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Title

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last marked below.
 COMPARATIVE GRAMMAR
OF THE

SANSKRIT, ZEND,

GREEK, LATIN, LITHUANIAN, GOTHIC, GERMAN,

AND SCLAVONIC LANGUAGES.

ny

PKOFESSOR I
1
. BOPP.

TRANSLATED FROM THE GERMAN

ny

EDWARD B. EASTWICK, F.R.S., F.S.A.,

TR\VM,ATOB OF THE ZAHTASHT X AMAH, THE KIS&AIM ,sANJA> THE I'RRM T
, sX.GAU,
THE HAojI-O-HAHAll, THK GULI^TAN, THE ANN AR-I-SUU AI1J,
ETC. ETC. ETC.

VOL. II.

THIRD EDITION. . ,

WILLIAMS AND NORGATE:

14, HENRIETTA STREET, COVENT GARDEN, LONDON;
AMD
20, SOUTH FREDERICK STREET, EDINBURGH.
1802.
 COMPARATIVE GRAMMAR.

PRONOUNS.
FIRST AND SECOND PERSONS.
326. IN these pronouns the genders are not distinguished
in any of the Indo-European languages and all the sister
;

dialects agreewith one another surprisingly in this point,

that the nominative singular first person is from a diffe-
rent base from that from which the oblique cases come.
It is, Sanskrit ^f?^ aham, Zend 9f_JAJ azem, Greek eye*, La-
tin ego, Gothic ik, Lithuanian asz, Old Sclavonic az. The
"
am of ^Rf^R aharn is termination, as in twam,
thou," ayam,
11
"this, and swayam, "self;" and as in the plural, vayam,
" " w
we," y&yam, ye. The JEoYic e^toi/ answers better than
e^co to aham but I would;prefer eyov in order to explain y

the lengthening of the vowel in eye!) as a compensation for

the loss of the nasal. The abbreviated eyo>, may, however,
have reacted on the more complete eycov, and imparted to it

the length of its vowel. In the other European languages,

except the Latin, the entire termination has disappeared, as is

also the case in Greek and Latin in <ri/, TV, tu t contrasted with

the Sanskrit-Zend twam (from tu-am), %f$ turn (. 42.), To

the latter, however, answers the Bceot. rovv, and the YJ
of the Doric and Lacon. TVVYJ, TOW*'], is, perhaps, an un-
organic addition, as, in Gothic, the a in [G. Ed. p. 468. J
pronominal accusatives (tha-na for than, from tham, (. 149.),
if not, vrj must be regarded as an annexed particle. The
oblique cases, in Sanskrit, have in the first person ma,
and in the second twa, as theme, which is lengthened, how-
ever, in some cases, by the admixture of an i (compare
.
158.); hence m6, twe. On the other hand, iwa, in the
H H
458 PRONOUNS.

from which, also,

dative, abbreviates itself to lu (tu-bhyam),
the nominative tw-am : in the genitive tav-a the u of tit
receives the Guna, or the a of twa is transposed, To the
base ma
answers the Greek MO, from which come the geni-
tive p.ov, and dative /no/. The e of "EMO rests on the pre-
vailing disposition of the Greek to prefix a vowel to forms
beginning with a consonant, as in oVojua, 6$ov$, o<ppv$, e\a%v$9
contrasted with nAma, danta-s, bhrd-s, luyhu-s, "light." The
o of MO, *EMO is interchanged with e (sec 3.): hence .

cfjic'io, e/jiedcv for eyuo?o, cjjLo-dev (compare irodev, cc\A,o-0ci/,

&c.); fj.eo for e/xoo;* e/zeO, /xeC for e/xoC, juoO. In the
^Eolic-Doric forms /ieu, e^o2^, as in reC^, TeoCf, the 2 is

a later addition, introduced by the necessity for a 2 as a geni-

tive character, after the old genitive 2
which, according to
.
189., in the o declension did not stand at the end but in the

middle had been long lost. Compare, in this respect, the

regained genitive sibilants in New German forms like

Ilrrzcns (p. 167 G. Ed.), In the uninflected accusative /ue,
e, the final e for o, which latter might have been expected,
is to be regarded as similar to the e of the vocative
in 201. As to the dispensing with the accusative
.

nasal, important to remark, that, in Sanskrit,

however, it is

for mflm, "me," and twum, "thee," we also find ma> Iwd,

without the case-sign ;

and the rejection of the m has,

[G. Ed. p. 469.] perhaps, next given occasion to the

lengthening of the a; so that here that would hold

good with regard to mam and twam that was conjectured
above of cyw for e^oi/.t The Latin supports in like manner,

by its accusatives me and te, the ancient loss of the inflexion.

* The form \VKOIO would

have, according to the usual rules of con-
traction, to be compared with XU'KOV, after loss of the i through an inter-

vening \VKCO.
t The reason of the lengthening might also be looked for in the words
being monosyllabic ; but this applies to the ablatives mat, twat.
 PRONOUNS. 459

327. The theme of the second person t wa divides itself in

Greek, after the vowel or semi-vowel has been lost, into

the forms 2Y and 2O, for 2FO, and the o is exchanged
with e, as in the first person, cruo, crcdci>, &c. II. VIII. 37
the e of Teoib TGO-(<J)/O appears, as a melt-
stands, as it

ing of the f or thinning of the v (as Tr^e-cos for Tnfov-oy)

, ;

and the to-be-presupposed rFoaio or rvoato would correspond

excellently to the Zend tltica-hya, to which a Sanskrit twa-
si/a would answer, in case thwahyil, which formerly ap-
peared to me to be an instrumental, is really a genitive,
as,according to p. 2SO, Rein. can scarcely be doubted. ,'}.,

The Gothic has weakened the a of the base ma to i, and

contracted the termination va of the 2d person to u\
hence M I, THU, dative mi-s, thu-s, accusative mi-k, thu-k.
The genitive is, in Sanskrit, in departure from all other ge-
nitives, mama, far a. The former appears to have arisen
by reduplication; the Zend, however, substitutes for it
maitd ; and, in the Gothic, na has assumed so much the
character of an inflexion, that it has made its way also into
the 2d person and the 3d person, which void of gender; is

mci-na, thei-na, sci-na. Theina I regard as an abbreviation of

imagine sei-na to come from svei-na, for tfnma
fhvci-nn, as I
must have sprung from THU. As, however, H ma has, in
Gothic,become MI, and from this has been formed, by length-
ening it, A/727; so might also ^ twa become THll and
THYEl. According to this, the genitive [G. Ed. p. 470.]
thcina as the abbreviation of thveina in respect to its base,
has the same relation to thu, that, in Greek, croG (from crfoS)
lias to <TV, or that rev (from rFev) has to TV.

328. In Latin, as in Gothic, the a of the Indian ma has

been weakened to i, and this, in a measure, has changed the

declension of the pronoun from the second, which, according

to . 116., was to have been expected, into the third: dative

mi-hi for u^r* ma-hyam (. 215.) ; accusative me for mem

(as hoste-m from HOSTI}> not mu for mum; ablative me
HH 2
460 rnoNOUNs.

from med, not mo from mod = Sanskrit *fif mat. The ge-
nitivc mei is based, according to .!200., on the locative $rftf

mtnj-i (euphonic for mf-i} 9 and belongs, therefore, to the

lengthened theme JT ?//& In the second person, according to

the analogy of -met, the form /m might have been ex-

pected from j^fij tir<n/-i, and may originally have existed,

but in the actual condition of the language is impossible,
for v cannot consist with a preceding consonant, but in this

position is either resolved into u, and at times, indeed,

with the sacrifice of the vowel following, as in sud-o, an-
11

swering to ftu5 siridt "to sweat or has itself disap- ;

peared, as in amis, answering to siwni, "a, dog,' sonus for

svunus, answering to swana-s, *'a tone";* or has dislodged

the preceding consonant, as above (p. 424), in bis, as a

hardening of vis, from dwis. We should hence have to

expect for tul, together with some other forms, also lei

(for tvei\ as. too, fi-bi may be taken to be an abbreviation

of tvi-bi : for although tlie dative in Sanskrit is tu-bhyam,

and the transition from u to i in Latin is not unusual

(fourth declension 9 -1ms for u-bux), still the Sanskrit con-
traction of twa-bhymn, to tu-bhyam is scarcely of so old a date

[G. Ed. p. 471.] as to serve for a point of departure for the

Latin M)i\ and therefore prefer considering tibi, sibi, as
I

abbreviations of twi-bi, swi-bi, rather than as corruptions of

tu-bi, su-bi.

329. In Sanskrit, me, l, exist as co-forms for the geni-

tive and dative (rnomn, tnvn, mo hymn, iubhyam}: t how- 9

ever, is clearly an abbreviation of lire, and 1 have since found

this opinion, which I have expressed before, supported by

Rosen's Veda-specimen p. 26), and by the Zend. * The

(

latter gives ^arfc^ Ihwoi for the Vedic tti-e ; but at the same

time, also, the abbreviated forms j\>y toi and >$> 16; by

which, as it were, the way of corruption is pointed out to

* The Greek $a>vf} is, proliahly, tin analogous word, and would, accord-
ingly , stand for o-
 PRONOUNS. 461

the Latin ti-bi and Gothic thei-iw. Although, according to

,326., $ m<* and F* tw lie at the bottom of several cases as
theme, still, together with the ab-
perhaps, these forms,
breviated If, where they appear as genitives or datives, are
not to be regarded as naked bases, as it is contrary to the

genius of the language to introduce a theme, as such, into

speech;* but they may be explained as locatives, according
to the principle of the common a bases (. 196.),
especially
as, in
Sanskrit, the locative very frequently supplies the

place of the dative, and the dative relation is expressed by

the genitive even more commonly than by the dative itself.
But if ^ m# and w tt\ Ff ?r& and the corresponding Zend
forms, are really locatives, they are then, according to
.
196., identical with the Greek datives JUG/, cro/, or TO/, which,

however, must be compared with the actual locatives *rftt

mtiyi, i^fftr
tiwiyi, by casting out the semi-vowel, if ^mv and
"rT te are to pass as unin fleeted themes, extended only me-
chanically.
330. The
genitives *R mama, Ajy-vs^ mana [** Ed. p. 472.] 9

and Ifiva, serve the Lithuanian, and, with the exception of the
ablative and genitive, also the Old Sclavonic, as the ground-
work for the declension of the oblique singular cases. They
are recognised with a weakening of the final a to i most

distinctly in the Lithuanian instrumental and locative manimi,

man >yc, tawimi, t<t wiye. The genitive, dative, and accusative are
anomalous maneiis, tuweiis, man, taw, maneh, taweii, but have,
in like manner, proceeded from the old genitive. In Old Scla-
vonic, the accusative my a, lya, still remains upon the old

footing, and, according to . 255. a. p. 310., answers to *TT met,

" 1

mi / r^T tivCi, "thee," with loss of the v

1
in the second person.
*'
The genitive mene, of me," answers exactly to the Zend

* The case is different when a word, by nibbing off the termination,

sinks back again into the condition of a theme :

besides, only neuters,
in the nominati vo, accusative, and \ ocative singular, exhibit the pure theme.
462 PKONOUNS.

mana (see . 225. a.) and tebc, " of thee," to the Indo-Zend
tava. Considered from a Sclavonic point of view, however,
MEN, TEB, must be regarded as themes, and e for es
as the common genitive termination (. 269.). MNO,
TEBO, and TOBO, clearly lie as themes at the bottom of

the dative and locative mnye, tebye.

