Confucianism

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Confucianism

Chinese 儒家

儒教

Literal meaning "ru school of thought"

showTranscriptions

Temple of Confucius of Jiangyin, Wuxi, Jiangsu. This is a wénmiào (文庙), that is to say a temple
where Confucius is worshipped as Wéndì, "God of Culture" (文帝).

Gates of the wénmiào of Datong, Shanxi

Confucianism, also known as Ruism or Ru classicism,[1] is a system of thought

and behavior originating in ancient China. Variously described as tradition, a
philosophy, a religion, a humanistic or rationalistic religion, a way of governing, or
simply a way of life,[2] Confucianism developed from what was later called
the Hundred Schools of Thought from the teachings of the Chinese
philosopher Confucius (551–479 BCE).
Confucius considered himself a transmitter of cultural values inherited from
the Xia (c. 2070–1600 BCE), Shang (c. 1600–1046 BCE) and Western Zhou
dynasties (c. 1046–771 BCE).[3] Confucianism was suppressed during
the Legalist and autocratic Qin dynasty (221–206 BCE), but survived. During
the Han dynasty (206 BCE–220 CE), Confucian approaches edged out the "proto-
Taoist" Huang–Lao as the official ideology, while the emperors mixed both with the
realist techniques of Legalism.[4]
A Confucian revival began during the Tang dynasty (618–907 CE). In the late Tang,
Confucianism developed in response to Buddhism and Taoism and was
reformulated as Neo-Confucianism. This reinvigorated form was adopted as the
basis of the imperial exams and the core philosophy of the scholar official class in
the Song dynasty (960–1297). The abolition of the examination system in 1905
marked the end of official Confucianism. The intellectuals of the New Culture
Movement of the early twentieth century blamed Confucianism for China's
weaknesses. They searched for new doctrines to replace Confucian teachings; some
of these new ideologies include the "Three Principles of the People" with the
establishment of the Republic of China, and then Maoism under the People's
Republic of China. In the late twentieth century, the Confucian work ethic has been
credited with the rise of the East Asian economy.[4]
With particular emphasis on the importance of the family and social harmony, rather
than on an otherworldly source of spiritual values,[5] the core of Confucianism
is humanistic.[6] According to Herbert Fingarette's conceptualisation of Confucianism
as a philosophical system which regards "the secular as sacred",[7] Confucianism
transcends the dichotomy between religion and humanism, considering the ordinary
activities of human life—and especially human relationships—as a manifestation of
the sacred,[8] because they are the expression of humanity's moral nature (xìng 性),
which has a transcendent anchorage in Heaven (Tiān 天).[9] While Tiān has some
characteristics that overlap the category of godhead, it is primarily
an impersonal absolute principle, like the Dào (道) or the Brahman. Confucianism
focuses on the practical order that is given by a this-worldly awareness of
the Tiān.[10] Confucian liturgy (called 儒 rú, or sometimes simplified Chinese: 正统
; traditional Chinese: 正統; pinyin: zhèngtǒng, meaning 'orthopraxy') led by
Confucian priests or "sages of rites" (礼生; 禮生; lǐshēng) to worship the gods in
public and ancestral Chinese temples is preferred on certain occasions, by
Confucian religious groups and for civil religious rites, over Taoist or popular ritual. [11]
The worldly concern of Confucianism rests upon the belief that human beings are
fundamentally good, and teachable, improvable, and perfectible through personal
and communal endeavor, especially self-cultivation and self-creation. Confucian
thought focuses on the cultivation of virtue in a morally organised world. Some of the
basic Confucian ethical concepts and practices include rén, yì, and lǐ, and zhì. Rén (
仁, 'benevolence' or 'humaneness') is the essence of the human being which
manifests as compassion. It is the virtue-form of Heaven.[12] Yì (义; 義) is the
upholding of righteousness and the moral disposition to do good. Lǐ (礼; 禮) is a
system of ritual norms and propriety that determines how a person should properly
act in everyday life in harmony with the law of Heaven. Zhì (智) is the ability to see
what is right and fair, or the converse, in the behaviors exhibited by others.
Confucianism holds one in contempt, either passively or actively, for failure to uphold
the cardinal moral values of rén and yì.
Traditionally, cultures and countries in the East Asian cultural sphere are strongly
influenced by Confucianism, including China, Taiwan, Korea, Japan, and Vietnam,
as well as various territories settled predominantly by Han Chinese people, such
 as Singapore. Today, it has been credited for shaping East Asian societies
and overseas Chinese communities, and to some extent, other parts of Asia.[13][14] In
the last decades there have been talks of a "Confucian Revival" in the academic and
the scholarly community,[15][16] and there has been a grassroots proliferation of various
types of Confucian churches.[17] In late 2015, many Confucian personalities formally
established a national Confucian Church (孔圣会; 孔聖會; Kǒngshènghuì) in China to
unify the many Confucian congregations and civil society organisations.

Contents

 1Terminology
o 1.1Five Classics (五經, Wǔjīng) and the Confucian vision
 2Doctrines
o 2.1Theory and theology
 2.1.1Tiān and the gods
o 2.2Social morality and ethics
 2.2.1Humaneness
 2.2.2Rite and centring
 2.2.3Loyalty
 2.2.4Filial piety
o 2.3Relationships
o 2.4Junzi
o 2.5Rectification of names
 3History
 4Organisation and liturgy
 5Governance
 6Meritocracy
o 6.1Institutional design
o 6.2Promotion system
o 6.3Compatibility with liberalism and democracy, and critique of political meritocracy
 7Influence
o 7.1In 17th-century Europe
o 7.2On Islamic thought
o 7.3In modern times
o 7.4On Chinese martial arts
 8Criticism
o 8.1Contradiction with modernist values
o 8.2Women in Confucian thought
 9Catholic controversy over Chinese rites
 10See also
 11Notes
 12Citations
 13Bibliography
 14Translations of texts attributed to Confucius
o 14.1Analects (Lun Yu)
 15External links

Terminology
Large seal

Small seal
Older versions of the grapheme 儒 rú, meaning "scholar", "refined one", "Confucian". It is composed
of 人 rén ("person") and 需 xū ("to await"), itself composed of 雨 yǔ ("rain", "instruction") and 而 ér (glossed
as "sky"). According to Kang Youwei, Hu Shih, and Yao Xinzhong, they were the official shaman-priests
(wu) experts in rites and astronomy of the Shang, and later Zhou, dynasty.[18]

