American Asset Manager Capitalism

Benjamin Braun

Institute for Advanced Study &

Max Planck Institute for the Study of Societies
[email protected]

Abstract

Who holds power in corporate America? Scholars have invariably answered this
question in the language of ownership and control. This paper argues that tackling
this question today requires a new language. Whereas the comparative political
economy literature has long treated dispersed ownership and weak shareholders as
core features of the U.S. political economy, a century-long process of re-concentration
has consolidated shareholdings in the hands of a few very large asset management
companies. In an historically unprecedented configuration, this emerging asset
manager capitalism is dominated by shareholders that are fully diversified ‘universal
owners’, while lacking direct economic interest in the performance of portfolio
companies. The paper reconstructs the history of this institutional configuration and
examines the fault lines of the new political economy of corporate governance.

Acknowledgements: This paper has been a long time in the making (since 2015).
Drafts were presented at the Max Planck Institute for the Study of Societies, the
Watson Institute at Brown University, and the Center for European Studies at
Harvard University. For enormously helpful comments I would like to thank Ruth
Aguilera, Sahil Dutta, Jan Fichtner, Peter Hall, Perry Mehrling, Suresh Naidu,
Herman Mark Schwartz, David Soskice, Cornelia Woll, and Nick Ziegler. Special
thanks go to the conveners of the ‘American Political Economy’ project, Jacob
Hacker, Alexander Hertel-Fernandez, Paul Pierson, and Kathy Thelen.
1. Introduction

Who holds power in corporate America? The question is central for students of
American political economy. Students of corporate governance have invariably
phrased their answers in the language of ownership and control. This language stems
from Berle and Means (1932), who observed that trust-busting policies and the
diversification of robber baron fortunes had dispersed stock ownership in the United
States, while concentrating corporate control in the hands of a small class of
managers.1 Jensen and Meckling’s (1976) agency theory, while reiterating the notions
of shareholder dispersion and weakness, conceptualized shareholders as principals –
the only actors with a strong material interest in the economic performance of the
corporation. Offering a simple solution to what Berle and Means had considered a
complex political problem, agency theory reduced corporate governance to the
problem of protecting outside minority shareholders against “expropriation” by
insiders, namely corporate managers and workers (La Porta et al. 2000: 4).
Notwithstanding the political chasm between these two pairs of authors – New Deal
liberals versus pro-market libertarians – the field of corporate governance melded
these ideas into a single Berle-Means-Jensen-Meckling (BM-JM) ontology – the
United States as a society in which shareholders, while dispersed and weak, are the
owners and principals of the corporation. This ontology underpins ‘shareholder
primacy’ (or ‘shareholder value’), which in the late 20th century emerged as the
dominant corporate governance regime. This regime is geared towards three goals –
ensuring a market for corporate control, allowing shareholders to monitor managerial
performance, and aligning the material interests of managers with those of
shareholders (Fourcade and Khurana 2017: 355).2 So complete was its victory that
two prominent legal scholars announced the “[t]he triumph of the shareholder-
oriented model of the corporation” and the “end of history for corporate law”
(Hansmann and Kraakman 2001: 468).

1
For an important earlier discussion of ownership and control, see Veblen’s (1923) Absentee Ownership.
2
While agency theory did not cause the restructuring of corporate governance (Knafo and Dutta 2020), it
provided theoretical legitimation for the shareholder value model (Jung and Dobbin 2015).

2
Political economists, while critical of the regressive distributive consequences of
shareholder primacy (Lazonick and O'Sullivan 2000), have largely taken the BM-JM
ontology at face value. The ideas that shareholders in the United States are dispersed
and weak but are nonetheless the owners and principals of the corporation have been
absorbed by the comparative political economy (CPE) literature on corporate
governance (Aguilera and Jackson 2003; Gourevitch and Shinn 2005; Hall and
Soskice 2001; Roe 1994). While this has always been problematic, the rise of asset
managers has dramatically transformed the investment chain – see Figure 1 – pulling
the empirical rug from under the BM-JM ontology. The present paper maps this
transformation and contributes to the task of putting the political economy of
corporate governance on a new conceptual foundation. It argues that a ‘Great Re-
Concentration’ of U.S. stock ownership that began in the mid-20th century and
accelerated dramatically at the beginning of the 21st century has brought about a
new corporate governance regime, asset manager capitalism (2016).

Figure 1: The equity investment chain

Source: Author’s own illustration.

This paper seeks to come to grips with the empirical observation that today the “Big
Three” asset managers – Vanguard, BlackRock, and State Street Global Advisors –
together hold more than 20 per cent of the shares of the average S&P 500 company

3
(Backus, Conlon, and Sinkinson 2019: 19). Four hallmarks characterize this new
regime. First, U.S. stock ownership is concentrated in the hands of giant asset
managers. Second, due to the size of their stakes, asset managers are, in principle,
strong shareholders with considerable control over corporate management. While
this divergence from ‘dispersed and weak’ alone would require CPE to rekindle its
conceptual toolkit, two additional features distinguish asset manager capitalism from
previous stock ownership regimes. The third hallmark is that large asset managers
are “universal owners” that hold fully diversified portfolios (Hawley and Williams
2000). Finally, as for-profit intermediaries with a fee-based business model, asset
managers hold no direct economic interest in their portfolio companies. Clearly, the
BM-JM ontology does not map onto this new institutional landscape. Whereas the
shareholder primacy regime was geared towards maximizing the value of the shares
of individual firms, asset manager capitalism is geared towards maximizing the
aggregate value of assets under management.

The paper is organized as follows. The next section gives a big-picture overview of
the evolution of U.S. stock ownership and corporate governance regimes. Section 3
traces the policies and economic developments behind the growth of the asset
management sector since the Revenue Act of 1936. Section 4 takes a closer look at
the questions of universal ownership and of assets managers’ economic interests.
Section 5 explores the political economy of asset manager capitalism at the firm,
sectoral, and macroeconomic levels, as well as in the realm of politics. The conclusion
highlights broader implications for the field of (American) political economy.

2. Stock ownership and the investment chain in historical perspective

The historical trajectory of U.S. stock ownership is U-shaped. A period of high-

concentration in the late 19th century gave way to a period of highly dispersed share
ownership in the mid-20th century, which has been followed by a long (and ongoing)
period of re-concentration.

