Schwab and Lew-Williams (2016) - Language Learning, Socioeconomic Status, and Child-Directed Speech
Schwab and Lew-Williams (2016) - Language Learning, Socioeconomic Status, and Child-Directed Speech
Schwab and Lew-Williams (2016) - Language Learning, Socioeconomic Status, and Child-Directed Speech
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Wiley Interdiscip Rev Cogn Sci. Author manuscript; available in PMC 2018 April 16.
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Abstract
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Young children’s language experiences and language outcomes are highly variable. Research in
recent decades has focused on understanding the extent to which family socioeconomic status
(SES) relates to parents’ language input to their children and, subsequently, children’s language
learning. Here, we first review research demonstrating differences in the quantity and quality of
language that children hear across low-, mid-, and high-SES groups, but also—and perhaps more
importantly—research showing that differences in input and learning also exist within SES groups.
Second, in order to better understand the defining features of ‘high-quality’ input, we highlight
findings from laboratory studies examining specific characteristics of the sounds, words,
sentences, and social contexts of child-directed speech (CDS) that influence children’s learning.
Finally, after narrowing in on these particular features of CDS, we broaden our discussion by
considering family and community factors that may constrain parents’ ability to participate in
high-quality interactions with their young children. A unification of research on SES and CDS will
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facilitate a more complete understanding of the specific means by which input shapes learning, as
well as generate ideas for crafting policies and programs designed to promote children’s language
outcomes.
INTRODUCTION
Infants are considered to be rapid learners of language, yet there is substantial variation in
the development of language and communication skills across different children. One major
source of this variability is socioeconomic status (SES). On average, children from lower-
SES families show slower vocabulary growth relative to their higher-SES peers,1 and these
differences persist into the school years.2 From where do these differences arise? Research
suggests that variation in parents’ speech to children—as a function of SES—relates to
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children’s language development. For example, Hart and Risley revealed dramatic
differences in the amount that parents talk to their young children as a function of SES.3
Their estimations suggest that by age 4, children from professional families hear a total of
45 million words on average, while children living in poverty hear 13 million words on
average. This finding is often described as the ‘30 million word gap.’ Importantly,
quantitative differences in parents’ language input have been shown to uniquely predict
*
Correspondence to: [email protected].
Conflict of interest: The authors have declared no conflicts of interest for this article.
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While the total quantity of words in children’s language environments may play a role in
promoting learning, many investigations have also examined SES differences in qualitative
features of input,3,5–7 and some research suggests that these features may be more important
than the total amount of speech.8,9 ‘Quality’ of speech has been measured in many ways,
ranging from lexical diversity to conversational fluency, but the key finding is that there are
differences in a variety of measures across SES groups, and these differences seem to relate
to children’s language development. Additionally, while there are differences in quantity and
quality of input—and subsequent learning—between SES groups, differences have also been
found within SES groups.4,8–11
But what defines ‘high-quality’ language input? Research on child-directed speech (CDS)
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has provided answers to this question, although much of this work has not addressed SES-
related variation. CDS, also known as ‘motherese’ or ‘parentese,’ refers to the speech style
caregivers often use with their children, characterized by higher pitch, shorter utterances,
more repetition, and other features that differentiate it from adult-directed speech (ADS).
12–14 Young children have been shown not only to prefer listening to CDS over ADS but
also to learn better from it (see reviews by Soderstrom15 and Golinkoff and colleagues16).
Thus, CDS is a particularly beneficial form of language input for children, and researchers
have focused on determining the specific characteristics of CDS that directly influence
young children’s language development. This work has uncovered phonological, lexical,
grammatical, and social cues of CDS that affect children’s learning of sounds, words, and
sentences.17–23
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review examines research on SES, CDS, and language learning primarily in the United
States, but a complete picture of the mechanisms behind input and learning will need to
include research on other regions and cultures.26–29
We first provide an overview of current findings regarding parents’ language input and
children’s language learning both across and within SES tiers (but see Ref 30 for a historical
summary of research on variability in children’s language environments and outcomes).
