Feminism Without Borders, Mohanty
Feminism Without Borders, Mohanty
Feminism Without Borders, Mohanty
The identification as a woman has political consequences in the world we live in.
Depending on a woman's economic and social marginality and privilege, she will bear unjust or
unfair effects. No matter where we are located, the interweaving processes of sexism, racism,
misogyny, and heterosexism is integral to our social fabric. We may share collective struggles,
but we do not share collective stories. In Feminism Without Borders: Decolonizing Theory,
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Practicing Solidarity, feminist scholar and activist Chandra Talpade Mohanty writes on the
danger of assuming a 'collective sisterhood.' Staying true to her first feminist publication from
1984, 'Under Western Eyes,' Mohanty drives home the same message – that there are
discourses and the racial, sexual, and class-based assumptions of Western feminist scholarship.
The novel is split into three sections: decolonizing feminism, demystifying capitalism, and
reorienting feminism. Mohanty's train of thoughts on politics of differences and solidarity, the
agency flow beautifully throughout her writing in the context of feminist solidarity. Mohanty
takes an alternative route to ending her book; instead of providing a conclusion, she opens up a
To clearly understand Mohanty’s message and call to action, her feminist vision must be
anticapitalistic critiques and antiracist feminism. The feminist practice operates at three levels:
daily life through everyday acts that create our identity and community. The level of collective
action in groups and movements around the feminist vision of social transformation. The level of
theory and textual creativity in scholarship and writing practices of feminists engaged in
construct a consistent image of developing world women as always victimized and unrelentingly
oppressed by their cultures. According to Mohanty, these profoundly flawed analytic and
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world women carry. They hold agency in not only their resistances but also in the potential for
In her book, Mohanty distinguishes three issues with the directions of U.S.-based
feminisms. The first is the growing class-based rift between activist feminism and
university-based feminism. The U.S. academy has led to a kind of careerist, academic feminism.
Feminism has become a way to advance academic careers, rather than a call for fundamental and
collective social and economic transformations. The second is the deepening of consumerist and
corporatist values, fueling the rise of neoliberal and free-market feminisms, concerned primarily
with women's advancement up the corporate and nation-state ladder. The focus on financial
equality between men and women is grounded in the capitalist values of profit, competition, and
accumulation. Additionally, it assumes that U.S. corporate culture is the norm and ideal that all
feminists should strive for. Lastly, the third problem is the narrowing of feminist policies and
theory, which defines to be the result of a critique of the hegemony of postmodern skepticism
and identity.
Mohanty brings attention to the strategic location of the category ‘women’ depending on
the context of analysis. Western feminist texts have produced the developing world woman as a
singular, monolithic subject. Western feminists see themselves as active agents of history, as
individuals who are liberated, educated, and free, through the objective status they impose on
their 'sisters.' What Mohanty implies in this argument is that the one enables and sustains the
other. Western feminism has based the life of a developing world woman on her gender and her
and so on. In contrast to this, Mohanty writes on Western women's feminist self-representation as
educated, modern, having control over their bodies and sexuality, free to make their own choices.
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These assumptions place women as an already constituted, coherent group with identical
interests and desires, regardless of class, ethnic or racial location, or contradictions. These
categories imply a notion that can be applied universally and cross-culturally. This thinking as
'proof of universality' completely lacks critical analysis. The representation of Global South
women circumscribes our understanding and analysis of feminism as well as the daily struggles
Mohanty highlights the importance of analyzing and theorizing difference in the context
of feminist cross-cultural work. There is no doubt that the universality of gender oppression is
same interests, perspectives, and goals, and similar experiences effectively erases material and
ideological power differences within and among groups of women, especially between
developing and developed world women. The everyday, fluid, fundamentally historical, and
dynamic nature of developing world women's lives cannot be collapsed into a few frozen
indicators of their well-being. The commonality of interests shared by Global South women is
based not in biology, color, or geography but in shared history and experiences of struggles
The distinction between Western women and developing world women is made based on
privileging a particular group as the norm. Mohanty exposes the power knowledge nexus of
methodologies that serve the narrow self-interest of Western feminism. This political
presupposition is underlying the methodologies, the current model of power and struggle that
they imply and suggest. A cross-cultural feminist has to be attentive to the micropolitics of
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context, subjectivity, and struggle and the macropolitics of the global economic and political
systems.
Sexism, racism, misogyny, and heterosexism all underlie and fuel social and political
institutions, which leads to the further hatred of women and 'justified' violence against them.
Many feminists think they are not personally racist or sexist, but we all are clearly marked by the
burden and privileges of our histories and locations. Race, class, gender, nationality, sexuality,
and colonialism embody histories and experiences that tie us together. These categories are
interwoven into our lives. Our lives are structured by economic, political, and cultural factors.
All women are engaged in the process of adjusting, shaping, resisting, and transforming their
environment. Mohanty calls for Western feminist scholarship to challenge the situating of itself
and examine its role in the global economic and political framework. In no way is Mohanty
trying to undermine the importance of the pathbreaking and essential work Western feminists
have done. Rather, she emphasizes the interconnections between developed and developing
economies and the profound effect it has on women's lives in all countries. When writing on
women in the Global South, Western feminists must be considerate of the context of the global
hegemony of western scholarship. This includes the production, publication, distribution, and
For these reasons, Mohanty drives home the point that it is not merely enough that one
should have a voice, but rather concerns how the voice is the result of one's location, both as an
individual and as part of a collective. Women's representations correspond to real people, often
standing for the contradictions and complexities of women’s lives. Our world is complex, but
attempting to open up and understand these complicities is worth the struggle. Each of our
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Alliances between Global South and Western feminism cannot be built based on
among women. Through anticapitalistic transnational feminist practice, Mohanty believes there
is great possibility and necessity to build common political projects between these two groups.
Feminism Without Borders calls for the radical decolonization of feminist cross-cultural
scholarship. A transnational feminist practice depends on building feminist solidities across the
visions of place, identity, classism, belief, and so on. Mohanty's points remain relevant and
pertinent today as when she first wrote her essay ‘Under Western Eyes’. She stresses that the
most expansive and inclusive visions of feminisms need to be attentive to borders while learning
to transcend them – hence Feminism Without Borders. As Mohanty quotes from Irma, a Filipina
worker in the Silicon Valley, “the only way to get a little measure of power over your own life is
to do it collectively, with the support of other people who share your needs” (p.168).