps.
CVD
[cat. 55] detail

56
1
Feest 2014: 288. Hans Burgkmair, after
2
Hausberger & Biedermann 1973: no. 26;
Triumph of the King of Cochin
Kroll & Schade 1974: 39–42, 66–67 no. 9; Netherlands
Colin 1987: 5–6, 26–27; Bartrum 1995: 130–132
no. 130; McDonald 2003: 230; Leitch 2009: c.1540
136, 139–140; Silver 2010: 222–223; Feest 2014: Oil on panel, 45.5 x 149 cm
296.
3 Paris, Galerie De Jonckheere, inv. AKG 966025
Not a single full print of the frieze has
survived. The frieze consisted of at least
eight, possibly as much as thirteen
woodcuts, Leitch 2009: 136 and 155 n. 16.
BIBLIOGR APHY
See McDonald 2003 for a hypothetical
reconstruction. In all probability, Cochin Levenson 2007: 102–103 no. P-31, 335.
– modern-day Kochi – was the final stop of
the scene. Cochin remained the capital city
of Portuguese India up until 1530 and has
continued to serve as a crucial seaport on
India’s west coast to this very day. Technological, economic and ideological developments in the fifteenth and
4
Springer 1509: 3. The text fragments on the
sixteenth century made it possible for the famed exploratory expeditions to be
frieze are derived from Springer’s travel undertaken that went on to expose the West to new and unexpected worlds.1
logbook. In literature, this ensemble as a
whole is referred to as the ‘short report’. Printers were keen to seize on the exotic travel stories that emerged from these
The book version Die Merfart un[d] erfarung voyages and tried to sell them to the public at large by way of news reports,
nuwer Schiffung und Werge zu viin onerkanten
Inseln und Künigreichen – the ‘long report’, illustrated or otherwise. The frieze (1508) by Hans Burgkmair (1473–1531) published
published in 1509 – contains Springer’s full
in Augsburg is to be viewed against this background (fig. 56.2).2 Of the series of
report, illustrated by woodcuts of a lesser
quality by Wolf Traut. See Feest 2014: 296 woodcuts depicting the peoples encountered along the coastlines of Africa all
for similarities and differences between
Burgkmair’s frieze and the woodcuts from
the way up to Cochin in the East Indies, as we know them today, the anonymous
this later report. Bartrum 1995: 131; Leitch imitator of c.1540 exposes three prints, entitled ‘DER KVNIG VON GVTZIN’.3 The entire
2009: 134, 140, 155 n. 6; Silver 2010: 224.
5 scene is based on the travel logbook of Balthasar Springer, a merchant who sailed
Leitch 2009: 136; Silver 2010: 222. on board of one of the German ships captained by Portuguese Francisco de
6
Oral sources were unreliable as they far too Almeida, during the 1505–1506 expedition.4 The frieze was ordered by one of their
easily result in misinterpretations. Colin
bankrollers, the powerful Welser family from Augsburg.5
1987: 5.
7 For ethnographic accuracy, such prints depended on the artefacts the artist
Colin 1987: 6; Leitch 2009: 142.
8
had to hand.6 Due to the absence of living models, equivalent schemes from pictorial
Feest qualifies Colin and Leitch’s position tradition, such as monsters (cat. 49–50) and wild men (cat. 51), were often recycled.7
which suggests this is the earliest known
representation with ethnographic An early example of a work based on factual models is the Augsburg pamphlet from
specification. Colin 1987: 26–27; Leitch 2009: 1505 about Amerigo Vespucci’s expedition. The anonymous woodcut devotes an
142–143; Feest 2014: 297–298.
9 unprecedented focus of attention to the rendition of the appearance and customs
Sturtevant 1988; Egmond & Mason 2000: 325;
Leitch 2009: 134; Silver 2010: 222; Feest 2014:
of the indigenous people (fig. 56.1).8 The representation of the Brazilian Tupinambá
293–294. even went on to become the new archetype for all recently discovered peoples,
10
Leitch 2009: 134; Silver 2010: 222. regardless of region, and the visual motif of the Indian dressed in a feathered
11 skirt and a feathered crown spread like wildfire (cat. 58).9 Building on the interest
During the rule of the then maharaja –
Unniraman Koil II or Rama Varma, there in more accurate depictions, Burgkmair embedded his figures in recognisable
is some ambiguity over the matter – the
family structures, each with their own physiognomy, geographical context and
region enjoyed rising prosperity; Sasikumar
2011: 32. cultural traditions.10 The Triumph of the King of Cochin depicts a whole repertoire of
12
Leitch 2009: 145.
activities, ages and classes. The cortege is headed by an elderly camel driver and an
13 elephant trainer, followed by a group of exuberant musicians flocking around their
McDonald 2003: 230; Leitch 2009: 134–135;
Feest 2014: 296. maharaja.11 Seated on his palanquin, the leader is escorted by manly looking armed
14 warriors. The ostentatious cortege is rounded out by women and children.
Leitch 2009: 141, 143–144; Feest 2014: 301.
15 To arrive at such a consistent rendition, it took more than Springer’s
Leitch 2009: 143, 146; Feest 2014: 301.
self-aggrandising texts, which were packed with yarns of violence and driven by
16
Leitch 2009: 137. mercenary motives.12 In all probability, alongside this literary information, the

[fig. 56.1] Augsburg, Dise figur anzaigt uns das volck…, coloured woodcut, 1505, Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek.
[fig. 56.2] Hans Burgkmair the Elder, Natives of Africa and India, detail: Triumph of the King of Cochin, 1508, London, British
Museum (woodcut 1 and 2); Berlin, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Kupferstichkabinett (woodcut 3).
merchant also brought back visual source materials, such as sketches and local
weaponry.13 Moreover, Burgkmair was assisted by Konrad Peutinger, a humanist
and cartographer with whom he was friendly. Both the materials from his library
– including maps and manuscripts of recent German trade missions to India –
and the humanist conceptual frame of reference served as important sources. In
this milieu, new peoples were no longer viewed as exotic monsters, but as a major
contribution to the on-going expansion of cosmographic awareness.14 The schematic
nature of the composition references techniques for organising time and space from
the field of cartography. In due course, this ethnographic classification system went
on to become a standard formula for depicting peoples of various description.15 This
places Burgkmair’s frieze at the beginning of empirical data visualisation and the
rendition of human diversity.16
WW

57
Jan Mostaert, attributed to
Scenes from the Life of Cain and Abel
c.1525
Falsiied monogram of Albrecht Dürer, specifying the year as 1511
Oil on panel, 97.2 x 68 cm
Schorr Collection
PROV ENA NCE
Part of the collection of Johann Peter Weyer (1794–1864), Cologne, first recorded in his
collection catalogue of 1859; sale, Cologne (Lempertz), 25 August 1862, lot 39, as a
‘Dürer imitator’; purchased there by an art dealer by the name of Müller from Würzburg;
at some point between 1862 and 1999 in possession of one Van der Bank, Frankfurt
(according to a label on the rear of the panel); sale, New York (Sotheby’s), 14 October
1999, lot 125, as the ‘Circle of Jan van Scorel’; currently held as part of the Schorr
collection.
BIBLIOGR APHY
Weyer 1859: no. 40; Cologne 1862: 12–13, no. 39; Kier & Zehnder: 504; Wright 2011: 62–63;
Wright 2014, vol. I: 180–181, no. 252 & vol. II: 56.
After they had been banished from the Garden of Eden, Adam and Eve ended up
living in the wilderness, where an existence of hard toil and terrible ordeals awaited
them. Here, the mother of humanity gave birth to Cain and Abel and – depending
on the interpretation of the Bible and the apocryphal texts one goes by – later on
1 gave birth to one or several daughters, and a son by the name of Seth.1 This motif of
The general picture of Genesis 3 and 4 may
be further supplemented with the details
the extended First Family, largely faded into oblivion in this day and age, was re-
from apocryphal texts such as the Testament peatedly picked up in the sixteenth century world of painting in the Low Countries
of Adam. For a more comprehensive
discussion of the composition of the First by artists such as Quinten Metsys (1465/66–1530) and Jan Mostaert (c.1474–1552/53).
Family, see Byron 2011: 23–29. The work presented here shows different episodes in the narrative of the
2
There is no question that Dürer’s (1471–1528) brothers who fell foul of one another. In the foreground, Eve is seen sitting in
monogram and the date 1511 were added
later on to drive up the panel’s value on the
a hollowed-out tree with Cain and Abel on her lap. Next to her, the rest of her
art market. It was Robrecht Janssen who offspring are jostling each other around a piece of fruit, which some believe to
recently attributed the panel to Mostaert.
See Wright 2014: 180–181, no. 252. be in reference to the ruinous Forbidden Fruit. In the background, Adam is seen
3 ploughing the field. Behind him, half hidden on a hilltop, Cain and Abel’s offering
‘…een Landtschap, wesende een West-
Indien, met veel naeckt volck, met een can be seen. The Lord’s preference for Abel’s offering is about to provoke Cain into
bootsighe Clip, en vreemt ghebouw van
a seething rage. The direct result of these events, the First Fratricide, is depicted up
huysen en hutten’ (… a West Indian
landscape with many nude figures, a curious against the hill flank. Left in the background, in front of an open cave, Adam and
cliff, and exotic houses and huts). See Van
Mander 1604: fol. 229v.
Eve are seen lamenting over Abel’s body. To the right of the cave entrance, Cain’s
4 dire fate is depicted: Lamech, accompanied by his son, unintentionally kills Cain
Williamstown, The Sterling and Francine
Clark Art Institute, inv. 1955.946. See, whilst out hunting.
amongst other authors: Berk 1982: 201–212; In spite of Albrecht Dürer’s false signature, the painting was attributed to
Moseley-Christian 2012: 437–438.
5 Jan Mostaert a few years ago.2 Karel van Mander (1548–1606), a Flemish biographer
Zimerman 1885: CXIX–CXX. See below
of painters, described an unfinished landscape painting of the New World by Jan
Vandenbroeck 1991a: 99–119; Feest 2014:
287–303. Mostaert (fig. 57.1).3 Nowadays, Mostaert is credited with several panels that have

[fig. 57.1] Jan Mostaert, Landscape with an Episode from the Conquest of America, c.1535, Amsterdam, Rĳksmuseum.
a similar setting, with or without biblical iconography.4 As such, the connection
between the First Family and the ‘primitive life forms’ encountered in the newly
discovered territories would appear to speak for itself. The reference to the West
Indies is rendered even more concrete in the way the children are dressed. In the
painting, they are adorned with plumed crowns and feathered capes. There can be
no doubt that the latter elements refer to the New World (cat. 56 and 58). For a long
time, Mostaert – who lived and worked in Haarlem – was attached to the Mechelen
court of the regent-governess Margaret of Austria (1480–1530). On 20 August
1523, the latter was sent a collection of accoustremens de plumes, venuz des Indes by
her nephew, Holy Roman Emperor Charles V.5 This may have been the source that
inspired the artist’s depiction.
RJ & MB

58
Calicut Resident
Germany (?)
c.1505–1520
Coloured woodcut, 316 x 181 mm
Berlin, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Kupferstichkabinett, inv. AM 90-1962
PROV ENA NCE
After 1920 in the collection Friedrich Quiring, Eberswalde (Lugt 1041c); in 1962 acquired
by the Staatliche Museen zu Berlin.
BIBLIOGR APHY
Osterwold & Pollig 1987: 304, no. 1.99; Egmond & Mason 2000: 324–326, 344–345; Feest 2014:
299.
This coloured woodcut of a so-called ‘Indian’ was made by an anonymous German

artist. The standalone print depicts a bearded man in a subtle contrapposto pose,
dressed in a frock and cape, his head adorned with feathers. The man is seen to carry
a bow, quiver and staff, his body lavishly adorned with feathers and precious stones.
1
The detailing of the feathered sections suggests that the woodcut was intended
Osterwold & Pollig 1987: no. 1.99. The rare to be coloured immediately after printing. Even though a large run of this print
absence of a Kupferstichkabinett inventory
stamp on the print would appear to confirm is believed to have been printed, only one copy has survived. As recent as 1987, an
that another sheet had been attached to the unknown text sheet was attached to the rear of this copy, which has since been lost.1
rear. I would like to thank Georg J. Dietz for
this information. The exploratory expeditions in the late fifteenth and early sixteenth century
2
sparked a growing fascination with artefacts from faraway territories and foreign
Rupprich 1956–1969: vol. I, 155. On the
relationship Dürer had with these objects, cultures (cat. 46–48). In the logbook of his journey through the Low Countries,
see Feest 2013.
3
German artist Albrecht Dürer describes how – filled with admiration – he was able
On the history of these objects, see Feest to examine a collection of sumptuous artefacts from America on 27 August 1520 in
1990: 33–48. For other sixteenth century
collections that include exotic feathered Brussels.2 This treasure trove had been dispatched from Mexico by Hernán Cortés to
artefacts, see Fleischhauer 1976: 2–3; the future Emperor Charles v, although other sixteenth century collections likewise
Vandenbroeck 1991a; Leitsch 2009: 157
n. 70. included exotic weapons and feathered clothing items.3
4
Colin 1988: 186–188, 392–394; Leitsch 2009:
Nonetheless, this woodcut is not based on direct observation by an artist or
135, 145; Feest 2014 : 298–299. a study of the actual objects. The print has strong similarities with the figures seen
5
Feest 2014: 299. on two unrelated German woodcuts of around 1505 that report on the discoveries
6 made by Amerigo Vespucci (fig. 56.1).4 The woodcut shown here is more detailed,
Publications to come out of Antwerp
and elsewhere also contributed to this but not for that reason more lifelike. For instance, the bow is too small to serve any
dissemination, see Colin 1988: 191–192, 437;
functional purpose and no artefact or iconographic model is known that accords
Pisters 1991, no. 14–17.
7 with the special feather-covered staff.5
The entire manuscript is available to be
consulted online at https://galerij.kb.nl/
The woodcuts of German artists such as Hans Burgkmair (cat. 56) and Jörg
kb.html#/nl/visboek/. Breu played a pivotal role in the dissemination of information on foreign cultures.6
8
Egmond & Mason 2000: 324–326, 344–345; A particular example of the reception history of this anonymous woodcut is the
Egmond 2005: 156–159. Visboeck by Adriaen Coenen from 1577–1581 (fig. 58.1).7 In the Visboeck manuscript,
9
Calicut also features elsewhere in the the Scheveningen beach comber, fisherman and fish auctioneer copied the woodcut
manuscript; see n. 8.
and added a Dutch comment. 8 This text identifies the sketch as a portrait of the
10
Feest 2013: 368. noblemen of Calicut (modern-day Kozhikode in India), and describes their attire

[fig. 58.1] Adriaen Coenen, Drawn copy of the ‘Indian’ from the ‘Visboek’, fol. 409v, 1579, The Hague, Royal Library.
and everyday lifestyle.9 During the sixteenth century, the name ‘Calicut’ was used
as a collective term to refer to Indian as well as American indigenous peoples, all
the more so as America was not considered to be continent in its own right in those
early days.10
JL