Strictly speaking, there is no term in Chinese which directly corresponds to

"Confucianism". In the Chinese language, the character rú 儒 meaning "scholar" or
"learned" or "refined man" is generally used both in the past and the present to refer
to things related to Confucianism. The character rú in ancient China had diverse
meanings. Some examples include "to tame", "to mould", "to educate", "to
refine".[19]: 190–197  Several different terms, some of which with modern origin, are used in
different situations to express different facets of Confucianism, including:

 儒家; Rújiā – "ru school of thought";

 儒教; Rújiào – "ru religion" in the sense of "ru doctrine";
 儒学; 儒學; Rúxué – "Ruology" or "ru learning";
 孔教; Kǒngjiào – "Confucius's doctrine";
 孔家店; Kǒngjiādiàn – "Kong family's business", a pejorative phrase used in
the New Culture Movement and the Cultural Revolution.
Three of them use rú. These names do not use the name "Confucius" at all, but
instead focus on the ideal of the Confucian man. The use of the term "Confucianism"
has been avoided by some modern scholars, who favor "Ruism" and "Ruists"
instead. Robert Eno argues that the term has been "burdened... with the ambiguities
and irrelevant traditional associations". Ruism, as he states, is more faithful to the
original Chinese name for the school.[19]: 7 
The term "Traditionalist" has been suggested by David Schaberg to emphasize the
connection to the past, its standards, and inherited forms, in which Confucius himself
placed so much importance.[20] This translation of the word rú is followed by e.g. Yuri
Pines.[21]
According to Zhou Youguang, 儒 rú originally referred to shamanic methods of
holding rites and existed before Confucius's times, but with Confucius it came to
mean devotion to propagating such teachings to bring civilisation to the people.
Confucianism was initiated by the disciples of Confucius, developed by Mencius (c.
372–289 BCE) and inherited by later generations, undergoing constant
transformations and restructuring since its establishment, but preserving the
principles of humaneness and righteousness at its core.[22]
Five Classics (五經, Wǔjīng) and the Confucian vision
Confucius in a fresco from a Western Han tomb in Dongping, Shandong

Traditionally, Confucius was thought to be the author or editor of the Five

Classics which were the basic texts of Confucianism. The scholar Yao
Xinzhong allows that there are good reasons to believe that Confucian classics took
shape in the hands of Confucius, but that "nothing can be taken for granted in the
matter of the early versions of the classics". Professor Yao says that perhaps most
scholars today hold the "pragmatic" view that Confucius and his followers, although
they did not intend to create a system of classics, "contributed to their formation". [23]
The scholar Tu Weiming explains these classics as embodying "five visions" which
underlie the development of Confucianism:

 I Ching or Classic of Change or Book of Changes, generally held to be the

earliest of the classics, shows a metaphysical vision which combines divinatory
art with numerological technique and ethical insight; philosophy of change sees
cosmos as interaction between the two energies yin and yang; universe always
shows organismic unity and dynamism.
 Classic of Poetry or Book of Songs is the earliest anthology of Chinese
poems and songs. It shows the poetic vision in the belief that poetry and music
convey common human feelings and mutual responsiveness.
 Book of Documents or Book of History Compilation of speeches of major figures
and records of events in ancient times embodies the political vision and
addresses the kingly way in terms of the ethical foundation for humane
government. The documents show the sagacity, filial piety, and work ethic of
Yao, Shun, and Yu. They established a political culture which was based on
responsibility and trust. Their virtue formed a covenant of social harmony which
did not depend on punishment or coercion.
 Book of Rites describes the social forms, administration, and ceremonial rites of
the Zhou Dynasty. This social vision defined society not as an adversarial system
based on contractual relations but as a community of trust based on social
responsibility. The four functional occupations are cooperative (farmer, scholar,
artisan, merchant).
 Spring and Autumn Annals chronicles the period to which it gives its
name, Spring and Autumn period (771–476 BCE), from the perspective of
Confucius's home state of Lu. These events emphasise the significance of
collective memory for communal self-identification, for reanimating the old is the
best way to attain the new.[24]

Doctrines
Theory and theology
Zhou dynasty oracular version of the grapheme for Tiān, representing a man with a head informed by the
north celestial pole[25]

Further information: Religious Confucianism and Confucian theology

Confucianism revolves around the pursuit of the unity of the individual self and the
God of Heaven (Tiān 天), or, otherwise said, around the relationship between
humanity and Heaven.[26][27] The principle of Heaven (Lǐ 理 or Dào 道), is the order of
the creation and the source of divine authority, monistic in its structure.[27] Individuals
may realise their humanity and become one with Heaven through the contemplation
of such order.[27] This transformation of the self may be extended to the family and
society to create a harmonious fiduciary community.[27] Joël Thoraval studied
Confucianism as a diffused civil religion in contemporary China, finding that it
expresses itself in the widespread worship of five cosmological entities: Heaven and
Earth (Di 地), the sovereign or the government (jūn 君), ancestors (qīn 親) and
masters (shī 師).[28]
According to the scholar Stephan Feuchtwang, in Chinese cosmology, which is not
merely Confucian but shared by all Chinese religions, "the universe creates itself out
of a primary chaos of material energy" (hundun 混沌 and qi 氣), organising through
the polarity of yin and yang which characterises any thing and life. Creation is
therefore a continuous ordering; it is not a creation ex nihilo. "Yin and yang are the
invisible and visible, the receptive and the active, the unshaped and the shaped; they
characterise the yearly cycle (winter and summer), the landscape (shady and bright),
the sexes (female and male), and even sociopolitical history (disorder and order).
Confucianism is concerned with finding "middle ways" between yin and yang at
every new configuration of the world."[29]
Confucianism conciliates both the inner and outer polarities of spiritual cultivation,
that is to say self-cultivation and world redemption, synthesised in the ideal of
"sageliness within and kingliness without".[27] Rén, translated as "humaneness" or the
essence proper of a human being, is the character of compassionate mind; it is the
virtue endowed by Heaven and at the same time the means by which man may
achieve oneness with Heaven comprehending his own origin in Heaven and
therefore divine essence. In the Dàtóng shū (大同书; 大同書) it is defined as "to form
one body with all things" and "when the self and others are not separated ...
compassion is aroused".[12]
Tiān and the gods
Like other symbols such as the sauwastika,[30] wàn 卍 ("all things") in Chinese,
the Mesopotamian 𒀭 Dingir/An ("Heaven"),[31] and also the Chinese 巫 wū ("shaman"; in Shang script
represented by the cross potent ☩),[32] Tiān refers to the northern celestial pole (北極 Běijí), the pivot and
the vault of the sky with its spinning constellations.[33] Here is an approximate representation of
the Tiānmén 天門 ("Gate of Heaven")[34] or Tiānshū 天樞 ("Pivot of Heaven")[35] as the precessional north
celestial pole, with α Ursae Minoris as the pole star, with the spinning Chariot constellations in the four
phases of time. According to Reza Assasi's theories, the wan may not only be centred in the current
precessional pole at α Ursae Minoris, but also very near to the north ecliptic pole if Draco (Tiānlóng 天龙) is

conceived as one of its two beams.[36][note 1]