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Second, we overview research on specific characteristics of CDS that seem to matter most
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for learning sounds, words, and sentences. We then briefly discuss the relevance of
household and community factors as forces that potentially constrain parents’ ability to
engage in high-quality interactions with their children. Together, the research reviewed here
underscores the need to uncover which particular features of CDS differ across the SES
spectrum and which do not, and how the broader contexts of families, homes, and
communities interact with these features to shape children’s language environments.
Progress toward this end will provide a high-resolution picture of how SES differences in
language input relate to children’s language learning, and supply concrete ideas for
interventions that promote children’s language outcomes.
In order to determine whether differences in parents’ language input explain SES differences
in children’s language development, researchers have had to characterize these input
differences. For example, research on the play behaviors of low-SES and mid- SES mothers
and their 12- to 18-month-old infants showed no differences in amount of play or social
goals, but did uncover significant differences in parents’ language behavior, with mid-SES
mothers tending to incorporate language goals more often into their play.31 A number of
studies have also focused on differences in talk to toddlers in high-SES compared to mid-
SES families, revealing that middle- and upper-middle-class parents (relative to working
class parents) tend to speak more, use more word types and word tokens, respond more often
in a topic-continuing manner to children’s utterances, and focus less on directing children’s
behavior.32–35 Overall, these data have revealed clear differences in parents’ language input
between low- and mid-SES groups and between mid- and high-SES groups.
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Hart and Risley’s research revealed even larger differences in amount of parents’ language
input across low-, mid-, and high-SES groups, and also demonstrated that these differences
may have implications for children’s learning.3 The researchers found that the average
amount of talk young children in their sample heard ranged from less than 200 words per
hour to over 3,000 words per hour. Differences in amount of talk also correlated with SES:
parents from professional families talked significantly more on average to their children than
those from working-class families and families in poverty. Moreover, SES differences had
important implications for children’s language development, as amount of talk correlated
with toddlers’ vocabulary growth. Subsequent research showed that SES differences exist
not only in spontaneous speech but also in book reading,36 which may have consequences
for children’s learning of new vocabulary.37,38
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In addition to differences in amount of parents’ input across social classes, Hart and Risley
also explored differences in input quality. They found that the average child living in a
professional-class family heard significantly more affirmations (i.e., encouragements) and
fewer prohibitions (i.e., discouragements) than those living in poverty.3 More recently, Rowe
examined differences in both the amount and quality of parental interactions with children
across a wide span of the SES spectrum, as well as how these differences relate to children’s
language development.7 Measures of quality included parents’ use of diverse vocabulary,
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rare words, and decontextualized language (e.g., narratives and explanation). Rowe found
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that SES was related to both quantity and quality measures, with more highly educated
parents using more word tokens and word types, as well as more rare words and more of
some types of decontextualized utterances. SES and input both related to children’s later
vocabulary scores.
SES differences in language input seem to relate not only to children’s vocabulary, but also
to their grammar. Diversity of caregivers’ speech (i.e., the variety of words, phrases, and
clauses produced) has been linked to children’s language development, with diversity of
earlier caregiver speech predicting similar diversity in children’s later speech production.5,39
This applies to preschool classrooms as well: toddlers showed greater grammatical
development over the course of a year when their preschool teachers’ speech was more
grammatically complex.39 Moreover, SES has been found to be a significant predictor of
syntactic diversity—within and across clauses—in both parents’ speech and children’s later
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speech, with SES differences in children’s speech partially mediated by caregivers’ speech.5
Yet the extent to which there are SES differences in children’s grammatical development
may depend on the complexity of the structures being investigated. In learning the basic
rules of clause formation, Vasilyeva and colleagues found that children from different SES
groups showed no systematic variation in terms of age of acquisition or in the proportion of
sentences used correctly.40 However, significant SES differences were shown in children’s
use of complex sentences: children from higher-SES families produced complex sentences
earlier and used these types of sentences more often than children from lower-SES families.