328
HOLDING
THE UNIVERSE
D re aming o f S p a ce an d Tim e
329
In Search of Utopian Perfection:
Builders of Scientific Instruments –
the ‘Leuven School’
KOENR A A D VA N CLEE M P OEL
In the second half of the sixteenth century the in a (vertical) meridian ring, which in turn sits in a
scientific instruments made in Leuven gained (horizontal) horizon ring. The sphere can be tilted
international fame. Here, for the first time, were in the horizon ring: the degrees on the meridian ring
devices in which new cosmographic research, scientific denote latitude, so the sphere can be tilted to the
accuracy, astronomical information and exceptional user’s latitude – 51° for Leuven, for example, or, as
elegance of execution were perfectly balanced. This can be seen in Jan Gossaert’s Portrait of a Girl with
unique combination made them particularly attractive an Armillary Sphere (cat. 64), 55–56° for Copenhagen
to the European market. The printer Christopher and Denmark.
Plantin, whose printing office was in Antwerp, was the An astrolabe consists of two essential parts, one
agent through whom the instruments were sold to an fixed, one rotating, whereby heaven and earth come
international clientele. They were bought not only by together in one plane: a set of plates representing
scholars and scientists who used them to take reliable different latitudes (the fixed ‘earth’ part) and the
measurements but also by princes who collected them rete, on which various stars and the zodiac (the
[C AT. 67] D E TAIL
to display in their libraries. rotating ‘Heaven’ part) are projected. A central pin
The most important names among the instrument makers holds the plate and the rete in position in the mater –
are those of Gemma Frisius (cat. 59), Gerard Mercator a brass disk hollowed out in the centre to hold the set
(cat. 63, 71), Gualterus Arsenius (cat. 65, 68) and of plates. The plates are often engraved on both sides
Adrianus Zeelst (cat. 72). Initially, Frisius and with a projection for a particular latitude. To take
Mercator produced mainly globes and maps, but they an observation you insert into the mater the plate
also designed and refined other scientific instruments that corresponds to your location at the time – 51°
made in brass. Chief and most evocative of these are for Leuven, for example. The rete shows the ecliptic
the armillary sphere (cat. 65–68) and the astrolabe and a number of ‘fixed’ stars that are represented by
(cat. 71, 72). Both are models of the universe that you little pointers and engraved with a name (ursa maior,
can hold in your hand – in 3D by way of the armillary for example). The rete is pierced so that the plate
sphere’s set of rings; in 2D by way of the astrolabe’s beneath it is visible and the zodiac and the stars can
stereographic projection of the heavens and the earth. move over the various lines. It evokes the rising sun
The armillary sphere consists of a series of rings and stars above the horizon, among other things.
placed parallel to each other: two polar circles, Astrolabes were used for taking observations, as
two tropics and in the middle the equator. Then, at calculators and for demonstration. Importantly, given
an angle of 23.5° relative to the equator, is a ring the widely-held belief in astrology, they could also be
representing the ecliptic, or apparent path of the used to draw up horoscopes. You could use an astrolabe
sun throughout each year. The ecliptic touches the to tell the time during the day or night so long as
tropics at the solstices: the longest day on 21 June, the sun or a few recognizable stars – that were marked
and the longest night on 21 December. The equator is on the rete – were visible. Typical of the Leuven
cut at right angles by two rings: the colures, which astrolabes were maritime applications, such as being
intersect at the poles. In the middle of the central able to set a course for a sea voyage.
axis that connects everything is the earth, which
sometimes has additional rings around it for the sun,
moon and other planets. This first system is mounted
331 HOLDING THE UNIVERSE

59
Maarten van Heemskerck
Portrait of Gemma Frisius
c.1545
Latin inscription on tablet left of the sitter: LVX TEN EB RIS RVRSVS LVCI TEN EB RE FVG I ENTI
SVCCEDVNT. STAB I LIS RES TI B I NVLLA MAN ET (literally: ‘After darkness comes light; after
the leeting light follows darkness; nothing that lasts remains for you’)
Oil on panel, 104 x 83.5 cm
Rotterdam, Museum Boijmans Van Beuningen, inv. 1347
PROV ENA NCE
Between 1814 and 1935 in the collection of the Earl of Radnor, Longford Castle; offered
for sale in 1935 at Thomas Agnew’s, Ltd, London; purchased there in 1936 by Daniel George
van Beuningen (1877–1955), Rotterdam, and transferred that same year to the museum with
the support of the Rembrandtfonds.
BIBLIOGR APHY
Passavant 1833: 136; Passavant 1836: 294; Waagen 1838: 265; Waagen 1854: 139; Waagen
1857: 360; Woltmann 1866: 201; Wornum 1867: 152; Scheibler & Bode 1881: 213; Matilda &
Barclay 1909: no. 145; Winkler 1924a: 288; De Vries 1934: 27, 125; Friedländer 1936:
82, 160, no. 228, fig. XLIII; Rotterdam 1936: 51–52, no. 172; Hoogewerff 1941–1942:
356–358, fig. 168; Hoogewerff 1947: 159, no. 72; Van Schendel 1948: 25, no. 47, fig. 13;
Van Luttervelt 1955: 67–68, no. 63; Haak 1967: 28–30, fig. 6; Vey & Von der Osten 1969: 186;
Von der Osten 1973; Friedländer 1976: 45, 92, no. 228, pl. 116; Grosshans 1980: 153–154,
no. 38, pl. IV, fig. 59; Bruyn 1987: 152, fig. 16; Bruyn 1988: 104, fig. 16; Harrison 1987:
427–440, no. 33; Van der Heĳden & Roegiers 1994: 89–90, no. BB-28; Lammertse 1994:
1
For a more comprehensive discussion of the 356-359, no. 83; Borchert & Jonckheere 2015: 122–123, no. 22.
various credits, see Lammertse 1994: 357.
2
Friedländer 1976: 45.
3
Hollstein Dutch, XXVII: 43, no. 17. In 1814, when this painting was still part of the collection of the Earl of Radnor, it
4 was described as a portrait of Maarten Luther (1483–1546) made by Hans Holbein
Sellink 1997: vol. 2, 223–227, appendix 2B;
Sellink & Leesberg 2001: 99, no. 626. (1497–1543). However, grave misgivings existed as to the identity of both the artist
5
Sprinkled with anecdotes, Miraeus
and the person portrayed, which made for debate in art-historical circles.1 It was
chronicles Frisius’ friendship with the not until 1924, when Winkler credited Maarten van Heemskerck (1498–1574) as the
tall, obese and often red-faced scholar
Hieronymus Triverius. When seen together rightful painter, that the right attribution appeared to have been made. Since then,
on the street, the two friends were referred no further reservations have been expressed regarding this attribution. Moreover,
to as par impar by dint of their completely
opposite physique. Miraeus 1609: 96. the painting is considered today to be one of the best-preserved works by the artist.2
6
The issue of the model’s identity was resolved seventy years later. It was professor
The origin of the inscription is unclear.
Gombrich associated the inscription with Jan Roegiers, head librarian at Leuven University, who linked the painting from
the writings of Ovid, whilst Grosshans saw
a link with Catullus. Bruyn interpreted the
Rotterdam with a portrait engraving made in Leuven by Jan van Stalburch (active
inscription as a paraphrased quote from from 1555 to 1565) of sixteenth century scholar Gemma Frisius (1508–1555).3 A
the Book of Job (17: 12), although there no
indications to support this. This may be second engraving, Gemma’s effigy in the portrait series of famed European scholars
a poem authored by Frisius himself. See by print publisher Philips Galle (who worked from 1555 to 1565; fig. 43), lent added
Grosshans 1980: 154, n. 1; Bruyn 1988: 104,
n. 37; Van der Heijden & Roegiers 1994: 90; weight to this hypothesis (fig. 59.1).4
Lammertse 1994: 357.
In the autumn of 1525, Jemme ‘Gemma’ Reinerszoon relocated from
7
Miraeus 1609: 96; Adam 1620: 75. Friesland to Leuven, to enrol at the town’s university, where – after training to

[fig. 59.1] Philips Galle, Portrait of Gemma Frisius, 1572, engraving, Brussels, Royal Library of Belgium, Print Room.
become a physician – he honed his skills in geography, mathematics and medicine.
Some years later, the academic was offered a chair at his Alma Mater. Among
his students were Andreas Vesalius, who would go on to acclaim as a leading
physician and anatomist, botanist Rembert Dodoens and cartographer Gerardus
Mercator, to name but a few. Even though the fame garnered by these pupils may
transcend the renown of the master, when it comes to scientific accomplishments,
the latter certainly was not to be outdone by any of them. Gemma’s enhancements
of contemporary geographical theories, his writings setting forth a surfeit of new
findings, and the scientific instruments developed by him played a key role in the
advancement of geography.
In spite of his ‘small stature, slender build and pale countenance’, Gemma
Frisius is portrayed here in monumental fashion.5 Gazing sternly at the beholder,
the humanist is dressed in a damask gambeson beneath a fur-lined tabard. His hair
is covered by a black cap. There is no sign of any scientific instruments that might
refer to the scholar’s academic accomplishments. His left hand holds a painted
crystal ball representing the four seasons. From top to bottom, spring, summer,
autumn and winter are rendered as an allegorical reference to the transience of life.
This Vanitas motif is underpinned by the Latin inscription on the marble tablet on
the left.6
Gemma died on 25 May 1555, just 46 years of age, as a result of kidney stones.
His portrait was placed over his tomb at the Leuven Predikherenkerk (Dominican
Church).7 Whether or not this is the Rotterdam painting is difficult to establish.
However, it would certainly explain the inscription and the globe with the allegori-
cal reference to the finite nature of all living things.
MB

60
Albrecht Dürer after Conrad Heinfogel
The Celestial Maps: the Northern and Southern Skies
Published by Johannes Stabius
60A
Map of the Northern Sky
‘Imagines coeli septentrionales cum duodecim imaginibus zodiaci’
1515
Brussels, Royal Library of Belgium, Print Room, inv. S.II 23031
60B
Map of the Southern Sky
‘Imagines coeli meridionales’
1515
Berlin, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Kupferstichkabinett, inv. 778-10
BIBLIOGR APHY
Bartsch 1808: no. 151; Weiss 1888: 209–213; Meder 1932: no. 260; Panofsky 1943: no. 365; Voss
1943: 89–150; Zink 1968: no. 99; Vincent & Chandler 1969: 382–383, fig. 16; Hamann 1971: no. 309;
Talbot 1971: no. 199; De Solla Price 1975: 187, no. 203; Strauss 1980: no. 176, Appendix B, pl. 17;
Strauss 1981: 431, no. 151; Chipps Smith 1983: no. 21; O’Neill & Schultz 1986: 315, no. 134;
Levenson 1991: 220–221, no. 118–119; Dekker & Van der Krocht 1994: 264; Schoch, Mende &
Scherbaum 2002: 430–435, no. 243–244; Dackerman 2011: 90–93, no. 16; Sumira 2014: 19.
Art and science meet in a particularly felicitous manner in the two celestial maps
that Albrecht Dürer brought onto the market in 1515. The Nuremberg artist’s direct
1 source was a pair of hand-drawn star charts made in 1503 after a design by his fellow
Unknown artist after Conrad Heinfogel,
Maps of the Northern and Southern Skies, townsman, the astronomer Conrad Heinfogel (fig. 60.1 and 60.2).1 These are the
drawings in brown ink on parchment, very first European printed star charts. Made in the form of woodcuts that could
heightened with silver, gold and red, 674
x 672 mm and 669 x 670 mm, Nuremberg, be endlessly reproduced on the printing press, they reached a wide international
Germanisches Nationalmuseum, inv. Hz
audience and were extremely influential (cat. 61).
5576–5577, see Dackerman 2011: 86–88, no.
15; Voss 1943. These celestial maps build on the knowledge of classical Antiquity, added
2
On this topic see inter alia the essay by
to and transmitted by way of medieval Arab astronomers.2 Which is why, in the
Koenraad Van Cleempoel in this catalogue. corners of his map of the northern sky, Dürer has portrayed four major classical and

[cat. 60A]
[cat. 60B]
[fig. 60A.1] Conrad Heinfogel, The Northern Firmament, 1503, drawing, Nuremberg, Germanisches Nationalmuseum.
[fig. 60B.1] Conrad Heinfogel, The Southern Firmament, 1503, drawing, Nuremberg, Germanisches Nationalmuseum.
Arab astronomers or astronomical poets. Ptolemy (c.90–168) is included, of course,
and is joined by Aratus Cilex (315–245 BCE), Marcus Manilius (first century) and the
Arab astronomer Abd al-Rahman al-Sufi (903–985).
The positions of the stars are plotted and numbered according to the star
catalogue in books eight and nine of Ptolemy’s Almagest. They are represented by
six-pointed stars or open or filled circles, depending on their magnitude. Here,
Heinfogel reduced Ptolemy’s classes of magnitude from six to just three.
These star charts are known as planispheres – maps formed by the
projection of the two halves of the celestial sphere on a plane surface. For until the
modern period it was thought that the fixed stars occupied an outer crystal sphere
that moved round the universe. Celestial globes often represent that sphere as if
seen from the outside. That external viewpoint is also adopted in these two celestial
maps, so that we see the back of the constellations as it were.
The circle bounding each star map is the ecliptic, the sun’s apparent annual
path relative to the stars. This means that on the map of the northern sky the signs
of the zodiac lie exactly on this circle, which as usual is correspondingly divided
into twelve equal parts of thirty degrees. The central point is therefore the pole of
the ecliptic, not the pole of the northern sky, which in reality is close to the pole star
in the tail of Ursa Minor (Little Bear). In Antiquity comparatively little was known
about the southern sky. New information recorded by explorers was not integrated
into these celestial maps. The precession of the Earth’s axis meant that the position
of the stars had changed slightly. Heinfogel replotted the star field to show it as it
was around 1500.
In the top left corner of the map of the southern sky is the coat of arms of
Cardinal Matthäus Lang von Wellenburg, a leading church authority, diplomat
and chief counsellor to Emperor Maximilian I; a dedication to the cardinal occupies
the top right corner. In the lower left corner an inscription in a banderole informs
us that Johannes Stabius (c.1468–1525) was the publisher and initiator of the maps:
Johannes Stabius Ordinavit. Stabius was a humanist, geographer and scientific
advisor to Emperor Maximilian. He was also the emperor’s court historiographer
and as such was closely involved in the commission for the spectacularly
monumental woodcut image of a triumphal arch glorifying Maximilian’s
achievements, on which Dürer worked in the same period.
Dürer did not sign these celestial maps with his famous monogram but
instead added his coat of arms – a pair of open doors or ‘Türen’, a play on his
name Dürer or ‘Thürer’ – next to the arms of Stabius and Heinfogel. That the
spiritual authors of these star charts should sign with their full names and arms is
characteristic of the emerging humanist culture. Scholars and artists increasingly
sought to be seen as self-aware individuals, proud of the achievements with which
they claimed their place among the eternal stars.
J VG

61
Petrus Apianus (Peter Apian)
Astronomicum Caesareum
Ingolstadt
1540
Typographic printed book illustrated with hand-coloured woodcuts
by Michael Ostendorfer and volvelles with silk strings, 480 x 340 mm
Brussels, Royal Library of Belgium, Department of Rare Books, inv. VB 5123 C
BIBLIOGR APHY
Van Ortroy 1902: 112–114 no. 112, 115 no. 113; Dodgson 1911: 242 no. 4, 250 no. 5, 286
no. 7; Hollstein, German, XXX: 206, no. 54 (1–41); Muris & Saarmann 1961: 77, fig. 21;
Zinner 1964: no. 1476; Stillwell 1970: vol. I, 19–22, vol. II, 135–138, vol. VI, 809–814;
Gingerich 1971: 168–177; Snyder 1984: 57, fig. 25; Van Gĳsen 1994: 232; Gingerich 1994:
293–296; Gingerich 1995: 113–122; Ernst 1995: 35–38; Wolfschmidt 1995: 96–98; Schmeidler
1995: 107–112; Röttel 1995: 309–313, no. 7; Kruse 2000: 283–284, no. 286; Horst 2011: 68;
Karr Schmidt 2011: 104–109, no. 19; Kanas 2014: 89–91.
This book by the German humanist and astronomer Petrus Apianus is without
doubt the most sumptuous scientific publication of the Renaissance, as indeed
might be expected, given that, as the title indicates, it was dedicated to Emperor
Charles V, the most powerful monarch of his time, and to his younger brother
Ferdinand. Charles thought so highly of Apianus’s work that he raised him to noble
rank. The newly ennobled astronomer’s coat of arms adorns the last page of the book.
Apianus (1495–1552) was professor of Astronomy at the university of
Ingolstadt, where he also ran a small private printing shop with his brother. There
they not only looked after of the design and printing of books but also the hand-
colouring and assembly of the various printed instruments with movable parts that
they contained. Apianus had already included several of the ingenious rotating
paper devices, known as ‘volvelles’, in his Cosmographia of 1524.1
The Astronomicum Caesareum contains a remarkable twenty-one beautifully
designed volvelles with which diverse astronomical calculations could be made.
They include, for instance, a set of planetary equatoria, which are used to work out
the position of a planet in the zodiac system. The equatorium for determining the
longitude of Mercury has no fewer than nine visible printed parts with a hidden
1
Volvelles had already been used in mechanism in paper and silk string that allows the parts to rotate around several
manuscripts and they were also used later
axes. The moon’s orbit can be calculated with help of two complex volvelles on
in printed astronomical handbooks. For a
survey, see Gingerich 1994. facing pages. Apianus also included an instrument for computing the date of Easter
2
and other holy days. How the printed instruments should be used is explained by
In letters patent published in 1532, which means of appropriate examples, such as ascertaining the astronomical conditions in
protect Apianus’s future publication for
thirty years with an imperial privilege, there effect at the birth of the emperor and his brother. He also discusses the calculation
is already reference to an Astronomicum of lunar and solar eclipses and illustrates his methods by reconstructing the precise
Imperatorum. This suggests that the book
had been worked on for at least eight years. astronomical conditions that prevailed at historical eclipses.
Moreover, Apianus published nothing else
The painter Michael Ostendorfer (c.1490–1559) designed the magnificent
between 1534 and 1540. See Karr Schmidt
2011: 19 n. 3. woodcuts. The paper instruments are represented in trompe l’oeil, with charmingly