Main article: Tian

Tiān (天), a key concept in Chinese thought, refers to the God of Heaven,
the northern culmen of the skies and its spinning stars,[33] earthly nature and its laws
which come from Heaven, to "Heaven and Earth" (that is, "all things"), and to the
awe-inspiring forces beyond human control.[37] There are such a number of uses in
Chinese thought that it is not possible to give one translation into English. [38]
Confucius used the term in a mystical way.[39] He wrote in the Analects (7.23) that
Tian gave him life, and that Tian watched and judged (6.28; 9.12). In 9.5 Confucius
says that a person may know the movements of the Tian, and this provides with the
sense of having a special place in the universe. In 17.19 Confucius says that Tian
spoke to him, though not in words. The scholar Ronnie Littlejohn warns that Tian
was not to be interpreted as personal God comparable to that of the Abrahamic
faiths, in the sense of an otherworldly or transcendent creator.[40] Rather it is similar to
what Taoists meant by Dao: "the way things are" or "the regularities of the
world",[37] which Stephan Feuchtwang equates with the ancient Greek concept
of physis, "nature" as the generation and regenerations of things and of the moral
order.[41] Tian may also be compared to
the Brahman of Hindu and Vedic traditions.[26] The scholar Promise Hsu, in the wake
of Robert B. Louden, explained 17:19 ("What does Tian ever say? Yet there are four
seasons going round and there are the hundred things coming into being. What does
Tian say?") as implying that even though Tian is not a "speaking person", it
constantly "does" through the rhythms of nature, and communicates "how human
beings ought to live and act", at least to those who have learnt to carefully listen to
it.[39]
Zigong, a disciple of Confucius, said that Tian had set the master on the path to
become a wise man (9.6). In 7.23 Confucius says that he has no doubt left that the
Tian gave him life, and from it he had developed right virtue (德 dé). In 8.19 he says
that the lives of the sages are interwoven with Tian.[38]
Regarding personal gods (shén, energies who emanate from and reproduce the
Tian) enliving nature, in the Analects Confucius says that it is appropriate (义; 義; yì)
for people to worship (敬 jìng) them,[42] though through proper rites (礼; 禮; lǐ),
implying respect of positions and discretion.[42] Confucius himself was a ritual
and sacrificial master.[43] Answering to a disciple who asked whether it is better to
sacrifice to the god of the stove or to the god of the family (a popular saying), in 3.13
Confucius says that in order to appropriately pray gods one should first know and
respect Heaven. In 3.12 he explains that religious rituals produce meaningful
experiences,[44] and one has to offer sacrifices in person, acting in presence,
otherwise "it is the same as not having sacrificed at all". Rites and sacrifices to the
gods have an ethical importance: they generate good life, because taking part in
them leads to the overcoming of the self.[45] Analects 10.11 tells that Confucius
always took a small part of his food and placed it on the sacrificial bowls as an
offering to his ancestors.[43]
Other movements, such as Mohism which was later absorbed by Taoism, developed
a more theistic idea of Heaven.[46] Feuchtwang explains that the difference between
Confucianism and Taoism primarily lies in the fact that the former focuses on the
realisation of the starry order of Heaven in human society, while the latter on the
contemplation of the Dao which spontaneously arises in nature.[41]
Social morality and ethics
Further information: Three Fundamental Bonds and Five Constant Virtues

Worship at the Great Temple of Lord Zhang Hui (张挥公大殿 Zhāng Huī gōng dàdiàn), the
cathedral ancestral shrine of the Zhang lineage corporation, at their ancestral home in Qinghe, Hebei

Ancestral temple of the Zeng lineage and Houxian village cultural centre, Cangnan, Zhejiang

As explained by Stephan Feuchtwang, the order coming from Heaven preserves the
world, and has to be followed by humanity finding a "middle way" between yin and
yang forces in each new configuration of reality. Social harmony or morality is
identified as patriarchy, which is expressed in the worship of ancestors and deified
progenitors in the male line, at ancestral shrines.[41]
Confucian ethical codes are described as humanistic.[6] They may be practiced by all
the members of a society. Confucian ethics is characterised by the promotion of
virtues, encompassed by the Five Constants, Wǔcháng (五常) in Chinese,
elaborated by Confucian scholars out of the inherited tradition during the Han
dynasty.[47] The Five Constants are:[47]

 Rén (仁, benevolence, humaneness);

 Yì (义; 義, righteousness, justice);
 Lǐ (礼; 禮, propriety, rites);
 Zhì (智, wisdom, knowledge);
 Xìn (信, sincerity, faithfulness).
These are accompanied by the classical Sìzì (四字), that singles out four virtues, one
of which (Yì) is included among the Five Constants:

 Zhōng (忠, loyalty);

 Xiào (孝, filial piety);
 Jié (节; 節, continence);
 Yì (义; 義, righteousness).

There are still many other elements, such as chéng (诚; 誠, honesty), shù (恕,
kindness and forgiveness), lián (廉, honesty and cleanness), chǐ (耻; 恥, shame,
judge and sense of right and wrong), yǒng (勇, bravery), wēn (温; 溫, kind and
gentle), liáng (良, good, kindhearted), gōng (恭, respectful, reverent), jiǎn (俭; 儉,
frugal), ràng (让; 讓, modestly, self-effacing).
Humaneness
Main article: Ren (Confucianism)
Rén (Chinese: 仁) is the Confucian virtue denoting the good feeling a virtuous
human experiences when being altruistic. It is exemplified by a normal adult's
protective feelings for children. It is considered the essence of the human being,
endowed by Heaven, and at the same time the means by which man may act
according to the principle of Heaven (天理, Tiān lǐ) and become one with it.[12]
Yán Huí, Confucius's most outstanding student, once asked his master to describe
the rules of rén and Confucius replied, "one should see nothing improper, hear
nothing improper, say nothing improper, do nothing improper."[48] Confucius also
defined rén in the following way: "wishing to be established himself, seeks also to
establish others; wishing to be enlarged himself, he seeks also to enlarge others."[49]
Another meaning of rén is "not to do to others as you would not wish done to
yourself."[50] Confucius also said, "rén is not far off; he who seeks it has already found
it." Rén is close to man and never leaves him.
Rite and centring