While longitudinal research on parents’ language input has revealed SES differences in the
grammatical complexity and diversity of speech to children, parents across the SES
spectrum have been shown to increase the complexity of their input as their children age.41
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When researchers followed children from a wide range of SES backgrounds from 14 to 46
months, they found that the number of different words children knew was associated with
the variety of words used in their parents’ later speech.5 Across the SES spectrum, parents’
speech seems to change according to the language level of their child, even though overall
SES-related differences persist over time. This suggests that children’s own language
abilities may influence their parents’ subsequent language input, which then affects their
own later learning. Relatedly, differences in children’s use of gesture have been shown to
partially mediate the relation between SES and child vocabulary development.42 The authors
suggest that children’s own gesturing may elicit further parental communication, which then
provides children with more opportunities to learn new words. Interestingly, this
bidirectional relation between children’s and parents’ language usage may not apply to all
levels of language. In particular, research has shown that measures of syntax in children’s
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earlier speech, such as constituent and clausal diversity, do not significantly predict
measures of syntax in parents’ later speech.5 Moreover, the interaction of SES, input
variability, and learning does not occur independently from age-related developmental
changes; regardless of input quality, as children get older, their speech becomes increasingly
complex. Importantly, however, the pace of children’s language learning across time relates
to the lexical and grammatical richness in early language experiences.
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While parents’ communication with their children is associated with children’s learning
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across the developmental timeline, the earliest stages of childhood are likely to be
particularly important for shaping children’s language abilities. By 18 months, group-level
differences in vocabulary knowledge and language processing efficiency (i.e.,
comprehension of language in real time) between lower-SES and higher- SES toddlers are
already apparent.43 By 24 months, there is a 6-month gap between SES groups in language
processing efficiency, which has been shown to forecast later language learning.44,45 Thus,
infants hearing more rich language from their caregivers early in life develop stronger
language processing skills, which can affect their ability to learn new words more quickly,
and this in turn seems to influence their ability to process future sentences containing those
words.4,30 These cascading effects are evident in the finding that toddlers’ processing speed
and vocabulary size account for unique variance in later language and cognitive skills at the
age of 8.45 Other research suggests that the pace of early vocabulary growth predicts
children’s later vocabulary and school readiness skills,46 and children’s oral language skills
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at the start of kindergarten help explain the effect of SES on elementary school performance,
which has in itself been shown to predict later academic success.47
The past few decades of research have revealed significant SES differences in both the
amount and quality of parents’ speech to their children. These differences relate to the
development of children’s vocabulary, grammar, and language processing speed, at least
partially accounting for SES differences in children’s language outcomes. Over time, some
aspects of toddlers’ own language use may also influence their parents’ subsequent language
input. If this bidirectional relation between caregivers’ input and children’s production
begins early on in life, children are likely to show accelerated language growth. SES
differences in children’s language development emerge early, and children’s language skills
in early years are highly predictive of their later language and academic outcomes.
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that while quantity of verbal input differs on average across social classes, quantity alone
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may not be a robust predictor of vocabulary production for children from low-SES families.
Recent work by Hirsh-Pasek and colleagues examined the extent to which the quality of
parent– child communication—as opposed to the quantity of input—was related to
children’s language development in 60 low-income families.9 Their particular measures of
quality were (1) children’s joint engagement with symbols (e.g., using iconic gestures and
words as they participated in activities with their caregivers), (2) routines and rituals shared
by the parent and child (e.g., book reading), and (3) fluency or connectedness of the
exchange. The researchers found individual differences in the quality of these interactions at
24 months, and these differences accounted for a significant proportion of variability in
children’s expressive language at 36 months. Hierarchical regression analyses showed that
these measures of quality accounted for a much larger proportion of variance in children’s
expressive language than measures of language input quantity (maternal words per minute).
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That is, within this low-SES sample, measures of the quality of mother–child
communication more strongly predicted children’s expressive language abilities one year
later than did the total number of words spoken by mothers.