[cat. 61] Hemelkaart
[cat. 61] p.46 - Volvelle showing the phases of the moon before and after Christ’s birth by means of four discs and two epicycles
designed hooks from which to ‘hang’ them, thus alluding directly to their three-
dimensional counterparts. Ostendorfer derived the volvelle on which the zodiac
system is depicted from Albrecht Dürer’s celestial maps (cat. 60A–B). Here the
northern and southern skies are combined in a single plane, with the northern sky
reduced in size and placed on the inside and the southern sky turned inside out
and projected on the outside of the circle.
The second part of the book contains no movable instruments but it does
have numerous illustrations. It focuses on methods of observation and on making
the instruments that are needed for that purpose. Here Apianus describes the paths
of several comets, including Halley’s, and notes – the first to do so – that the tails of
comets always point away from the sun.
The Astronomicum Caesareum is the ultimate synthesis of astronomical
knowledge according to the Ptolemaic system, which assumes that the sun and the
planets revolve around the earth. It appeared three years before the publication
of Copernicus’s new heliocentric doctrines that place the sun in the centre of the
universe. It is generally thought that Apianus was already familiar with the new
heliocentric theory, but the investments he had already made and his relationship
with the geocentrically-minded imperial and ecclesiastical authorities deterred him
from making such a momentous change in his publication.2
J VG

62
Celestial Globe
Italy or Central Europe, 1502
Dated on the 85th line of latitude: MCCCCCI I
Diameter 69 cm
Ecouen, Musée national de la Renaissance Château d’Ecouen, inv. E.CL . 3218
BIBLIOGR APHY
Du Sommerard 1883: 563, no. 7022; Paris 1936: no. 1184; Destombes 1968; Paris 1973:
no. 204; Chapiro, Meslin-Perrier & Turner 1989: 118–121, no. 88; Daynes-Diallo 2009: 88.
Boasting a diameter of close to 70 cm, this globe is the largest known celestial globe
from the early part of the sixteenth century.1 What makes this globe unique is not
just its size, but also the substance of the cartographic information; the globe shows
over 750 stars, divided across 85 star signs. The engraving style is particularly refined
and the sheer accuracy of the various scales and coordinates is quite high. The
construction consists of two hemispheres that have been conjoined at the equator.2
Due to the exceptional scale, both spheres have been braced from the inside. In
addition, each pole has a hole to accommodate a central axis.
The ecliptic, or the apparent path of the Sun, is graduated down into
360°, numbered 6, 12, 18, 24 and 30. The name of each sign is engraved in Roman
numerals. Running in parallel with the Zodiac is a net of circles: one for each degree
up to 83°. The band between the second and the fifth circle North and South of the
Zodiac is not engraved. At right angles to this band are the circles of the meridians,
which transect at the poles, one every 6°. In addition, there are circles for the
polar circles, the tropical circles and the equator (perfectly divided into 360° and
numbered for every 5°).
This spectacular web of parallels and meridians acts as a frame of reference
or system of coordinates for an unprecedented number of 750 stars, clustered in 85
constellations. What is more, the ‘magnitude’ or brightness of each star is specified
on a scale of one to six. The position of the stars concurs with the catalogue of
Alfonso of Cordoba, published in Venice in 1503: Tabulae astronomiae Elisabeth
Regina. Also of note here is the position of the human figures: they are seen from
behind, as it were, with their faces in profile, as though the beholder is inside the
celestial sphere (see also cat. 60A-B, 61 and 63).
Establishing the location of origin with any degree of certainty remains an
arduous task. The celestial globe displays a unique combination of classical know-
how and Arabic astronomy. Central Europe is one possibility by dint of its kinship
1
The description is based on the examination
with the work of Hans Dorn from Vienna and Nuremberg. Dorn built a similar
by Destombes 1968; on the development albeit smaller brass globe in 1480, which is on display at the Museum Jagellon in
of astronomy from Antiquity up to the
fifteenth century, see Dekker 2012. Cracow. Almost all early celestial globes were built in Central Europe, in workshops
2 in Vienna, Prague and Cracow to be more exact. Yet the engraved letters have a
On this topic, see Van Raemdonck 1873–1875;
Stevenson 1921; Duprat 1973: no. 210; Dekker more Italian ‘feel’. They also show a degree of affinity with an edition of Ptolemy’s
1995; Bertsch 1997: in particular 149–150;
Geographia of 1478, published by Arnold Brecknick in Rome in 1490, 1507 and 1508.
Kugel, Van Cleempoel & Sabrier 2002: 19–41;
Meskens 2012: 41.
K VC

63
Gerard Mercator
Celestial Globe
Leuven
1551
Papier mâché, coloured copper engravings on paper, brass and wood,
diameter 42 cm
Lüneburg, Museum für Fürstentum Lüneburg, inv. R.1785
BIBLIOGR APHY
Muris & Saarmann 1961: 104, fig. 31; De Smet 1968; De Smet 1969: no. 3, 15–16; Warner 1979:
174–175; De Smet 1974a: 191; De Smet 1974b: 227; Van der Krogt 1984: 197–198; Pühlhorn &
Laub 1993: 526–527, no. 1.24; Karrow 1993: 384–385, no. 56/10; Van der Krogt 1993: 57, 66;
Van Gĳsen 1994: 227; Dekker & Van der Krocht 1994: 242–267; Elkhadem, Heerbrant, Calcoen
& Wellens-De Donder 1994: 144; De Nave, Imhof & Otte 1994: no. 15b, 101–103, 113; Bouza
1995: no. 42, 125–126; Van der Krogt 1995: 93, fig. 6; Dekker 1999: 94–95, 413–415; Dekker
2012: 296–299; Sumira 2014: no. 7, 59–61.
The terrestrial and celestial globes that Gerard Mercator built in Leuven in 1541 and
1551, respectively, are the most important pair of globes by far to emerge from the
sixteenth century.1 Like his astrolabe (cat. 71), they display a high level of ingenuity
and dizzying refinement in the way they were designed and built. Consequently,
they proved a major source of influence until well into the seventeenth century.
Together with Gemma Frisius (cat. 59) and Gaspar van der Heyden, Mercator had
already designed a highly innovative ‘cosmographic globe’ as early as 1536–1537 in
Leuven.2 His map of Palestine came in 1537, followed by a world map in 1538. In 1540,
he published a treatise on Italic script as this enabled him to convey a great deal of
legible information on the limited amount of space available on maps or globes. He
used Italic script on his first terrestrial globes built in 1541, followed by this celestial
globe of 1551.
The design of the celestial globe shows that Mercator was already incor-
porating the recent theories of Copernicus’s De revolutionibus (1543), even though
the classical model set out in Ptolemy’s Almagest (c.150) remained at the root of his
worldview. This tension between new research and a high degree of deference to
classical knowledge was typical of Mercator’s work.
A major innovation that had a huge impact was the pedestal of this globe,
which was the result of the device’s wide 42 cm diameter. Mercator’s globes
were much larger than was common at the time. They were able to deliver more
1
information, which made them more accurate and much more legible. One
On this topic see Van Raemdonck 1873–1875; implication was the fact that they were becoming too large for the customary
Stevenson 1921; Dekker 1995; Bertsch 1997: in
particular 149–150; Kugel, Van Cleempoel & tripod as used in Germany. Mercator designed an ‘architectural’ pedestal which
Sabrier 2002: 19–41; Meskens 2012: 41. consisted of four lathed wooden columns, clearly inspired by the Doric order,
2
This is a combination of a terrestrial and a connected at the bottom by a wooden cross on which a large wooden disc rests. The
celestial globe. The unique specimen is kept
four columns carry a wooden ring onto which the printed paper horizon has been
in Greenwich, National Maritime Museum,
glb135 (Dekker 1999: 87). glued. In the horizon ring are two holes for the meridian ring, in which the globe

is ensconced around an axis. To brace the construction, the graduated meridian is
made from brass; the globes themselves are in papier mâché and plaster onto which
twelve printed paper bans or ‘gores’ have been glued. The twelve gores are prints of
Mercator’s copper engravings. The seams of the gores coincide with the hour circles,
or every 30°. In this specimen, the pedestal on top is finely painted.
The globe shows the 48 classical star signs of Ptolemy, yet Mercator adopted
a new style in drawing the figures, which also sets his creation apart from the
famous star chart by Albrecht Dürer of 1515 (cat. 60A–B). The positions of the
stars have been calculated in accordance with Copernicus’s method, based on an
epoch of 1550. In front of Ursa Maior sits a cartouche containing a text about the
magnitude of the stars, on a scale from 1 to 6: from nebulae to occultae. The globe
also shows the Milky Way (Via Lactae). Mercator also added two constellations
that, even though they had been known since Antiquity, had never previously been
shown: Antinous and Coma Berenices.
K VC

64
Jan Gossaert
Portrait of a Girl with an Armillary Sphere
(Princess Dorothea of Denmark)
c.1530
Oil on oak, 38.2 x 29.1 cm.
London, National Gallery, inv. NG 2211
On the jewel pinned to her breast are the letters …/I H ESVS/M (ARIA ?)… N . E …./…
On the armillary sphere are the letters . I.I. A . A .N.N.R.R.R.P.E.E.E.S .S .S .( H ?).G.T.Y (ig. 64.1).
This may be an anagram of the artist’s name I EN N I [N ] G [O ] SSART PAI [NT ] RE,1 the letters
R E S (H ?) Y remain to be explained.
PROV ENA NCE
By 1882, Sir Edmund Anthony Harley Lechmere (1826–1894), The Rhyd (Worcestershire);
his son Sir Edmund Arthur Lechmere (1865–1937); sale London (Christie’s), 27 April 1901,
lot 75; Léon Gauchez (1825–1907), sale Paris (Hôtel Drouot), 16 December 1907, lot 29;
Agnew; purchased in 1908.
BIBLIOGR APHY
Pauwels, Hoetink & Herzog 1965: no. 19; Campbell 2014: vol. I, 344–351 (with further bibliography).
The child represented, who may be about nine or ten years old, must be of the
highest rank: her clothes are sewn with hundreds of pearls. She is identified,
by comparison with other portraits, as 2Dorothea, daughter of the exiled King
Christian II of Denmark, whose three children resided in the Low Countries. Both
Margaret of Austria and Charles V gave Dorothea enormous quantities of jewellery,
including huge numbers of pearls. In her left hand Dorothea holds, upside down,
a small armillary sphere, made of brass or possibly gilded. Touching with her right
hand the outer ring of the instrument, she indicates a point approximately 55°
north of the equator. The latitude of Copenhagen is 56° north; the child may be
directing attention to her father’s lost kingdoms. The sphere, and the world, may
be upside down because of the political disturbances that drove him and his family
from Scandinavia.
Dorothea, born in November 1520, was the elder daughter of Christian II
and Isabella of Austria and the sister of Christina, duchess of Milan, whose portrait
by Holbein is in the National Gallery, London. Brought to the Low Countries in
1523 when their father was deposed, Dorothea, Christina and their brother were
educated at the courts of Margaret of Austria and Mary of Hungary. Dorothea
married in 1535 the Count Palatine Frederick II, who succeeded as Elector Palatine
in 1544 and died in 1556. She died, childless, in 1580.
1 Though Gossaert’s portrait has lost some of its opulence of colour, it
On 12 September 1532, Gossaert signed
a quittance ‘Jennin Gossart painter’: see remains a most arresting image, full of contrived contradictions. The blue parts
Steppe 1965: 36 and the facsimile on the back
of the sleeves and snood should be purple: the red lake component has faded. The
cover of the exhibition catalogue (Pauwels,
Hoetink & Herzog 1965). painted frame appears to be in the same plane as the real frame but is overlapped

[cat. 64] detail
by the child, who is projected towards the spectator, in front of the frame. The
portrait may have been commissioned by Margaret of Austria or another of the
Habsburgs, for whom Gossaert often worked.
LC

65
Gualterus Arsenius
Ptolemaic Armillary Sphere
Leuven
1562
Signed on the edge of the base: N EPOS G EM MAE FRISY FECIT AN NO 1562 GAL
Brass, height 43.5 cm (pedestal included), diameter 26.5 cm

Chicago, Adler Planetarium, inv. M -1
BIBLIOGR APHY
Fox 1932: 331; Fox 1933: 33; Zinner 1956: 237; Turner 1987: 44; Van Cleempoel 2002:
163–164, no. 37; Van Cleempoel 2009: 117.
The armillary sphere of 1562 from Chicago (cat. 65) is the earliest known armillary
sphere by Gualterus Arsenius (1530–1580), a nephew of Gemma Frisius’s and a pupil
of Gerard Mercator’s. It predates the Munich sphere by eleven years (cat. 66).1 Like
all Arsenius’s instruments, they were both built in Leuven. Only the design of the
pedestal is different: the sphere is supported by four caryatids, but with the Chicago
exemplar, an additional circular openwork plate has been interposed, raising the
whole construction in height. The pedestal of the Munich sphere is simpler and
more tranquil in appearance. On their heads, the four figures are carrying a ring
from which four intertwined bands ascend to support the horizon ring. Between
the intertwined bands and the horizon are four lion’s heads.
These exceptional spheres show the mechanism of the precession of the
equinoxes (the intersection of the ecliptic and the equator). As early as the second
century BCE, Hipparchus observed that each year the equinoxes shift a little to follow
the Sun in its apparent path across the Zodiac. In the Middle Ages, this was referred
to as the path of the eighth sphere, in reference to Ptolemy’s geocentric model as
described in his Almagest (c.150): a central Earth surrounded by ten spheres in
concentric circles, consecutively (1) the Moon, (2) Mercury, (3) Venus, (4) the Sun,
(5) Mars, (6) Jupiter and (7) Saturn. The eighth sphere holds the fixed stars. The
ninth sphere is immobile and is called the ‘crystalline’ sphere. The tenth sphere, or
1
On this topic, see inter alia Dekker 1999: primary sphere, is the primum Mobile.
3–12; Kugel, Van Cleempoel & Sabrier 2002: Ptolemy too had described the model of the precession of the equinoxes.
89–135.
2 During the Middle Ages, astronomers expanded the notion into a theoretical
Van Cleempoel 2002: 163–170. For an
concept that coalesced in the astronomical treatises (Libros del saber de astrologia)
astronomical description of precession and
the relation to instruments, see Dekker 1999: compiled under King Alfonso X, ‘El Sabio’, between 1276–1279. In this ‘Alfonsine’
96–99.
3
theory, precessional movement of 1° occurs every 136 years, whereby the equinoxes
The original Mercator instrument remains perform a full cycle every 7,000 years. During the Renaissance, this model was
to be uncovered. However, on 9 April 1997
Christie’s in London auctioned (lot 37) re-examined and transformed into a series of mechanical models. Both of
an armillary sphere with precession, Arsenius’s spheres specify this 7,000 years on the wheels between the eighth and
which – along with an engraved terrestrial
and celestial sphere is part of a set of the ninth sphere.
three instruments built in 1579 for Sultan
Only a handful of Renaissance spheres adopted this complex astronomical
Murad III. It seems safe to assume that this
set was inspired by a model of Mercator’s. concept, including the four known specimens built by Arsenius.2 However, Arsenius

[cat. 65] detail
is likely to have operated in accordance with an as yet unknown model by Mercator,
as he did for his other instruments.3
In the spheres from Chicago and Munich shown here, the primary sphere
consists of eight rings, two of which are positioned at a right angle in relation to
each other: the colures. Five parallel rings represent the polar circles, the tropical
circles and the equator (graduated in 360°). Between the tropical circles, at an angle
of 23.5°, sits a band that represents the Zodiac or the ecliptic; the apparent annual
path of the Sun. This primary sphere also holds some fifteen stars, indicated by way
of a star pointer and the star’s name.
Inside this outer ‘tenth’ sphere is the ‘ninth’ sphere, made up of three
rings positioned at a right angle in relation to each other and at an angle of 23.5°
in between: the meridians and the Zodiac (zodiacus nonae spherae). They are
connected with the outer sphere by two small axes at the N-S pole. Inside the
‘ninth’ sphere, sits the ‘eighth’ sphere, again made up of two rings at a right angle
in relation to each other, with the Zodiac (zodiacus octavae spherae) positioned
diagonally between them. The system of the eighth sphere is connected to the ninth
by way of two wheels with 14 cogs. One wheel says In 7000 annis circumuitur, another
wheel In 7000 annis circumuoluitur. The wheels are mounted on the equinoctial axes
of the two spheres. Turning the wheels sets in motion the eighth sphere inside the
ninth, with the latter showing the apparent path of the precession: the up- and
downward motion of the eighth sphere.
Within this system, there is again a movable system of four rings that is
attached to the axis of the ecliptic of the eighth sphere. One serves to actuate the
Moon, the other drives the Sun. At the centre sits planet Earth, mounted onto the
axis of the ecliptic to the effect that the N-S axis of the poles is in line with the N-S
axis of the armillary sphere itself. The contours of the continents have been traced
out on the terrestrial globe, showing America as separate from Asia.
K VC

66
Gualterus Arsenius
Leuven
1573
Signed on the base: GUALTERUS ARSCH EN I US N EPOS G EM MAE FRISI J 1573
Brass, height 40 cm (pedestal included), diameter 26 cm
Munich, Bavarian National Museum, inv. 33/241
BIBLIOGR APHY
Zinner 1956: 237; Von Bassermann-Jordan 1961: 14; Van Cleempoel 2002: 168–169, no. 40.