Temple of Confucius in Dujiangyan, Chengdu, Sichuan

Korean Confucian rite in Jeju

Main article: Li (Confucianism)

Li (礼; 禮) is a classical Chinese word which finds its most extensive use
in Confucian and post-Confucian Chinese philosophy. Li is variously translated as
"rite" or "reason," "ratio" in the pure sense of Vedic ṛta ("right," "order") when
referring to the cosmic law, but when referring to its realisation in the context of
human social behaviour it has also been translated as "customs", "measures" and
"rules", among other terms. Li also means religious rites which establish relations
between humanity and the gods.
According to Stephan Feuchtwang, rites are conceived as "what makes the invisible
visible", making possible for humans to cultivate the underlying order of nature.
Correctly performed rituals move society in alignment with earthly and heavenly
(astral) forces, establishing the harmony of the three realms—Heaven, Earth and
humanity. This practice is defined as "centring" (央 yāng or 中 zhōng). Among all
things of creation, humans themselves are "central" because they have the ability to
cultivate and centre natural forces.[51]
Li embodies the entire web of interaction between humanity, human objects, and
nature. Confucius includes in his discussions of li such diverse topics as learning, tea
drinking, titles, mourning, and governance. Xunzi cites "songs and laughter, weeping
and lamentation... rice and millet, fish and meat... the wearing of ceremonial caps,
embroidered robes, and patterned silks, or of fasting clothes and mourning clothes...
spacious rooms and secluded halls, soft mats, couches and benches" as vital parts
of the fabric of li.
Confucius envisioned proper government being guided by the principles of li. Some
Confucians proposed that all human beings may pursue perfection by learning and
practising li. Overall, Confucians believe that governments should place more
emphasis on li and rely much less on penal punishment when they govern.
Loyalty
Loyalty (忠, zhōng) is particularly relevant for the social class to which most of
Confucius's students belonged, because the most important way for an ambitious
young scholar to become a prominent official was to enter a ruler's civil service.
Confucius himself did not propose that "might makes right," but rather that a superior
should be obeyed because of his moral rectitude. In addition, loyalty does not mean
subservience to authority. This is because reciprocity is demanded from the superior
as well. As Confucius stated "a prince should employ his minister according to the
rules of propriety; ministers should serve their prince with faithfulness (loyalty)." [52]
Similarly, Mencius also said that "when the prince regards his ministers as his hands
and feet, his ministers regard their prince as their belly and heart; when he regards
them as his dogs and horses, they regard him as another man; when he regards
them as the ground or as grass, they regard him as a robber and an
enemy."[53] Moreover, Mencius indicated that if the ruler is incompetent, he should be
replaced. If the ruler is evil, then the people have the right to overthrow him. [54] A
good Confucian is also expected to remonstrate with his superiors when
necessary.[55] At the same time, a proper Confucian ruler should also accept his
ministers' advice, as this will help him govern the realm better.
In later ages, however, emphasis was often placed more on the obligations of the
ruled to the ruler, and less on the ruler's obligations to the ruled. Like filial piety,
loyalty was often subverted by the autocratic regimes in China. Nonetheless,
throughout the ages, many Confucians continued to fight against unrighteous
superiors and rulers. Many of these Confucians suffered and sometimes died
because of their conviction and action.[56] During the Ming-Qing era, prominent
Confucians such as Wang Yangming promoted individuality and independent
thinking as a counterweight to subservience to authority.[57] The famous thinker
Huang Zongxi also strongly criticised the autocratic nature of the imperial system
and wanted to keep imperial power in check.[58]
Many Confucians also realised that loyalty and filial piety have the potential of
coming into conflict with one another. This may be true especially in times of social
chaos, such as during the period of the Ming-Qing transition.[59]
Filial piety

Fourteenth of The Twenty-four Filial Exemplars

Main article: Filial piety

In Confucian philosophy, filial piety (孝, xiào) is a virtue of respect for one's parents
and ancestors, and of the hierarchies within society: father–son, elder–junior and
male–female.[41] The Confucian classic Xiaojing ("Book of Piety"), thought to be
written around the Qin-Han period, has historically been the authoritative source on
the Confucian tenet of xiào. The book, a conversation between Confucius and his
disciple Zeng Shen, is about how to set up a good society using the principle
of xiào.[60]
In more general terms, filial piety means to be good to one's parents; to take care of
one's parents; to engage in good conduct not just towards parents but also outside
the home so as to bring a good name to one's parents and ancestors; to perform the
duties of one's job well so as to obtain the material means to support parents as well
as carry out sacrifices to the ancestors; not be rebellious; show love, respect and
support; the wife in filial piety must obey her husband absolutely and take care of the
whole family wholeheartedly. display courtesy; ensure male heirs, uphold fraternity
among brothers; wisely advise one's parents, including dissuading them from moral
unrighteousness, for blindly following the parents' wishes is not considered to
be xiao; display sorrow for their sickness and death; and carry out sacrifices after
their death.
Filial piety is considered a key virtue in Chinese culture, and it is the main concern of
a large number of stories. One of the most famous collections of such stories is "The
Twenty-four Filial Exemplars". These stories depict how children exercised their filial
piety in the past. While China has always had a diversity of religious beliefs, filial
piety has been common to almost all of them; historian Hugh D.R. Baker calls
respect for the family the only element common to almost all Chinese believers. [61]
Relationships
Social harmony results in part from every individual knowing his or her place in the
natural order, and playing his or her part well. Reciprocity or responsibility (renqing)
extends beyond filial piety and involves the entire network of social relations, even
the respect for rulers.[41] This is shown in the story where Duke Jing of Qi asks
Confucius about government, by which he meant proper administration so as to
bring social harmony.
齊景公問政於孔子。孔子對曰：君君，臣臣，父父，子子。
The duke Jing, of Qi, asked Confucius about government. Confucius replied, "There
is government, when the prince is prince, and the minister is minister; when the
father is father, and the son is son."
— Analects 12.11 (Legge translation).
Particular duties arise from one's particular situation in relation to others. The
individual stands simultaneously in several different relationships with different
people: as a junior in relation to parents and elders, and as a senior in relation to
younger siblings, students, and others. While juniors are considered in Confucianism
to owe their seniors reverence, seniors also have duties of benevolence and concern
toward juniors. The same is true with the husband and wife relationship where the
husband needs to show benevolence towards his wife and the wife needs to respect
the husband in return. This theme of mutuality still exists in East Asian cultures even
to this day.
The Five Bonds are: ruler to ruled, father to son, husband to wife, elder brother to
younger brother, friend to friend. Specific duties were prescribed to each of the
participants in these sets of relationships. Such duties are also extended to the dead,
where the living stand as sons to their deceased family. The only relationship where
respect for elders isn't stressed was the friend to friend relationship, where mutual
equal respect is emphasised instead. All these duties take the practical form of
prescribed rituals, for instance wedding and death rituals.[41]
Junzi
Main article: Junzi
The junzi (君子, jūnzǐ, "lord's son") is a Chinese philosophical term often translated
as "gentleman" or "superior person"[62] and employed by Confucius in the Analects to
describe the ideal man.
In Confucianism, the sage or wise is the ideal personality; however, it is very hard to
become one of them. Confucius created the model of junzi, gentleman, which may
be achieved by any individual. Later, Zhu Xi defined junzi as second only to the
sage. There are many characteristics of the junzi: he may live in poverty, he does
more and speaks less, he is loyal, obedient and knowledgeable. The junzi disciplines
himself. Ren is fundamental to become a junzi.[63]
As the potential leader of a nation, a son of the ruler is raised to have a superior
ethical and moral position while gaining inner peace through his virtue. To Confucius,
the junzi sustained the functions of government and social stratification through his
ethical values. Despite its literal meaning, any righteous man willing to improve
himself may become a junzi.
On the contrary, the xiaoren (小人, xiăorén, "small or petty person") does not grasp
the value of virtues and seeks only immediate gains. The petty person
is egotistic and does not consider the consequences of his action in the overall
scheme of things. Should the ruler be surrounded by xiaoren as opposed to junzi, his
governance and his people will suffer due to their small-mindness. Examples of
such xiaoren individuals may range from those who continually indulge in sensual
and emotional pleasures all day to the politician who is interested merely
in power and fame; neither sincerely aims for the long-term benefit of others.
The junzi enforces his rule over his subjects by acting virtuously himself. It is thought
that his pure virtue would lead others to follow his example. The ultimate goal is that
the government behaves much like a family, the junzi being a beacon of filial piety.
Rectification of names