331. The plural in the pronoun of the person is, in most first

of the Indo-European languages, distinct in base from the

I have already elsewhere endeavoured to explain
singular.
" "
this* on the ground that I is properly incapable of a plural,
" "
for there is but one I," and the notion we" comprehends
"
me " and an indefinite number of other individuals, each
of which may even belong to a different species ; while by
teones a plurality of individuals is represented, of which

each is a lion. And the case is similar with the plurals of all
" n
other substantives, adjectives, and pronouns ;
they is a
for
" "
at least be rather regarded
multiplying of he," and ye" may
"
as the plural of
"
thou," than " we as the plural of " I."
" "
[G. Ed. p. 473.] Where, however, the idea we is expressed
"
by the plural of there happens on account of the pre-
I," it
"
ponderating feeling of our own personality, in which the not
"
I is drowned, and is left unnoticed, or is supplied by the

custom of the language. Hence one might seek to compare

the Sanskrit nominative 3U* vayam (from v& -f am) by
the frequent interchange of 771 and r (, 63.) with the length-

ened singular base J? me (p. 46S G. ed.), an interchange which

must, however, be very old, since the German, scarcely by
accident, partakes in it, and which may be favoured by the
circumstance that there exists actually an internal motive
for a difference in the base syllable.
332. In the Vedas we find a-.vme also for vayam; and this

(tsmt is, according to . 228., formed from the theme asma,

from which also, in the common Sanskrit, all the oblique

ITist. Phil Trans, of the Ac. of Lit. for the year 1824. p. 134.
 PRONOUNS. 463

oases proceed, and to which the Greek allies itself, com-

mencing even with the nominative for the most genuine ;

JEolic form a/xjues

1

stands, by assimilation, for acr/xec (see

.
170.), as 6/x/xi'
from ecr/x/,
Sanskrit asmi, " I am." For a/x/xesv

however, a/x/xo/ ought to be the corresponding word to the

VOdic (isrne ; as the theme asma, according to . 1 1(3., would,
in the Greek, sound A2MO : however, by dropping the final

vowel, the Greek form has wandered into the department of

another declension. The same is the case with iyx/xe, an-

swering Vedic yushme (euphonic for yusrnv). On the

to the
C f

other hand, *;/xeJV, v/xe?9, pre-suppose a theme HMI, YMI, the /

of which is to be taken as a weakening of the Indian a o{asma,

yufshma ; as, in Gothic, UN SI, IZVT (. 167.), together with

UNSA, IZVA. The genitives a/x/xe-o)^ u/x^e-wv, also for

a/jb/jit-cov, v/jLfjbt-cov,
and in the common language ij/xcoz/, t//xoiz/

shew that they are deduced from bases in / :

just so the datives
TJJUV, vfuv, for 7]fj,t-iv, vfit-tv,
with w for the Indian termination

hhynm in asmabhyum, yushmubhyam (. 222.). The accusatives

?, v/xa?, are contractions of an unusual kind [G. Ed. p. 474.]

/M-cfe, vfit- as, forwhich ^fTi^vfTi^ or ^//xe?9, i5//6?9, might

be exj)ected. The yEolic forms a/x/xe, i?/x/xe, are uninflected,
as in the singular and in case they are, in respect to
/xe, ere ;

their termination, older than ^/xa<?, v/xa<?, they admit of

derivation direct from the Sanskrit asmdn, yushmdn (for

isma-ns, yushma-ns, 236.), by abrasion of the case

. sulfix,

without intervention of a theme 'AMMI, 'YMMI.

333. In asme, a/x/xe?, the simple vowel a is the characteristic
element of the person, for the rest of the word occurs
first also

in the second person ira yushme, #/x/xe9. If, then, this a is

also connected with the singular base ma, would be requi- it

site to assume an aphaoresis of the m, which, however, would

appear to be very old, from the coincidence of the Sanskrit,

Zend, &c. with the Greek and German ;
for the Gothic base

UNSA or UNSI
has been regarded by us, in 166., as a .

transposition of asma Pali and Prakrit amha ; the u for a is

464 PRONOUNS.

to be explained by the influence of the transposed nasal

(. 66.)- But if the a of ^m asma is an abbreviation of
ma, (in the opposite case it would be identical with the
demonstrative base ), and if, therefore, in this plural base,
the "I** is actually formally expressed, I would then place

great stress on the fact, that, in Sanskrit and Greek, the ap-

pended pronoun sma, or that which it has become in Greek,

in the pronouns of the 1st and 2d person only occurs in the

plural. For as sma which occurs

9 also isolated,* can be no-

thing else than a pronoun of the third person,f so would

[G. Ed. p. 475.] a-sm& as a copulative compound (Gramm.
9

Crit. .
658.), signify "F
and "they"; but yushmt, " thou"
and "they"; so that the singular "I" and "thou" would
be expressed by a and yu ; the plural "they*' by amt;
and this would be the most natural as well as the clearest
"
and most perfect designation of the compound ideas " we
1
and "ye/ The ingress of the appended pronoun into
the singular of the first and second persons, in
Zend,
Pali, Prakrit, and German (. 174.), must, then, be ascribed
to an abuse of later introduction. In the pronouns of the
third person, however, the analogy of which may have had
an effect on the abuse cited in the declension of the two first
persons in the singular, the union of two, nay, even of three
pronouns of the same person into one whole is extraordinarily
frequent, and originally, it seems, betokened only increase
of emphasis.
" 1
334. The syllable IT yu of inJlr yushm$, ye/ is
pro-

* Either with imperceptible meaning, or referring the action of the

present to the further side of the past.

t Pott be right in explaining (Berl. Ann. 1833. Vol. I. p. 324)
may
sma from sama, "like." I should, however, then hold "the same " to be
the ancient meaning of sama, and the idea of similarity as a derived one ;

and also no longer explain sama, as in my Glossary, from md, "to mea-
sure," but regard it as the combination of the pronominal bases sa and ma
u
(compare ima, this," from i + ma).
 PRONOUNS. 465

bably a softening of /?/, which extends itself also to

the dual, to which yuva serves as the theme.* The
Greek cr^w (cr^SV), however, has been retained more

complete, and represents the Sanskrit singular base twn y with

trfor t, and <f> for v. In the latter respect, compare also
<r<e?9 and ox6<? with the Sanskrit swaynm, "self," and
"
.YMY/-S, situs" regarding which hereaftcr.f The Prakrit and
Pali, and several other Indian dialects. [G. Ed. p. 470.]

have retained the t in the plural unaltered, or restored;

hence, Pali-Prakrit n*% tumid for imm$. In Gothic, however,

by rejecting the u, and exchanging the m for v, yu-sma has

become I-ZTA, and by weakening the a to /', I-ZJ'I (. 167.).

The Lithuanian gives J77 as the theme of the majority of
cases in the dual and plural, and in the first person to MU 9

" we" does not corre-

which, however, the nominative me*

spond. The appended pronoun ^ srna has been distinctly

retained only in the genitive dual and locative plural

although originally foreign to the dual,

it is but, in the for-

mer case, to which the numeral is annexed, the ft,

and in the
latter case the 77?, has fallen out; hence mu-mu
dwicyu,
"of
1
us two"; yu-inu dwhyii, "of you two" J; mu-suse, "inns' ;

ft
in you."
yusfise

* From
yu + a, with change of the u into uv 9 according to a universal
euphonic law (Gramm. Crit. J. 51.).
t As I formerly took the cr, in forms like o^fo-^t (see \ 218.), for a
euphonic addition, 1 thought also (Hist. Phil. Trans, of the Ac. of Lit.
for the year 1825. p. 11)0) that I might explain <rc/>&>, answering to the
Latin DOS and Sanskrit vdm, vas* as corrupted by prefixing a o- allied to
the cf).
This opinion, however, stands in no further need of support, from
the information which 1 have since then gained regarding the <r of forms
in (T-</H ;
and I accede so much the more willingly to the abovementioned

opinion, which was first expressed by Max. Schmidt (l)e Pron, Gr. et
Lat., p. 8.)

J According to Mielcke, also mama dwieyu and yumma dwiryu, the

latterwith doubled m ; the first of which is to be explained by assimilation
of the sy as in the JEolic,
 46G PRONOUNS.

however, also very probable that the s in

335. It is,

the Lithuanian nominative wAy, " we," ye," as well 9

t

yus
as the s of the Gothic vcis, yus, is not the sign of the
nominative, as appears to be in the actual condition
it

of the language, but an abbreviation of the syllable

smti. This conjecture almost to certainty by
is raised

the Zend, in which, together with the %&>fl^ yiishem

(see .
5l).)> which rests on the Sanskrit TFCR yiiyam
(from ytl
+ am, with euphonic y,
.
43.), -$$^ yu*s also

occurs; the s of which is represented by Burnouf (Yasna,

Notes, p. 1:21), in which he is clearly right, as identical with

the Sanskrit TT
\
sh of WH"
^ \
ynslimut (ablative,
t/ >
and, in the begin-
IJ

mug of compounds, representing the theme, see p. 11 2 G. oil.).

[G. Ed. p. 477.] Wherefore *tifJC^ y"s >

*s an abbreviation
of the Vedic Tpsr ynshme; and the s can in nowise pass for
the sign of the nominative; as from a theme yu 9 according
to the usual declension in the nominative and vocative plural,
must come either yavfl or yvo.
According to the prono-

minal declension, however, we have already seen $<tb}^

yiishvm developed from the Sanskrit ipqpT yuyum. In
Lithuanian, ra/v?, if s were the sign of case, would stand
completely isolated as the masculine plural
nominative*;
and as to the German, that language has, from the earliest
period, lost the sign of the case in the nominative plural;
while the r of wir, which corresponds to the Gothic s
ihr,

of vets, yns, has remained to this day, which, with other

weighty reasons, awards to this r likewise a destination

other than that of denoting the relation of case.
336. According to the principle of the Zend-Lithuanian-

Gothic yds, yus, I explain also the Sanskrit fwx nns, T5 van,
which are used as co-forms in the accusative, dative, and

* no obvious distinction of gender,

Although in this pronoun there is

still the Sanskrit declension-forms* viz. a#m8, as man, are masculine.

 PRONOUNS. 467

genitive of the two first persons ; the * of which, however,

could not find any legitimate place in such different cases,

if, by its origin, it was destined to denote a case-con-

nection. In the same way, however, that the #end yfa is

the abbreviation of yiismd, so may "^r nas and ^Tf vas be

deduced in the accusative, from naxw.fi n, vasmAn, and in the
dative and genitive, from naarnabhynm, nasmftfcam, vas-
mdbhynm, vasmnlcnm ; and the s therefore, suits all the
t

three cases, exactly because expresses none of them.

it

There remain, after the dissolution of the rest of the

appended pronoun, na and va, as the chief elements of

personal definition, from which have proceeded the dual
secondary forms nun and rrl/n (for ivl). [G. Ed. p. 478.]
The n of nn, however, is a weakening of the 771, the high
antiquity of which may be traced from the coincidence with
the Greek, Latin, and Sclavonic: but va is an abbreviation
of /MI//, as, viuhili* "twenty," from (twiiwiti.

337. The basos 7f tin, cf vn, would load us to expect in

Latin NU, YU (no, ro, 116.), as themes; ni, vi, as plural

.

nominatives; and 770.9, ros, as accusatives. The circum-

stance, however, that nos, vos, are found already in the
nominative, and that the final sis retained also in the posses-
sives nos-tcr, ves-tcr (for vus-ter), must cause the os of nos,

vn.v, in the accusative, to appear to us in an entirely different

light from that of lupos and the explanation which we

;

have given of the .9 of the indisputably kindred Sanskrit forms

TT*f ?ifl-.v,
^ va-s, must therefore extend also to that of no-s,
from the point of view
ro-s, objectionable as it
may aj)pear
of the self-restricted Latin Grammar, when we seek in wo*
and ros a remnant of the appended pronoun srna, treated of
in 166. &c., which we also recognise robbed of its x* in
.

the appended syllable met (cyomet, mcmct, tumet, iwsmet, &c.)

* mcsmor with Sanskrit smar ;

Comp. 'menwr for so, too, Pott (1. c.

explains the Latin met.

468 PRONOUNS.

which refers itself most closely to the Sanskrit plural

ablative a-smaf* yu-shmat 9 which is also employed by the
language instead of the theme for all cases and numbers

(. 112.), on which account the like free use of tho Latin

met cannot appear surprising. Moreover, I have else-
where endeavoured to explain the Latin immo by assimi-
lation from i-smo, and so to apportion the first part to the

demonstrative base ?, and the last to our smu.

338. We now turn to the Old Sclavonic, where nan* and
tv/.v as genitive and locative, are completely identical
[(I. Kd. p. 47.9.] with the
which in that language are, indeed, excluded from the locative,
rftf nas and ^
vas of Sanskrit,

but still hold the place of genitives. The monosyllabic nature

of these forms has, in Sclavonic, protected the old a as well
as the final ,v
(. 255. a. /.) ;
but here, also, this $ cannot be
looked upon as a case-character, as, without exception, the
terminations *a*f\ sdm and ft su have, in Old Sclavonic, be-
x>
6
come ch (p. 355, Note ). The concurrent disinclination of
so manylanguages to consider the s, in the common forms
under discussion, as a sign of case, strengthens the evidence
for each single individual language. As to the Sanskrit,

however, applying in the dual the forms win, vdm (for vdu9
p. 472.
Note ), in cuses to which tin does not belong as the
]

inflexion, in this point it is not supported by any of the

European sister languages : we might still, however, admit

the conjecture, that hero, also, the an not a case-termina- is

tion, but is derived from a different origin, and, in fact, to be

so regarded, as that TWM, vdu (corrupted to vdm) are exten-
sions of the plural nas, v<is, by lengthening the a, and by

resolving the * to u, according to the analogy of . 206.