[cat. 66] Top view
[cat. 66] detail
67
Adriaan Descrolières, attributed to
Leuven
c.1575
Brass, height 31 cm, diameter 17.9 cm
Private collection
BIBLIOGR APHY
Baptiste 1984: 33, no. 5; Van Cleempoel, Van Damme, L’Estrange Turner et al. 1997:
160–161, no. E.3; Van Cleempoel 2002: 196–197, no. 62 and plate p. 261.
Based on the engraving style, it is possible to attribute this armillary sphere to

Adriaan Descrolières.1 The pedestal is made up of three S-shaped flourishes that
hold up a central baluster as the support of the four slender arms with profiled
edges that carry the horizon ring. On the horizon, scales have been engraved for
a calendar and the Zodiac. The onset of spring (1 Aries) coincides with 11 March,
which would allow us to infer that the instrument was built before the 1582 calendar
reform. From this time forward, spring started on 21 March.
In the horizon, two small openings have been made in which the meridian
ring fits. The ring is graduated in 360° and numbered 4 x 0–90°. At the North Pole
sits an hour ring, divided into 24 hours. The N-S poles are connected by way of axis
on which the various spheres have been mounted. The outer, primary sphere con-
sists of two rings that transect each other at a right angle, representing the colures.
At a 90° angle against the colures are five parallel rings: two polar circles, both
tropical circles and the equator in the middle. Between the tropical circles at a 23.5°
angle is the Zodiac, a broad band with a scale (12 x 0–30°) and the twelve figurative
representations of the signs of the Zodiac. Various stars have also been specified on
the colures of the primary sphere, as a result of which this sphere is in fact also seen
to represent the ‘eighth’ sphere, as described in the ancient model of Ptolemy.
Further inward are another two systems with rings, each made up of two
rings positioned at a right angle in relation to each other: one for the Sun and
one for the Moon. Centrally positioned on the axis sits planet Earth, on which the
colures, the polar circles, the tropical circles and the equator have been indicated.
K VC
1
On this topic, see inter alia Dekker & Van der
Krocht 1994; Dekker 1999: 3–12; Kugel, Van
Cleempoel & Sabrier 2002: 89–135.

[cat. 67] detail
[cat. 67] detail
68
Gualterus Arsenius
Armillary Sphere
Leuven
1568
Signed on the pedestal: N EPOS G EM MAE FRISI J LOVAN I J FECIT AN . 1568
Brass, height 27 cm, diameter 18.7 cm
Milan, Museo Poldi Pezzoli, inv. 3466
BIBLIOGR APHY
Pirovano 1981: 22, no. 50, 62, fig. 66; Van Cleempoel, Van Damme, L’Estrange Turner et al.
1997: 159, no. E.1; Van Cleempoel 2002: 165–166, no. 38.
The instrument consists of two parts: (1) a fixed base with pedestal and horizon on
which (2) the detachable sphere rests.1 A circular base sits on a lathed wooden socle,
with an inlaid compass in the middle that has the names of the winds engraved in a
surround. Four intersecting, intertwined arms jointly carry a broad, flat horizontal
ring representing the horizon. The horizon is engraved with the Zodiac and
calendar details. A hole has been made at two points in which the vertical meridian
ring is seen to rest. The assembly has been engineered in such a way that the sphere
is able to tilt in the horizontal plane: the graduations on the meridian refer to the
lines of latitude, so the sphere can be positioned at the width of the user and a
picture is evoked of the position of the (imaginary) sphere.
The meridian ring holds the armillary sphere together. Between the polar
circles, an axis is seen to run at a 23.5° angle in relation to the N-S axis, which in its
middle has an engraved ball (globe) representing Earth, as described in Ptolemy’s
geocentric concept. The globe has engraved circles for the equator, the tropical
circles, the poles and the meridians. Around the globe the Moon and Sun are seen
to move in circular trajectories. Both of the latter are mounted on movable rings
that in turn are connected to the central axis. The outer sphere is made up of two
polar circles, two tropical circles and the equator in the middle, divided into in
360°. At a 23.5° angle in relation to the equator sits the ecliptic, or the apparent
path traversed by the Sun each year. The broad band of the ecliptic is gracefully
engraved with a central scale of 12 x 30°, specifying the name and symbol of each
star sign. The ecliptic-band touches on the tropical circles on a solstitium or solstice:
the longest day on 21 June and the longest night on 21 December. The equator is
transected at a right angle by two rings: the colures that intersect at the Poles.
Between 1554 and 1579, Gualterus Arsenius was Leuven’s most productive
maker of scientific instruments. Over forty specimens have been preserved. His
early instruments clearly evince of Mercator’s influence, from whom he is believed
to have learned the trade. The composition of the instruments, the construction and
the engraving style are in keeping with those of Mercator’s, who left for Duisburg
1 in 1552. Arsenius stayed in Leuven and went on to work with Mercator and Gemma
On this topic, see inter alia Dekker 1999:
Frisius’s network. As such, he built his first astrolabes for members of the Spanish
3–12; Kugel, Van Cleempoel & Sabrier 2002:
89–135. court. He subsequently sold instruments through Christopher Plantin in Antwerp

who also operated as an agent for Mercator. It is striking to see how Arsenius’s
signature invariably refers to Gemma Frisius, whose nephew (nepos) he may have
been. For all that, there was likely to be a commercial reason, as the more famous
Frisius had authored various treatises on scientific instruments that were known
all across Europe by way of reprints. All of his instruments, including well over
25 astrolabes and five armillary spheres, stand out thanks to the highly refined
construction and proportions, accurate scales and beautiful engraving style. Much
like Mercator, Arsenius managed to arrive at a blend of the scientific and the artistic
dimension in his instruments.
K VC

69
The Motion of the Universe
Flanders or Tournai
c.1490–1510
Toledo, Museo de tapices y textiles de Toledo (Catedral de Toledo:
Colegio de Infantes)
PROV ENA NCE
According to a document of 1503, purchased by Diego López de Ayala at the almoneda

(public sale) of the possessions of the Marquis of Priego.
BIBLIOGR APHY
Florence 1980: 327, no. I. 1; Cortes Hernández 1982: 27–28, 30, 126–127; Revuelta Tubino
1987: 55–56, no. 87; Massing 1991a: 214–215, no. 111 (with previous literature); Cortes
Hernández 2002: 80–107; Van Cleempoel 2006: 109; HALI 2009: 144.
This exceptional tapestry depicts the course of the cosmos as one imagined it
around 1500 – that is, before the great astronomical discoveries of the sixteenth
century. The central part is taken up by the celestial sphere in the form of an
astrolabium (cat. 71, 72).1 Its centre, and also the centre of the tapestry, is the Pole
Star (Polus arctic[us]). Through this immobile star runs the axis of the cosmos,
which is turned by an angel with a crank. The angel floats in a field of stars issuing
from God the Father at the upper left. Thus it is his energy that powers the rotation
of the universe. Near him we read: Primu(m) movens (Prime mover). Beneath the
angel sits Atlas, who holds back the celestial sphere with his hands as a reminder
of his cosmic capacity in antiquity. Also supporting the universe with her hands
is a slender young woman to the right of God: she is the personification of ‘Light
movement’ (Agilitas mobilis), a character that is evoked by the high-blown, open
sleeves of her gown. Her counterpart on the other side of the sphere is Astrologia.
This lady, who looks upwards as she raises her hand, also has a fluttering headdress
and sleeve adornments as a sign of her ‘enthusiasm’.
The celestial sphere is full of figuratively depicted constellations according
to the schemes of Hyginus, Aratus and Manilius, who were known for their
illuminated manuscripts in the late Middle Ages.
To the right of the sphere, several authorities gather around a majestic,
rather haughty woman in an Eastern turban on a glittering throne: Philosophia. She
is the true master of world knowledge. At her feet sit Geometry and Mathematics;
at her right stands Abrachis, the Arabic bastardisation of Hipparchus. This was a
famous astronomer from the second century before Christ. It was through Arabic
scholars that part of the ancient knowledge of the world was transmitted to the
medieval West. But scientists were not the only ones to acquire knowledge of the
1
See also the essay by Koenraad Van world – poets did so through intuition; therefore Virgil stands at the upper right.
Cleempoel, ‘In Search of Utopian Perfection:
The text above reads: ‘Hipparchus knew these (aspects) of astrology, of which the
Builders of Scientific Instruments – the
“Leuven School”’ in this publication (p. 331). poet Virgil speaks, through philosophy and science. Others possess this knowledge

through geometry and mathematics, and their number is growing’. Scientific and
poetic methods were not mutually exclusive: astrology belonged with astronomy
(cf. cat. 77).
Originally, this tapestry was one of a series called Astrología, to which an
Allegory of Death also belonged. The subject of the third tapestry is unknown. It
was apparently an ambitious concept that situated life and death in a cosmological
perspective.
PVDB
[cat. 69] detail
HOLDING THE UNIVERSE

70
Master Bartolomé
Chaos
Spain
Late ifteenth century
Tucson (AR), The University of Arizona Museum of Art, Gift of the Samuel H. Kress
Foundation, inv. 1961.013.030
PROV ENA NCE
Made at the behest of Catedral de Ciudad Rodrigo (Spain) and kept there from 1488 to
1879; Jose Fallola, Madrid; probably sold by John Charles Robinson (1824–1913); Sir Francis
Cock, 1st Bart. (1817–1901), Doughty House, Surrey, England, in 1882; by inheritance to
Frederick Lucas Cook, 2nd Bart. (1844–1920), Doughty House; by inheritance to Sir Herbert
Frederick Cook, 3rd Bart. (1907–1978), Doughty House; in 1952 possibly with Thomas
Agnew & Sons, London; M. Knoedler & Co., London; sold to Samuel H. Kress (1863–1955) on
28 January 1954; given to the University of Arizona Museum of Art in 1961.
BIBLIOGR APHY
London 1920: no. 16; London 1948: no. 6; Eisler 1977: 162–177, fig. 152–177; Williamsen
1994: 128, fig. 7; Silva Maroto 2004: 289; Silva Maroto 2006: 435–446; Roglán 2008: 52–67;
Dotseth, Anderson & Roglán 2008: no. 25.
This panel belongs to an enormous, complex retable from Ciudad Rodrigo

(Extremadura, Spain). It was painted by Fernando Gallego and several assistants
(among them Meester Bartoloméo) and consisted of at least 26 panels. The retable
depicted scenes from the history of salvation, from before Creation to the Last
1 Judgment. With its extraordinary iconography, this painting attempts to visualise
Wetherbee 1973.
2 the unimaginable powers of the universe.
Ibid. In the very centre of the panel one sees a disc in different shades of red with
3
Already in the late antique period, some the inscription hille (=υλη, hyle, the Greek name for primordial matter). A polished
(such as Pseudo-Dionysius in the fifth
century), were aware that with hyle, the
marble or onyx plaque evokes the unimaginable but magnificent versatility of the
artist could follow two paths. These paths creative forces; these forces were ‘feminine’, like that of the cosmic matrix.1 Around
follow two aesthetic principles: the ‘mimetic’
(mimetikos) and the ‘form-creating’ the ‘primordial space/matter’ extend the circles of the nine angelic choirs, each with
(plattomenos). The second was by far to be its own colour, and above them the mandorla of God, who holds a white globe in his
preferred from a religious and mystical
perspective. Figuration, or mimetic form, is hand as a symbol of the universe. A smaller mandorla with a bearded man hovers
deceptive. ‘God’ (or whatever one wants to
below; he is probably Chronos (Time), depicted with the gears of a clock as an im-
call it) is not a ‘being’, but a ‘super-being’.
Striving after an iconic ‘likeness’ is therefore age of the temporality of the cosmos. An aniconic dappled green space below shows
a priori pointless. ‘Irrational’ and ‘displaced’
‘figures’, however, bring our spirits closer to
what preceded the order of creation and beginning of time: CAHOS (Chaos).
the mystery. They create a figura infigurabilis, Hyle is the classical Greek name for primordial matter, formless but bursting
an ‘un-depictable guise’, a forma informis,
a ‘formless form’. Therefore they refer to with energy, ‘begging for form’. In the Cosmographia of the twelfth-century thinker
a fundamental ‘otherness’, that opens an Bernardus Silvestris, Hyle is ‘the oldest manifestation of Nature, the inexhaustible
unknown path of beauty – and ideally of
the Sublime – for human beings. Cf. Didi- matrix, the primordial ground of every form that exists … the foundation of
Huberman 1995.
substance. Her competence knows no bounds or limits and extends from the first
4
Leclerc 1972. core to the magnificent fields of growth, so wide as the totality of all that can be

[cat. 70] detail
created. Given that she is permeated by the most diverse and inextinguishable urges
… she often inclines towards confusion, because she is beleaguered in countless
ways by all that exists.’2 In medieval Latin, hyle was also called silva (wood/forest).
Silva was the undifferentiated stage of matter, ‘spun round in a single flux and
hurled back in her primordial chaos’. Procreation from silva and its differentiation
in the forms of the elements took place before Time, in a transitional zone between
the divine and creation. ‘This non-space is an interstice between the material and
the spiritual. Silva is a wilful, formless form, a torn clumping, a motley apparition
of being, contradictory in herself. In her turbulence she longs for a tempering force
… begging to escape from her ancient confusion she seeks the creation of form …
and it is in this cradle that the new-born universe crows …’3
The painting of Master Bartolomé tries to depict a literal version of utopia:
HYLE and CHAOS are non-places (ou-topoi) out of which everything in time and space
is created.4
PVDB

71
Gerard Mercator
Astrolabe
Leuven
c.1545
Monogram: GMR [= Gerardus Mercator Rupelmondanus]
Brass, diameter 27.8 cm
Brno, Moravská Galerie, inv. 24-385
BIBLIOGR APHY
L’Estrange Turner & Dekker 1994: 181; L’Estrange Turner 1994a: 331, 339–341, 345, 351;
L’Estrange Turner 1994b; L’Estrange Turner & Dekker 1995: 198 fig. 1, 201 fig. 4, 207 fig. 6;
Van Cleempoel, Van Damme, L’Estrange Turner et al. 1997: 93, 119, 173–174 no. A2; Padmos &
Vanpaemel 2000: 229 no. 122 and 273; Van Cleempoel 2002: 75–76 no. 1 and plate p. 245.
Gerard Mercator (1512–1594) built the most beautiful and accurate scientific instruments
of his time. He worked in Leuven up until 1552 before moving to Duisburg, where he
continued his work. He built this astrolabe in Leuven, presumably around 1545.
Mercator is the world’s most prominent and influential designer and engraver
of maps and globes (cat. 63). Nowadays, his instruments are less well known. Yet
they are every bit as innovative, precise and elegant as his cartographic work.
Charles V owned several of his instruments, built at the behest of Nicholas Perrenot
de Granvelle.1 Another link that connected Mercator to the Habsburg nobility was
Gemma Frisius (cat. 59), personal physician to Charles V, professor of medicine at the
old University of Leuven and designer of globes and scientific instruments (he signed
as medicus ac mathematicus).2 This is explained by the fact that a due understanding
of the celestial bodies was considered an important skill for physicians, as people
believed astronomy and medicine to be connected. Mercator was Gemma’s most
gifted pupil, whose exceptional intuition enabled him to combine mathematics and
cosmographic expertise with an extremely refined level of mechanical skill. Together
with Gasper van der Heyden and Gemma, he built the first globe to properly showcase
his engraving skills in 1536 (fig. 71.1). This in turn engendered a Leuven school of
instrument makers, who built Europa’s most highly coveted scientific instruments.
The surround of this astrolabe bears the monogram GMR: Gerardus Mercator
Rupelmondanus. Up until 1992, the monogram was still unidentified. In 1991,
Mercator’s first instrument was ‘discovered’ at the Museo Galileo in Florence and
shortly afterwards a second specimen turned up in Augsburg.3 The attribution
was made based on Mercator’s distinctive engraving style and a miscellany of
1
See Walter Ghim, Vita Mercatoris (1595)
astronomical information. For instance, Mercator was among the first to establish
in Osley 1969: 186. the positions of the stars based on the Copernican theories, thereby moving away
2
Hallyn 2008: 23–53. from the theories first propounded by Ptolemy in Antiquity. Part of a set of three
3 Mercator astrolabes, this specimen from Brno is unique in that it is the only astrolabe
Turner 1994b.
4 of Mercator’s to have been built in Leuven; the other two are presumed to have been
Literarum latinarum, quas Italicas,
built in Duisburg after 1552. In spite of the fact that this type of instrument had been
cursoriasque vocant, scribendarum ratio,
Leuven 1540. known for some 1,500 years before Mercator’s time, he managed to add a few elements