By the end of the 19th century, corporate America was largely owned and controlled
by a handful of corporations and banks, in turn owned and controlled by the

4
“blockholder oligarchy” formed by figures such as J.P. Morgan, Andrew Carnegie,
and John D. Rockefeller (Gourevitch and Shinn 2005: 244). Table 1, which depicts
the evolution of the U.S. investment chain, highlights the hallmarks of this “finance
capitalism” (Hilferding 1985 [1910]). Share ownership was concentrated and a few
oligarchs exercised direct control as owner-managers. Their portfolios were
undiversified, giving them a strong stake in the fortunes of their corporate empires.3

Table 1: Hallmarks of historical corporate governance regimes

Robber barons Households Pension funds Asset managers
Concentration of High Low Medium High
ownership

Control of Strong Weak: Medium: Potentially strong:

shareholders exit exit or voice voice, no exit

Portfolio Low Low Medium High (indexed)

diversification

Interest in firms High High Medium Low

Corp Gov Regime Finance Managerialism Shareholder Asset manager

capitalism primacy capitalism

Macro Regime Monopoly capitalism Fordism Knowledge economy

Several factors contributed to the dissolution of the concentrated ownership

structure of the Gilded Age: robber barons issuing new shares to finance their
takeover drives; Progressive Era anti-trust laws; war-related federal taxes forcing
robber barons to sell more shares; and, finally, the stock market boom of the 1920s,
which turned millions into the stockholders (Means 1930; Ott 2011). Stock ownership
became dispersed. By 1945, households held 94 per cent of U.S. corporate equity
(Figure 2 below).4 The weakness of these dispersed shareholders concentrated power
in the hands of the managers of increasingly large corporations. Together with strong
trade unions, a Keynesian economic policy paradigm, and the Bretton Woods system,
the corporate governance regime of “managerialism” was a key pillar of Fordism
(Chandler 1977; Fligstein 1990; Hacker and Pierson 2016; Schwartz forthc.).

3
Gourevitch and Shinn (2005: 243) note that this “blockholder trust model … made the United States look rather
like Germany at the turn of the last century”. What Morgan and Carnegie were to the former, Deutsche Bank
and Allianz were to the latter (Windolf and Beyer 1996).
4
Note that U.S. share ownership is highly skewed towards the top of the wealth distribution (Figure 5 below).

5
While prescient in their warning of excessive corporate power, Berle and Means were
wrong about the longevity of dispersed stock ownership. Their failure to foresee the
Great Re-Concentration is hardly surprising, however. Whereas the late 19th-century
concentration was the result of owner-managers seeking monopoly, 20th-century
concentration was driven by developments within the investment chain. The first
development was the emergence and growth of capital-pooling institutional investors
(Fichtner 2020), notably pension funds, whose direct equity holdings reached an all-
time high of 27 per cent in 1985 (Figure 2). This stock ownership regime was dubbed
“investor capitalism” (Useem 1996) or “pension fund capitalism” (Clark 2000). Its
hallmarks were moderately dispersed stock ownership; institutional investors large
enough to be heard (voice) yet small enough for their ownership stakes to be liquid
(exit); and moderate diversification among not-for-profit institutional investors with
enough ‘skin in the game’ to take a strong interest in their portfolio companies.

The investment chain lengthened again when, starting in the 1980s, institutional
investors increasingly invested via outside asset managers.5 This category comprises
providers of hedge, private equity, and venture capital funds, but the bulk of capital
is invested via mutual funds and exchange-traded traded funds, which are the focus
of this paper.6 U.S. stock ownership has shifted from dispersed to concentrated due
to the sheer size of a few mutual fund and ETF providers, which today act as strong
minority shareholders in virtually every major listed corporation. The political
economy of this emerging asset manager capitalism is complicated by the facts –
discussed in section four below – that these newly dominant shareholders combine
large stakes with full diversification, and that they operate on a for-profit, fee-based
business model geared towards maximizing assets under management.

5
‘Asset management company’ here refers to pure asset managers such as BlackRock (publicly listed) and
Vanguard (mutually owned by the shareholders of its funds), as well as to the asset management arms of insurers
(such as Allianz) and of banks (such as J.P. Morgan Chase).
6
Private equity and venture capital funds are excluded by this paper’s focus on holdings in listed companies.
The hedge fund sector, which does invest in listed companies, is small by comparison, managing USD 3.2 trillion
globally (BarclayHedge 2020). However, hedge funds multiply that into assets several times larger via leverage.

6
3. The Great Re-Concentration

The ‘Great Re-Concentration’ is depicted in Figure 2 – a seven-decade period during

which shareholdings shifted from households to pension funds and, more recently, to
asset management companies. During the first phase of the Great Re-Concentration
(1936–2000), tax rules for mutual funds, retirement legislation, and financial
regulation fed the growth of asset management in general. Since 2000, the dominant
dynamic has been consolidation within the asset management sector.

Figure 2: The structure of U.S. corporate equity ownership, 1945–2019

100%
Rest of the world
90%
Other domestic
80%
ETFs
70%
Mutual funds
60%
Public pension funds
50%
Private pension funds
40%

Insurers
30%

NFCs
20%

Households (incl. domestic

10%
hedge funds)
0%
1945

1955

1960

1965

1970

1975

1980

1985

1990

1995

2000

2005

2010

2015

Source: Financial accounts of the United States (Z.1).

Note on types of equity: The data comprises equity issued by U.S.-listed foreign corporations (21 per
cent of the total) and closely held equity (15 per cent of the remaining domestic equity). The total
dollar value of U.S. corporate equity by year-end 2019 was USD 55 trillion.
Note on holders of equity: The recent expansion of the categories ‘rest of the world’ and ‘households’
hides the growth of private equity funds and hedge funds. (1) Closely held equity has increasingly
become dominated by private equity funds, subsumed here under ‘households’. By a rough estimate,
private equity funds hold 2-3 per cent of U.S. corporate equity. (2) Hedge fund holdings (roughly 10
per cent of listed shares) are displayed as assets of households (for domestic hedge funds) or of the rest
of the world (for foreign hedge funds, including U.S. funds registered in offshore jurisdictions) (see
www.federalreserve.gov/releases/Z1/z1_technical_qa.htm).