Priest paying homage to Confucius's tablet, c. 1900

Main article: Rectification of names

Confucius believed that social disorder often stemmed from failure to perceive,
understand, and deal with reality. Fundamentally, then, social disorder may stem
from the failure to call things by their proper names, and his solution to this
was zhèngmíng (正名; zhèngmíng; 'rectification of terms'). He gave an explanation
of zhengming to one of his disciples.
Zi-lu said, "The vassal of Wei has been waiting for you, in order with you to
administer the government. What will you consider the first thing to be done?"
The Master replied, "What is necessary to rectify names."
"So! indeed!" said Zi-lu. "You are wide off the mark! Why must there be such
rectification?"
The Master said, "How uncultivated you are, Yu! The superior man [Junzi] cannot
care about the everything, just as he cannot go to check all himself!
If names be not correct, language is not in accordance with the truth of things.
If language be not in accordance with the truth of things, affairs cannot be
carried on to success.
When affairs cannot be carried on to success, proprieties and music do not
flourish.
When proprieties and music do not flourish, punishments will not be properly
awarded.
When punishments are not properly awarded, the people do not know how to
move hand or foot.
Therefore a superior man considers it necessary that the names he uses may be
spoken appropriately, and also that what he speaks may be carried out
appropriately. What the superior man requires is just that in his words there may be
nothing incorrect."
(Analects XIII, 3, tr. Legge)
Xun Zi chapter (22) "On the Rectification of Names" claims the ancient sage-kings
chose names (名; míng) that directly corresponded with actualities (實; shí), but later
generations confused terminology, coined new nomenclature, and thus could no
longer distinguish right from wrong. Since social harmony is of utmost importance,
without the proper rectification of names, society would essentially crumble and
"undertakings [would] not [be] completed."[64]

History

The dragon is one of the oldest symbols of Chinese religious culture. It symbolises the supreme godhead,
Di or Tian, at the north ecliptic pole, around which it coils itself as the homonymous constellation. It is a
symbol of the "protean" supreme power which has in itself both yin and yang.[65]