For if a case termination ds has become ^ du and in

Zend every final As, without distinction, has become ao it

* Dut see f 788,

. Note 1046.
1, p.
 PRONOUNS. 469

cannot be surprising that nAs, also, has become n<5; and

then in n&u a dual case termination is just as little con-
tained as in nas a plural. The sensual dual, however, loves
broader forms than the plural (compare .
206.); and
to
this^ inclination the lengthening of the a of nas, vas,

may be ascribed. But nAu may, however and this I

much prefer be regarded as a copulative compound

from Wft-s; so that it would stand in the accusative for

nd-sjndu, in the genitive for nd-smayos, according to the

"
principle of the Vedic pitard-mdhmhi,* father and mother,"
"
literally, two fathers, two mothers." [G. Ed. p. 480.]

According ndu would properly mean, as accusative,

to this,
"
me and him," as above (. 333.) awn**, for wnsnu*, " I and
1

they and vdm, for vAu Zend VM(? vAo would denote as
';

" 1'

accusative, thee and him. According to this principle of

copulative composition we may probably view, also, A-wim,
(for tl-L'Au), "we two"; so that, with a more retiring desig-
nation of the third person, it would literally mean " he and
"
I ;
for a is a demonstrative base, which here lengthened
is

to the dual form A (. 208.), and vAm (genitive and locative

"
vayos) answers, in respect to its base, to vnyam, we," (p. 462.).t
339. At the base of the two first persons of the Greek
dual lie Nfi, 24><Q, as themes, which support the opinion, that
in tfr 7i4 if, ^TH vdm (for vdu), to which they bear the same
relation that o/cray docs to nslifdu, the
An is not a case termi-
nation. For if NO, 2<Mi were the themes in Greek, the
genitive and dative would necessarily be voiv, afyoiv, as it
would be unnatural that the long vowel, which, in the no-
minative and accusative, would be explicable according to

* See 229, and shorter Sanskrit 589. Rom.

pp. -228, Grammar, .

t I formerly thought (I.e. $.274.) the d of dram might be regarded as

n strengthening prefix, as in the middle of the 2 nd and 3 rd dual person.
But the above view answers better to the analysis which was given,
$.333., of the plural.
 470 PRONOUNS.

the analogy of \vic<i), from AYKO, should be retained before

the termination tv. It would, it seems, be rightly assumed,

that in the nominative and accusative, v>i> crty&'i, are the ori-

ginal forms, and v&, o-^oi (for vw, crfao), abbreviations of them.
From vwi, cn^on, spring, also, the possessives vw'irepos, atyw'i-

repo?. But how stands it with the very isolated Greek dual
forms v&t, o-</>on ? Max. Schmidt
supposes therein
(1.
c.
p. 94)
a remnant of the Sanskrit neuter dual termination i (. 212.).
It would not be necessary, if this be so, to assume that in vSn,
<r<p<*)'i,
a masculine and neuter dual termination are united,

[G. Ed. p. 481.] as NJ2 and 2<Mi have already been made
to pass as themes, from which v&i, <7^>a>V,
would be very
by the addition of a single termination.
satisfactorily explained
Observe, however, that the pronouns of the first and second
persons do not originally distinguish any genders, and occur
in Sanskrit only with masculine terminations ;
that therefore

a remnant of the lost neuter termination is less to be ex-

pected in these very pronouns in Greek any oilier than in

word whatever. Hence I prefer recognising in the t of vSti,
a weakening of the dual-ending a, which originally
cr<j>coi,

pertained to the masculine and feminine, and which, in the

common declension, has become e (. 209.). According to
this, the i has the same relation to this e and the Zend a that
the ^Eolic 7ri<rvp<i has to retro-apes and y/Avs<J$(:3j^ chathwuro.
This opinion finds particular support from the fact that i/we

actually occurs for z/wV, as in the third person <7<>o>e, not

acfrco'i;
and in the second person, also, the Grammarians
assume <7<<3e together with cr^cSV (Buttmann Lex. I. 52).
340. We give here a connected general view of the de-
clension of the pronouns of the two first persons, with the
remark that the compared languages do not everywhere
agree with one another in regard of inflexion. We select
from the Greek, where it is desirable for the sake of com-
parison, the dialectic forms which come nearest to the
Sanskrit or the Zend.
 PRONOUNS. 471

SINGULAR,
SANSKRIT. ZEND. GREEK. LATIN. GOTHIC. LITH. OLD SCLAV.
ass
{ aham, azem, cya>j/, eyo, ik, asy,
I
twarn, tCim, row, tu, thu, t , ty.
}

\ tndm^ ma, maiim, ma, p.e, m7>, mik, nianrh, mya.

I
twdtn, twd, thwaiim, third, T, t<~ 9
thukj tawnt tya.
t
mayd, ... % maw mi,
t twaya .... tawini, toboyu.
* main/am, .... e/xiV, mihi, mis,* man, mnyc, mi.
me, in$j moi) fW 4
...
)
ca
P ] tubhyam, .... refz/,
2
tibi, thusj taw, tebye,
ti.

^
thwc, t, thwoi, td, tut, rot 4
....
mat, .... .... fnr(d) . . . ... ....

1
Sec . 175. 174, And an re#rds the k and that of si-h, "self," see
.814. p. 1104. Note f. In Old Scl.iv. ^e should read for mya, tya,
2 3
according to . 785. Kern, and (2
>, man* tan. Sre . 22*2. See
"

. 1 74. <J
See &. 329. At the base of the forms mattas* twattas,
lies the proper ablative mat, theme (compare Gramm. Crit.
tw.it, as

$.2xS9.), to which has been added the suilK ta$, which signifies the same
as the ablative termination t, and is also formally connected with it, and to

which the Greek 6cv corresponds. 6

See $.300. 7
S {. 174.

DUAL.
SANSKRIT. ZEND. GREEK. GOTHIC. LITI1 OLD SCLAV
m. va, f. i

g-|j yuvd.m,^ . . .
trfyuH, .... ynduf
5
P^ - avdm. 1 ) vujkisS
tf 7 mudu, 1 m. va, f. #//e
2
W^ M? v &i
2 I '

- ^ yuvdm, 1 1
yudu
{gyvix,*
vm t'OO.
472 PRONOUNS.

SANSKRIT. ZEND. GREEK. GOTHIC. LITH. OLD SflLAV

J5
^
< avdbhydm. nama.
)
'
>9 yuvdbhydm, rama.
y
,
dvtibhydm, . , .
z>6)iV, 247^, f/jwrw dwicm, nama.*
s
+L \ 7w2w, . . . i/om/, nama?
P } yuvdbhydm, . . .
o-^wiV/ igqvts, yum dwiem, vama*
s
>.
t?rti, mo, <r$o)tV, vama*
,-j
{ dvdb/iyum ....
< yuvdbhydm ....
dray os, lu/kara, ?numfi
dwicyfi, nayti?
I waw, . . .
j/o)iV, nil yd*
p.-

^5 j yuvayos, igqvara, yumu dioieyu^ vayii?

\ ram, vdo, ox^&uV, vayu*
^ t
drayos, vayu.
3 ( yuvayos, vayu.

1
I regard the termination dm as a hardening of the common dual ter-

mination du (before vowels uv) and I would crave attention to the frequent

interchange of ?;and m (. (53., compare p. 114). This hardening has not,

in the 1st person, extended into the secondary form and in the 2d per-
;

son the Zend vdo speaks for an older Sanskrit form van for vdm. The
Zend form vdo occurs in the 34th chapter of the Izeshne, and appears,
also, to stand as nominative. However, the Zend is not wanting in an ana-
logous form to the Sanskrit dual hase^wa; for that which Anquetil, in
his Glossary, writes ieoudkcm, and renders by vous deux, ought probably
to be
Cg^AMA>/^ yavdkvm, and is clearly an analogous dual genitive

(p. 473 Rem.) to the plural gen. which Anquetil

CJAX>^AQ^/^ yusmdkwn,
likewise considers as nominative. 2
See . 330. A
The t clearly belongs
to the number two (theme TWA), which, in Lithuanian, is retained through
5
all the cases. 4
Feminine muddwi. The distinction of the genders
[G. Ed. has been introduced, contrary to the original prin-
p. 484.]

ciple, through the analogy of the common dual (see}. 273.), as the Old

Sclavonic, too, in the dual personal terminations, which, in Sanskrit,

Zend, and Greek, mark the genders just as little as the other numbers
distinguishes the feminine from the masculine by the termination ye (^
*
9 $. !&>.e.)-
6
Feminine yudwi. 7
See $. 169. The
comparison with the Sanskrit principal form regards the case termination;
that with the secondary form the theme.
 PRONOUNS. 473

PLURAL.
SANSKRIT. ZEND. GREEK. LATIN. GOTHIC. LITH. OLD SCLAV.
f ruyam* vaem, ... ... rets, ... ...
*
I
S ) asmfij .... afjLu.es J ?*##,* vtis9 * vncs^ my.
~*
+ \ + x
<< / yuyQM-) yushcHi ... ... ...
I

1 1 1
7W6-, yns, I'/i/^es, vos,* yus, yus,* vy.

in, .... c7//if, . . .

unsisf mus, ny.

g \ na.s', wr), . . . nos ^

... ... ...
w
i
s
}
f
\*
*1/ns/nnfht, ....
^
vu.u,f
f 9 '
. . .

^
izi:i*\ /.//*
'

7/wtf, ? 7 //.

**
tn
r
}
aswtlbJrix,7 .... .
nobiit,* . . . fn?/m}.9.7 warn?
>~i c yushinrihhis, .... .
voblx, . . .
j/unns, rand,
/
aft?/utb/tya7tt, .... nfifiL^v) . . .
unsis, mitmus, nam,
.
) ws, 7ic, . . .
nobiSy nc/m.

p ) yuthmabhyam yusmadbya, v^u(v), . . .

isvfo, yumus, vain.
^
rrz*, ... ... robisy vam.
^ tisinat, .... ... nob Is ... ... ...
<j ^ yu&hmat, yusnmt, , . . 7 />/",

i /z^/tS", ^/(J^ . . .
nosiriy ... ... nns.

^ 1 ynslnHdkatnf yusmakem, v^peoyv, . . .

izvara, yusu, . . .

V vas, ro y . . . ves.tr i) vits.

^ , asmdsu, .... ... mususe, nas.

h-j ( yushmdsu, .... ... ytisust!, vas.

1
See 332. 2
See 3
$. . 170. See $5.
337. <4
See . 335.
6
See $. 174.

[G. Ed. p. 485.] "Remark. Max Schmidt (I.e. pp. 9, lu)

rightly takes the forms asmlkam, yushmdkam, for possessives ;

and Rosen has since confirmed this view (Journal of Education,

July Oct. 1834, p. 34s) by the Veda dialect irqffT^TfHT ^fiff*:

yiishmukabhir, utibhis,
'
vestris auxiUis'). We must therefore

regard usmdkam, yushmdhtm, as singular neuters, which are,

as it were, petrified, and have thus lost the power of being

governed according to the gender, number, and case of their

substantive, hi the two first respects they may be com-

pared with numeral expressions (. 318.) like ira pancha,

'five/ which, in the Greek irevre and Latin quinqne, has
become completely indeclinable, and therefore exactly like
asmdkam, yushindkam, Zend ahmdkem, ydsmdkem and the
1 1
474 VKONolJNS.

dual form mentioned at p. 47?, Note l

,, yarfikftn. It is clear

that the Latin forms, also, nostri, nostrum, iwstri, restrain,

belong to the possessive; and for nostrum, veslruiii, are used

also nostrorum, rpstrorum (Schmidt, p. to). As, then, nnsum,
izwtrd, stand altogether isolated in Gothic as genitives, it is,
in my opinion, much more natural to derive them from the

possessive bases of the same* sound which form, iu the

nominative singular masculine, mifnir, izrnr (seep. 390 G. ed.

Note) than, on the contrary, to deduce the possessives from

the unexplained genitives of the personal pronoun, so that

they would be without any derivative suffix whatever, which

is opposed to the common laws for the derivation of word .