7
Feeding the growth of asset management, 1936–2000

Between the end of World War II and the turn of the 20th century, the share of
corporate equity held directly by households declined steadily, falling below 40 per
cent after the bursting of the dotcom bubble in 2000. This decline was the flipside
of the pooling of savings via collective investment vehicles, which increased their
share of equity holdings from virtually zero in 1945 to 42 per cent in 2000. While
there is no lack of histories of this development, existing accounts tend to downplay
the difference between not-for-profit institutional investors such as pension funds
and endowments on one hand, and for-profit asset management companies on the
other. Comparative political economists, focused on the political coalitions between
owners, managers, and workers, have largely treated the investment chain as a black
box (Gourevitch and Shinn 2005; Goyer 2011).7

This section focuses on how and why the growth of retirement assets spurred the
growth of the asset management sector. The big picture can be read off Figure 3.
Total mutual fund assets (solid black line) have grown in lockstep with retirement
assets since 1984. That growth accelerated when defined contribution (DC) plan and
individual retirement account (IRA) assets took off in the mid-1990s. The share of
retirement assets in total mutual fund assets doubled over the course of the 1990s,
from 20 to 40 per cent (dotted red line). This share has recently plateaued at 45 per
cent, whereas mutual fund assets have continued to rise, indicating the growing
importance of (non-retirement) household savings as well as foreign investment in
U.S. mutual fund shares.

7
As a result of this black boxing, comparative political economists interpreted the sell-off of European (and
Japanese) blockholdings to Anglo-American investors in terms of Europe moving towards the liberal-market-
economy model of dispersed ownership (Beyer and Höpner 2003; Deeg 2009). This obscured the simultaneous,
countervailing LME trend of growing ownership concentration associated with the rise of asset managers.

8
Figure 3: Retirement assets and their share of mutual fund assets, 1974–2018
Share of total
mutual fund assets USD trillion

50% 30
Annuities

40% Share of retirement assets in total Federal DB plans

mutual fund assets, %, LHS
20
State and local government
30%
DB plans

Private-sector DB plans
20%
10
DC plans (incl. 401(k)
plans)
10%
Solid line: Total mutual IRAs
fund assets, RHS

0% 0
1974

1978

1982

1986

1990

1994

1998

2002

2006

2010

2014

2018
Sources: Investment Company Institute; Department of Labor.

The explosive growth of mutual fund assets was not preordained. Mutual funds are
legal constructs built, over a long period, on regulatory statutes and on various pieces
of tax and retirement legislation. The first such piece was the Revenue Act of 1936,
which allowed mutual funds to pass dividends on to investors untaxed, thus ensuring
that fund shareholders were not disadvantaged vis-à-vis direct stock investors (Fink
2008: 28). Congress made this tax privilege conditional on mutual funds owning no
more than 10 per cent of the voting stock of any corporation, with the explicit goal
of preventing them from acquiring controlling stakes (Fink 2008: 28). Today, the tax
exemption lives on in the Internal Revenue Code (Coates 2009: 596).8

Fund size continued to be key issue in the run-up to the Investment Company Act
of 1940. While mutual funds supported the idea of legislation, they opposed certain
provisions in the original bill drafted by the Securities and Exchange Commission
(SEC). Arguing that investment companies selling securities into a falling market
had been one of the sources of the 1929 crash and seeking to avoid such “runs” on

8
This rule applies at the level of the individual fund. Breaches of this threshold by fund families – an imminent
scenario for BlackRock or Vanguard – thus fall within the letter of the 1936 law but may conflict with its spirit.

9
mutual funds in the future, the SEC was proposing to limit their size to USD 150
million. The mutual fund lobby strongly opposed the size limitation and, rejecting
the bank run analogy, succeeded in keeping it out the final version of the bill (Fink
2008: 39). Section 14(b) of the Investment Company Act, which authorized the SEC
to re-examine future increases in fund size, was never activated.

The Revenue Act and the Investment Company Act established the legal foundation
for the existence of mutual funds without, however, doing much to feed their
business. 9
The tide of retirement assets that ultimately flooded the asset
management sector was the cumulative effect of four subsequent pieces of retirement
legislation: Taft-Hartley (1947), ERISA (1974), the 401(k) provision (1978), and
universal IRAs (1981). Long before Peter Drucker warned of “pension fund socialism”
coming to America (Drucker 1976), the anti-labor Taft-Hartley Act of 1947
prohibited employers from contributing to union-controlled pension funds
(McCarthy 2017: 95-100). The Employment Retirement Income Security Act
(ERISA) of 1974, which brought the riskiness of private pension promises – hitherto
negotiated between employers, unions, and employees – under federal government
regulation (Wooten 2004: 3), further weakened labor control over the investment of
retirement assets. It did so by tightening a fiduciary requirement originally
introduced by Taft-Hartley. Whereas the latter had stipulated merely that pension
assets be invested to the “exclusive benefit” of plan beneficiaries, ERISA’s “prudent
person rule” (drawing on rules developed by the New York State legislature during
the 1950s) required that fiduciaries act “with the care, skill, prudence, and diligence
under the circumstances then prevailing that a prudent man acting in a like capacity
and familiar with such matters would use” (McCarthy 2017: 110-11). In 1979, the
Department of Labor specified that prudence was a matter not of individual
securities but of portfolio construction, thus tying fiduciary duty to the prescriptions
of modern portfolio theory (Montagne 2013: 53). By narrowing the prudent person
rule down to best practice as it prevailed in the financial sector, ERISA created a

9
Defined benefit plans, which then did not invest in mutual funds, prevailed in the corporate retirement market,
while the small market for defined contribution plans was dominated by banks and insurers (Fink 2008: 113).

10
strong incentive for retirement plan managers to share fiduciary responsibility with
professional, external asset managers (Montagne 2013; van der Zwan 2017).10

For all of the mutual fund industry’s legislative victories, its growth had stalled
amidst the 1970s bear market (Clowes 2000: 192). Growth resumed in a big way
with the addition of section 401(k) to the Internal Revenue Code in 1978 and the
Economic Recovery Tax Act of 1981. Although the mutual fund industry had not
lobbied for the 401(k) provision – the DC-plan implications of which were
‘discovered’ only in 1980 by Ted Benna, and confirmed by the IRS in 1981 (Hacker
2019: 110) – it proved a godsend for the industry. In contrast to the “mostly
inadvertent” birth of the 401(k) provision (ibid.), the “universal IRA” – which
allowed annual tax-deductible IRA contributions of up to USD 2000 – had been
invented by, and lobbied for, the Investment Company Institute (Fink 2008: 125).
In the 1980s, IRA and DC assets became the fastest-growing segments of the
retirement market, and today account for two thirds of all retirement assets, and for
an even larger share of retirement assets invested in mutual fund and ETF shares.11

By the year 2000, a series of tax rules, retirement laws, and financial regulations had
helped create a USD 7 trillion mutual fund sector that managed USD 2.6 trillion of
retirement assets (Figure 3). The dominant shareholders, however, were still the
public pension funds, which campaigned aggressively for the corporate governance
reforms that institutionalized the shareholder primacy regime, including independent
directors, destaggered boards, and proxy voting (Davis and Thompson 1994; Webber
2018: 45-78). However, even the largest holdings of the largest public pension funds
barely reached 1 per cent of a corporation’s market capitalization in the 1990s.
Dispersed share ownership thus remained a hallmark of pension fund capitalism.