Birthplaces of notable Chinese philosophers of the Hundred Schools of Thought in Zhou dynasty.
Confucians are marked by triangles in dark red.
See also: History of religion in China
According to He Guanghu, Confucianism may be identified as a continuation of
the Shang-Zhou (~1600–256 BCE) official religion, or the Chinese aboriginal religion
which has lasted uninterrupted for three thousand years.[66] Both the dynasties
worshipped the supreme godhead, called Shangdi (上帝 "Highest Deity") or
simply Dì (帝) by the Shang and Tian (天 "Heaven") by the Zhou. Shangdi was
conceived as the first ancestor of the Shang royal house,[67] an alternate name for
him being the "Supreme Progenitor" (上甲 Shàngjiǎ).[68] In Shang theology, the
multiplicity of gods of nature and ancestors were viewed as parts of Di, and the
four 方 fāng ("directions" or "sides") and their 風 fēng ("winds") as
his cosmic will.[69] With the Zhou dynasty, which overthrew the Shang, the name for
the supreme godhead became Tian (天 "Heaven").[67] While the Shang identified
Shangdi as their ancestor-god to assert their claim to power by divine right, the Zhou
transformed this claim into a legitimacy based on moral power, the Mandate of
Heaven. In Zhou theology, Tian had no singular earthly progeny, but bestowed
divine favour on virtuous rulers. Zhou kings declared that their victory over the Shang
was because they were virtuous and loved their people, while the Shang were
tyrants and thus were deprived of power by Tian.[3]
John C. Didier and David Pankenier relate the shapes of both the ancient Chinese
characters for Di and Tian to the patterns of stars in the northern skies, either drawn,
in Didier's theory by connecting the constellations bracketing the north celestial pole
as a square,[70] or in Pankenier's theory by connecting some of the stars which form
the constellations of the Big Dipper and broader Ursa Major, and Ursa Minor (Little
Dipper).[71] Cultures in other parts of the world have also conceived these stars or
constellations as symbols of the origin of things, the supreme godhead, divinity and
royal power.[72] The supreme godhead was also identified with the dragon, symbol of
unlimited power (qi),[67] of the "protean" primordial power which embodies both yin
and yang in unity, associated to the constellation Draco which winds around the
north ecliptic pole,[65] and slithers between the Little and Big Dipper.
By the 6th century BCE the power of Tian and the symbols that represented it on
earth (architecture of cities, temples, altars and ritual cauldrons, and the Zhou ritual
system) became "diffuse" and claimed by different potentates in the Zhou states to
legitimise economic, political, and military ambitions. Divine right no longer was an
exclusive privilege of the Zhou royal house, but might be bought by anyone able to
afford the elaborate ceremonies and the old and new rites required to access the
authority of Tian.[73]
Besides the waning Zhou ritual system, what may be defined as "wild" (野 yě)
traditions, or traditions "outside of the official system", developed as attempts to
access the will of Tian. The population had lost faith in the official tradition, which
was no longer perceived as an effective way to communicate with Heaven. The
traditions of the 九野 ("Nine Fields") and of the Yijing flourished.[74] Chinese thinkers,
faced with this challenge to legitimacy, diverged in a "Hundred Schools of Thought",
each proposing its own theories for the reconstruction of the Zhou moral order.
Confucius (551–479 BCE) appeared in this period of political decadence and
spiritual questioning. He was educated in Shang-Zhou theology, which he
contributed to transmit and reformulate giving centrality to self-cultivation and agency
of humans,[3] and the educational power of the self-established individual in assisting
others to establish themselves (the principle of 愛人 àirén, "loving others").[75] As the
Zhou reign collapsed, traditional values were abandoned resulting in a period of
moral decline. Confucius saw an opportunity to reinforce values of compassion and
tradition into society. Disillusioned with the widespread vulgarisation of the rituals to
access Tian, he began to preach an ethical interpretation of traditional Zhou religion.
In his view, the power of Tian is immanent, and responds positively to the sincere
heart driven by humaneness and rightness, decency and altruism. Confucius
conceived these qualities as the foundation needed to restore socio-political
harmony. Like many contemporaries, Confucius saw ritual practices as efficacious
ways to access Tian, but he thought that the crucial knot was the state
of meditation that participants enter prior to engage in the ritual acts.[76] Confucius
amended and recodified the classical books inherited from the Xia-Shang-Zhou
dynasties, and composed the Spring and Autumn Annals.[22]
Philosophers in the Warring States period, both "inside the square" (focused on
state-endorsed ritual) and "outside the square" (non-aligned to state ritual) built upon
Confucius's legacy, compiled in the Analects, and formulated the classical
metaphysics that became the lash of Confucianism. In accordance with the Master,
they identified mental tranquility as the state of Tian, or the One (一 Yī), which in
each individual is the Heaven-bestowed divine power to rule one's own life and the
world. Going beyond the Master, they theorised the oneness of production and
reabsorption into the cosmic source, and the possibility to understand and therefore
reattain it through meditation. This line of thought would have influenced all Chinese
individual and collective-political mystical theories and practices thereafter.[77]

Organisation and liturgy

Main article: Religious Confucianism
Further information: Confucian churches, Lineage churches, and Temple of
Confucius
See also: Confucian ritual religion and Kongshenghui

A Temple of the God of Culture (文庙 wénmiào) in Liuzhou, Guangxi, where Confucius is worshiped
as Wéndì (文帝), "God of Culture"
Temple of the Filial Blessing (孝佑宫 Xiàoyòugōng), an ancestral temple of a lineage church,
in Wenzhou, Zhejiang

Since the 2000s, there has been a growing identification of the Chinese intellectual
class with Confucianism.[78] In 2003, the Confucian intellectual Kang Xiaoguang
published a manifesto in which he made four suggestions: Confucian education
should enter official education at any level, from elementary to high school; the state
should establish Confucianism as the state religion by law; Confucian religion should
enter the daily life of ordinary people through standardisation and development of
doctrines, rituals, organisations, churches and activity sites; the Confucian religion
should be spread through non-governmental organisations.[78] Another modern
proponent of the institutionalisation of Confucianism in a state church is Jiang
Qing.[79]
In 2005, the Center for the Study of Confucian Religion was
established,[78] and guoxue started to be implemented in public schools on all levels.
Being well received by the population, even Confucian preachers have appeared on
television since 2006.[78] The most enthusiastic New Confucians proclaim the
uniqueness and superiority of Confucian Chinese culture, and have generated some
popular sentiment against Western cultural influences in China.[78]
The idea of a "Confucian Church" as the state religion of China has roots in the
thought of Kang Youwei, an exponent of the early New Confucian search for a
regeneration of the social relevance of Confucianism, at a time when it was de-
institutionalised with the collapse of the Qing dynasty and the Chinese
empire.[80] Kang modeled his ideal "Confucian Church" after European national
Christian churches, as a hierarchic and centralised institution, closely bound to the
state, with local church branches, devoted to the worship and the spread of the
teachings of Confucius.[80]
In contemporary China, the Confucian revival has developed into various interwoven
directions: the proliferation of Confucian schools or academies (shuyuan 书院),[79] the
resurgence of Confucian rites (chuántǒng lǐyí 传统礼仪),[79] and the birth of new forms
of Confucian activity on the popular level, such as the Confucian communities
(shèqū rúxué 社区儒学). Some scholars also consider the reconstruction of lineage
churches and their ancestral temples, as well as cults and temples of natural and
national gods within broader Chinese traditional religion, as part of the renewal of
Confucianism.[81]
Other forms of revival are salvationist folk religious movements[82] groups with a
specifically Confucian focus, or Confucian churches, for example the Yidan xuetang (
一耽学堂) of Beijing,[83] the Mengmutang (孟母堂) of Shanghai,[84] Confucian
Shenism (儒宗神教 Rúzōng Shénjiào) or the phoenix churches,[85] the Confucian
Fellowship (儒教道坛 Rújiào Dàotán) in northern Fujian which has spread rapidly
over the years after its foundation,[85] and ancestral temples of the Kong kin (the
lineage of the descendants of Confucius himself) operating as Confucian-teaching
churches.[84]
Also, the Hong Kong Confucian Academy, one of the direct heirs of Kang Youwei's
Confucian Church, has expanded its activities to the mainland, with the construction
of statues of Confucius, Confucian hospitals, restoration of temples and other
activities.[86] In 2009, Zhou Beichen founded another institution which inherits the idea
of Kang Youwei's Confucian Church, the Holy Hall of Confucius (孔圣
堂 Kǒngshèngtáng) in Shenzhen, affiliated with the Federation of Confucian Culture
of Qufu City.[87][88] It was the first of a nationwide movement of congregations and civil
organisations that was unified in 2015 in the Church of Confucius (孔圣
会 Kǒngshènghuì). The first spiritual leader of the church is the scholar Jiang Qing,
the founder and manager of the Yangming Confucian Abode (阳明精舍 Yángmíng
jīngshě), a Confucian academy in Guiyang, Guizhou.
Chinese folk religious temples and kinship ancestral shrines may, on peculiar
occasions, choose Confucian liturgy (called 儒 rú or 正统 zhèngtǒng, "orthopraxy")
led by Confucian ritual masters (礼生 lǐshēng) to worship the gods, instead of Taoist
or popular ritual.[11] "Confucian businessmen" (儒商人 rúshāngrén, also "refined
businessman") is a recently rediscovered concept defining people of the economic-
entrepreneurial elite who recognise their social responsibility and therefore apply
Confucian culture to their business.[89]