I most prefer regarding unsarn, izrara, and the analogous

dual forms, as singular and dual neuters, like the Sanskrit
mmfik<nn> yuvhtrnkam, and with an antiquated retention of
the (i of the base, which in duur' for tlaura (. 153.) has dis-

appeared. Ought, also, the singular genitives to be viewed

in this light ? for me'uia, thrind, scina, are possessive bases as
well as the genitives of the personal pronouns ; and if the
former had proceeded from the latter, the addition of a
suffix might have been expected. Perhaps even in Sanskrit
the expressions mama, 1<ivn, which are far removed from all
the forms of genitives, are originally possessives, from
which, after they were no longer recognised as such, sprang
the secondary forms mnmaku, tavuka, as bnlakn comes,
without alteration of meaning, from bnla, 'a boy.' Observe,
also, the surprising accordance between the Greek pos-

sessive base TEO, from TKFO, and the Sanskrit genitive

lava. The form <ro-9, however, has scarcely proceeded
from (Tov, but from the more entire reo-5, by syncope
and exchange of the r with cr.
regard to the re-
In

placing of the genitive of pronouns without gender by the

corresponding possessives, it deserves further to be remarked,
[G. Ed. p. 480.] that, in Hindustani, the forms, which
arc represented in both numbers of all declinable words
as genitives, are shewn to be unmistakeable possessives.
 PRONOUNS. 475

by being governed by the gender of the following substan-

tive. Tbe pronouns of the first and second person have
in the masculine rd, in the feminine ri, as the possessive

suffix; other words, in tho masculine kd feminine ki; and y

the latter answers to the Sanskrit ka in asmfika, yuxhmuka,

mamaka, tavaka. In Hindustani, therefore, meri inn, te,rl mu.
'
is literally, not 'mei mater? tui mater? but
'
mea mater?
'tua mater;" and the feminine termination 2 answers to the
Sanskrit feminine formation (. 119.). In the masculine
the possessives under discussion are sounded wrrrl, tera,

plural /mwrfw, tumhrird. In this it is remarkable that the

formative suffix ru agrees with the Gothic ra of unsaru,

izvara, dual utjkara, iyqvnra. In respect, also, to the trans-

position of the nasal, tumhfiru for tnhmara, from tusmdrA, is

similar to the Gothic mjkura unsara, ujqvurti. %

PRONOUNS OF THE THIRD PERSON.

341. The Sanskrit is deficient in a simple substantive

pronoun of the third person, devoid of gender: that it,

however, originally possessed such a pronoun is proved, not

only by the unanimous evidence of the European cognate
languages, but especially by the circumstance that, in
Zend, H3y he and j^w hoi (also H^JUO
se, according to .
55.),

and, in Prakrit, ^ ,v are used as the genitive and dative

of the third person in all genders/ and indeed in the direct
sense, and in form analogous to the secondary forms
of the first and second person; Sanskrit i* md, w it,

i*t tu'$,
j
Zend iy>$
^~"
<k
me or j^> mAt %
M^Q If, or j^P ^
thwdi (. 3^9.) In Sanskrit smi^ lengthened to
* In Zoiid I remember only examples of the kind where the pronoun

mentioned refers to masculines ;

but in Prakrit if se is often found femi-
nine j
e.
g. Urvasi by Lenz, pp. 4(5. 00 twice. Still I have not yet met
with examples for se. as dative , numerous as the examples of the genitive
1

are. In Zend both cases occur, and the dative, indeed, more frequently
than the genitive.
t As to the origin of the Sanskrit mca see $. 040.

1 1 -J
476 PRONOUNS,

[G.Ed. p. 487-1 must be considered as the theme of this

pronoun, as, according to . 326., ma, me, twu, /MT, are the

singular bases of the two first persons. From ^ s?ir,

in combination with the nominative termination nm, (. 32(5.)

i4
conies ^TW swat/am, which means self," and in the
present state of the language is indeclinable in all cases,

numbers, and genders. The form swa prevails as the pos-

sessive, but is used not only for .v*m.v, but for mfiw* and /?///.?,

in which it is to be observed, that in the majority of the

European cognate languages the possessive of the third per-

son may be also used for the two first, and the Doric <r<j>6s

corresponds as exactly as possible with the Sanskrit .vzra-v,

while 2<1>I lies as theme at the base of the plural of the per-
sonal pronoun (crc^efc, (rfyl-cri),
with the old a weakened to i,

as in the plural of the two first

persons (. 3;>2.). The appa-
rent agreement of the base with the second person in the
dual is, then, to be explained thus, that in the latter the cr has

proceeded from an older T, but in the third person is primi-

tive. In ov, ol, e, for crc/>oO, cr^ot, cr<e of which only the
latter has been retained from afov, &c., the digamma,
which may remain after cr in the form of has been <f>i>,

necessarily suppressed after the cr has become a rough

breathing. Thus ol is similar to the Zend jyw hoi and

w>w he (for hvdi, hoe), and the Prakrit ^ sd for sir$. A

similar rejection of the v, together with a weakening of the
old a to i, shews itself in the Gothic sri-na, si-s, si-/c, for
svpi-na, svi-s, sri-k (see .
327.). On the other hand, the v
has remained in the adverb svfl, as mentioned at .
150.,
which evidently belongs to a theme SI'A, as hvfl from HI A,
lh& from THA. As h according to 69., stands sometimes for .

the long n 9 so these forms are, 1. c.,

explained as instrumental**.
They might, however, be regarded as locatives, examples of

[G. Ed. p. 488.] which have been pointed out at . 294.

Rem. 2., with an 6 termination. The Lithuanian and Old Scla-
vonic in this pronoun follow exactly the analogy of the second
 PRONOUNS. 477

person, and distinguish it from the latter only by the initial

sfor/; but, like the Latin, Greek, and German, dispense

with the nominative as they are only used reflectively, and
use the singular, also, instead of the dual and plural. From
the Latin, besides sni, suits, perhaps also sponiis, sponte,
from SPONT, are to be adduced here, since, according to all
probability, the meaning "self/' or "the self, selfness," is
the primitive sp, however, may be regarded as the modi-
:

fication of ,ST (comp. 50.), as spiro, in my opinion, is con-

.

"
nected with .sW/<?, to breathe." The Doric ^iv, for crfylv,
and the Latin p.sv,
of i-pse, which should be declined ejus-

-psius, (>i-psi, &c., for ipsimt, ipvi are formed, in like man-
ner, by transposition. As regards the termination nt of
SPONT 9
it might be famed back to the Sanskrit suffix rant,

regarding which see 3:24 and more hereafter.

. It
may here
be further remarked, that, in Prakrit, the pronoun of the second

person occurs, amongst other forms, in that of ^pni and

"qftr 6
p<nii (Urvasi, pp. 61. j),
(
so that the t of twa is sup-
pressed, but the v hardened to p. Compare, in the former
respect, the Doric (j)lv for afyiv, m$, vos, for tvtis, tvos (. 336.) ;

and, in both respects, the Latin porta, which in this way may
be compared with "gTT dmir, "a door" (Ovpa).
312. We here give a connected view of the declension

of the pronoun of the third person, devoid of gender, in the

singular, which, excepting in the case of the Greek, sup-
plies also the place of the dual and plural.

FRAK. KKNI). GREEK. LAT. CiOTH. LITH. OLD SCLAV.

ii
Accusative, atye, e, sc, s\k, saiwn? aya,
1
Instrumental .vrmv???/,
sohoyu.
Dative, ,vr, hP, hui, ol slbi, sis9 sau\
}

scbuc 9 si
1
?
}

Genitive, st, ht, hui, ov, sui, srina, sawciis* sebc.

1
^
Locative, mwiye, scbye}
1
Compare 330. It is not, however, necessary to assume, that, in the
second person, the Lithuanian theme taw and the Sclavonic tcb have arisen
from the Sanskrit genitive tava; but these forms may be regarded as
478 PRONOUNS.

transpositions of the base j^f tint. Both explanations agree in the main, ay

the syllable tav belongs to the base in the Indian genitive 7T^ lava also,
"
whether \ve derive it by Guna from ta, whence ff^qjq tu-bhyam, to

thee," or regard it as the transposed form ok'fvfticu* In the reflective

forms given above, saw and sett arc based on the same principle as the taw
and teb just mentioned, and hence they may be derived, by transposition,
from the Indian base im ; or we may suppose a genitive sava to have ex-
isted in Sanskrit also, which language, it
may be concluded, originally

possessed a complete declension oi' this pronoun. The Gothic sibya,

"
kinsman," theme sibyan, Old High German, alppl'a^ "relationship/*
u
kith/' agrees, in a striking manner, with the Sclavonic base self, and it
"
would not be surprising if the " kinsman has been designated as " the man
belonging to him/' "his /'and that, therefore, the original r of these Gothic

forms has been hardened, as in Sclavonic, to b. The Gothic .smv, theme

" is also n derivative from this pronoun.
,
property,"

343. The base rf ta, feminine rff //!,

signifies, in Sanskrit,
" " "
he," this," and that." The Zend form is identical

with the Sanskrit: the medial, however, frequently occurs

instead of the tennis, as in the accusative singular mascu-

line, in which the place of $$> supplied by tern is commonly

dem, or, still more
frequently, by dim. In Greek and
German this pronoun has assumed the functions of the

article, which is not found in the Sanskrit and /end, nor

in the Latin, Lithuanian, and Sclavonic. The bases TO,
[G.Ed. p. 490.] Gothic TEA (.87.), feminine, TA, Til,
Gothic THO (. 69.), correspond regularly with the Sanskrit-

Zend t(t, M, with which the Lithuanian demonstrative base

"
TA, nominative masculine tas, this," feminine tu, is com-
pletely identical. The Old Sclavonic base is, as in Greek,
in the masculine and neuter* to, in the feminine ta (. 265. n.),

but in the nominative masculine drops the vowel hence ;

"
f, </, to, this," in. f. n. This pronoun does not occur, in its
simple state, in Latin, with the exemption of the adverbial

Tit, t' with the semi-vowel

 PRONOUNS. 479

accusative forms turn, tune (like liiinc], tnrn, lan-dem, and

lumen. The hitter resembles surprisingly the Sanskrit
locative ?rftHtT ta-smin, "in this*" (. 201.), only that thesis
x

dropped, as in the Lithuanian tamf, (p. 170 G. ed.) on which ;

account I am inclined to replace the derivation I formerly

gave of it by transposition from the Greek ftevroi, by that

which I now offer, and which is less remote. Moreover, in
Latin, the derivative forms tails, laiilits, tot, totidem, tvties,

to! us,* spring from this pronoun, and will be treated of

hereafter. It appears, however, to be declined in the com-
pound i.stc, of which the first member Is is either to be

regarded as a petrified nominative masculine, the case-sign

of which, unconscious of its derivation, is retained in the

oblique cases i stilus for eji/slius, compare the German

;V</rr/w/W7i'.v or, which seems to me less probable, the s is a

pure phonetic affix, adopted on account of the favourite com-

bination of with / (compare
.v 05. 9(;.). .

;U-L In the same way that isle is compounded in Latin,

so also, in Sanskrit and /end, the base ta combines with
another pronoun prefixed to it, in fact, with <*,
and thus forms
" " 11
CT via, this," that, Zend JU^A* aela (. 28.). The nomi-
native singular is, in Sanskrit, jnf rsha, iFfl PsJiA, CTW etat;

in /end ufehd afakn, fA)pttAs a fait. In Greek,

^>t^jttAf JU^OJOAI
avros is a similar compound, the first syllable of which, av,
will subscMjuently be remarked upon. [G. Ed. p. 491.]

This avTos is again combined with the article as a prefix to

it, and forms ouro?, aim;, TOVTO, for o-av-ros, ij-av-rrj, ro-av-ro.
There are several ways in which oi/ro?, TOVTO, may be sup-
posed to have arisen in the first place as h'-ovros, T-OVTO,
:

by suppressing the vowel of the article and weakening the

a of the diphthong av to o, both changes being made to

prevent the whole word from being too ponderous, for a is

* Note.
Regarding totus ace p. UilJ> (1. ed.
480 PRONOUNS.

the heaviest of the three

representatives of the Indian ^ a
(a e, o); and for this reason av appears to be especially the
representative of the Viiddhi diphthong *fr <*m* while for
Wt d = r/ + u, is found either ev or 01;. In the feminine
form avrrjy if we distribute it thus, IC-avrq, the diphthong
remains unweakened, as in ravro. But avrt]
may also be
derived from CI-VTJ], and the loss of the first element of the
'

diphthong may be assumed: the gender would then be

expressed in both members of the compound, and a better dis-

tinctionwould be made from the masculine and neuter base
rovro. But if, as appears to me preferable, we make the latter
accord with the explanation which has just been given of the
feminine form, the o of ov will then be ascribed to the arti-

cle, and \ve shall likewise assume that the a of av is

dropped;
thus, O-VTOS, TO-VTO. Max. Schmidt (l)c Pronomine (Jr. ct
Laf. p, 38) sees in ovros only the article compounded with
itself, and assumes that v is inserted; thus ofiro? for 0x09,
for drrj. He adduces, in support of his view, oaovros,
?, Trj\ucovTo$ y which he supposes to have admitted a
similar insertion. I am of opinion, on the contrary, that

these forms do not contain the simple base of the article TO

as the last element of their composition, but^AYTO for why ;

should not this pronoun, though itself already a compound,

[G. Ed. p. 402.] admit, just as well as the article, of being
combined with words preceding it ? I do not agree with
Max, Schmidt in explaining the adverbs zvravQa, evrevdev,
for evdavOa, evOevdev, Ionic evdavra, eVfleurez/, by the simple
duplication of the suffixes 6a, 0ei/, but I consider them to be
compounded two adverbs of similar formation. Though
of

avOa, av6ev< from the pronominal base 'AY, of which more

hereafter, have not been retained in use by themselves, still
I look upon cvrav0a as the combination of eV#' -f avOa, and
eurevOev as that of ev0ev+av0ev. In order to avoid the con-

See Vocalismiib, Ri-in.2. j>.