Hurtado and colleagues showed that differences in language input within low-SES Spanish-
speaking families not only related to children’s vocabulary growth, but also to their language
processing efficiency.10 Input quantity (i.e., speaking more utterances to children) and input
quality (measured by diversity of words and mean length of utterance) both predicted
children’s later efficiency in understanding spoken language. That is, children from low-SES
families whose mothers spoke to them using more complex language at 18 months were
significantly faster in a real-time comprehension task at 24 months.
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Collectively, this research shows that there are sizable differences in parents’ language input
and children’s language development within SES groups, indicating that the relation
between SES and language use and outcomes is not fixed. Group differences suggest that
higher-quantity and higher-quality language is more likely to be used in the homes of
higher-SES parents, but critically, many lower-SES parents do offer enriching language
environments to their children. Research on parent–child communication both between and
within SES groups suggests that parents’ input is key to children’s learning.
CHILD-DIRECTED SPEECH
Differences in the quantity and quality of speech addressed to children relate to observed
SES differences in children’s language outcomes. Yet in order to determine how learning
can best be improved between and within higher- and lower-SES groups, it is important to
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discussing potential age-related differences in the optimal speech input for young children’s
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learning.
One particularly defining feature of CDS is its prosody. There are clear prosodic differences
between CDS and ADS, such as higher pitch, exaggerated vowels, and final-word
lengthening (see reviews by Cristia18 and Soderstrom15). Moreover, from birth, infants
exhibit a preference for listening to CDS compared to ADS.53–56 But do sound-level
characteristics of CDS—such as its clear, melodic, and high-pitched speech register—
actually help infants and young children in their language learning?
Maternal speech clarity in CDS seems to be important for phonological development. One
study found that mothers’ clarity (i.e., the extent to which they expand their vowel space)
was correlated with speech discrimination performance in Mandarin-learning infants.57
Laboratory studies have also revealed better speech discrimination in infants listening to
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CDS compared to ADS. In one study, 1- to 4-month-old infants were able to detect
phonemic differences between subtly distinct syllable sequences with contrastive middle
syllables (e.g., ‘marana’ vs ‘malana’) only in CDS, which had a combination of higher mean
pitch, larger amplitude, and longer syllable duration than ADS.58 In other research, large
pitch contours, or the rising and falling patterns of pitch change that tend to occur in CDS,
have been shown to enable better vowel discrimination in young infants.17 Interestingly,
speech that is only characterized by higher mean pitch—another characteristic feature of
CDS—actually seems to hinder vowel discrimination, highlighting that specific features of
CDS might be differentially helpful for different aspects of language learning.17 Such
specificity is especially evident in a study with 5- and 13-monthold infants showing better
discrimination of /s/sounds when caregivers produced clear, more ‘acoustically extreme’
tokens of /s/.59 Thus, fine-grained differences in maternal speech clarity even seem to
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Sound-level characteristics of CDS not only support young children’s learning of sound
categories, but also their word segmentation and word-learning abilities. In one study, 6.5- to
7.5-month-old infants were able to segment word-like units from artificial speech presented
in CDS (characterized by prosodic characteristics such as exaggerated pitch contour), but
not in ADS, even when the experimenters controlled for stress marking, such that the only
cue to word boundaries was the statistical structure of the speech.60 Other work has revealed
that prosodic characteristics of CDS promote the mapping of new labels onto objects, as
well as long-term memory for words.61,62 In one study, 6-month-old infants could
successfully segment novel words and map them onto novel objects only after being exposed
to artificial speech in which word forms aligned with prosodic phrase boundaries.22
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Similarly, data from the Human Speechome Project—in which a single child’s language
input and output was extensively recorded between the ages of 9 and 24 months—showed an
association between prosodic characteristics of specific word forms and the child’s age of
producing the words.63 Words that were louder, longer, and higher in pitch in parent speech
were produced by the child at an earlier age.
Prosodic and sound-level characteristics of CDS may also help infants find grammatical
units.18 Infants have been shown to be sensitive to the acoustic boundaries of clausal units in
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cohesive clauses (where pauses occur between clause boundaries instead of within a clause).