10
The case of fiduciary duty under ERISA shows that new legislation did not always benefit the mutual fund
sector. On the basis of diversification rules under the Investment Company Act, ERISA provided that mutual
funds did not automatically become fiduciaries when retirement plans invested with them. While advantageous
for mutual funds in the first analysis, it turned out that trustees of smaller DB pension plans wanted to share
their fiduciary responsibility with their asset managers and therefore avoided mutual funds (Clowes 2000: 192).
11
The “risk shift” (Hacker 2019) from employers to employees was crucial not least because modern portfolio
theory prescribed conservative, bond-based investment strategies for corporations running DB pension plans.
Fischer Black, the father of portfolio theory, travelled across the country in the 1970s warning corporate
treasurers of the risks of moving DB plan assets into equities (Mehrling 2005: 222).

11
Consolidation within the asset management sector, 2000 – present

The aggregate stock ownership data in Figure 2 suggests that little has changed over
the last twenty years, bar a modest expansion of foreign ownership, continued growth
of mutual funds, and the emergence and growth of exchange-traded funds. In reality,
the share of equities held by institutional investors has risen significantly above the
50 per cent level displayed in Figure 2 (see notes beneath Figure 2). For S&P 500
companies, the institutional ownership share stands at 80 per cent, up from 60 per
cent in 2000 (Backus, Conlon, and Sinkinson 2019: 15). This continued growth of
the overall asset management sector cannot, however, explain the jump in the largest
asset managers’ average ownership stakes from 1 per cent in the 1990s to almost 10
per cent today. Indeed, in contrast to the slow growth of the underlying asset pool
in the late 20th century, the crucial dynamic in the 21st century has been
concentration within the asset management sector. The ETF market today is a global
oligopoly in which three firms – BlackRock (39%), Vanguard (25%) and SSGA
(16%) – have a combined market share of 80 per cent (Kim 2019). By another metric,
the largest one per cent of asset managers control 61 per cent of the assets managed
by the sector – 243 times that of the bottom 50 per cent of asset managers, more
than a two-fold increase since 2010 (Riding 2020).

While the contingency of the 2008 financial crisis played an important role,
concentration in the financial sector has been driven by some of the same forces as
concentration in labor and product markets (Ansell and Gingrich forthc.; Naidu
forthc.; Rahman and Thelen forthc.; Schwartz forthc.). Although asset managers
compete on performance and cost, the cost of investing via for-profit asset managers
is high. Between 1980 and 2007, asset management revenues (mutual, money market,
and exchange-traded funds) quintupled from about 0.2 per cent to just under 1 per
cent of GDP (Greenwood and Scharfstein 2013: 9).. Casting a bright light on
remuneration in the financial sector generally, the financial crisis of 2008 accelerated
the shift from expensive active funds into low-cost index funds, which had been
underway since the early 1990s (Figure 4) (Braun 2016). The cost difference between
active equity funds and index equity funds (traditional and ETFs) is significant, and
has increased over time. The expense ratio of active funds was four times higher than

12
that of index funds in 2000 and is nearly ten times higher today (Figure 4). In the
United States, this cost advantage has been reinforced by a tax loophole for ETFs
(Poterba and Shoven 2002).12 In addition, the financial crisis dealt a heavy blow to
the banking sector. While asset managers benefitted indirectly from distrustful
investors moving money out of the banking sector, BlackRock in particular gained
from its June 2009 acquisition of the asset management arm of Barclays, which
included iShares, then the world’s leading ETF brand (Mooney and Smith 2019).

Figure 4: Domestic active equity funds versus domestic index equity funds (incl.
ETFs), relative market share (1993–2019) and expense ratios (2000–2019)

Share of total Expense ratio

100% 1.5%

80% 1.2% Domestic active

funds

60% 0.9% Domestic index

funds

40% 0.6% Expense ratio,

active funds, RHS

20% 0.3% Expense ratio,

index funds, RHS

0% 0.0%
1993

1995

1997

1999

2001

2003

2005

2007

2009

2011

2013

2015

2017

2019

Source: Investment Company Institute.

Note: Expense ratios are asset-weighted averages.

If the contingency of the financial crisis made investors more cost-sensitive,

structural forces have helped translate that focus on cost into accelerated
concentration. Generally speaking, as in other sectors of the knowledge economy,
intellectual property rights have become more important for financial sector firms

12
The key financial innovation that allows for ETFs shares to be traded continuously throughout the trading
day (unlike traditional index funds) is an “in-kind” share creation and redemption mechanism. By using stocks
that have appreciated for in-kind redemptions, fund providers have been able to significantly reduce the
distribution of capital gains to investors, thus avoiding capital gains taxes. Taking this one step further,
Vanguard has used its ETFs to ‘launder’ the capital gains even of its regular mutual funds and even holds a
patent on this technique (Mider, Massa, and Cannon 2019).

13
(Schwartz 2017). More specifically, asset management has much in common with
digital platform industries, where network effects and scale economies drive
monopolization (Kenney and Zysman 2016; Rahman and Thelen 2019; Srnicek 2017).

Three elements underpin the “almost unlimited scale economies” of these “digital
asset management platforms” (Haberly et al. 2019: 169). First, the fixed cost
structure of ETFs – a relatively expensive financial infrastructure on the back-end
combined with constant marginal costs – creates conventional scale economies. The
SEC recently changed the rules governing the share creation and redemption
mechanism at the heart of ETFs in an explicit attempt to lower barriers to entry
and enhance competition (SEC 2019: 197-98). Second, unlike active mutual funds,
whose transaction costs tend to increase beyond a certain size threshold, ETFs
benefit from network effects – more investors make the shares of an ETF more liquid.
Third, asset management companies have increasingly benefitted from data-based
returns to scale. This trend is epitomized by BlackRock’s Aladdin, a risk-
management system so widely used in the asset management industry that
BlackRock’s CEO has described it as “the Android of finance” (Haberly et al. 2019:
172). Indeed, BlackRock’s immediate rivals, Vanguard and SSGA, are users of
Aladdin, suggesting that the scale economies of data platforms are even greater than
those of index-based asset management (Henderson and Walker 2020).