[cat. 71] Front with the stars and the Zodiac on the latticework (rete) above a stereographic projection for latitude 49
[cat. 71] Rear (dorsum) with scales for the Zodiac, calendar in the surround, above: the even and uneven hours and at the bottom: the 'shadow quadrant' for angle measurements.
that are highly typical of ‘Leuven’ astrolabes: (1) the diameter has been upsized
to just under 30 cm, whereas previously this usually just one third of that; (2) the
symmetrical latticework of the rete is not only highly aesthetic, it also provides
room to accommodate 40 stars; (3) the engraving style is typified by the use of
italics, as described by Mercator in his equally influential handbook on how to
properly apply Italic script.4
This is a unique opportunity to see this early yet influential astrolabe along
with other ‘Leuven’ instruments: the armillary spheres (cat. 65–68) and the astro-
labe of Zeelst (cat. 72). All of which bears witness to the highly harmonious balance
between art and science.
K VC
[cat. 71] Monogram: Gerardus Mercator Rupelmondanus

72
Adrianus Zeelst
Astrolabe
Leuven
1569
Signed: AD RIAN US ZEELST FACI EBAT 1569
Brass, diameter 34.2 cm
Madrid, Museo Arqueológico Nacional, inv. 52080
BIBLIOGR APHY
García Franco 1945: 205–209, no. 8; Van Cleempoel, Van Damme, L’Estrange Turner et al.
1997: no. A.1; Van Cleempoel 2002: 209–213, no. 71.
Little is known about the life and times of Adrianus Zeelst (c.1530–1620). He was
attached to Leuven University as a mathematician, where – among other things – he
was consulted on the calendar reform when the switch was made from the Julian
to the Gregorian calendar around 1580. His reputation was such that the calendar
reform was postponed by one year because Rome was eager to hear his views.
Around 1600, he was a member of the scientific household of Prince-Bishop Ernest
of Bavaria in Liège. In 1602, whilst working in Liège, he published a treatise on
astrolabes, co-authored with Gerard Stempel.1
The scientific instruments of Stempel’s that have been preserved are of a very
high standard and are in keeping with Mercator’s body of work, in terms of both
style and substance. Setting out from several instruments of Mercator’s, which have
since been lost and which we only know from descriptions, we are still able to get
1
Gerard Stempel, or Stempelius (who worked
some idea of what they must have been like, because Zeelst built them as well, albeit
from c.1580 to 1610), was a priest in Cologne one generation later.
and an electoral mathematician. Around
1580, he engraved copies of a number of This astrolabe is unique by dint of the fact that it is still on its original
prints by Dürer. In 1598, he drew a map pedestal, consisting of a circular base with two arabesque arms that hold up the
of the valley of the river Meuse between
Maastricht and Liège. He built celestial instrument at its centre.2 In front the beholder’s eye is caught straight away by the
globes and conducted research into
observation techniques for celestial bodies.
elegant latticework of the rete, with 48 star pointers for 36 star names (Ursa Major
In 1602, along with Adriaan Zeelst, he wrote is made up of seven stars). The surround shows a combined 360° scale of 360°, for
a treatise on the astrolabe.
2 degrees (4 x 0–90°) along one end, and for the hours (2 x I–XII) along the other. The
On this topic, see Gunther 1976; Van interior of the mater is completely engraved with a quadratum Nauticum, invented
Cleempoel 2006; Sezgin & Neubauer 2010.
3 by Gemma Frisius and Mercator, which can also been seen in various Leuven-
Inside the mater sit five plates, four of which
built astrolabes. The purpose of the nautical quadrant was to make it easy to plot
are engraved with stereographic projections
for lines of latitude: 39°/41°, 43°/45°, 47°/49° one’s course on board seafaring vessels. At the bottom, the construction is signed:
and 51°/52°. On one face, the fifth plate
displays the Zodiac with a calendar in the
Adrianus Zeelst faciebat 1569.3
surround; in the top half sits a conversion This astrolabe displays the five characteristic elements of a ‘Leuven’
diagram for the even/uneven hours, whilst
the bottom half holds a shadow quadrant to Renaissance astrolabe: (1) rete with symmetrical latticework; (2) a nautical quadrant
measure height and/or depth. The other face on the interior; (3) one face of a plate with a full set of horizons and (4) a universal
is completely engraved with stereographic
projections of the horizon between stereographic projection on the reverse; (5) a wide diameter of c.30 cm.
0–90°. The reverse features a universal
stereographic projection (or saphae) with
ten stars. The surround is divided into 360°. K VC

Eternity: Imaging Time
JULIE BECKERS
Eternity signifies an indeterminably long period of instruments, which calculated the position of stars
time. An everlasting continuum, which religion has and spherical frameworks in the sky, among other
continuously claimed as a promise; the righteous and things (cat. 65–68, 70–71).
devout can expect their reward in a blissful afterlife The renewed Ptolemaic interest in astronomy combined
in the presence of an eternal and, hopefully, an attentiveness to its wider scientific grounding
forgiving God, others will be less fortunate and are with a more local knowledge, leading to a certain
headed for certain damnation. zest for superstition: early modern life adapted to
Time, a subjective experience incarnated by the flow science, couples committed to marriage solely during
of sand through the hourglass, was thus best spent a particular moon cycle, land could only be worked
anticipating what would come. For the early modern at given times, animals slaughtered at appropriate
viewer, time was not so much a loss as a movement moments. Knowledge of the stars created a society
towards the fulfilment of Salvation history. Time had a led by Claudius Ptolemy’s ancient expertise, while
beginning and an ending, a purpose and a plan, and was his muse, Astronomia, was celebrated by scribes and
[cat. 76] detail
spent in a specific non-numerical space. peasants alike (cat. 77).

Early modern dwellers were guided by the liturgical Equally, the scientific method introduced a mechanism
year, the order of Saint’s days, religious feast that led to the appearance of the mechanical clock
days, offices prescribed by the Church, and seen in (cat. 74–76). This introduction ensured a life more
popularised visual representations such as breviaries timely managed and reasserted the authority of the
or books of hours (cat. 73). The circle, as a geometric ever-present Church; by installing a clock on every
shape, was a major way of representing and dictating bell tower of every square, the Church remained
cyclical time and was applied to the year, as well as the centre of all activities and, by extension, the
to the larger span of human life. This same shape was arbiter of time.
therefore used as a functional object on which the Metaphorically and visually, the developing concept
months of the year, the seasons, the zodiac and other of time and eternity is perhaps best captured by
key annual events were visualised (cat. 74) employing the Dominican friar Henry Suso, who as early as the
picturesque images such as workers ploughing the fourteenth century devised a book he named ‘The
land; agricultural or trade images not unlike the Little Book of Eternal Wisdom’ (Büchlein der ewige
scenes one would imagine after reading More’s account Weisheit), which he later translated to Latin and aptly
of his fictional island society, where simplicity was named ‘The Clock of Wisdom’ (Horlogium Sapientiae,
celebrated as the highest virtue in an idealised cat. 76).
landscape.
By the fifteenth century, and alongside the rise of
humanism, time – or rather its measurement – changed.
By exploiting knowledge inherited by the Arabs
through Muslim Spain, determining the exact time of
day or night became more straightforward: all that
was needed was to look at the sun, stars and moon.
This development triggered the naissance of a number
of complicated yet elegantly designed astronomical

73
Simon Bening
The Months January, March, May, July, September and November
In: Hennessy Book of Hours, Use of Rome, Bruges, c.1530–1535,
fol. 1v–2, 3v–4, 5v–6, 7v–8, 9v–10, 11v–12
Tempera, gold colour and gold leaf on parchment, 117 x 87 mm
Brussels, Royal Library of Belgium, inv. Ms. II 158
PROV ENA NCE
Damião de Góis (?); Queen Catherine of Portugal (?); in 1852 in the collection of Pierre
d’Hennessy, Ostend; acquired from his widow by Charles Ruelens, curator of the Belgian
Royal Library, Brussels, in 1874.
BIBLIOGR APHY
Destrée 1896; Leidinger 1912: 15–20; Gaspard 1943; Lyna 1989: 424–425, no. 259; Kren &
Rathofer 1988; Testa 2000: 107–124; Kren & McKendrick 2003: 467–468; Watteeuw 2006:
75–86; Watteeuw 2009: 599–611.
The Hennessy Book of Hours is one of the most outstanding Bruges manuscripts
from the first half of the sixteenth century. The miniatures are a cynosure in the
body of work left by Simon Bening (1483/1484–1561) and, as such, the ne plus ultra of
Flemish miniature art. Bening’s works are eulogised as eccellenti by Vasari (1568) as
well as Guicciardini (1588).1
In the early sixteenth century, illuminated books of hours were considered
appealing showpieces for private devotion. The Bruges workshop of the Bening
family produced this type of gem for the most prestigious of families in Europe.
Bening’s services were commissioned by the Habsburg court, among others, and
various Flemish and Brabant families of note and distinction. Portuguese humanist
and art collector Damião de Góis, or Damiaan van der Goes (1502–1574), also
purchased illuminated manuscripts from Bening. Góis served as the go-to liaison
for various Spanish and Portuguese noble families in the Low Countries. As a
collector who owned works by Quinten Metsys and Hieronymus Bosch as part of his
own collection, de Góis may have been the party who commissioned the Hennessy
Book of Hours. It is through his ministrations that the book is believed to have ended
up in the possession of Catharine of Portugal.2
The calendar miniatures depict the activities of city and countryside during
the various months of the year. For centuries, the calendar and its related depictions
were considered the benchmark for the seasons, months and days of the month. The
perpetual calendar (calendarium perpetuum) was a collection of tables that listed the
exact day of the week for any given date, past or future. As books of hours involved
a hefty investment and were meant to last a lifetime, they invariably came with a
calendar in the beginning, sometimes involving twelve depictions of the activities
1
Guicciardini 1588: 151; Vasari 1981: 181; Kren of the months. The months are linked to the signs of the Zodiac. Each calendar
& McKendrick 2003: 468.
month comes with a full-page miniature (left) in which the depiction continues
2
Kren & McKendrick 2003: 468. illusionistically into the depictions in the margin (right). The month of November,

[cat. 73] fol. 1v-2 January
[cat. 73] fol. 3v-4 March
for instance, depicts archery, with a target range close to a walled city (the ramparts
of Bruges?). A minute rendition of the Zodiac sign of Sagittarius can be seen at the
top of the calendar list.
The images are the crowning achievement of the art of book illumination in
the Netherlands. They are based on a centuries-old tradition: after all, there is no
disputing the link between the miniatures in the Très Riches Heures du Duc de Berry
(Chantilly, Musée Condé, Ms. 95) from the early fifteenth century (c.1410–1416), the
calendar miniatures in the Breviarium Grimani (c.1517–1518) and the Hennessy Book
of Hours, shown here. Yet by the same token Simon Bening was also an innovator.
More than anyone, he reveals himself as a direct precursor of the art of Pieter
Bruegel the Elder. An entire generation before Bruegel, he created deeply atmos-
pheric landscapes populated by peasants and burghers. In the full-page miniature
for the month of January, for instance – the snowy landscape with the windmill and
the hunter – the colour of the freezing light of winter shimmers and sparkles to
such an extent that, both through its theme and its palette, the sheet seems to
herald Bruegel’s winter landscapes of the second half of the sixteenth century.
LW

[cat. 73] fol. 5v-6 May
[cat. 73] fol. 7v-8 July
[cat. 73] fol. 9v-10 September
[cat. 73] fol. 11v-12 November
74
Time and Calendar Dial
Leuven (?)
c.1500,
Tempera and oil on panel, 125.6 x 123.4 cm
Leuven, Museum M, inv. S/4/0
PROV ENA NCE
From the sixteenth up until the late eighteenth century: in Leuven, in unknown
possession; in the nineteenth century in the possession of the Van Brussel family in
Leuven; in 1890 sold to Edward van Even; in 1908 in possession of Victor Demunter; in 1938
bequeathed in last will and testament to the City Museum Vanderkelen-Mertens, Leuven.
BIBLIOGR APHY
Leuven 1961: no. 17; Leuven 1962: 200–201, add/3; Van Uytven 1964: 60–61, no. 82; Roegiers
1969: no. 21; Crab et al. 1971: 220–222; Decavele 1976: 35–36, no. 5; Crab & Smeyers 1979:
no. XVIII/8; Van der Stock 1991: no. 308; Smeyers 1993: 83–124; Vandendriessche 1993:
43–80; Smeyers 1997: 1–60; Madou 1997: 61–68; Vandendriessche & Smeyers 1998: 191–192,
no. 41; Bruĳnen & Janssen 2002: 105–107, no. 1.
In the late Middle Ages, it was in their own best interest for burghers, merchants
and craftsmen to know exactly what time of day it was, and to be able to measure
and manage time, if only for economic reasons. Many of them disposed of
mechanical clocks that accurately showed the time. After all, time is money. This
painting is a unique testimony of one such mechanical clock, even though the
mechanism itself is missing, as are the construction which it was part of (possibly a
tower-like building) and the dials (cf. cat. 76).
The panel is very special from an iconographic perspective. It depicts the
objective measurement of time in that it shows the days and the time whilst it
also illustrates the intangible influence the macrocosm wields over the human
microcosm. In the middle are the twelve signs of the Zodiac. The surrounding
circle shows the typical labour activities associated with each of the twelve months
– starting bottom right with a festive banquet in January and ascending counter
clockwise. The theme of the labour activities of the months was known in the
Middle Ages and frequently featured in books of hours (cat. 73). Next, the daytime
and night-time hours have been applied in Roman numerals in a narrow gold strip.
The next circle contains 24 scenes, showing people engaged in a variety of occu-
pations and activities. These are the so-called children of the planets, an element
which was making headway around 1400: the lifestyle, behaviour and occupation of
each individual is determined by the planet and the Zodiac sign under which he or
she is born. This is followed by a calendar, divided into 365 tiny sections, marking
out the holy days of the liturgical year in red and the foremost saints recorded in
French. How many days each month has is specified in a narrow band. Finally, the
four corners are packed with the personifications of the planets Jupiter (top left),
Mars (top right), Venus (bottom left) and Mercury (bottom right).