 PRONOUNS. 481

currence of two breathings in the two following syllables, the

breathing of the former syllable is suppressed, or, as in the

Ionic dialect, that of the latter dropped. It may remain
is

a question, whether the e of evOev is the thin sound of the

a of avdev, in which case the preceding adverb has lost
not only its z>, but its e also, or whether avOev has been
weakened by the loss of its a. In the latter case evravOa

may be divided into evra-vOa. It is at least more natural to

suppose the combination of two adverbs, and the weakening

of a single one, on account of the ponderous nature of the

compound, than to assume the mere doubling of the for-

mative suffix and the insertion of a redundant u, for neither
part of this assumption can be supported by analogous phe-
nomena elsewhere.
345. In the nominative singular masculine and feminine the
Sanskrit substitutes -and in this the Gothic remarkably coin-
cides with it for the T sound of the pronoun under discussion
an s, which in Zend, according to .53, becomes tv /*, and in

Greek the rough breathing, hence Sanskrit ,va, fr//, Gothic .yrj,

MI, thula, Zend ho, ltd, titt, Greek 6, a, TO.

,sv>, The Old Latin
has introduced into the accusative this originally purely

subjective pronominal base: sum for enin, and sum for rain,
also supm as nominative for sa-ipsa.* [G. Kil. p. 493.]
As this s is excluded from the neuter, we have found
in it (.131) a satisfactory explanation of the nominative
sign, the s of which is likewise foreign to the neuter. A
remnant of the old s of the base is still preserved by the
Greek in the adverbs a>']/jiepov and cr^Jrt^, though as these
compounds express an accusative relation, not that of a
nominative, they accord with the use of the Sanskrit lan-

guage less than the Attic forms rijjLiepov, r/yre?, as 7f ta is

the general theme, but ^r sa only that of the nominative*.

* Accusative plural w, cf. Max. Schmidt " De Proiiomine Gr. ct Lat."

W .l 1,12.
482 PRONOUNS.

The first member of the said compounds occurs in the

primary form or theme, the final o of which ( = ^r a) has

been changed into e, having been melted down with the fol-

lowing e and i] thus T?;Te<?, crijre?, from re-ere?, ere- ere?, for
;

TO-6T69, (TO-6T6S ; T/jfJiCpOV, (T/jfJiCpOl^ from Te-7]/J,epOV) O-e-7]fJLpOl\

These adverbs correspond to the

for To-jjinepov, aro-y/jLepov.

Sanskrit adverbial compounds (dpywji-bhi\va), which con-

tain a substantive, assuming an accusative neuter form
:is their last member ;
r.
y. TWT&3& yalhd-shraddham,
" 1 11

according to troth,' from ^nST xhruddhd, feminine, "troth,

3-K). The Greek falls into an abuse, in extending the
substitution of the rough breathing for the T sound also
to the nominative plural, as in
ui, ai while the cognate lan-

guages preserve the Doric-epic forms TO/, rat, as the original :

Sanskrit ir te,
TTT^ t(ts, Zend K^ (e,
gw^ t(\o, Gothic thai,

tints (com})are .
228.)-
3 17* With reference to the masculine nominative singular,

we have, moreover, to notice the remarkable coincidence of

the Greek, Gothic, and Sanskrit in retaining the case-sign, so
that o for 09 corresponds to the Sanskrit-Gothic sa for sus.

[G. Kd. p. 401.J The latter appears analogous to the inter-

rogative //iv/.v, *'who?" in Gothic (. 135.). In Sanskrit,

however, the suppression of the case-sign is not quite
universal; for before a stop we lind ^ft .?////, ^ft .vrf, euplionic
for (. 22. and Grainm. Grit. .75. r/.)
.sv/.s- and wj, Ix^lore ; ^
words Ijeginning with </, according to a general principle of
sound from .SY/.S, by melting down the to it, and regularly con- ,s-

tracting the a + u to o (. 2.). On the form so is based the

Zend ^fev //<>, the rf of which is retained ;
so that AW ha
which expected for ^ .sr/, does not occur.
might be
Although, then, fyw ho is strikingly similar to the Greek
6, still the
relationship of the two forms cannot be looked for
in the o-sound, as the Greek o rests on the suppression of
the case-sign and usual substitution of o for a (. 4.), ^
while the Zend ho is to be referred to the existence of a
 ruoNouNS. 483

ruse-sign (ti for ,s),

and its contraction with the a of the
base to (}.

;M8. The reason why this pronoun gladly dispenses

with the usual nominative sign s may be, partly, because
the said case-sign lias itself proceeded from tlie base su,

and that sa does not admit of being re-combined with

itself; and, partly and this perhaps is the surer ground
that the pronouns, in general, are so strongly and

vividly personified by themselves, that they are not in

need of a very energetic and animated sign of personality ;

"
for which reason, although ^TR ahum, I," r^
" "
uyam, this, self," liave a termina-
T3q*^ siwiyam,
tion, it is not that of the usual nominative, but they ap-

pear as neuters in the more objective or accusative garb ;

"
while ^^ft as&u, m. f. that, if its final diphthong is

combined with the u of the oblique {_(*. Ed. p. 400.]

case ^r? nmu (compare .

150.), is completely devoid of ter-
mination, and merely adopts the Vriddhi augment of the
final vowel of the base.* The Latin obeys the same prin-
ciple in the pronouns Iii-c, II I? iste, i/>w, which are deprived of
,

tlie nominative sign, and for which we might have expected

r
rom and
his-c (compare hun-c hu-mc), illius, i stats,
i^sns,
which and in the same language the
latter actually occurs ;

relative tjul is distinguished from the more energetic inter-

rogative tjvh by the absence of the nominative sign. In

agreement with this principle stands also the circumstance,

that in Sanskrit the masculine pronominal bases in a, in the

plural nominative have not, like other words, as for their

termination, manner, suppress the case sulfix,
but, in like

and extend the a of the base to i* r, by the admixture of a

purely phonetic / ; hence w if, from which the dative and
ablative tt-bhyas, genitive ti-sh<im 9 locative tf-shu. It has
been before pointed out (. ^2S.) what relation the cognate
languages bear to Sanskrit in this respect. And it may
* Tho belief in this actually boinj: the case is supported by tlie Pali, in

which the form asu, without Vriddhi, coriv&ponds to the Sanskrit nsdu.
 484 PRONOUNS.

be observed, the pronouns of the first and

further, that
second person do not admit, in the plural, the termination as,
but employ ^^ vay-am t[tRv yu-y-mn, with a neuter
9 sin-

gular form, and in the Veda dialeet ^TW <ism$, *ra

of pronouns of the
ymlimt't after the usage third person.
The Greek forms a/^/xes, v/jt/Aes, ijtiels, v/j,els, appear, there-
fore, so much the more to be a more recent adaptation to
the ordinary mode of formation and what (. 335. 337.) ;

has been said regarding the s of the Lithuanian wr.y,

yds, the Gothic ?W.v, yiis, and the Latin nos9 mv, obtains
additional confirmation from the present remark. The
" 11

pronominal base ^H amu, that, also avoids, in the

masculine, the nominative-termination as, and forms ami,
illi, which serves as a theme to the oblique plural cases,

[
G. Ed. p. 496.] with the exception of the accusative : hence
^snrtfiw amt-blliS) 'SflRffam timi-blu/fis, ^uffaTW^ ami-sluhn> ^?*ffar
N X '
O '

ami- situ. These forms confirm the opinion that the nomi-
native also, and the like, are void of inflexion.
1
/f

We
here give a general view of the entire declen-
311).

sion of the pronoun under discussion. From the Latin

we adduce the compound /&-/<?, as the simple form does not
occur. The Zend forms in brackets 1 have not met with,
but have formed them according to the analogy of the

compound A^JOAS, af-ta, and other pronouns of the third

person, with which wo may suppose the base Atp la to
have originally agreed in inflexion. Observe*, also, the
occasional weakening of the I to d, mentioned in . 343.
Those cases of the Lithuanian and Sclavonic to which *
is prefixed, etymologically do not belong to this place, but
to the compound "fflf
tyn, mentioned in . 953.

MASCULINE.
Sanskrit. Zend. Greek. Latin. Gothic. Llth. Old Sclav.
N. s(i,snh 9 !i<l, lid, 6, h-TJ 9 sa, fns, f*

Ac. tarn, tern, T(JV, is-TUM 9 tkaiia, tail, f.

L Icnu, (A/), ..... .... lit, linni, *tyom.

 PRONOUNS. 485

SINGULAR.
MASCULINE.

Sanskrit. Zend. Greek Latin. Gothic. Lith. OldScl.

] 1

D. tasindi, (tdltmili), rco, is-TI* thanwifj? tain* tomuS

Ab. tasmnt, (t<ihmuf) s , , ,
is-TO(D) ....
1 7 1
(j. is-TlUS, ttm, to,
tfisya, (fnlu )? roto, toyo?
1

L. tusmtH? (Icihini),
*

... tamvn? .... tame" torn.

NEUTER.

N.Ac. fat 18 13 13 11 M 5 16
ro, /.viPi/A tf"rf. te'V to-
to/,

The rest like the Masculine.

l-EMININE.
'

N. .sv), //J, 7, }, /.v-TW, $d, ta, in.

Ac. tarn (taiim), rav, rtjv, is-TslJ\L tin}, tan lii.

]1 ^
] *
L tiiyii) (t(ihmi/d}, .... ta, toy A. ^
T\ <!'/ i "\ 'M * * rn~~ 21 ^ <l

Ab. to//^ f
19
(tunhl)?
n
____ i*-TA(D) ..........
19 1 2*
G. to/yrh, T^, ix-TIU$; thhh
(Innhhi) ra9, Us, toya.
L.
tniydm^'^ahmya)?* ........ .... toyc** tot.

2 from the
1

^(.-
y.
IfiO.
/,y//, and similar pronominal forms, differ

common second declension, to which they belong, in this paiticuLir, that

they preserve the enso- termination in preference to the final vowel of the
3
base ; thus, isli for isfoi^ opposed to lupo for htpoi Regarding mm,
from wi, see .
170., and with reference to the termination . 3o6.

Kern. 3. 4
.
170.
3
\\. i(57. subfinem.
6
We might, also,

expect H^yjji/jo ^//i//c'and

M^^J^JA^^O tainhti, according to the analogy of

i'W, which often occurs as well as ahi (from the base a), and
7
aw//t , and similar forms ( >. 41. and
j
5(>. a.). . 189.

y
201. i"
343.
n i. 12
The
J. 170. 197.

m comes from the appended pronoun sma (comp. 2(>7. &ub.f.) in the . :

instrumental tyem, on the contrary, it belongs to the case-sign (^.^200.).

u 155. 156." 14
. 155. and 281. 15
. 157. ir>
The
Jji.

Sclavonic to, and similar pronominal neuters, are to be explained, like the

Greek, through the suppression of a 7 -sound; while substantive and

adjective forms in o with the exception of those from bases in A-

(as ndto

from NEBES)\wiQ lost a final nasal, which the Greek retains, both
 486 PRONOUNS.

17 18
according to the euphonic law in $.255. /. . 266. 171.
19
g. 172.
20
. 172. Note *, p. 189. 21
6. 356. Rem. 3. * If we
assume that the termination yus9 peculiar to the pronouns, which in
.189. is considered as the transposed form of the Sanskrit termination

sya, belonged originally to the feminine, and from that gender has been

unorganicaUy transferred to the others, then (tytius from (is)ti~jus, for

(i8)ta-jus
would agree tolerably well with the Sanskrit tasyds, with the

preceding j ; in this resembling the Sclavonic taya for tasya,

loss of the s

. and shortening the last a but one ; after which from the short a,
271.,
as is so frequently done before a final $, an unorganic u is formed.
*>
From 271. * 202.
.
M 208, Note * . .
tosijas,

DUAL.
MASCULINE.

Sanskrit. Zend. Greek. Lith. Old 8da*.

r-nN.A. tAu,t&* (Ma 9 tA), TCO, tu 9 ta.
4
1 IJXAb. tdbhy&m, (taeibya), D.rolv? D.*tiem? I.D. *ty*ma.
^-G.L. tayfa, (iaySjf G.rdb, GM, toyti*'
S
O NEUTER.

^N.Ac. it] (it), TG>, tyr?

The rest like the Masculine.