Capturing the ETF market has made the Big Three the largest asset managers in
the world (Fichtner, Heemskerk, and Garcia-Bernardo 2017). Vanguard and
BlackRock currently hold an average 9 and 7 per cent, respectively, in the average
S&P 500 company (Backus, Conlon, and Sinkinson 2019: 19). (How) do these firms
wield their new power?

4. Diversified and disinterested

The comparative political economy and corporate finance literatures used to consider
it “one of the best established stylized facts” that “ownership of large listed
companies is dispersed […] in the U.S. and concentrated in most other countries”
(Franks, Mayer, and Rossi 2008: 4009). By contrast, as shown above, the rise of

14
asset managers has transformed the U.S. from a dispersed-ownership economy with
weak shareholders into a concentrated-ownership economy with strong shareholders.
Beyond these obvious targets, the empirical reality of asset manager capitalism also
undercuts two additional tenets of the BM-JM ontology, namely that institutional
investors are speculators making targeted bets and that their primary economic
interest is in the performance of their portfolio firms.

Diversified: The promise of universal ownership

Political economists have long equated LME-type institutional investors (a catch-all

category comprising both pension funds and mutual funds) with ‘impatient’ capital,
in contrast to the ‘patient’ capital provided by banks and other strategic
blockholders in coordinated market economies (Culpepper 2005; Goyer 2011; Hall
and Soskice 2001; Höpner 2003).13 Concentration and the rise of indexing, however,
have effectively eliminated ‘exit’ as an option for the largest asset managers (Jahnke
2019). This scenario was not anticipated. In an otherwise clear-eyed survey of the
changing U.S. shareholder landscape, Davis still highlighted a “surprising
combination of concentration and liquidity” as the core features of what he termed
– referencing Hilferding – the “new finance capitalism” (Davis 2008: 20, my
emphasis). Index fund providers such as Vanguard did not yet show up in the list of
blockholders with multiple stakes above 5 per cent. Analyzing data up to 2005, Davis
noted that index funds “typically end up with smaller ownership positions in a larger
number of companies” (ibid.: 15). By the time Davis’ article was published,
BlackRock’s average S&P 500 shareholding had already surpassed the 5 per cent
threshold. Vanguard followed in 2012 and today holds an average stake of 9 per cent
(Backus, Conlon, and Sinkinson 2019: 19). This was a watershed moment – full
diversification and large blockholdings ceased to be mutually exclusive.

Today, large asset management companies are quintessential “universal owners”

(Hawley and Williams 2000; Monks and Minow 1995). The promise associated with
this concept is enormous (Condon 2020). As holders of the market portfolio, universal

13
For notable exceptions, see Davis (2008), Dixon (2012), and Deeg and Hardie (2016).

15
owners should, in principle, internalize all externalities arising from the conduct of
individual portfolio companies. The concept of the universal owner conjures the
image of a utilitarian social planner curbing economic activities – above all: carbon
emissions – whose aggregate monetary cost exceeds their aggregate monetary value
(Azar et al. 2020). While the concept is not new, it has become more compelling in
that the growth of index funds and ETFs has deprived the largest universal owners
of the option of exit (reinforcing the internalization of externalities), while the size
of their blockholdings affords them considerable power through voice (Fichtner and
Heemskerk 2019; Jahnke 2019).14 Besides carbon emissions, asset managers calling
on pharma companies to set competition aside and cooperate in the search for a
Covid-19 vaccine offers a striking example of universal ownership in action (Mooney
and Mancini 2020). The example also illustrates the close conceptual link between
externality-reducing universal ownership and competition-reducing common
ownership (see section 5).

The Big Three have been quick to harness the promise of universal ownership to
shape their public image as long-term shareholders whose interests are fundamentally
aligned with environmental, social, and governance (ESG) sustainability. BlackRock
CEO’s Larry Fink’s annual letters to CEOs and to investors exemplify this rhetoric
(Condon 2020: 54), which seeks to replace shareholder value as the dominant
corporate governance ideology with a ‘stewardship’ model. Whereas the shareholder
value regime made good corporate governance a matter of corporate accountability
to shareholders, in recent years the latter – i.e., asset managers – have themselves
faced demands for accountability from their principals. The global spread of
stewardship codes illustrates this ideological and regulatory shift (Hill 2017).
Investors increasingly expect asset managers to act as stewards of their capital in
ways that go beyond maximizing short-term returns, above all in the context of
global warming (Christophers 2019). In theory, the logic of universal ownership is

Capital invested via index funds is “steered” not by individual fund managers but by index providers such as
14

MSCI or S&P, which often exercise considerable discretionary power (Petry, Fichtner, and Heemskerk 2019).

16
compelling. In practice, it is counteracted by the causes of diversification – indexing
and size – and by the economic incentives faced by asset managers.

Disinterested: The separation of legal and economic ownership

The deepest and most long-lasting effect of the BM-JM ontology has been the notion
that shareholders ‘own’ the corporation. In large part due to the work of Lynn Stout
(2012), it is increasingly recognized that U.S. corporate law does not actually assign
ownership rights to shareholders (see also, Ciepley 2013).15 Asset manager capitalism
has added an important twist to this – the separation of the legal ownership of a
stock from the economic interest in the return from that stock.

Berle and Means’ (1932: 119) defined ownership as “having interests in an enterprise”
and control as “having power over it”. The separation of the two, they noted, reduced
“the position of the owner … to that of having a set of legal and factual interests in
the enterprise” (ibid.). Agency theorists sought to re-unite ownership and control by
strengthening shareholder protection and by aligning the incentives of managers with
those of shareholders (Jensen and Meckling 1976). Indeed, giving managers “interests
in the enterprise” via stock options and other forms of incentive pay during the 1990s
merged the interests – and, by implication, the class position – of the two groups,
strengthening shareholder control at the expense of labor (Boyer 2005; Goldstein
2012). Since Jensen and Meckling, the concentration of stock ownership has further
increased shareholder power, thus seemingly perfecting the re-unification of
ownership and control. The rise of asset management companies, however, has
perfected a different separation – that between the “legal interest” and the “factual
interest” in the enterprise. Indeed, the separation of ownership and control has been
joined by the “separation of ownership from ownership” (Strine Jr 2007: 7).