[cat. 74] detail
[cat. 74] detail

The (original) size, the French calendar and the lavish decoration of the
piece suggest that the clock was built for a wealthy middle class customer. The
detailed and painstakingly painted small scenes, both those of the children of the
planets and the typical labour activities of the months, show sumptuously attired
people and their activities: celebrating, making music, going out hunting, having
picnics and visiting a brothel with its own bath house. The recreational pursuits
are in marked contrast to the heavy labour performed by less fortunate mortals. As
the land workers are seen pruning the vines (in March) or working the garden (in
April), the land owner watches at his leisure.
According to Leuven town archivist Edward Van Even (1821–1905), the clock
mechanism was built by Joos Metsys the Younger, who took over his father’s black-
smith’s workshop in 1483. Still according to Van Even, Metsys’ brother, the famous
painter Quinten Metsys (c.1465/1466–1530), is believed to have painted the scenes.
However, there are no stylistic indications to underpin this suggestion (cf. cat. 13–16).
From an iconographic angle, the typical labour activities of the months are certainly
comparable to similar representations n the calendar miniatures in fifteenth and
sixteenth century books of hours made in the Low Countries (cat. 73). For now, the
painting remains the handiwork of an unknown – Leuven-based? – artist.
KS

75
Pierre de Fobis
Mechanical Sphere
Lyon
c.1540–1550
Signed: PI ERRE D E FO B IS1
Gilded bronze, silver and glass, height: 53.6 cm, diameter of the terrestrial globe 8 cm,
diameter of the celestial sphere 15.2 cm, diameter of the outer sphere with the
coordinates 16.5 cm
Private collection
PROV ENA NCE
Collection Nathaniel & Albert Rothschild, Vienna; Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna.
BIBLIOGR APHY
Ferrari d’Occhieppo & Neumann 1959a: 195, fig. 2; Ferrari d’Occhieppo & Neumann 1959b: 144–146;
Von Bertele 1961: 30–31, fig. 17; King 1978: 76–77, fig. 5.13; Brusa 1982: no. 65–67; Kugel, Van
Cleempoel & Sabrier 2002: 145, no. S 2.
This is probably one of the foremost mechanical spheres from the Renaissance period, show-
ing the humanist ideal in a particularly refined and complex manner: the revival of Antique
art and knowledge.2 In De Republica (c. 60 BCE), Cicero chronicles how Archimedes invented
two spheres (spherae): one a compact, massive globe surmounted by a series of stars found
in the temple of Vesta, a second sphere that had been cut away, showing the trajectories of
the Sun, the Moon and the planets: ‘This kind of globe in which the Sun and the Moon are
able to move, along with five other planets, could not have been made as a solid globe [like
the one from the temple of Vesta] … When Gallus sets this sphere in motion, the Sun and
the Moon move on bronze wheels of the machine like the days in the heavens, to the effect
that the sphere also presents a solar eclipse when the Moon arrives at a certain point, like the
shadow of the Earth did when the Sun shone from the opposite direction.’3
In keeping with the Renaissance spirit, Pierre de Fobis (who worked in Lyon between
c.1540–1575) was not looking merely to imitate this Antique text in his instrument (imitatio),
but also to further refine it (aemulatio). On what looks like a rock-like base are three
Corinthian pillars supporting an architrave with an articulated frieze as the foundation of
the mechanical sphere. The signature is located at the bottom of the base: PIERRE DE FOBIS. The
1 drive mechanism is visible in a glass cylinder between the three pillars. On the architrave
This description is based on Kugel, Van
sits a tholobate, from which four arms carry a horizon ring in which the primary sphere
Cleempoel & Sabrier 2002: 144, S.2. The
comprehensive body of literature on this is ensconced. This primary sphere holds the mechanical sphere which consists of three
instrument is also included in this work.
2
components (starting from the centre and working outwards): planet Earth at the heart,
On this topic, see Leopold 1977, among encompassed by a gorgeous celestial sphere, which in turn is surrounded by a sphere
others.
3 that holds astrological coordinates. The latter sphere is unique and was used to compute
Cicero, De Republica I:xiv, also in Cicero astrological forecasts, a common practice in the sixteenth century.4 The horizontal bands of
Tusculanae Disputationes I:63.
4 the outer sphere are the polar circles, the tropical circles and the equator (divided into 2 x
Nostradamus was not only a contemporary
12 hours). The purpose of the fine diagonal lines between the tropical circles was to
of Pierre de Fobis, he also lived and worked
in Lyon. determine the uneven hours.

The celestial sphere was the only sphere that rotated: one orbit every 23 hours
and 56 minutes from East to West, driven by the mechanism between the three pillars.
This is how the undulation (ascending and descending motion) of the stars and the Sun
is represented. The sphere itself consists of two openwork hemispheres that meet on
the ecliptic. Together, the 48 Ptolemaic constellations make up a delightful and delicate
ensemble. Underneath, we can see the graduated equator (360°), the ecliptic (12 x 0–30°)
and the twelve astrological houses. Pierre de Fobis drew inspiration for this mechanical
sphere from the star chart by Johannes Honter (1541). The centrally positioned Earth
likewise consists of two hemispheres that meet on the equator. The cartographic informa-
tion specified was highly accurate for its time, and was inspired by the map produced by
Oronce Finé (1536), in which North America still makes up a single landmass with Asia.
K VC

76
Master of Jean Rolin II, attributed to
Wisdom Teaching the Author Heinrich Seuse (Henricus Suso)
the Precepts of Temperance
In: Henricus Suso, Horloge de Sapience (Horologium Sapientiae),
France, 1450–1460, fol. 13v
Manuscript on parchment, 370 x 225 mm
Brussels, Royal Library of Belgium, inv. Ms. IV 111
PROV ENA NCE
Acquired in 1961.
BIBLIOGR APHY
Michel 1960: 294–297; Spencer 1963: 282–283; Brussels 1969: 83–86, no. 69 (with previous
literature); Michel 1977: 125; White 1978: 196–197; Monks 1990: 53–58, 136–137; Dohrn-van
Rossum 1997: 107; Rozenski Jr. 2010; Salzer 2013: 69.
The miniature, painted in the middle of the fifteenth century and attributed to
Paris miniaturist Master of Jean Rolin II, opens the French translation of the treatise
Horologium Sapientiae, composed by the German Dominican friar Henricus Suso
(c.1334). This is a moral treatise in which Wisdom instructs the pupil (the author
in this case) on Temperantia or Temperance. The text was translated into French in
1389 and became hugely popular in the fifteenth century. It is a virtuoso confluence
of devotion, erudition and morality: ‘Lady Wisdom’ dictates the Büchlein der ewigen
Weisheit to author Suso. In the opening miniature, they are depicted together,
surrounded by a number of clocks and measuring instruments. Wisdom touches
the wheel of time with her right hand.
The popular devotional text is divided into twenty-four chapters, just as the
day is divided into twenty-four hours. It specifies the rhythm of meditation and
prayer at the appropriate times of the day and prompts reflection on the passing
of the hours. The miniature also shows various instruments for measuring time
and establishing the position of the celestial bodies. This miniature is the earliest
image to depict any of these instruments. Measuring time acquired a high moral
status in both political and religious contexts and was associated with the virtue of
Temperance.
The left part of the miniature shows a large, square, weight-driven timepiece
or clock. The dial has just one hand, with two sets of numerals from I up to and
including XII, thus dividing the day into twenty-four units. The mechanism is con-
nected by a length of string to a bell, seen at the top between the two text columns.
An enormous astrolabe is suspended from the clock case. On the right is a large,
cogwheel-driven mechanism without hands that actuates the five small hammers
of a set of chimes. On the table right are several quadrants: a horizontal quadrant,
a portable equatorial quadrant and a quadrant with a plumb line (nautical quad-
rant). The small table clock, driven by springs, is one of the earliest depictions of a
portable clock. What stands out is the gold-coloured, cylinder-shaped gnomon that

[cat. 76] detail
hangs from the table, an instrument that was used to determine the position of
the sun and measure time.
The development of increasingly accurate measuring instruments had
a major impact on cartography and maritime exploratory expeditions during
the second half of the fifteenth century. Time and space were fast becoming
manageable by man.
LW

77
Astronomy: The Study of Heavenly Bodies
Tournai (?)
c.1510
Göteborg, The Röhss Museum of Arts and Crafts, inv. RKM 79-1964
PROV ENA NCE
Gift of the Association of Friends of the Röhsska Museet
BIBLIOGR APHY
Burger 1950: 859–873; Strömberg 1965: 14–28, 46–47; Souchal 1974: 157–158, no. 64;
Massing & Adelson 1991: 225–226, no. 125; Wells 1991: 33–37; Brosens 2000: 259–261,
no. 140; Charron 2011: 334, no. 4, 337–338.
The crowned and luxuriously dressed woman at the right, who points towards the
sky with her right hand, is, according to the banderol in her left hand, Astronomy.
From time immemorial, she was one of the sciences of the quadrivium (‘Four
ways’), together with mathematics, geometry and music. In the Middle Ages, the
distinction between astrology and astronomy was vague, although Thomas More
distinguishes explicitly between the two in his Utopia.1
Two astronomers observe the heavens, which contain the moon, stars,
comets and flaming stars. The standing scientist, in ‘antique’ clothing, holds an
armillarium in one hand and a roll of parchment in the other. His seated colleague,
whose clothes are more contemporary, notes his findings in a book, while on the
lectern near by stands an astrolabium. In late medieval iconography, astronomy
was often represented by the ancient thinkers Pythagoras and Ptolemy; the letters
on their gowns here, however, are illegible, and serve no more purpose than to
represent exotic writing.
In the landscape at the left, three additional figures are depicted. They are
shepherds, to judge by their staffs and flattened hats (one also sees a heard of sheep
in a pen and the shelters used by the shepherds, such as the triangular hut and the
1 wooden house on wheels). They, too, study the heavens. In the late Middle Ages,
‘[They] were perfectly acquainted with people were aware of the fact that even in the margins of society, among shepherds,
the motions of the heavenly bodies; and
have many instruments, well contrived for example, there was a profound living knowledge of the firmament. This
and divided, by which they very accurately
knowledge was vulgarised in early editions such as the Calendrier des Bergers or the
compute the course and positions of the
sun, moon, and stars. But for the cheat of Shepheardes calendar.2 These texts dealt with the cosmic-astrological coherence of
divining by the stars, by their oppositions or
conjunctions, it has not so much as entered
human life, the seasons of the year, human types, good and evil, hell … shepherds
into their thoughts. They have a particular are chosen people, because they were thought to be close to nature and because
sagacity, founded upon much observation,
in judging of the weather, by which they they were the first to whom the angels delivered the message of Christ’s birth.
know when they may look for rain, wind, or Thus, astronomy was nourished by two wellsprings: the popular knowledge
other alterations in the air.’ More 2008: 100.
of shepherds and the science of scholars, both from the past and the present. Two
2
forms of utopia are here united: that of the ‘carefree’ pastoral life with its earthy
See Le Rouge 1976; Braekman 1985; Johnson
1990. but nevertheless profound existential knowledge, and that of scholarly scientific

[cat. 77] detail
knowledge, developed apart from ‘everyday life’. Around 1500, both strove for a
holistic wisdom concerning humanity’s place in a greater whole; soon enough
the new astronomy of Copernicus and his kindred spirits would change this
perspective completely.
PVDB

Andersson & Talbot 1983 Backhouse 1997 Baligand 2001
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Chronos 374 Duisburg 366, 378 Guicciardini, Lodovico 80, 386
Index Chrysoloras, Manuel 268