FEMININE.
1
N.Ac, tf, (tty ra t tie,
tye*
I.D.Ab. tAby&m, (tfibya), D. ralv, torn? *tyema*
G. L. iayds, .... G.raiv, G.tu, ft.
toy

2 3 4
i
Vedic form, see . 208. . 221. . 215. .
273.,

where, however, the reason for the ye, instead of the to-be-anticipated 0,

was incorrectly assigned. The truth is, obyema is founded on the Sanskrit
" both M and with
base *gwi ubkaya, nom. ulhayam, ;
to the regard designa-
tion of thenumber two, we must observe, that the Lithuanian, also, forms
some cases from an extended theme in ia, euphonic ie ; viz. the gen. dwiey-u,
and the dative dwie-m; the former, with regard to its before the case- ter-
y
mination, agrees with the Sclavonic dvoy-u and Sanskrit dway-os (. 273.
Note t) : the theme of both cases is dwie, from dwia, and is founded, in

my opinion, on the Sanskrit p| dwaya, " a pair," with the suppression of

the a preceding the y. On this, then, is based, also, the Sclavonic

 PRONOUNS. 487

dvyem, as also on the compound pronominal base fl tya ($.353

tyem, ).
1 6 7
o, 254. Rem, 1.
p. 277.
273. Note f. 212.
f 273.
, .
J,

9
p.368G,ed. iUJ3,

PLURAL.

MASCULINE.

ZfliA Grffc Lai in. Gothic. Lith. Old Sclav.

N. W ,i TO/,01,
1
W/,1 //mi,
1
%V A 1

Ac.

I.

D,Ab.^%r/s, ^%J, s. Loc. z

G. /Mm, 9
(/rA7m),
10
w, h-TOBUM? tkisst?

L.

NEUTER,

13 13 13 13 14
N. Ac.Mrti.M, 19 *i ra, w-JW, ///, ---- fo.

The rest like the Masculine.

FEMININE.

1 1 15
N. Ms, (Mo), rat, at, w-WJS, (Adi, &i, <i/.

Ac. /as, (fdo), TS9,

s.L w-274 thaim tom(n)s?

8
G. fcWm, (taonhanm)Vraw,T&v t
i^^^ /,

L. /to, fdAva, D.

^.228,348, Regarding the Lithuanian tie see, also,

j,
235. NoteJ,

2 s 4
and for the Sclavonic ti .
274. J.
239. j.
275. j.
2 19.

The surprising agreement between the Sanskrit tfl tdis and Lithuanian

to is so far fortuitous, as that the Sanskrit has rejected its bh and the

Lithuanian the m derived from &, independently of each other. The

Sclavonic fyme, from to a Lithuanian fa-mis^ and
tyemis (J.277.), points
is
analogous to the Vedic forms like ^Hjjrfor asmWw, mentioned in ^219.,
w
and to the common ^-to,
pronominal-instrumental $f^ through

this," from the base ^? a. It is, however, doubtful whether the ye of

is founded on the corruption of the Sanskrit |J 3 of a Vedic form

tyemi
which may be supposed to have existed, t&his^ according to
$.865. e,, or

whether, as I am more inclined to think, this case, like several others,

belongs to the to which, also, is to be assigned the

compound base fl tya,,
488 PRONOUNS.

singular instrumental tyem, as from the base to only torn could proceed,
according to the analogy of rdbom, from the base rabo. On the other hand,
the locative is not to be referred to this place, as all o bases in this
tyech
case have
ye corresponding to the Sanskrit 6 ; as
rabyech,
from the theme
rabo. Concurrent forms are wanting in the common declension for tyech
:

it answers, however, to |fcT*T t$shdm,)uat as the locative of similar sound

does to Tf^t t&shu ; and for it also, therefore, we do not have recourse

[G. Ed. p. 500.] to the pronoun compounded with H ya, however

natural it might appear from the point of view of the Grammar, which is
limited to the Sclavonic alone, that all the which occur in this pro- ye,
*
noun, are of the same origin. From istibus for istobus, see . 244.
6
. 215. and 288. Hem. 4. 7
. 215. and 235. Note J.
8
$. 276.
9 I0
$.248. Comp. 9<*)0;QAi a&shanm, "horum," from the base
a, Vend. S. p. 230, and elsewhere (erroneously jj& s for sh, see . 51. 52.).
11
. 284. Note G
.
" 234. Note t. .
13
231. 14
. 274.
$.
16 1G
, 271. way from the other genders into the
This has found its

feminine, where we should expect th&m, while in the masculine and

neuter the ai has its ancient fixed position (. 288. Rem. 4.). In Sclavonic,
all oblique plural cases are borrowed from the masculine, tyemi,
hence

tyem, tyech, for tyami, fya?n, tuach, or tami, tarn, tach.

n
Compare
the often-occurring
^vittygus donhanm,
"harum" (.56V), Sanskrit
dsdm, from the base d. Polysyllabic bases in Zend shorten the feminine
d in the genitive plural; hence, not a&tdonhanm, but

a&tanhahm (according to . 56 a .) answers to the Sanskrit 6tdsdm.

350. The weakening of the t to rf, mentioned in .

343.,
which occasionally enters into the pronominal base ta,
coincides with that which takes place in Greek in the ap-

pended particle 8 which, when isolated, is used as a con-

junction, and which no more suitable origin can be assigned

to

than the pronominal base TO. The weakening of the vowel

o to e resembles that which occurs in the uninflected vocative
of bases in o (. 204.), as also in the equally uninflected
accusatives //,e, <re, e, (. 326.). The descent of the tenuis to
the medial occurs also in Sanskrit, in the isolated neuter
form i-dam, " this," and a-das, " that/' inasmuch as, in my
opinion, this is the proper distribution* which with

* Cf. Influence of Pronouns on the Formation of Words, p. 13.

 PRONOUNS. 489

reference to i-dam is supported, also, by the Latin i-efem,

qui-dam. In Sanskrit i-dam and a-das are limited

^H *n^[
to the nominative and accusative neuter, which are the same
in sound, and are deficient in the formation of the other

cases, which originally may have be- [G. Ed, p. 501.]

longed to them ; as the Greek Se has still left behind it, in

Homer, the plural-dative Secro-/, Seer/, (rorsSeovn, roTsSecri),

which, according to what was said in 253. Rem., regarding .

the dative in e<r-cn, sounds very homogeneous to the Sanskrit

neuter das, probably a weakened form of dat. As to the

proof of the relation of the idea of the conjunction 8e to that

of our pronoun, it is sufficient to remark, generally, that all

genuine conjunctions in the Indo-European family of lan-

guages, as far as their origin can be traced, are derived from
pronouns, the meaning of which frequently lies more or less
obscured in them. Those from fiev and Be are contrasted with
" " " " *
one another like this and that," or the other ; and the
connection of our aber> Old High German afar,
German
11
with the Indian wrc*v apara-s, "the other, has been
already shewn elsewhere,* and in the same manner the
Gothic " 11
of which more hereafter, is of pronominal
ith, but,

origin, just as the Latin au-tem.

351. A descent from the tenuis to t' e medial, similar
to that which we have observed in the Greek Se, and
in Seiva, which will be discussed hereafter, is exhibited in
Latin in the adverbs c?um, cfemurn, donee, denique, which
all, with more or less certainty, belong to our demon-
strative base. Perhaps dudum, also, is to be referred to
this class, and is to be regarded as the doubling of the
base du for tu, to, as totus, which has retained the old
tenuis. In Sanskrit, the doubling of pronouns, in which
both are nevertheless declined, expresses multiplicity;
" "
y6 yas signifies whoever," quicunque? and yan yam,

Vocalismus, p. 155,
K K
490 PRONOUNS.
11
quemcunque? &c., and sa saK, tan, tarn &c., answer to them.
[G. Ed. p. 502.] Totus is properly "this and this," "the
"
one and the other the whole/' The case is the
half," hence
"
same with quisquis. In dudum, long ago," the notion of
multiplicity is equally clear and for this reason I prefer
;

viewing it as the combination of two similar elements

rather than as diu and dum. The same relation, in

a phonetic respect, that dudum has to totus, dum has to

turn, which latter has been designated above (. 343.) as the

accusative. The circumstance, that in those pronominal

adverbs the accusative inflexion does not stand in its cus-

tomary sense, ought not to divert us from this mode of

derivation; for in adverbs the case-inflexions very fre-

quently overstep their ordinary signification. Notwith-

standing, it cannot be denied that, in all pronominal

adverbs of this kind, or at least in some of them, the m
might appended pronoun sma> which is
also belong to the

BO widely diffused in Sanskrit and its kindred languages,

and has been conjectured to exist in ta-men as analogous
to the Sanskrit locative tasmin, and in immo by assimi-
lation from ismo.*According to this mode of explana-
tion, in the Latin forms dum, turn, tarn, quam, &c., there

would be exactly as much left of the appended pronoun,

and the case-terminations combined with it, as in our
German datives, like dem, wem, and the Sclavonic loca-
tives, as torn. The locative would be very suitable for
" "
which time), and turn in the
dum, since/' while," (in

meaning "then," and consequently du-m and tu-m would

be = Sanskrit ta-smin. Old Sclavonic torn. For
"
dfa^
the meaning, hereupon/' which in Sanskrit
expressed is
" 11
by ffif^
tatas, (literally from there
might be better to ), it

refer to the ablative for it is not necessary

iWRTf^ ta-smdt,
that turn, in all its
meanings, should belong to one and the

* In the author's
Essay on Demonstrative Bases, p. 21.
 PRONOUNS. 491
some case-form, as the m approaches very [G Ed. p. 503.]

closely to the terminations ^ smdi, Wff smdt, and ft*^ smin.

352. Demum,
considered as a demonstrative form,
agrees
exceedingly well, apart from the weakening of the con-
sonants, with the Greek r^o?, with respect to which the
obsolete form demus is to be remarked. In 7%09, however,
to which the relative 97/409 there is no
corresponds, necessity
to follow Buttmann in regarding the latter portion of it as
the substantive ^tap,
notwithstanding the apparent induce-
ment for so doing contained in avrfjpap but I prefer divid- ;

ing thus, TiJ-^09, ^-/A09, and I consider n?, 17, to be merely

the lengthening of the base TO, as
according to . 3. 4.,

o = <sc a, and r,
= ^T d. Thus this 17 coincides with the
cognate Sanskrit d, in several pronominal derivations, with
the base vowel lengthened, as ^nWiT "
yd-vat, how much,"
" "
how long," while," &c., and with the word answering to
it, TfTOTT td-vat. Nay, we might not perhaps venture
too far if we were to recognise in pos a corruption
of *nf vat, the v being hardened to /*, as we perceive
happens among words in fye/tw^-j^Tftf dravdml
other
" I
run," (p. 1 14), with the favourite transition of r to 9, which
is necessary at the end of words if the T sound is not to

be entirely dropped, modifications which have aided us

in explaining several forms of
importance in Grammar
(. 152. 1
83.). In demum, demus, however, the demonstrative
force not so clearly perceptible as in the cognate Greek
is

expression, and it lies concealed under the usual translation,

11
then first," or "at last," which does not affect the general
sense of the sentence. Still nunc demum venis ? means, pro-
"
perly, now comest thou
at this (so late a time) ?" The time
isdoubly denoted ; and in this lies the emphasis, first by nunc,
from the pronominal base nu, and next by demum. In such
adverbs, however, of place and time, it is [G. Ed. p. 504 ]
not required to express the place and time formally, and this
is done
very rarely. In general, the mind has to understand
KK 2
492 PRONOUNS.

these categories in the interior, as it were, of the verbal form.

It is the property of the pronouns to convey the secondary

notion of space, which then admits of being transferred to

Thus our wo, " where,' has reference to place wann,
1
time. ;

1
"when,' to time; da, "then" or "there," to both; but the

pronominal idea alone formally represented in all three.

is

When it is required adverbially to denote absolutely definite

divisions of time, a pronoun is naturally combined with the

designation of time in question, as in hodie, o^/tepoi/, and

11

heute, "to-day, (Old High German, hiutu, .