21,64,65 Infants as young as 6 months have also shown similar sensitivity to prosodic markers
that parents’ use of isolated words (i.e., single words with pauses at their edges), a common
feature of naturally occurring CDS,70,71 supports infants’ word segmentation.20 Specifically,
when 8- to 10-month-old infants were exposed to fluent Italian speech containing either
fluent speech alone or a combination of fluent speech and isolated words, they were only
able to segment words that appeared both in fluent speech and in isolation.20 In addition to
instances of single-word utterances, CDS is characterized by the use of short utterances in
simple sentence frames. Cameron-Faulkner and colleagues found that approximately half of
all CDS utterances are heard in one of 52 sentence frames, such as Look at the ____ and
Where is the ____?72 Fernald and Hurtado explored the real-time processing of sentences
that included these frames, and showed that 18-month-olds were faster to interpret familiar
nouns when they were heard in sentence frames compared to being heard in isolation.23
Thus, the presence of isolated words in CDS promotes infants’ ability to segment fluent
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speech, and the use of short, familiar sentence frames influences toddlers’ processing of
familiar nouns.
Researchers have also found that repetition and partial repetition of utterances is a defining
structural feature of CDS.12,13,73 In particular, corpus analyses have shown that a high
proportion of CDS utterances contain words that are repeated in successive utterances, also
known as partial self-repetitions or variation sets.74,75 This type of partial repetition has been
shown to enhance word segmentation in an artificial language learning study with adults.75
Moreover, a longitudinal study of parent–child dyads found that parents’ partial repetition of
multiword constituents was correlated with children’s subsequent production of those
constituent structures (as cited in work by Brodsky and colleagues76). Partial repetition also
supports the learning of new words. In a short word-learning paradigm, 2-yearold children
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only showed successful learning of novel words when exposures had been repeated across
successive sentences, as opposed to distributed throughout labeling episodes, suggesting that
immediate opportunities to detect recurring structure facilitate young children’s learning.77
Similar benefits of repetition have also been shown in the context of cross-situational word
learning; immediate repetition of word/object pairs in ambiguous contexts seems to help
infants track co-occurrence probabilities across learning events in order to successfully map
labels onto objects.78 Finally, another measure of ‘repetitiveness’ in CDS is the number of
unique words (types) compared to the total number of words (tokens). Researchers assessed
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this type-token ratio in maternal speech with 7-month-old infants, and found that it predicted
vocabulary scores when the children were 2 years old.79 Together, these studies suggest that
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repetition in CDS improves young children’s ability to find words in speech and determine
the meanings of those words.
Social factors related to CDS are also likely to have an influence on young children’s
language learning, as infants’ experiences with language occur in the context of interactions
with caregivers. Kuhl and colleagues found that 9-month-old English-learning infants
displayed sensitivity to non-native phonetic contrasts (i.e., sound categories found in
Chinese, but not English) if they were exposed to Chinese-speaking adults before being
given a phonetic discrimination test.80 However, the ability to distinguish these nonnative
phonetic contrasts was diminished if infants instead watched a prerecorded video of the
same adult. Social factors also support early speech production: the presence of parents in
the room increases the frequency of preterm infants’ vocalizations.81 Indeed, it seems that
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Importantly, children are not passive recipients of CDS. They play a role in eliciting CDS
from caregivers. Children’s responses have been shown to work together with parents’
responses; they provide feedback to each other and influence each other’s speech in a
dynamic way.85 A longitudinal study of parent–child interactions found that if children’s
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communication.89
Finally, researchers have started to characterize the extent to which infants’ preferences for
and ability to learn from CDS remain intact over the course of early development. Some
studies show that while younger infants (4–6 months) show a preference for listening to
CDS over ADS, infants older than 7 months do not.90,91 However, infants above the age of
14 months have been shown to prefer CDS over ADS in some cases,90,92 suggesting the
existence of a U-shaped developmental preference that follows infants’ decreased interest in
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the melodic features of CDS and their subsequent increased speech perception abilities in
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the context of CDS. But during the second and third years of life, the usefulness of CDS for
language learning might become less important. One study showed that 27-month-old
children were equally able to learn new words in both CDS and ADS.61 Thus, infants’
preference for and learning from CDS changes over time, and different characteristics of
CDS are likely to be beneficial during different windows of time in the course of language
learning.