Cicero 35, 64, 129, 398
Ciudad Rodrigo (Extremadura,
Dumont, F. 114
Durango 41
Dürer, Agnes 204
Haarlem 323
Hadrian 288
Halley 343
Spain) 374 Dürer, Albrecht 14, 35, 137, 148, 151, Hanau 103
Claude of France 25 152, 154, 155, 203, 204-206, 208, Harris, John 97
Claudianus, Claudius 64 211, 242, 320, 324, 336, 339,343, Heidelberg 202
Clavus, Claudius 272 348, 382 Heinfogel, Conrad 336, 338-339
Clement, John 14, 97, 108 Duurstede, castle of 159 Helmstedt 103
Cock, Hieronymus 246, 249 Dyle 14 Henry II 25
Coecke van Aelst, Pieter 284, 286 Eckert, Henrick 234 Henry II of France 300, 308, 312
Coenen, Adriaen 324, 326 Eltham 73 Henry III 112
Cole, Jacob 122 Episcopius 103 Henry IV of Bourbon 26
Colet, John 35, 129 Erasmus, Desiderius 13-15, 31-38, Henry VII of England 26
Cologne 98, 103, 104, 116, 196, 382 34-36, 65-66, 73-74, 77, 86, 90, 93, Henry VIII of England 13, 24-26,
Aalst 9, 13, 73 Bielefeld 90 Colt, Jane 90, 97 94, 98, 101, 104, 129, 130, 134, 136, 28, 32, 73
Aaron 214, 224 Birckmann, Franz 103, 116 Columbus, Christopher 58-59 137, 140, 141, 144, 152, 156 Herbouts, Adriaen 242
Abel 320 Blaeu 116 Comestor, Petrus 196 Erfurt 98 Hercules 264, 308, 310
Abraham 254 Bles, Herri met de 200, 246 Copenhagen 331, 350 Ernest of Bavaria, Prince Bishop 382 Herodotos 311
Adam 41, 42, 45, 47, 188, 192-195, Bloody Mary see Maria I of England Copernicus/Copernican 69, 343, Europa, godess 21-23 Heron, Giles 94
196, 200-203, 204-207, 208, 210, Bogardus, Joannes 103 346, 348, 378, 407 Eve 45, 188, 192, 195, 196, 200, 202, Hessus, Helius Eobanus 98
211, 254, 264, 296, 320 Boleyn, Anna 24 Córdoba 103 203, 204, 206, 207, 208, 210, 211, Hipparchus/Abrachis 67, 354,
Adam and Eve 42, 45, 188, 192, 195, Bologna 27, 272 Cort, Cornelis 249 254, 264, 320 370, 371
196, 200,203, 204, 206, 208, 210, Bosch, Hieronymus 41-47, 170-171, Cortés, Hernán 324 Ezechiel 162, 214, 224 Hobbes 112
211, 254, 264, 320 182, 185, 187, 195, 200, 203, 233, Cranach, Lucas (the Elder) 202, Faber, Johannes 101 Hoefnagel, Joris 249
Adriaensdr., Maria Denis 140 234, 237, 238, 241, 242, 245, 246, 208, 211 Father Bouge 90 Hogenberg, Nicolaas 118
Aegidius, Petrus see Gillis, Pieter 249, 250, 253, 254, 257, 386 Creede, Thomas 103 Favolia, Johannes Baptista 122 Holbein, Ambrosius 14, 31, 33, 104,
Agilitas mobilis 370 Bracciolini, Poggio 129 Cresacre, Anne 94, 97 Ferdinand, brother of 107-108, 121
Agricola, Rodolphus 14 Brant, Sebastian 148, 151, 182, 254, Crete 21 Charles V 340 Holbein, Hans (the Younger) 16, 34,
Albert of Austria 147 257 Croÿ, family 192 Fermes (Farasmanes, Feramen, 36, 38, 86-88, 90, 93, 94, 96-97,
Aldegrever, Heinrich 202 Brecknick, Arnold 344 Ctesias 288 Premo or Parmoenis) 288 100, 104, 107, 108, 121, 136, 137, 140,
Alexander the Great 58, 267, 288 Breu the Elder, Jörg 182, 184, 324 d’Angelo, Jacopo/Angelus, Ficino, Marsilio 129 332, 350
Alexandria 268 Brizio, Squellati 246 Jacobus 268 Finé, Oronce 399 Holy Land 191, 230
Alfonso of Cordoba 344 Bruegel the Elder, Pieter 17, 389 d’Annebault, Claude 312 Florence 103, 104, 268, 378 Homem, Lopo 56, 304
Alfonso X 354 Bruges 13, 73, 114, 174, 200, 203, d’Escamaing, Phillip 50 Florida 162 Homer 31
Alva, duke 171, 174 386, 389 da Gama, Vasco 58, 77, 274, 276 Fobis, Pierre de 64, 398-399 Honter, Johannes 399
al-Sufi, Abd al-Rahman 339 Brussels 41, 73,159, 170-171, 196, 250, da Hollanda, António 56, 304 Francis I of France 25-26, 73, 170, Hoorn 103, 116
Amersvoet, Anna 116 287, 324 Daniel (prophet) 49 300, 303, 304 Horace 73
Amiens 192 Brussels, Palace of Nassau 171, 174 Dante 238 Francisco de Almeida, Hulthem, Charles van 74
Ammonio, Andrea 90 Bruyn, Barthel 140 Dauntessy, William 94 Francisco 316 Huys, Pieter 249, 250
Amsterdam 31, 69, 103, 112, 124, 147, Bucklersbury 35 David 162, 254 Frankfurt 98, 103 Hyginus 370
154, 254 Budé, Guillaume 38, 98, 101, 110 de’ Barbari, Jacopo 204 Frederick, 2nd baron Methuen 90 Hythlodaeus, Raphael 14-15, 23-24,
Andreae, Hieronymus 204 Burgkmair, Hans (the Elder) 316- de’ Beatis, Antonio 156 Froben, Johann 33, 98, 103, 104, 31-33, 36-37, 55, 64, 74, 104, 107-
Aneau, Barthélemy 103, 110 319, 324 de Chartres, Claude 159 108, 121 108, 122
Anne of France 24 Burton, William 94, 97 de Commines, Philippe 230 Fulda 98 ibn Qurra, Thābit 69
Anne, duchess of Brittany 24 Busleyden, Hieronymus 73, 74 de Gante, Pedro 284 Galle, Philips 23, 63, 144, 332, 334 Ingolstadt 340
Antichrist 254, 257 Byzantium 288 de Góis, Damião/van der Goes, Gallego, Fernando 374 Isaac 254
Antwerp 13-16, 32, 34, 55, 65, 69, 73, Cain 292, 320 Damiaan 386 Gedeon/Gideon 214, 224 Isabella of Austria 147, 350
74, 77, 78, 80, 98, 103, 114, 122, 130, Calais 25, 134 de Gourmont, Gilles 103 Geldenhouwer, Gerard 32-33, 73 Isabella of Spain 26
134, 136, 137, 140, 144, 147, 148, 178, Calicut 64, 77, 274, 276, 324, 327 de Kriekenborch, Jean 268 Gemma Frisius (Reinerus), Gemma Isidore of Seville 56, 262, 288, 292
181, 203, 208, 234, 242, 246, 250, Cambridge 68 de la Pole, Edmund 24 /Jemme Reinerszoon, Jemme Jafet 56-57, 262
284, 287, 324, 331, 366 Cantimpré, Thomas of/ de Laet, Hans 103, 114 68-69, 331, 332-335, 346, 354, 358, Janssonius 116
Apianus 340, 343 Cantimpratensis 288 de Loo, Andries 94 366, 368, 378, 382 Janszoon, Willem 313
Aratus Cilex 339, 370 Cantiuncula, Claudius 103 de Marcatellis, Raphael 268, 288, Geometry 370 Jason 59
Archangel Michael 188, 246 Cape Frio 64 292 Germain, Jean 296 Jerusalem 46, 49-52, 56, 246, 264
Archimedes 64-65, 398 Capella, Martianus 57 de’ Medici, Catharine 304, 308 Germanus, Nicolaus 272 Job 332
Aristoteles 64, 129, 288 Carion, Johann 110 de Roovere, Anthonis 188 Ghent 148, 159, 268, 288 John of Thurocz 288
Arsenius, Gualterus 69, 331, 354, Carpaccio, Vittore 66 de San Pedro, Diego 296 Giggs, Margaret 89, 97, 108 John Paul II, pope 28
358, 366 Catherine of Aragon 24 de Thurno, Guy 238 Gillis, Pieter 13-15, 32, 33, 65-66, 73, John the Baptist 250
Asterion 21 Catherine of Portugal 386 de Voragine, Jacobus 254 74, 108, 130, 134, 136, 140-141, 144 John the Evangelist 188, 214, 224
Astrologia 370 Catullus 332 de Westfalia, Joannes 13 Giunta 103 Jordanes 288
Astronomi a /Astronomy 385 Cavellat, Pierre 103 della Mirandola, Pico 129 Glasgow 103 Jouvenel, Adolphe 74
Atlas 370 Ceuta 59 Descartes 112 Glauco 37 Judas 254
Augsburg 56, 118, 144, 316, 378 Ceylon 64 Desceliers, Pierre 17, 60, 312 Glockendon the Younger, Khan the Great 312
Bade, Josse/Badius, Judocus 35 Chaos 374 Descrolières, Adriaan 362 Albrecht 166 King of Cochin/Kochi 316, 318
Balthazar 284 Chappuys, Gabriel 103, 112 Deseo 296 Golgotha 287 King of Gog and Magog 267
Batmanson, John 36 Charles II 130, 136 Destombes 344 Gomorra 233, 242, 245 Knipperdolling, Berend 144, 146
Basel 14, 22, 31, 33, 86, 97, 103, 104, Charles V 25-27, 65, 69, 73, 129, 148, di Gattinara, Mercurino 25 Gonell, William 37 Koberger, Anton 56, 292
121, 121, 148 156, 158, 159, 284, 287, 323, 324, Diaz, Bartolomeo 58, 272 Gossaert, Jan 17, 66, 208, 211, 331, Kraft, Johann 103
Beauvais, Vincent of 196 340, 350, 378 Dieppe 58, 60, 300, 312 350, 353 Kratzer, Nikolaus
Bebel, Johann 103 Charles VIII 25 Diogenes 254 Graaf de Pomereu 171 see Nikolaus of Bavaria
Beham, Hans Sebald 166 Charles the Bold 238 Dodoens, Rembert 335 Grapheus, Cornelius 73, 144 Lamech 320
Benimy 162 Chaudière, Regnault 103 Doni, Anton Francesco 103 Grenier, Jean 276 Landi, Ortensio 103
Benin 58, 280, 283 Christ 155, 191, 200, 214, 220, 224, Dorn, Hans 344 Granvelle, cardinal 170, 171 Lang, Johann 104
Bening, Simon 17, 386, 389 250, 254, 257, 287, 343, 354, 370 Dorothea of Denemark 66, 350 Guarino, Battista 129 Lang von Wellenburg, cardinal 339
Beroaldo, Filippo 129 Christian II of Denemark 350 Dorpius, Martinus 73 Gueudeville, Nicolas 112, 124, 127 L’Angelier, Charles 103, 110
Bethlehem 287 Christina, duchess of Milan 350 Dublin 103 Guicciardi, Francisci Xaverii 108 Le Blond, Jean 103, 110
424 INDEX
Le Quien, Catherine 50 More (father of Thomas More), Pseudo-Dionysius 374 Tamsin, Ingeborg 213
Leempt, Gerardus 234 John 94 Pseudo-Scylax 288 Taprobana 57, 267
Leeu, Gerard 51 More (grand grandson Thomas Ptolemy, Claudius 57-58, 64, 65-67, Temperantia 400
Leiden 103, 124 More), John 94 68, 69, 261, 268, 272, 274, 339, 343, Titian 21-22
Leipzig 103 More (son of Thomas More), 344, 346, 348, 354, 358, 362, 366, Tobias 31
Lenthall, William 94 John 94 378, 385, 399, 404 Tondal 192, 233, 234, 237, 238, 241
Leoni, Leone 156, 159 More II, Thomas 94 Pythagoras 404 Tordesillas 59
Leuven 13-15, 17, 18, 26, 31-38, 65, 68- More, Alice 90 Queen of Sheba 264 Tournai 25, 67, 276, 370, 404
69, 73, 74, 77, 78, 80, 98, 103, 104, More, Cecily 94 Quetzalcoatl 284 Traut, Wolf 316
108, 110, 114, 331, 332, 335, 346, 354, More, Cresacre 94 Rabelais 110 Trento 27
358, 362, 366, 378, 381, 382, 394, 397 More, Elizabeth 94 Radnor, Earl of 332 Triverius, Hieronymus 332
Liefrinck, Willem 80 More, Margaret 94 Raimondi, Marcantonio 166 Tunstall, Cuthbert 90
Liège 382 More, Thomas 13-16, 23-24, 28, 31-39, Rega, Hendrik Jozef 74 Tyndale, William 38
Lockey, Rowland 38, 94, 96-97 41, 55, 60-61, 63-65, 68, 73-74, 77, Reinel, Jorge 56, 304 Ulm 272
London 24, 35, 73, 90, 94, 103, 122, 86-89, 90, 94, 96, 97-98, 100, 101, Reinel, Pedro 56, 304 van Bleyswyck, Frans 124, 127
123,129, 136, 148, 350 103-104, 107-108, 110, 114, 116, 121- Rhenanus, Beatus 104 van Cleve, Joos 26
Lot 242, 245, 254 122, 124, 127, 129, 130, 134, 136, 141, Rhinucinu, Allemanus 34 van den Bossche, Aert 196
Louis XI 230 156, 159, 228, 233, 261, 385, 404 Robinson, Ralph 103 van der Aa, Pierre 124
Louis XII of France 24 Morus, Thomas see More, Thomas Rome/roman 22, 24-26, 27, 51, 55, 57, van der Geest, Cornelis 147
Lucian 35, 37, 73, 77, 103, 130 Moses/Rubus Moysis 214, 224, 254 59, 64, 73, 98, 130, 136, 156, 220, van der Goes, Hugo 196, 198
Lufft, Hans 202 Mostaert, Jan 320-323 262, 264, 268, 272, 344, 382, 394 van der Goes, Mathijs 234
Luther, Martin 26, 36, 98, 104, 332 Munich 118 Roper, Thomas 97 van der Heyden, Gaspar 346, 378
Lützelburger, Hans 118, 121 Münster 147 Roper, William 94 van der Straet, Jan /Stradanus,
Lycurgus 36, 37 Münster, Sebastian 22-23 Rotterdam 103, 116 Johannes 23, 63
Lyon 34, 35, 51, 110,177, 398 Murad III, sultan 354 Rouen 308 van Even, Edward 397
Maastricht 382 Murner, Thomas 182 Rubens, Pieter Paul 86 van Haecht, Willem 147
Machiavelli 129 Nicodemus 254 Rudolf II 122 van Heemskerck, Maarten 332
Macrobius 57 Nikolaus of Bavaria 65, 94 Rufus, Quintus Curtius 130 van Hoogstraten, Frans 116
Magi 284, 286 Noach 44, 45, 46, 56, 254, 262, 292 Russell, Francis 86 van Leyden, Lucas 148, 211
Maharadja Unniraman Koil II or Nuremberg 56, 148, 166, 204, 292, Sachs, Hans 166 van Lyon, Guibinus 51
Rama Varma 316 336, 344, Saint-Dié 59 van Mander, Karel 94, 254, 320
Maître François 228 Odysseus 52, 59 Salmon, Gabriel 310 van Orley, Bernard 27, 156
Mamilius, Marcus 339, 370 Oetker, Rudolph August 90 Salomon, Bernard 250 van Reymerswaele, Marinus 152, 155
Mandijn, Jan 250 Olbrechts-Maurissens, Margriet Sandrin, Cornelia 140-141 van Sassen, Servaas 103, 114
Manne, Catherine 90 280 Sansovino, Francesco 112 van Stalburch, Jan 68, 69, 332
Manuel I of Portugal 304 Olbrechts, Frans Maria 280 Satan 246 van Stijevoort, Jan 43
Margaret of Austria 156, 238, 323, Oldenburg, duke 140 Saugrain, Jean 103, 110 vanden Putte, Jacob 223
350, 353 Olukun 283 Schaeffer, Hans 90 vanden Putte, Maria 223
Margaret of York 238 Ophir 264 Schedel, Hartmann 56, 57, 292 Vasari 386
Maria Magdalene 191, 214, 220 Ortelius, Abraham 122-123, 272 Scheveningen 324 Vegio, Maffeo 129
Marmion, Simon 192, 195, 238, Ostendorfer, Michael 340, 343 Scrope, Elizabeth 94 Venice 34, 103, 112, 203, 204, 246,
241, 262 Oudenburg, Sint-Pietersabdij 268 Seth 320 250, 264, 344
Martens, Dirk 13,14, 31, 36, 73, 74, 77, Ovid 21, 37, 64, 308, 332 Shem 56-57, 292 Vergil 370
103, 114, 116 Oxford 103 Sidon 21 Vesalius, Andreas 335
Mary I of England/Mary Tudor Palestina 264, 346 Silvestris, Bernardus 374 Vespucci, Amerigo 23, 27, 37, 55, 59,
24, 69 Paludanus, Johannes 73 Simancas 287 63,73, 316, 324
Mary of Hungary 350 Paris 35-36, 103, 104, 110, 112, 151, Sisyphus 254, 257 Vesta 64, 398
Master Bartolomé(o) 374, 377 230, 400 Six, Willem 147 Vienna 148,208, 211, 250, 344
Master of Frankfurt 15, 17, 47, 178-181 Patenson, Henry 97 Socrates 37, 98 Vilvoorde 38
Master of Jean Rolin II 400 Patinir, Joachim/Master Joachim Sodom 233, 242, 245 Virgin Mary 188, 214, 217, 224,
Master of the Embroidered Foliage 242, 245 Solario, Andrea 144 230, 250
196 Patrizi, Francesco 110 Solinus 288 Vitruvius 204
Maurus, Hrabanus 288 Paul 130 Sorbière, Samuel 31, 112, 124 von Breydenbach, Bernardus 77
Maximilian I of Austria 118, 156, 339 Paul, 4th baron Methuen 90 Sparta 36 von Hutten, Ulrich 32, 98
Maximus, Valerius 110 Perrenot de Granvelle, Nicolas 378 Springer, Balthasar 77, 316 von Worms, Anton Woensam 80
Mechelen 16, 50, 73, 118, 191, 200, Perugino, Pietro 144 St Agnes 188 Vossius, G. J. 31
213, 214, 220, 224, 323 Petrarca 32, 257 St Ambrose 34 Wacker von Wackenfels, Johannes
Megasthenes 288 Peutinger, Konrad 319 St Anne 224-227 Matthaeus 122
Meit, Conrat 159, 208-211 Philip II of Spain 26, 170 St Anthony 250 Waldseemüller, Martin 59, 272
Mercator, Gerard 65, 69, 272, 331, Philip IV of Spain 26, 170 St Augustine 37, 57, 66, 187, 192, Weigel, Rudolph 78
335, 346, 348, 354, 357, 366, 368, Philip of Burgundy, bishop of 224, 228 Welser, family 316
378, 381, 382 Utrecht 159 St Catherine 52, 53, 220, 227 Wilhelm, Johann Heinrich 140
Meroe 57 Philip the Fair 129, 276 St Christopher 254 Wiliam II of Holland 86
Metsys the Younger, Joos 397 Philosophia 370 St Elizabeth 52, 53, 220, 224 Wiliam of Orange 171
Metsys, Quinten 14, 130, 134, 140-141, Philostratus 34 St Georges 191 Wisdom 400
144, 152, 320, 386, 397 Phoenician 21 St Hieronymus/Jerome 35, 110, 130, Wittenberg 103
Middleton, John 90 Piccolomini, Aeneas Silvius 288 152-155, 227 Wojtyła, Karol see John Paul II
Milan 103 Pilavaine, Jacquemart 192 St Ursula 52, 53, 220 Wolgemut, Michael 56, 292
Miraeus 332 Plantin, Christopher 69, 331, 366 Stabius, Johannes 336, 339 Wolsey, cardinal 32
Monau, Jacobus 122 Platina, Bartolomeo 34 Stempel / Stempelius, Gerard 382 Xenophon 129
Mönch Marcus 234 Plato 31, 37-38, 64, 73, 127, 129 Stradanus see van der Straet, Jan Zainer, Günter 56
Monogrammist AP 78-80, 150, 151 Pleydenwurff, Wilhelm 56, 292 Strasbourg 23, 24, 63, 148, 151, 162 Zangrius, Petrus 103
Monogrammist IS 249 Pliny 118, 288 Suetonius 130 Zeelst, Adrianus 331, 381, 382
Monogrammist MS 202, 203 Plutarch 35-36, 130 Suso, Henricus/Seuse, Heinrich Zephaniah 254
Monogrammist NH 118, 121 Polo, Marco 58, 261 385, 400 Zeus 21
Mons 192 Ponce de Leon, Juan 162 Svos, Margaretha 223
Montaigne 110 Provost, Jan 144, 146 Tacitus 311
425 INDEX
Lenders to the Exhibition
AUST R I A NETHERLANDS
Kunsthistorisches Museum Wien, Kunstkammer, Vienna Koninklijke Bibliotheek, National Library of

the Netherlands, The Hague
Museum Boijmans Van Beuningen, Rotterdam
BELGIUM Museum Meermanno – House of the Book, The Hague
Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam
Koninklijk Museum voor Schone Kunsten, Antwerp
M – Museum Leuven
M A S | Museum aan de Stroom, Antwerp PORTUGAL
Musea en Erfgoed, Mechelen –
Collection Gasthuiszusters Caixa Geral de Depósitos | em depósito no Museu
Museum Plantin-Moretus/Prentenkabinet, Antwerp – Nacional de Arte Antiga, Lisbon
U N E S CO Werelderfgoed
Museum voor Schone Kunsten, Gent

Royal Library of Belgium, Brussels SPAIN
Royal Museums of Fine Arts of Belgium, Brussels
Saint Bavo’s Chapter, Ghent Cabildo Catedral Primada, Toledo
University Library, KU Leuven, Special Collections Fundación Lazaro Galdiano, Madrid
University Library, Ghent University Museo Arqueológico Nacional, Madrid
Museo de América, Madrid
Patrimonio Nacional, Madrid (San Lorenzo de
CZECH REPUBLIC El Escorial)
The Moravian Gallery, Brno