Governance

Yushima Seidō in Bunkyō, Tokyo, Japan

子曰：為政以德，譬如北辰，居其所而眾星共之。
The Master said, "He who exercises government by means of his virtue may be
compared to the north polar star, which keeps its place and all the stars turn towards
it."
— Analects 2.1 (Legge translation).
A key Confucian concept is that in order to govern others one must first govern
oneself according to the universal order. When actual, the king's personal virtue (de)
spreads beneficent influence throughout the kingdom. This idea is developed further
in the Great Learning, and is tightly linked with the Taoist concept of wu wei (无为; 無
為; wú wéi): the less the king does, the more gets done. By being the "calm center"
around which the kingdom turns, the king allows everything to function smoothly and
avoids having to tamper with the individual parts of the whole.
This idea may be traced back to the ancient shamanic beliefs of the king being
the axle between the sky, human beings, and the Earth. The emperors of
China were considered agents of Heaven, endowed with the Mandate of Heaven.
They hold the power to define the hierarchy of divinities, by bestowing titles upon
mountains, rivers and dead people, acknowledging them as powerful and therefore
establishing their cults.[90]
Confucianism, despite supporting the importance of obeying national authority,
places this obedience under absolute moral principles that curbed the willful exercise
of power, rather than being unconditional. Submission to authority (tsun wang) was
only taken within the context of the moral obligations that rulers had toward their
subjects, in particular benevolence (jen). Confucianism — including the most pro-
authoritarian scholars such as Xunzi — has always recognised the Right of
revolution against tyranny.[91]