In sum, this literature has revealed several important features of CDS—at the level of
sounds, words, sentences, and social interactions—that influence children’s early language-
learning abilities. It is important to keep in mind that infants are also active participants in
their own language learning (i.e., they are part of a social feedback loop with their parents),
and different features of CDS are likely to differentially affect children’s learning over the
course of development. Overall, research on CDS has begun to narrow in on particular
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qualitative features of input that directly affect children’s language learning. While few of
these experiments have directly examined SES, determining which features of CDS differ
across and within SES tiers—and which do not— may ultimately help to explain differences
in children’s language outcomes.
their time, and those with fewer demands may have more time to be physically, emotionally,
and cognitively present in the home, and thus able to attend more fully to their children.
In order to understand how family life shapes children’s language learning, future research
will need to examine a vast network of factors: parents’ work lives (such as predictability of
work hours and job satisfaction), availability of child care, sleep habits, access to health
care, financial planning, organization versus disorganization of the physical and social
environment in the home, and management of utilities, food, and transportation.
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Nevertheless, while a range of factors related to the home environment are likely to interact
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with SES in influencing parents’ language input and children’s learning, the fact that high-
quality input directly affects children’s language growth is important in itself. Regardless of
the extent to which various life circumstances influence input and learning, parents’
implementation of supportive language experiences could help buffer against developmental
risk factors.
CONCLUSION
Family SES predicts group-level differences in parents’ language input and children’s
language development. Specifically, children at the lower end of the SES spectrum tend to
receive significantly less high-quantity and high-quality language experience, which affects
their development of vocabulary, grammar, and language processing. The implications of
these findings are a clear public health concern. In the United States alone, 14.7 million
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children under the age of 18 were living in poverty in 2013.98 Yet research has shown that
important differences also exist within SES groups regarding amount and quality of parents’
speech to their children, and these differences relate to children’s language development,
even within low- SES populations. In particular, research has revealed that features of input
such as lexical and grammatical diversity, mean length of utterances, and fluency of
communicative exchanges—which tend to differ across children’s language environments—
are predictive of their language outcomes. A distinct but related line of research has
narrowed in on particular features of CDS that influence children’s language-learning
abilities. Specifically, laboratory experiments have uncovered several prosodic, structural,
and social characteristics of CDS that directly affect young children’s learning. Together,
these two domains of research—the relation of SES to parents’ input and children’s
learning, and the specific features of CDS that matter most for early language learning—are
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beginning to reveal the mechanisms that underlie the link between input and learning both
within and across SES groups. Future work will need to integrate the motivations and
methods of these two domains of research in order to determine whether or not the particular
features of CDS that promote children’s language outcomes vary by SES. Doing so will help
us better understand and intervene on individual differences in early language learning.
The interaction between SES, parents’ input, and children’s language outcomes is also likely
to interact with two dimensions of variability: the age of the child, and the nature of the
child’s household and community. When in development do features of CDS most
powerfully exert their influence on different aspects of language learning, and how do these
processes vary across the SES spectrum? SES differences in children’s language
development are clearly apparent within the first two years of life,43,94 but less is known
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about how specific features of parents’ input differentially influence the emergence of early
language-learning abilities (e.g., speech perception,99 word segmentation,100,101 and word
learning102,103) across the SES spectrum. Moreover, how do family factors such as
economic stress, time management, and television use constrain parents’ opportunities to
engage in enriching, high-quality communication with their children? Going forward,
researchers should work toward understanding how specific variations in children’s
experiences affect their language learning across development, across the SES spectrum, and
across different meta-contexts in which children live and interact. This multidisciplinary
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research effort will address two interrelated objectives: (1) the basic science objective of
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understanding how and why differences in input lead to different developmental trajectories,
and (2) the translational objective of creating effective and long-lasting interventions and
policies that promote children’s language learning within and across SES groups.
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