15
Hence the use of ‘stock ownership’ rather than ‘corporate ownership’ in the present paper.

17
Agency theory rests on the assumption that shareholders have more ‘skin in the
game’ than managers or workers.16 While that was always questionable, what agency
theorists ignored entirely is the shareholder without any skin in the game at all –
one that holds the legal title (shares and the attached voting rights) but not the
economic interest. Today, the dominant shareholders are ‘disinterested’ in this way.
While mutual funds and ETFs legally own stocks, they pass on any returns to the
fund’s investors, the ultimate ‘asset owners’ (retail or institutional investors).17 For
revenue, asset managers rely on fees. Unlike alternative investment vehicles such as
hedge funds, whose fee structure usually includes a large performance-based
component, mutual funds and ETFs typically charge their investors fees that amount
to a fixed percentage of the assets invested (this ‘expense ratio’ is displayed in Figure
4 above).

The economic interests of asset managers thus are different from the economic
interests ascribed to shareholders in the BM-JM ontology. Simply put, asset
managers are incentivized to maximize assets under management. For actively
managed funds, adequate relative returns matter, but only to the extent that they
cause clients to switch to competitors. For indexed funds, the return equals the
benchmark return (minus a ‘tracking error’ that index funds seek to minimize), which
eliminates even the indirect nexus between returns and revenue.

From an agency theory perspective, the implications of this “double-agency society”

– a phrase coined by the late founder of Vanguard (Bogle 2012: 29) – are analogous
to the separation of ownership and control.18 Asset owners (the principal) hiring asset
managers (the agent) must fear that the latter’s incentives are not aligned with their
interests. In the standard investment chain configuration, this agency problem

16
In their article 'Separation of ownership and control', Fama and Jensen (1983: 301) conceptualized corporations
as “organizations in which important decision agents do not bear a substantial share of the wealth effects of their
decisions.”
17
On hedge fund strategies to disentangle legal ownership from the risk of the underlying asset, see Ringe (2016).
18
The spread of outsourcing and franchising described by Schwartz (forthc.) points to the proliferation of agency
relationships also on the production side. Indeed, economic activity in the platform economy is increasingly
coordinated via arms-length, market-based relationships rather than outright control (Davis 2016; Kenney and
Zysman 2016; Rahman and Thelen 2019; Srnicek 2017).

18
repeats itself at least once, between the asset owner (a pension fund) and the ultimate
beneficiaries (the plan members). Thus, the supposed principals in the shareholder-
manager relationship are themselves agents to a chain of principals, namely asset
owners and ultimate beneficiaries (Arjaliès et al. 2017; Bebchuk, Cohen, and Hirst
2017; Kay 2012). The result of this proliferation of agency relationships is a
proliferation of conflicts of interest.

5. The political economy of asset manager capitalism

Shareholder primacy refers to a corporate governance regime in which the interests

of shareholders – in close alliance with corporate managers – dominate over those of
workers and society at large. While the jury is out over whether this power structure
will be shaken by the rise of asset managers, the latter is certainly transforming
corporate governance. This section discusses the political economy of asset manager
capitalism at the firm, sectoral, and macroeconomic levels, as well as in politics.

Firm level: The cost of engagement

In the BM-JM imaginary, shareholders as principals have a vital interest in the

performance of their portfolio companies. By monitoring these companies, they
perform what agency theorists consider a vital economic function. Nevertheless, a
tension has always existed in U.S. securities and corporate law, between the need for
shareholder monitoring and engagement and the desire to keep powerful mutual
funds out of corporate governance in general, and the boardroom in particular (Roe
1994: 102). This tension continues to play out today, as illustrated by the ongoing
conflicts between the Securities and Exchange Commission and business groups over
proxy access rules (Rahman and Thelen forthc.). With the rise of index-tracking
asset managers, by contrast, the issue for regulators has shifted from too much
engagement to too little engagement.

Monitoring and engaging with portfolio companies is costly, and asset managers do
not directly benefit from the returns to such stewardship activities. Some argue that
competition solves this problem – investors increasingly demand stewardship services
from their asset managers, and failure to monitor and engage with firms diminishes

19
returns, driving investors away (Fisch, Hamdani, and Solomon 2019; Jahnke 2019).
For index funds, this is doubtful from a purely theoretical perspective – any
performance gains they achieve by engaging with a specific company are reaped
disproportionately by active funds with bets on that specific company (Lund 2017).
Empirically, studies of voting and other stewardship-related activities shows that
index funds are less likely than other funds to engage with portfolio firms (Heath et
al. 2019), even on negative externalities that universal owners should, in theory, seek
to curb (Briere, Pouget, and Ureche 2019). This is reflected by their stewardship
teams, which remain far too small to monitor thousands of portfolio companies: the
ratios of stewardship personnel to portfolio companies worldwide are 45/11,246 for
BlackRock, 21/13,225 for Vanguard, and 12/12,191 for SSGA (Bebchuk and Hirst
2019: 2077).

The problem of the direct cost of engagement is exacerbated by the indirect cost of
alienating corporate managers – portfolio firms are often also clients of asset
managers. As a consequence, the asset management arms of large banks, for instance,
tilt their equity investments towards the clients of their parent banks (Ferreira,
Matos, and Pires 2018). For pure asset managers, 401(k) plan assets are an important
source of revenue that provides a strong incentive to not alienate corporate
management. For the Big Three, the proportion of U.S. client assets coming from
401(k) plans in 2017 ranged from 14 to 20 percent (Bebchuk and Hirst 2019: 2062).
Proxy voting data shows that the largest asset managers overwhelmingly vote with
management, especially on controversial issues (Bubb and Catan 2019; Heath et al.
2019). Out of almost 4000 shareholder proposals submitted to companies in the
Russell 3000 index between 2008 and 2017, not a single one came from one of the
Big Three (Bebchuk, Cohen, and Hirst 2017: 48).

As the Big Three have grown in size and (potential) power, regulators across the
world have become increasingly concerned by their lack of monitoring and
engagement. The global diffusion of so-called ‘stewardship codes’ (Hill 2017) should
be seen in that light – as an attempt to ward off more heavy-handed forms of
regulatory intervention. By signing on to stewardship codes, asset managers commit,
for instance, to voting their shares and to make (aggregate) disclosures about their

20
engagements with individual portfolio firms. Whereas stewardship codes aim at
getting asset managers more involved in corporate governance, other policy proposals
focus on “disintermediating” voting by giving asset owners (such as pension funds),
or even ultimate beneficiaries (individual savers), the right to decide how their shares
should be voted (Griffin forthc.).