162.). But if,

in these expressions, one of the ideas combined in them were

to lose formal designation, that of time would most easily
its

be dispensed with the important matter being that it is " on

;

* "
this and not on that (day) ;" and the language therefore
adheres more tenaciously to the pronominal element than to
that of time, which is very faintly seen in our heute, and even
in the Old High German hiutu. Hence 1 cannot believe that
the adverbs dum, demitm, donee, denique, are connected with
11
the term for "day (. 122.), which is common to the Latin
and the Sanskrit, to which Hartung (Gr, Particles, I. 230),
besides the forms which have been mentioned, refers, among
other words, jam and the Gothic and
yu "now," "already," 9

yuthan> "already,"
as also the appended dam in qui-dam,
regarding which see above (. 350.). In the first place, in the
dam of quon-dam, and in the dem of tan-dem, we might admit
"
the term denoting day," without being compelled, from the
reason given above, to this explanation, still less to the
inference that qui-dam, qui-dem, and i-dem, also have arisen
in this manner. If quondam contains the name of
"
day,*
then its dam approaches most nearly to the Sanskrit accusa-
" 11
tive
TETT^ dydm
from ift dyd, heaven, which, like other
[G. Ed. p. 505.] appellations of heaven, may also have
" 1' "
as a shoot from the root to
signified day, flj^ div,
1
shine/ ( 122.). To this accusative 3TT^ dydm, the Greek
" 1
r)v9 long,' corresponds, if, as Hartung conjectures, it is
 PRONOUNS. 493
1
taken from an appellation of "day,* like the Latin diu
" 11

(Sanskrit sr dyu, day. )* On the other hand, I prefer

referring the particle 77 to our demonstrative base, the signifi-
cant and animating force of which is evinced clearly enough
in the way in which it is used. We return to the Latin
donee the more complete form of which, donicumj has
been already, in another place, divided into do-nicum since
I see in it a connection, in formation and base [G. Ed. p. 506.]

with the Greek of which hereafter. "

So long as is
11
rrjvi/ca,
" "
in which time/ " how
1

equivalent to the time in which," or

long a time," and do here represents the pronominal idea,
and nec nicum, that of time, as it also actually expresses,
9

which will be shewn hereafter, a division of time. In the

* Perhaps we should under this head i?/xepa, and divide it into

also class
"
^-/ic'pa, considering
it as day-time." The first member of the compound
would have lost the T sound of the Sanskrit base TQldyd, as, in $. 122., we
have seen Ju proceed from Dyu, and the rough breathing would, as fre-
quently happens in Greek c.
g. in ^Trap, answering to jecur and OTnT
yakrit supply the place of the j. As regards the second portion of
^-/ze'pa, we might easily suppose it connected with pepos. If this idea be
well founded, then q-fiepa would mean " day 's-side " or "light-side" (of

time). But pfpa admits, also, of comparison with a word which, in San-
skrit, means time in general and day of the week ; for by assuming the fre-

quently-mentioned hardening of a v to p. (cf. p. 1 16, 1. 3), and a shortening

of the middle vowel, we arrive at the Sanskrit cflp^ vdra, which has been
before the subject of discussion (. 309. p. 4-?5, 1. 8), and with which, too, our
"
Mai, time," Gothic m&l (theme m^Za),is connected. According to this view,
" which case an etymolo-
fj-p,(pa would, therefore, signify day's-tiine," in

gical connection between pepa and /ttepo? might still exist, inasmuch as

jtcipofuu,
from the root MAP (ei/iapT<u), is probably connected with the
Sanskrit root var "to cover" and "to choose"; whence vara
(t>ri),
" the " "
(nominative varam), gift, lent by a god or a Brahman," grace 5
and whence is derived, also, vdra, "opportunity," "time," &c. For
further particulars regarding the root ^T var (^ vri) and its branches in

the European cognate languages, see my Vocalismus, p. 166.

t Influence of the Pronouns on the Formation of Words, p, 12.

494 PRONOUNS.

Sanskrit *im ydvat> on the other hand, from the relative

base ya, which signifies both "so long as" and "until/' the

pronominal idea is alone represented and we have hereby ;

a fresh proof of the existence of a demonstrative element in

donee, donicum. Denique, in like manner, with regard to its
origin, appears to be related to np'/fca, to which it bears a

surprising resemblance, with qu for k, as in quis, quid, cor-

responding to 3|H& kas, for* kirn, rcw, #0105, &c.

353. The pronominal base w ta

combined, in Sanskrit, is

with the relative base ya, for the formation of a new

pronoun of similar signification, which belongs especially

to theVeda dialect, and, like many other Veda words, has
found more frequent use in the European cognate languages
than in the common Sanskrit. The a of ?r ta, is suppressed
in this compound, hence w f
ya ; and in the nominative of
the personal genders, as in the simple TT ta, the T sound
is replaced by 5; hence JEff^ syas ^Dnsyd, ?nf tyat; accusa-
9

tive tyat, &c. The base sya,

TH^ tyam, WT^ tydm, Wi^
which is limited to the nominative, with its feminine form

syd, possessesa complete declension in several cognate

languages, and in the Sclavonic has found its way into

the neuter also. The Gothic has adhered most closely
to the Sanskrit, and does not
permit this pronoun
to extend beyond the singular nominative. Moreover,
only the feminine form si remains; and one could wish
that a masculine for $ya-s, (according to .
135,) oc-
syi-s,
[G. Ed. p. 607.] curred whh it. Most of the forms, how-
" 1

ever, which express, in Gothic the idea he/ and its femi-
nine, have proceeded from the demonstrative base i, among
which si, though, as it were, an alien, has found its place.

This si, from the base st/d=Sanskrit syd, is an abbreviation of

declension
sya, according to the analogy of the substantive
of the like termination (Grimm's second strong declension),
as thivi for
thiuya}
from the base
thiuyfi.
The Old High German siu we will leave it undecided
 PRONOUNS. 495

whether should be written syu* is more exactly re-

it

tained than the Gothic si, and has not entirely dropped

the Sanskrit ^ d, of ^n syd, but has first shortened it to

a, and then weakened it however, in Old High

to w.f Z7,

German, is a favourite letter after i or (Vocalismus, y

p. 246. Reiru 80.). The form *ro, in Old High German, is

not so isolated as si in Gothic; but from the base sid

springs also an accusative and in the plural the form

sia,

sio> which is common to the nominative and accusative,

and, in a Gothic dress, would be in Sanskrit
syds,

<5H^ syds. Contrasted with the singular nominative

sin, the accusative sia may appear remarkable, for in
both cases similar x forms might have been expected.
The difference, however, consists in this, that the nomina-
tive form, at the oldest period to which we can arrive by
the history of the language, terminated in a vowel without

any case-sign whatever, while in the accusative the vowel of

the base was protected by a nasal. This nasal, then, may
have preserved the old quantity of a, just as, in Greek, a
final a frequently occurs in places where a nasal was per-

mitted to follow it
by the old Grammar ; while, where a short
a sound found originally unprotected, or [G. Ed. p. 608.]
is

accompanied by consonants not nasal, it is usually changed

into e or o; hence &rra evvea, answering to the Sanskrit
8e/ca,

mptan, navan, dasan, though from these likewise in the nomi-

native and accusative, according to 139. 313., sapta, &c. . ;

e&eiga answering to 'of^f* adiksham, TroSa to i|?p? padam,

but e8e/fe to ^rfirBfiT adikshat, Xi/icc / to arc
^pF vrika, e'Se/f
to ^f^fir adikshata.
355. While the Gothic article, like that in Greek, is to

* See Rem. 5. and Vocalismus, p, 234, Hem. 31.

p. 367, ;

t Respecting w, as lighter than a and heavier than e,

see Vocalismus,

p. 227, Rem. 16.

490 PRONOUNS.

be referred to the bases discussed in .

343., ^ sa t *n sd, U ta,
in t&, the High German, as has been before remarked (. 288.
Rem. 5.)>attaches itself chiefly to the compound tya, fern. w
tyd, and introduces this into the nominative also; hence,
in the feminine, dlu (or perhaps as above sin; accusa-
dyii),

answering to the Sanskrit

tive dia, WT^ tydm, and in the
nominative and accusative plural dio = tyds. With regard to
the masculine, compare, with the Sanskrit nominative ft tyd,
the form die, which in High German has found its way
also into the accusative, which in this language every- is

where the same as the nominative. In the neuter, dia

agrees with similar Old High German forms, from sub-

stantive bases in la, as chunniu. In the masculine singular,
and in those cases of the neuter which are the same as the
masculine, the compound nature of our pronominal base is
less palpable and taking it as our starting point, or restrict-
;

ing our views to it, we should have classed the forms der, des,
demu, den, not under tya, but, like the Gothic forms of kin-
dred signification, under the simple base n ta. But if rfe>,
den, be compared with the corresponding feminine cases diu,

dia, and with the masculine plural die, without the suppo-
sition which is by the Sanskrit, Lithuanian, and
refuted
Sclavonic that in the latter word a redundant i is inserted,

[G. Ed. p. 609,] which never occurs in other parts of the

Old High German Grammar,* then the assumption becomes
necessary that der, des, demu, den, have had their origin
from older forms, as dyar, dyas =
FT^ tyas9 wrer tyasyd),
(
so that, as very frequently happens in Gothic (. 72.), in the

syllable ya
the a is dropped, and the y changed into a vowel ;

just as, above, we have seen si and thivi spring from

sya
thiuya.
The Old High German, however, as is well known,

very commonly employs e for the Gothic i.

* See Voculismus, 247.

p.
 PRONOUNS. 497

356. The distribution of forms with e and i

(or y)
and afollowing vowel is not fortuitous, but rests on
an historical basis, so that the contraction to e occurs

universally where the Sanskrit has a short a after i^ y ;*

but the more full form is found only when a long d, or
the diphthong #, accompanies the Indian semivowel,
though
this circumstance does not, in
every case, ensure the more
complete form in Old High German; for in the genitive
plural we find drr& (masculine, feminine, and neuter), not-

withstanding the Indian fltaP^ tyfoh&m in the masculine

and neuter, and in the feminine and in the
FJTHT^ tydsdm ;

dative, together with diem according to Notker, dien

we find, also, d$m or d$n, and this, too, in most authorities.
The neuter instrumental diu is based on the instrumental

AM^y^ t%4f which be supposed to exist in Zend, and

may
where, therefore, we have, in like manner, the i or y retained
with original long vowels following that letter. Compare

# Respecting the neuter daz, see 356. Rem. 2.

.

t I cannot, however, quote this pronoun in Zend, except in the nomi-

native plural masculine in combination with the relative, 62. .

1
The latter is the Vedic and Zend form, see .231. and J. 234. Note *.

2
The latter the Zend form pre-supposed above.
498 PRONOUNS.

FEMININE.
SINGULAR. PLURAL.

"
Remark 1. I differ from Grimm, whom, . 289. Rem. 5.,

I have followed, as I here give die, not di$, and in the

feminine plural dio, not did, in the genitive plural dero, and
in the genitive and dative singular dera, deru, without a cir-

cumflex since the circumstance that theory, and the history

;

of language, would lead us to expect a long vowel, does

not appear sufficient ground for the inference that the
which has been retained in Gothic,
original long quantity,
was not shortened in the three centuries and a half which
elapsed between Ulfilas and the oldest High German
authorities. not shewn by Kero's
Where a long vowel is

doubling the vowel, or Notker's accenting it with a cir-

cumflex, which is not the case in the examples before us,
we have there to assume that the vowel, in the course

[G. Ed. p. 511.] of centuries, has undergone a weakening

change. To this, final vowels are, for the most part, subject ;

hence, also, the subjunctive present preserves the $, which

corresponds to the Sanskrit i* & and Gothic ai only in per-
sons in which the vowel is protected by a personal termi-
nation following it; but in the first and third persons
singular, which have lost the personal signs, the organic
length of quantity is also lost*
" Remark 2. It is very probable that the simple base

3 See $.354.
* Grimm appears to have committed a mistake in referring, I. 723., to
the third supposed length of the e in the nomi-
p. conj. for support of the
native plural, as at p. BOB he ascribes to it a short e.
 PRONOUNS. 499

W ta, was, in Old High German, originally more fully de-

clined, and that remains of that declension still exist. The
neuter daz has the strongest claim to be viewed as such,
which, contrary to . 288. Rem. 5., I now prefer referring to
the Sanskrit tat, rather than to tyat, as the syllable w tya
has elsewhere, in Old High German, universally become de
(.271.). Perhaps, too, the de which occurs in the nomi-
native plural masculine, together with die (Grimm. I. 791.),
is not an abbreviation of the latter by the rejection of the

i,but a remnant of the simple pronoun, and therefore akin

to the Sanskrit i^ tt and Gothic thai. On the other hand,
in Old Sclavonic, in the declension of the simple
pronoun
given at . remains of the compound w tya
349., several
have become intermingled, which are there explained.
But the forms toi, toe, taya, which occur in the nominative
and accusative, together with f (masculine), to (neuter), la

(feminine), though they contain the same elements as the

Sanskrit nr tya, m
tyd> were first formed in Sclavonic,
in the sense of otherwise they would not have re-
. 284.,

stored the vowel of the first pronoun, which the Sanskrit

has suppressed (.353.); thus, ti for to/, te or tye for toe,
and for The same is the case
taya (compare 282.). .
tya
with the compound plural forms of the nominative and
accusative ; masculine til, neuter feminine
taya, tyya.
" have made the assertion that
Remark 3. In , 160. I
the German dative is based on the old instrumental, as it

often with an instrumental signification.