Meritocracy
子曰：有教無類。
The Master said: "In teaching, there should be no distinction of classes."
— Analects 15.39 (Legge translation).
Although Confucius claimed that he never invented anything but was only
transmitting ancient knowledge (Analects 7.1), he did produce a number of new
ideas. Many European and American admirers such as Voltaire and Herrlee G.
Creel point to the revolutionary idea of replacing nobility of blood with nobility of
virtue.[92] Jūnzǐ (君子, lit. "lord's son"), which originally signified the younger, non-
inheriting, offspring of a noble, became, in Confucius's work, an epithet having much
the same meaning and evolution as the English "gentleman."
A virtuous commoner who cultivates his qualities may be a "gentleman", while a
shameless son of the king is only a "petty person". That Confucius admitted students
of different classes as disciples is a clear demonstration that he fought against the
feudal structures that defined pre-imperial Chinese society.[93]
Another new idea, that of meritocracy, led to the introduction of the imperial
examination system in China. This system allowed anyone who passed an
examination to become a government officer, a position which would bring wealth
and honour to the whole family. The Chinese imperial examination system started in
the Sui dynasty. Over the following centuries the system grew until finally almost
anyone who wished to become an official had to prove his worth by passing a set of
written government examinations.[94]
Confucian political meritocracy is not merely a historical phenomenon. The practice
of meritocracy still exists across China and East Asia today, and a wide range of
contemporary intellectuals — from Daniel Bell to Tongdong Bai, Joseph Chan,
and Jiang Qing — defend political meritocracy as a viable alternative to liberal
democracy.[95]
In Just Hierarchy, Daniel Bell and Wang Pei argue that hierarchies are
inevitable.[96] Faced with ever-increasing complexity at scale, modern societies must
build hierarchies to coordinate collective action and tackle long-term problems such
as climate change. In this context, people need not — and should not — want to
flatten hierarchies as much as possible. They ought to ask what makes political
hierarchies just and use these criteria to decide the institutions that deserve
preservation, those that require reform, and those that need radical transformation.
They call this approach "progressive conservatism", a term that reflects the
ambiguous place of the Confucian tradition within the Left-Right dichotomy.[97]
Bell and Wang propose two justifications for political hierarchies that do not depend
on a "one person, one vote" system. First is raw efficiency, which may require
centralized rule in the hands of the competent few. Second, and most important, is
serving the interests of the people (and the common good more
broadly).[98] In Against Political Equality, Tongdong Bai complements this account by
using a proto-Rawlsian "political difference principle". Just as Rawls claims that
economic inequality is justified so long as it benefits those at the bottom of the
socioeconomic ladder, so Bai argues that political inequality is justified so long as it
benefits those materially worse off.[99]
Bell, Wang, and Bai all criticize liberal democracy to argue that government by the
people may not be government for the people in any meaningful sense of the term.
They argue that voters tend to act in irrational, tribal, short-termist ways; they are
vulnerable to populism and struggle to account for the interests of future generations.
In other words, at a minimum, democracy needs Confucian meritocratic checks.[100]
In The China Model, Bell argues that Confucian political meritocracy provides—and
has provided—a blueprint for China's development.[101] For Bell, the ideal according to
which China should reform itself (and has reformed itself) follows a simple structure:
Aspiring rulers first pass hyper-selective examinations, then have to rule well at the
local level to be promoted to positions as the provincial level, then have to excel at
the provincial level to access positions at the national level, and so on.[102] This
system aligns with what Harvard historian James Hankins calls "virtue politics", or
the idea that institutions should be built to select the most competent and virtuous
rulers — as opposed to institutions concerned first and foremost with limiting the
power of rulers.[103]
While contemporary defenders of Confucian political meritocracy all accept this
broad frame, they disagree with each other on three main questions: institutional
design, the means by which meritocrats are promoted, and the compatibility of
Confucian political meritocracy with liberalism.
Institutional design
Bell and Wang favour a system in which officials at the local level are democratically
elected and higher-level officials are promoted by peers.[98] As Bell puts it, he defends
"democracy at the bottom, experimentation in the middle, and meritocracy at the
top."[102] Bell and Wang argue that this combination conserves the main advantages
of democracy — involving the people in public affairs at the local level, strengthening
the legitimacy of the system, forcing some degree of direct accountability, etc. —
while preserving the broader meritocratic character of the regime.
Jiang Qing, by contrast, imagines a tricameral government with one chamber
selected by the people (the House of the Commoners 庶民院), one chamber
composed of Confucian meritocrats selected via examination and gradual promotion
(the House of Confucian Tradition 通儒院), and one body made up of descendants of
Confucius himself (The House of National Essence 国体院).[104] Jiang's aim is to
construct a legitimacy that will go beyond what he sees as the atomistic, individualist,
and utilitarian ethos of modern democracies and ground authority in something
sacred and traditional. While Jiang's model is closer to an ideal theory than Bell's
proposals, it represents a more traditionalist alternative.
Tongdong Bai presents an in-between solution by proposing a two-tiered bicameral
system.[105] At the local level, as with Bell, Bai advocates Deweyan participatory
democracy. At the national level, Bai proposes two chambers: one of meritocrats
(selected by examination, by examination and promotion, from leaders in certain
professional fields, etc.), and one of representatives elected by the people. While the
lower house does not have any legislative power per se, it acts as a popular
accountability mechanism by championing the people and putting pressure on the
upper house. More generally, Bai argues that his model marries the best of
meritocracy and democracy. Following Dewey's account of democracy as a way of
life, he points to the participatory features of his local model: citizens still get to have
a democratic lifestyle, participate in political affairs, and be educated as "democratic
men". Similarly, the lower house allows citizens to be represented, have a voice in
public affairs (albeit a weak one), and ensure accountability. Meanwhile, the
meritocratic house preserves competence, statesmanship, and Confucian virtues.
Promotion system
Defenders of Confucian political meritocracy all champion a system in which rulers
are selected on the basis of intellect, social skills, and virtue. Bell proposes a model
wherein aspiring meritocrats take hyper-selective exams and prove themselves at
the local levels of government before reaching the higher levels of government,
where they hold more centralized power.[102] In his account, the exams select for
intellect and other virtues — for instance, the ability to argue three different
viewpoints on a contentious issue may indicate a certain degree of
openness.[106] Tongdong Bai's approach incorporates different ways to select
members of the meritocratic house, from exams to performance in various fields —
business, science, administration, and so on. In every case, Confucian meritocrats
draw on China's extensive history of meritocratic administration to outline the pros
and cons of competing methods of selection.[107]
For those who, like Bell, defend a model in which performance at the local levels of
government determines future promotion, an important question is how the system
judges who "performs best". In other words, while examinations may ensure that
early-career officials are competent and educated, how is it thereafter ensured
that only those who rule well get promoted? The literature opposes those who prefer
evaluation by peers to evaluation by superiors, with some thinkers including quasi-
democratic selection mechanisms along the way. Bell and Wang favour a system in
which officials at the local level are democratically elected and higher-level officials
are promoted by peers.[108] Because they believe that promotion should depend upon
peer evaluations only, Bell and Wang argue against transparency — i.e. the public
should not know how officials are selected, since ordinary people are in no position
to judge officials beyond the local level.[109] Others, like Jiang Qing, defend a model in
which superiors decide who gets promoted; this method is in line with more
traditionalist strands of Confucian political thought, which place a greater emphasis
on strict hierarchies and epistemic paternalism — that is, the idea that older and
more experienced people know more.[110]
Compatibility with liberalism and democracy, and critique of
political meritocracy
Another key question is whether Confucian political thought is compatible with
liberalism. Tongdong Bai, for instance, argues that while Confucian political thought
departs from the "one person, one vote" model, it can conserve many of the
essential characteristics of liberalism, such as freedom of speech and individual
rights.[111] In fact, both Daniel Bell and Tongdong Bai hold that Confucian political
meritocracy can tackle challenges that liberalism wants to tackle, but cannot by itself.
At the cultural level, for instance, Confucianism, its institutions, and its rituals offer
bulwarks against atomization and individualism. At the political level, the non-
democratic side of political meritocracy is — for Bell and Bai — more efficient at
addressing long-term questions such as climate change, in part because the
meritocrats do not have to worry about the whims of public opinion.[112]
Joseph Chan defends the compatibility of Confucianism with both liberalism and
democracy. In his book Confucian Perfectionism, he argues that Confucians can
embrace both democracy and liberalism on instrumental grounds; that is, while
liberal democracy may not be valuable for its own sake, its institutions remains
valuable — particularly when combined with a broadly Confucian culture — to serve
Confucian ends and inculcate Confucian virtues.[113]
Other Confucians have criticized Confucian meritocrats like Bell for their rejection of
democracy. For them, Confucianism does not have to be premised on the
assumption that meritorious, virtuous political leadership is inherently incompatible
with popular sovereignty, political equality and the right to political
participation.[114] These thinkers accuse the meritocrats of overestimating the flaws of
democracy, mistaking temporary flaws for permanent and inherent features, and
underestimating the challenges that the construction of a true political meritocracy
poses in practice — including those faced by contemporary China and
Singapore.[115] Franz Mang claims that, when decoupled from democracy, meritocracy
tends to deteriorate into an oppressive regime under putatively "meritorious" but
actually "authoritarian" rulers; Mang accuses Bell's China model of being self-
defeating, as — Mang claims — the CCP's authoritarian modes of engagement with
the dissenting voices illustrate.[116] Baogang He and Mark Warren add that
"meritocracy" should be understood as a concept describing a regime's character
rather than its type, which is determined by distribution of political power — on their
view, democratic institutions can be built which are meritocratic insofar as they
favour competence.[117]
Roy Tseng, drawing on the New Confucians of the twentieth century, argues that
Confucianism and liberal democracy can enter into a dialectical process, in which
liberal rights and voting rights are rethought into resolutely modern, but nonetheless
Confucian ways of life.[118] This synthesis, blending Confucians rituals and institutions
with a broader liberal democratic frame, is distinct from both Western-style liberalism
— which, for Tseng, suffers from excessive individualism and a lack of moral vision
— and from traditional Confucianism — which, for Tseng, has historically suffered
from rigid hierarchies and sclerotic elites. Against defenders of political meritocracy,
Tseng claims that the fusion of Confucian and democratic institutions can conserve
the best of both worlds, producing a more communal democracy which draws on a
rich ethical tradition, addresses abuses of power, and combines popular
accountability with a clear attention to the cultivation of virtue in elites.