Sector level: Common ownership

The concentration of corporate ownership among a small number of very large asset
managers gives rise to the phenomenon of “common ownership” (Azar, Schmalz, and
Tecu 2018; Backus, Conlon, and Sinkinson 2019; Elhauge 2016). If all major firms in
a given sector have the same (large) shareholders, the theory goes, shareholder
returns are maximized if these firms engage in monopolistic pricing. The agenda-
setting study on the anti-competitive effects of common ownership in the airline
industry highlighted four potential causal mechanisms: “voice, incentives, and vote
– as well as doing nothing, that is, simply not pushing for more aggressive
competition” (Azar, Schmalz, and Tecu 2018: 1557). The potential implications are
grave. From an “antitrust as allocator of coordination rights” perspective, by
allowing common ownership, antitrust rules grant the largest asset managers
coordination power unavailable to any other actors in the economy (Paul 2020). In
the extreme case of all shareholders being fully diversified, shareholder value
maximization implies “an economy-wide monopoly” (Azar 2020: 275).

The theory that common ownership has anti-competitive effects has rapidly gained
traction among national (Federal Trade FTC 2018) and international (OECD 2017)
policymakers. The stakes are extremely high for the asset management sector, which
has contested the underlying research, while opposing regulatory initiatives (Fox
2019). Policy proposals are necessarily radical. One group of authors has suggested
enforcing §7 of the 1914 Clayton Act, which outlawed competition-reducing
corporate mergers that – in reaction to the 1890 Sherman Act – had become the
prevalent strategy to build monopolies. The proposal would prohibit asset managers
from owning more than one percent in more than a single firm in oligopolistic
industries (Posner, Scott Morton, and Weyl 2017).

21
Macro level: Shareholders are not the economy

The micro-level interactions between shareholders and firms are one aspect of the
political economy of corporate governance regimes. It is crucial, however, to also
consider system-level dynamics. From a political economy perspective, one key
question is distribution, namely the capital-labor split. The shareholder primacy
regime relentlessly pursued an agenda of strengthening the protection of (minority)
shareholder rights while weakening the power of labor (Hertel-Fernandez forthc.;
Naidu forthc.). The negative externalities – for public health and the cohesion of the
social fabric – were not priced in by institutional investors with shareholdings in
individual companies. Do truly universal owners price these externalities differently?

Phrased in this way, the question points towards a fundamental problem with the
promise of universal ownership. While asset managers are universal shareholders, the
distribution of share ownership in society is extremely unequal. Figure 5 shows that
the top 1 per cent of the wealth distribution own 50 per cent of the corporate equity
and mutual fund shares (versus 35 per cent of total wealth), while the top 10 per
cent own 86 per cent. This massive concentration of share ownership at the top
counteracts the benign logic of universal ownership – shareholders may be fully
diversified, but only half of the population owns any shares at all.19 The test case for
this argument are corporate strategies whose profits are outweighed by negative
externalities that are, however, borne primarily by those who own few or no shares.
Consider the example of worker pay at the lower end of the wage scale. Wage
stagnation for the bottom 50 per cent of the wealth distribution (those without
shares) certainly has some negative externalities for the economy as a whole, notably
in the form of lower aggregate demand. For shareholders, however, these externalities
may be outweighed by higher corporate profits and thus higher returns. In other
words, a negative externality for the poor can be a positive externality for the rich.
Given the highly unequal distribution of shareholdings, even truly universal owners

19
Note that Figure 5 does not include retirement assets, which in 2018 stood at just over US 25 trillion, equivalent
to roughly 50 per cent the market value of U.S. corporate equity. A large share of that capital is invested in
stocks, via pension funds. Compared to direct equity and mutual fund holdings, the distribution of retirement
assets is less skewed towards the top 1 per cent but still almost entirely passes by the bottom 50 per cent.

22
– such as the Big Three asset managers – should be expected to push the economy
towards the lowest sustainable labor share.

Short of equalizing the distribution of shareholdings across households, proposals to

address this problem generally aim at improving the representation of the interests
of workers in the corporate governance process. One way to achieve this is by
wielding “labor’s last best weapon”, namely its pension funds (Webber 2018).
However, pension fund activism has been fighting an uphill battle against existing
rules and investment norms, notably those instituted by Taft-Hartley and ERISA
(McCarthy, Sorsa, and van der Zwan 2016). Another proposal aims at adopting a
German system of ‘co-determination’ to bring worker representation to the
boardroom (Palladino 2019).

Figure 5: Distribution of equity and mutual fund holdings by wealth group, 1989–
2019, USD trillion, share of total
100%

80%

60% Top 1%

Next 9%

40% Next 40%

Bottom 50%

20%

0%
1989

1991

1993

1995

1997

1999

2001

2003

2005

2007

2009

2011

2013

2015

2017

2019

Source: Federal Reserve, US distributional financial accounts.

The politics of maximizing assets under management

The most powerful actors in the equity investment chain are no longer the asset
owners but their agents, the asset managers. While this further consolidation of the
interests of asset owners at the point of asset management may well strengthen the
structural power of asset owners, their interests are not fully aligned with those of

23
asset managers. The latter’s business model is geared towards maximizing (the value
of) assets under management. This crucial aspect of the political economy of asset
manager capitalism plays out in the realm of politics.

While competition for existing savings is zero sum, the size of the pie – accumulated
wealth – is a function of policy (Chwieroth and Walter 2019). Social policy in general,
and retirement policy in particular, determine how and how much people save. With
retirement assets accounting for the biggest chunk of the asset management pie –
46% of U.S. mutual fund assets, see Figure 3 – asset managers have a strong vested
interest in retirement policy (Naczyk 2013; 2018). The scope of this interest is global.
When the Group of Thirty published a report on “Fixing the pension crisis”, the six-
member working group included representatives of BlackRock and UBS (Group of
Thirty 2019). When protests erupted in France against President Macron’s planned
pension reforms, protesters targeted BlackRock, which had published a white paper
in favor of pension privatization, and whose CEO had been photographed with the
President at the Élysée Palace (Alderman 2020; BlackRock 2019b).