SWEDEN
FRANCE The Röhsska Museum, Göteborg
Bibliothèque nationale de France, Paris

De Jonckheere Gallery, Paris UNITED KINGDOM
Musée Unterlinden, Colmar
Musée de la Chartreuse, Douai National Portrait Gallery, London
Musée départemental des Antiquités, Rouen Royal Collection Trust / Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth I I ,
Musée nationale de la Renaissance, Ecouen London
The Ashmolean Museum, Oxford
The British Library, London
GERMANY The National Gallery, London
The Schorr Collection, London
Bayerisches Nationalmuseum, Munich The Weiss Gallery, London
Landesmuseum für Kunst und Kulturgeschichte,
Oldenburg
Museum Lüneburg UNITED STATES
Staatliche Kunstsammlungen Dresden,
Kupferstichkabinett Adler Planetarium & Astronomy Museum, Chicago,
Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Kupferstichkabinett Illinois
Städel Museum, Frankfurt am Main The J. Paul Getty Museum, Los Angeles
Wilhelm-Hack-Museum, Ludwigshafen The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York
University of Arizona, Museum of Art, Tucson
ITALY
P R I VA T E C O L L E C T I O N S I N B E L G I U M ,
Galleria dell’Accademia di Venezia, Venice FRANCE AND THE NETHERLANDS
Gallerie Nazionali di Arte Antica di Roma, Rome
Museo Poldi Pezzoli, Milan
426 LENDERS TO THE EXHIBITION

Photo Credits
Unless otherwise specified, illustrations have been provided by the owners of the works of art or by the lending institutions.
Every effort has been made to contact copyright-holders. Any copyright-holders we have been unable to reach or who have
been inaccurately acknowledged are invited to contact the publisher.
Adler Planetarium, Chicago: cat. 65 Lukas –Art in Flanders vzw –

Albertina, Vienna: fig. 3, fig. 30.1 Hugo Maertens: cat. 19
Ashmolean Museum, Oxford: cat. 21 Michael Lammgard: cat. 77
Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Munich: fig. 56.1 Moravská Galerie, Brno: cat. 71
Bibliothèque nationale de France: fig. 31, cat. 53 Musée Unterlinden, Dist. R M N -Grand Palais: cat. 20
Bpk – Klassik Stiftung Weimar: fig. 25.1, fig. 29.1 Musée départemental des Antiquités, Rouen: cat. 54
Bpk – Staatliche Kunstsammlungen Dresden – Musée du Quai Branly, Dist. R M N -Grand Palais –
Herbert Boswank: cat. 10 Michel Urtado –Thierry Ollivier: fig. 35
Bpk – Kupferstichkabinett - Staatliche Museen zu Berlin – Museo Arqueológico Nacional, Madrid –
Dietmar Katz: fig. 15, cat. 17, fig. 17.1, fig. 56.2, Raul Fernandez Ruiz: cat. 72
cat. 58, cat. 60B Museo Nacional del Prado: fig. 20-24
British Museum Images: fig. 47.1, fig. 56.2 Museo Poldi Pezzoli: cat. 68
Bruno Vandermeulen – K U Leuven: fig. 2, fig. 13, cat. 7.1, Museo de América, Madrid –
cat. 7.2, cat. 8, cat. 12 Ministry of Education, Culture and Sport: cat. 48
Cabildo Primado, Toledo: fig. 42, cat. 69 Museum of Fine Arts, Budapest: fig. 12
Caixa Geral de Dépositos: cat. 46 Museum Lüneburg: cat. 63
Chicago Art Institute: fig. 54.1 Museum Meermanno, House of the Book: cat. 35
Collection Galerie De Jonckheere, Paris: cat. 56 Museum Plantin Moretus, Antwerp: cat. 9, cat. 45
Collection of the University of Arizona Museum of Art, Museu Nacional de Arte Antiga: fig. 18.1
Tucson; Gift of Samuel H. Kress Foundation: cat. 70 National Trust Images: fig. 5.1
Denver Art Museum Collection: Funds from Helen Dill Patrimonio Nacional: cat. 22
bequest: fig. 36.1 Philadelphia Museum of Art,
Erich Lessing – lessingimages.com: fig. 19, fig. 40, fig. 28.1 John G. Johnson Collection: fig. 11
Fundación Lázaro Galdiano, Madrid: cat. 36 Photo Archive – Fondazione Musei Civici di Venezia:
Galleria Nazionale d'Arte Antica, Palazzo Barberini, cat. 39
Rome – Alinari Archives, Florence: cat. 14A Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam: fig. 18.2, cat. 29, fig. 29.2,
Germanisches Nationalmuseum: fig. 60A .1, fig. 60B .1 cat. 30, fig. 57.1
Johan Geleyns, Roscan: fig. 1 R M N -Grand Palais (musée de la Renaissance,
K BR , Brussels: fig. 8, fig. 14, fig. 38, fig. 43, cat. 1, cat. 2, château d'Ecouen) –René-Gabriel Ojéda: cat. 62
cat. 27, fig. 39.1, cat. 42, cat. 44, fig. 59.1, cat. 60A, R M N -Grand Palais (musée du Louvre) –
cat. 61, cat. 73, cat. 76 Michèle Bellot: fig. 17

K H M , Vienna: cat. 25, cat. 31 R M N -Grand Palais (musée du Louvre) –
K I K - I R PA , Brussels: fig. 29, fig. 30, cat. 32, cat. 33, cat. 34 Gérard Blot: fig. 16.1
National Library of the Netherlands, The Hague: fig. 34, Rotterdam, Museum Boijmans Van Beuningen:
fig. 37, cat. 52, fig. 58.1 cat. 38, cat. 59
Royal Museums of Fine Arts of Belgium, Brussels – Royal Collection Trust – Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth I I
Johan Geleyns, Roscan: cat. 40 2016: fig. 9, fig. 10, fig. 3.1, fig. 6.1, cat. 13A
Kunstmuseum Basel, Kupferstichkabinett – The Frick Collection, New York: fig. 4
Martin P. Bühler: fig. 15, fig. 5.3, fig. 10.1 The J. Paul Getty Museum, Los Angeles: cat. 37
Longford Castle Collection: cat. 13B University Library Ghent: fig. 28, cat. 6
Lukas - Art in Flanders vzw: fig. 5, fig. 25, fig. 27, cat. 14B , Wilhelm-Hack-Museum, Ludwigshafen: cat. 28
cat. 24, cat. 26, cat. 49, cat. 74
427 PHOTO CREDITS

Colophon
Cit y wide Festival Exhibition

50 0 Years of Utopia In Search of Utopia
T H I S P U B L I C AT I O N AC C O M PA N I E S Lien De Keukelaere (K U [N] S T Leuven), CUR ATORIAL COMMITTEE

THE EXHIBITION general coordination
Hanna van Zutphen (K U [N] S T Leuven), Jan Van der Stock (Illuminare – K U Leuven)
IN SE A RCH OF U TOPI A head of communications curator
M – MUSEUM LEUVEN Jessica Peetermans (K U [N] S T Leuven), Annelies Vogels (Illuminare – K U Leuven)
20 October 2016 – 17 January 2017 communications co-curator
Silke Vandaele (K U [N] S T Leuven),
I N S E A R C H O F U T O P I A is part of the communications
citywide festival 500 Y E A R S O F U T O P I A SCIEN T IF IC A N D A DV ISORY
(Leuven, 2016–2017) C O M M I T T E E (2 0 0 9 - 2 0 1 6)
500 Y E A R S O F U T O P I A is an initiative of Barbara Baert, Maarten Bassens, Julie Beckers,

Leuven, a partnership between the city of Leuven
K U [N] S T Floortje Clerix, Hannah De Moor, Rozewinde Gerits,
and the K U Leuven. Hannah Iterbeke, Robrecht Janssen, Jeroen Luyckx,
Diana Stoilova, Jochen Suy, Daan van Heesch, Lieve
Watteeuw, Wendy Wauters (Illuminare – K U Leuven)
Lorne Campbell (The National Gallery, London),

Hans Cools (K U Leuven – Fryske Akademy,
Leeuwarden), Marcus de Schepper (Royal Library of
Belgium), Tim Heysse (K U Leuven),
Jos Koldeweij (Radboud Universiteit Nijmegen),
Jan Papy (K U Leuven), Jan Roegiers (K U Leuven),
Dirk Sacré (K U Leuven), Koenraad Van Cleempoel
(Universiteit Hasselt), Veronique Vandekerchove
(M–Museum Leuven), Paul Vandenbroeck (K U
Leuven/Koninklijk Museum voor Schone Kunsten
Antwerp), Joris Van Grieken (Royal Library of
Belgium), Geert Vanpaemel (K U Leuven)
428 COLOPHON
Organisation Catalogue
ORGANIZING COMMITTEE COORDINATION PUBLISHERS
Peter Carpreau, Lien De Keukelaere, Aldwin Dekkers, Annelies Vogels Van der Stock, Jan (ed.)
Luc Delrue, Isabel Lowyck, Jan Van der Stock, Katrien De Vreese In Search of Utopia,
Hanna van Zutphen, Hélène Verreyke, Peter Frison Art and Science in the Era of Thomas More
Annelies Vogels, Eva Wittocx
© 2016 for Belgium:
EDITING WPG uitgevers nv
PRODUCTION Produced under the license of Davidsfonds.
Hans Devisscher ‘Davidsfonds’ is a registered trademark of
Bram Denkens, Goedele Pulinx, Tom Van Camp, Wendy Wauters Davidsfonds vzw with headquarters at 3000 Leuven,
Jan Van der Stock, Hélène Verreyke, Annelies Vogels, Quinten Metsysplein 12.
Lieve Watteeuw www.davidsfonds.be
DESIGN www.twitter.com/davidsfonds
www.facebook.com/davidsfondsuitgeverij
COMMUNICATIONS Jirka De Preter D/2016/0034/208
Els Ruppol (typesetting) ISBN 978 90 5908 811 5
Veerle Ausloos, Lien De Keukelaere, Annelies Evens, Lucie NUR 680
Van Gerven, Hanna van Zutphen, Annelies Vogels
P H O T O G R AV U R E A N D I C O N O G R A P H Y © 2016 the Netherlands:
Amsterdam University Press bv
PUBLIC SERV ICES Johan Geleyns, Roscan www.aup.nl
ISBN 978 94 6298 407 3
Lien De Keukelaere, Marthy Locht, Jasper Stevens, Hanna
van Zutphen, Sofie Vermeiren, Hélène Verreyke, TR ANSLATION All rights reserved. This book may not be reproduced,
Annelies Vogels in whole or in part, in any form without written
Wouter Meeus permission from the publishers.
Lee Preedy
SCENOGR APHY Irene Schaudies
Patrick Lennon
FELT architecture & design
Jasper Stevens, Karel Verstraeten, Bram Denkens,
Bartolomeo Zanotti B OA R D A N D G E N E R A L A S S E M B LY O F
K U [N] S T L E U V E N
The teams of K U [N] S T Leuven, M – Museum Leuven,
Illuminare (K U Leuven) & Tourism Leuven Denise Vandevoort (co-chair), Katlijn Malfliet (co-chair),
Geert Bouckaert, Els Buelens, Bert Demarsin, Piet
Forger, Kristien Jacobs, Sabine Vandenplas, Mieke
Vandermotte, Jan Van der Stock, Geert Vanpaemel,
Dirk Vansina, Mieke Wellens
429 COLOPHON
THE EXHIBITION IN SEARCH OF UTOPIA IS AN INITIATIVE OF:
Illuminare
Centre for the Study of Medieval Art | KU Leuven
T H E E X H I B I T I O N I N S E A R C H O F U T O P I A WA S M A D E P O S S I B L E W I T H T H E S U P P O R T O F :
In Memory of Melvin R. Seiden
With the support of the Van der Weyden Chair – Paul & Dora Janssen (K U Leuven)
With the support of the Veronique Vandekerchove Chair of the City of Leuven (K U Leuven)
With the support of the Chair for Medieval Sculpture in the Netherlands (Illuminare – K U Leuven)
With the support of the Illuminare Fund (K U Leuven)
THE ORGANIZERS AR E GR ATEFUL FOR THE ENTHUSIASM AND SUPPORT OF:
Jos Daniëls, Bart Fransen, André Hebbelinck, Leen Huet, Nadine Malfait, Hans Nieuwdorp and Griet Steyaert
430 COLOPHON

In Search of Utopia

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What is the exhibition about?

What is the exhibition about?

What topics are covered in the exhibition?

What topics are covered in the exhibition?

I N S E A R C H O F

Jan Van der Stock

Chief Curator of M-Museum Leuven and initiator

FOR JAN ROEGIERS (1 9 4 4 – 2 0 1 3)

Jan Van der Stock

[C V D] Chet Van Duzer

UTO PIA O F TH O M AS M O RE (1516)

9 Foreword 73 Utopia the Book, in Leuven and the Low Countries

13 In Search of Utopia – The Exhibition

104 cat. 9–2

41 Erotic Utopia: the ‘Garden of Earthly Delights’ 130 cat. 13A–19

49 The Enclosed Garden: a Utopian and Mystical Sanctuary

55 Beyond the Horizon: Terra Incognita

63 The Ultimate Utopia: a Universe in the Hand

162 cat. 20–25 261 Terra Incognita

187 The Garden of Eden – The Earthly Paradise

188 cat. 26–31

213 The Conservation of Enclosed Gardens from Mechelen

214 cat. 32–35

234 cat. 36–41

331 In Search of Utopian Perfection: 408 Bibliography

426 Lenders to the Exhibition

386 cat. 73–77

On 20 October 2016, the In Search of Utopia exhibition opens in M-Museum Leuven.

13 IN SEARCH OF UTOPIA — THE EXHIBITION

14 IN SEARCH OF UTOPIA — THE EXHIBITION

15 IN SEARCH OF UTOPIA — THE EXHIBITION

16 IN SEARCH OF UTOPIA — THE EXHIBITION

17 IN SEARCH OF UTOPIA — THE EXHIBITION

18 IN SEARCH OF UTOPIA — THE EXHIBITION

[fig. 6] Titian, Europa, 1560–1562, Boston, Isabella Stewart Gardner Museum.

21 EUROPE-AMERICA-UTOPIA: VISIONS OF AN IDEAL WORLD IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

22 EUROPE-AMERICA-UTOPIA: VISIONS OF AN IDEAL WORLD IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

23 EUROPE-AMERICA-UTOPIA: VISIONS OF AN IDEAL WORLD IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

24 EUROPE-AMERICA-UTOPIA: VISIONS OF AN IDEAL WORLD IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

25 EUROPE-AMERICA-UTOPIA: VISIONS OF AN IDEAL WORLD IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

26 EUROPE-AMERICA-UTOPIA: VISIONS OF AN IDEAL WORLD IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

27 EUROPE-AMERICA-UTOPIA: VISIONS OF AN IDEAL WORLD IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

28 EUROPE-AMERICA-UTOPIA: VISIONS OF AN IDEAL WORLD IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY

From Nusquama to Utopia

Vtopos ha Boccas peu la chama polta chamaan

Vtopus me dux ex non insula fecit insulam.

Utopus, my ruler, converted me, formerly not an island, into an island.

Lucian, Plato, Augustine: Biblical Humanism or Dystopia?

41 EROTIC UTOPIA: THE ‘GARDEN OF EARTHLY DELIGHTS’ IN CONTEXT

42 EROTIC UTOPIA: THE ‘GARDEN OF EARTHLY DELIGHTS’ IN CONTEXT

43 EROTIC UTOPIA: THE ‘GARDEN OF EARTHLY DELIGHTS’ IN CONTEXT

A Paradisal Nature and her Art …

… in Earliest Times and End Times

44 EROTIC UTOPIA: THE ‘GARDEN OF EARTHLY DELIGHTS’ IN CONTEXT

The False Love-Paradise

45 EROTIC UTOPIA: THE ‘GARDEN OF EARTHLY DELIGHTS’ IN CONTEXT

46 EROTIC UTOPIA: THE ‘GARDEN OF EARTHLY DELIGHTS’ IN CONTEXT

47 EROTIC UTOPIA: THE ‘GARDEN OF EARTHLY DELIGHTS’ IN CONTEXT

49 THE ENCLOSED GARDEN: A UTOPIAN AND MYSTICAL SANCTUARY

50 THE ENCLOSED GARDEN: A UTOPIAN AND MYSTICAL SANCTUARY