Whereas social policy has the power to mobilize more of the base ingredient
(savings), macroeconomic policy has the power to inflate the pie (asset prices).20
Asset management fees are charged as a percentage of the current value of a client’s
assets, meaning that from a revenue point of view, fund inflows and increasing asset
prices are substitutes. This gives asset managers a strong vested interest in monetary
policy – other things equal, lower interest rates imply higher asset prices.
BlackRock’s efforts to forge deep ties with the Federal Reserve illustrate the point.
When, during the 2008 financial crisis, the New York Fed bundled the assets of AIG
into the so-called ‘Maiden Lane’ portfolios, it awarded the contract to manage them
to BlackRock. Since then, BlackRock has hired several senior central bankers:
Philipp Hildebrand (former chairman of the Swiss National Bank – hired in 2012),
Jean Boivin (deputy governor of the Bank of Canada – 2014), and Stanley Fischer

20
In addition to lobbying for specific macroeconomic policies, corporate governance also offers ways to push up
aggregate stock market valuations. Diversified asset managers calling on pharma companies to adopt a
cooperative approach to developing a Covid-19 vaccine – instead of maximizing pharma profits from individual
patents – can be understood in this manner (Levine 2020).

24
(vice-chairman of the Fed – 2019). In 2019, these three co-authored a paper titled
“Dealing with the next downturn”, which called on central banks to be audacious in
their monetary easing measures (BlackRock Investment Institute 2019). The paper
was discussed, alongside the research of the world’s most recognized economists, at
the Fed’s annual Jackson Hole symposium. When, in the early phase of the
coronavirus pandemic, the Fed announced unprecedented corporate bond purchases,
it hired BlackRock to manage the program. In a stark display of the infrastructural
power of finance (Braun 2018), the largest asset manager has effectively transitioned
from being a monetary policy taker to acting as a monetary policy maker.

Conclusion

Comparative political economy has long conceptualized the U.S. as a liberal market
economy defined, in the sphere of corporate finance, by dispersed ownership, weak
owners, and impatient capital. By holding on to the Berle-Means-Jensen-Meckling
ontology too long, CPE missed fundamental changes in the shareholder structure
and corporate governance regime of the U.S. economy. While in the early 2000s
traditional ownership networks had already largely dissolved in coordinated market
economies, which in that regard increasingly resembled the U.S. system, the latter
was perceived as stable and durable. However, the Great Re-Concentration and the
growth of asset managers have transformed the U.S. into a concentrated-ownership
liberal market economy with strong minority shareholders and a large amount of
indexed, and thus patient, capital. These changes have largely been driven by
developments within the investment chain rather than by the interaction between
financial and non-financial institutions such as labor market or welfare state regimes.

At first blush, the new shareholder structure resembles that of the late 19th century:
the equity of a concentrated corporate sector is concentrated in the hands of only a
handful of financial firms. Two crucial features, however, distinguish the new asset
manager capitalism from the Gilded Age money trust (as well as from corporatist
‘Germany, Inc.’ prior to the 1990s). First, unlike their robber baron predecessors,
today’s dominant owners are fully diversified across the entire stock market. In the
case of the largest asset managers, which overwhelmingly are invested in corporate

25
equity via index-tracking funds, this increasingly holds for the global stock market.
Second, asset managers are economically disinterested intermediaries – they lack skin
in the corporate game. Unlike the U.S. robber barons in (and to a significantly
greater extent than Deutsche Bank and Allianz in Germany), their business model
is to compete for capital from investors and to extract managements fees from them.
The returns from their shareholdings are relevant in that competition, but the largest
asset managers in particular only own the legal title, not the economic interest in
the corporations whose stock they hold. At closer inspection, therefore, asset
manager capitalism is without historical precedent.

This paper has sought to clear a path for political economists to move beyond the
BM-JM ontology. I will highlight two insights from my – necessarily preliminary
– analysis of the political economy of asset manager capitalism that may help open
up promising avenues for future research. The first insight relates to the stakeholder
coalition perspective that has dominated the CPE literature on corporate governance
(Aguilera and Jackson 2003; Gourevitch and Shinn 2005; Höpner 2003). This
literature has interpreted the shareholder primacy regime in LMEs as an alliance of
shareholders and workers – embodied in powerful public pension funds – against
corporate managers. Like other aspects of the CPE literature, this interpretation
reflected early-1990s pension fund capitalism but was largely obsolete by the early
2000s, when shareholders had closed ranks with managers, in terms of both ideology
and class (Boyer 2005; Duménil and Lévy 2011; Goldstein 2012). However, these
accounts still conceptualize shareholders as owners. As the discussion of the
incentives of today’s asset management conglomerates shows, what has come to pass
is an alliance between managers and asset managers. One interpretation of asset
managers’ lax approach to corporate governance is that it shifts power back to
corporate managers, at the expense of shareholders. Equally plausible, however, is
the argument that power shifts to other types of investors (Deeg and Hardie 2016).
For instance, the initiative for engagements with individual companies now often
comes from activist hedge funds that then seek the support of the Big Three
(Aguilera, Federo, and Ponomareva 2019). Another empowered shareholder category
are sovereign wealth funds, the largest of which are also universal owners but without

26
some of the business-model related conflicts of interest (Babic, Garcia-Bernardo, and
Heemskerk 2020). In order to map the distribution of power between these various
actors, future research will need to examine more closely the dynamics playing out
within the increasingly complex investment chain.

Secondly, the above analysis challenges the notion, widespread in CPE, that stock
ownership regimes are relatively stable institutions rooted in national institutional
and ideological legacies. CPE continued to see the U.S. as a liberal market economy
defined by dispersed ownership, weak owners, and impatient capital, missing
fundamental changes in the shareholder structure and corporate governance regime.
As Roe (1994: xv) has noted, corporate governance “is partly just the tail to the
larger kite of the organization of savings” – that is, of the investment chain. However,
whereas in Roe’s theory the investment chain is shaped by policies conditioned by
history and political ideology – in the U.S. case: mistrust of concentrated financial
power – this paper argues that the investment chain is also the tail to the larger
kites of wealth accumulation, inequality, and financial globalization. Fostering
private wealth accumulation – a U.S. policy priority for the last seven decades – and
restricting concentrated financial power in the asset management sector are likely
two inconsistent policy goals. The ease with which the latter goal has recently been
abandoned supports the view that the investment chain is, in fact, subject to
relatively sudden and dramatic regime shifts. Moreover, in a globalized financial
system, the investment chain of any individual country – and thus the domestic
stock ownership regime – is also a function of the organization of savings in the rest
of the world. 40 per cent of BlackRock’s assets are managed for clients outside of the
United States (BlackRock 2019a: 1). The political economy of American corporate
governance is thus embedded not only in the American political and economic system
but also – and to a greater extent than in the past – in the global financial system.

27
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