occurs I was,

however, particularly impelled to this view by the dative

form of bases in i, as gasta from the theme gasti.
But if

we make the division gast-a and regard the a as the case-

termination, there is nothing left us but [G. Ed. p. 512.]
to refer this form to the Indo-Zend instrumental. There is,

however, a way of comparing this form with the Sanskrit

dative, which I now far prefer, as theLithuanian and Sclavonic,
which are so near akin to the German, have retained the
500 PRONOUNS.

dative, together with the instrumental; and the Old High

German has preserved a particular form for the instrumental,
the generic difference of which from the dative is especially
observable in the pronoun, in which demu answers to W^
tyasmdi; but the instrumental diu, and the Gothic W(. 159.),
no more exhibit the appended pronoun sma, mentioned
in .165* &c., than does the Sanskrit- Zend instrumental.
Diu agrees best with the Zend thyti, supposed above, and
the Gothic thi with the simple M.* The form demu, and the
Gothic thamma, compared with w^
tyasmdi and in& tasmdi,
have lost the i element of the Sanskrit diphthong ^ di
(=d + i); and the long d has been shortened in Gothic,
otherwise would have been supplied by 6 or At The
it

short Gothic a has, however, in Old High German, been

still further weakened to u. But to return to the Gothic

gasta from the theme gasti ; I do not now regard the final
a of this word as a case-suffix, but as a Guna- vowel, after
which the of the base has been dropped, together with
i

the case-character, while all bases in w, and feminine bases

in i, have lost only the inflexion, and not a portion of the
base with it. The same relation that sunaa has to the
dative TT?f^ sunav-&, from sunu
Ov
which in Sanskrit also re-
ceives the Guna the feminine aruttai, from the theme rifttff,

has to the Sanskrit matay-6, from mati. The masculine

gasta, however, has not only lost the inflexion of gastay-d,

as it must originally have been pronounced, but also the
which ought to have reverted to i. In the a-declension
y,

vulfa is readily made to accord with the Sanskrit *p&TO

vrikAya, and Zend .Mu^?tg9 vehrkdi: to the latter it bears
the same relation that thamma above does to cf^ ta-smdi.
Tho feminine gibai, from the theme gibd, is as easily de-

* The Sanskrit
ty&-n-a has, according to 158., a euphonic n
.
inserted,
and the a of the base changed into & by the blending of an i.
t The latter actually takes place in hvamm-h, hvaryamm$-h.
 PRONOUNS. 501

rivable, in regard to form, from the dative ftfaflfl jihwdy-di,

as from the instrumental ftr^TUT In both ways
jihway-A.
the inflexion has been lost, and the semivowel preceding it

changed to a vowel. But if we are to believe [G. Ed. p. 613.]

that a genuine dative character is retained in German, we
should find only in the declension of the pronouns, inas-
it

much as, for instance, the feminine form zai, in thi-zai, is

directly derivable from the Sanskrit sydi,from smy-di, by

merely dropping the semivowel ;
so that thizai and ir&

tasydi stand historically near to one another, as we have re-

presented in 172., where we expressed our belief that at,
.

in ihizai, be explained on the same principle as that of

may
gibai; and thus thizai must be considered as an abbrevia-
tion of
thizay-ai,
and, therefore, as indeclinable. But if

thizai stands for and ai is, therefore, in this and

thizy-ai,
similar pronominal forms, a remnant of the Sanskrit femi-
nine dative termination di 9 then the Gothic ai above men-
tioned is essentially distinguished from the similar termi-
nation in gibai, " dono" and anstai, " gratia" as these two,
also, are diverse from one another, since the i of anstai be-

longs to the theme ansti, while an i is foreign to the theme

of gibai f viz. gibo> and accompanies the base in the dative

only while in the corresponding class of words in Sanskrit

:

it is added in several cases, after which is annexed the

true inflexion, which is omitted in Gothic. But if the ai
of thizai is identical with the Sanskrit ^ di of fritf tasydi,
then we must distribute the
genitive into thi- thizds

-z-ds, and this must be considered as an abbreviation of

thi-zy-6s
= Skr.iTOre ta-sy-ds ; and we should have in this,
and similar pronominal forms,* a feminine genitive termina-
tion 6s9 while elsewhere in all genders the genitive sign
consists in a mere s,

357. It has been already remarked, that our dieser is acorn-

* To these combined with a pronoun.

belong the (stiong) adjectives
502 PRONOUNS.

pound pronoun (. 238. Rem. 5. p. 370.), the first member of

which is founded on the Sanskrit base w tya, and our article
(. 353.)- It is not, however, requisite to assume that its ie
presupposes an older ia, but it may be regarded, and this now
appears to me preferable, as the anorganic lengthening of
the di-s6r of Notker. As regards the second part of this
demonstrative, its declension might be assigned partly to
the simple Sanskrit base *r sa, partly to the compound sya :
to the latter evidently belongs the feminine nominative

[G. Ed. p. 614.] deSIU(='*n syd, diese, "this,") and the

neuter plural nominative of the same sound. But if the
feminine accusative is desa, not desia, and the masculine desan,
not desian, or desen, according to the analogy of den (. 356),
then, instead of regarding these and other analogous forms
as remains of the simple base *r sa, ^rr sA, it may be
assumed that the has been dropped, as occurs in
i
(or t/)

most cases of the declension of hirti (theme hirtia or ;

hirtya)
so that in the plural, hirta, hirto, hirtum, and in the dative

singular hirta, answer to the Gothic hairdy6s> hairdyt,

If this is, as I believe it is, the proper
hairdyam, hairdya.
view of the declension of desfir, the declensional difference
between d'4r and sfo then lies in this, that it has been
necessary to lighten the latter, owing to the incumbrance
of the base of the article which is prefixed to it, and that,
"
therefore, i is rejected hence desa,
; hanc? but without the
article sia, "earn" It is remarkable that the Lithuanian
presents us with what appears to be the transposed form
of our compound die-ser. As such, at least, I regard the
so-termed emphatic demonstrative szittas, in which the
Sanskrit subjective, but compounded pronoun sya, oc- w
cupies the first place, and the objective and simple if to
the second. The first t of szittas, which I divide thus,
szit-tas, is, in my opinion, a remnant of the neuter case-

sign (. 155.), and presupposes a Sanskrit ^n^ syat, which

t

sya would form in the neuter, if it was used in that gender.

 PRONOUNS. 503

It may be observed, that in Sanskrit, also, the neuter case-

sign t, at the beginning of compounds, is drawn into the

" 1

theme, and tat-putrns, his son/ is used, not ta-putras.

358. The (=sh) in the Lithuanian szis and szlttas

sz

is founded on the form assumed by the Sanskrit base in

the Vedas under certain euphonic conditions (. 55.), which

change its s into

\sh. For otherwise [G. Ed. p. 616.]

the Lithuanian sz does not agree with the Sanskrit *l s,

but perhaps, among other letters, with tt sh, e. g. in
szeszi =^
shash,
"
six.
11
With regard to the declension
of szis9 it is to be remarked, that it exhibits several cases, in
which the i of the base szia 9 feminine szid 9 has been rejected,
or which belong and this view is the one I prefer to the

simple pronominal base i& sa feminine wt sd, 9

which com-
pletes the compound szis ; as, p. 486, among the cases of the

simple Sclavonic base o, we have seen remains of the com-

pound m tya. We here annex the complete declension of
the Lithuanian pronoun under discussion, accompanied by the
We * to the
kindred form in Old Sclavonic. prefix cases

which belong to the simple base *T sa, as also to the Old

Sclavonic forms which do not strictly belong to this place,
and regarding which reference is to be made to Rem. 1.

which follows.
SINGULAR.
MASCULINE. FEMININE.
Lithuanian. Old Sclav. Lith. Old Sclav.
{ 1

Nominative, szis, szi9 si.

sy\
Accusative, szin9 szeA 9
sy\ *siy(l.
Instrumental, *szu9 sz8,m 9 sim 9 sze 9
scyft.
Dative, sziam, semil 9 sziti, set

Genitive, szio 9 sego, szi6s, seya.

Locative, sziamd, szeme, sent,

szioye,
set.

1
The agreement with the Gothic 8i ($.353.), and, in Sclavonic, the
complete identity with it, should not be overlooked. With respect to the
contraction of the Sclavonic theme syo,
sometimes to d, at other times to
$c, compare . *282.
504 PRONOUNS.

DUAL.
MASCULINE.
Lithuanian. Old Scfa

44
Remark 1. The composition of the Sclavonic base syo,
which occurred in the ancient period of the language, and

by which it is shewn to be identical with the Sanskrit ^ sya,

having been forgotten, need not appear surprising that this
it

base, which, in Sclavonic, passes as a simple one, should

be again combined with the pronoun which forms the
definite declension, and which, from the first, forms its last
member ; hence, in the nominative singular, together with

sy is used also sti, arid in the feminine with si also

siya
(compare .
284.). In some cases the ancient compound
only is used, e.
g. in the feminine accusative singular on^y

si-yu,
is used, not
syfi.
"
Remark In the light of the Sclavonic modern com-
2.

fG. Ed. p. 617.] pounds just mentioned, as SM, si-ya must 9

be regarded the Old High German s&r (of desfr), if the 3 of

 PRONOUNS. 505

this form is a contraction of a + i, as in so many other places.

While, therefore, the feminine siu is to be referred direct

to the Sanskrit ^n syd, and is, as it were, its continuation,

s$r has first in the German language, by com-
been formed
bining the base sa, which has been retained in Gothic in

the nominative of the article, with the defining element i

(from Compare what has been before remarked

yd).
(. 288. Reni*5.) regarding analogous adjective-nominatives,

as plinttr from phnta-ir. As a corroboration of this dis-

tribution it may be here further observed, that each of
the elements a and i9 which are united in the & of plintir,

also occurs separately,* each having, on different occasions,

divested itself of the other. Thus plintar and plintlr may

occur; a clear proof that plini&r has been contracted from
plinta-ir; for diphthongs are frequently subject to abbre-
viations, in which one of the elements combined in them
and habam, " I 1'
is lost ; as, in the Gothic, haba, have,
"we have," are used instead of habai, habaim, as is shewn
by the analogy of the other persons and the Old High
German hab$m> habtmfa.^ The Old High German fur-
nishes examples of forms in which only the latter element
of ai is retained as cnsti, answering to the Gothic dative
;

anstai and genitive anstais. It isf not surprising, therefore,

that, in the nominative of the definite adjective, together
with &r (=air) ar and ir also occur. Of these three forms

(r, ar, ir), the first appears to be the original, since it forms
the best medium
of comparison for the two others. But if

plintar9 from plintas, was the original form, the a in this place
could not have been preserved beyond the fourth century, not
to mention the eighth and a still later period as a in poly- ;

syllabic words in Gothic before a final .?, which has from the

*
Graff, II. 346.
t Gf.VocalismuSjp.
L L
 506 PRONOUNS.

first held this place, is regularly suppressed, or, after y>

weakened to i,* while ai is retained before a final s hence, ;

in the second person singular, subjunctive ais, Old High

German &, answering to the Sanskrit ^r & (from ais),

Latin $s, 4v,f and Greek 0/9."

[G. Ed. p. 518.] 359. The Lithuanian szit-ta-$ has been

mentioned above (. 357.), which, with regard to its last

portion, is identical with the Greek auTO-2, and with the

Sanskrit *nf VTA (. 344.). But the demonstrative base

fttya, also, which is formed of ta + ya, occurs in Lithuanian
at the end of a compound pronoun. As such I regard patis
(paf-s), "ipse" which I distribute thus, pa-tis: tis stands,
"
according to rule, for tyis from tyas, as
yaunikkis,
bride-

groom," for yaunikkyis from yaunikkyas (. 135.). But in

Lithuanian, t before two vowels, ie excepted, is changed into
ex (=c/z);t hence dative pa-czia-m, locative paczia-md, or
patime, instrumental pacziu. In the genitive paczio might
be expected, according to the analogy of szio and
yaunikkio :
we find, however, patife, according to the analogy of awi&s
(. 193.) ; the feminine genitive paczi6s agrees, however, with

8zi6s, and similar genitives from bases in a feminine a

(*S\ A). As regards the first member of pa-tis, I consider it
to be identical with the Sanskrit base swa, sw$, whence ^w
"
swayam, self." Swa becomes pa by the loss of the initial

letter,and the hardening of the v to p, as, in Prakrit, lift?

pani, "thou," proceeds frompp^ twam; so
in the Bohemian
"
or Gipsey language, p6n, sister," comes from
^Rrq swasar
(^^[ swasri). Indeed, in the pronoun under discussion, the
Lithuanian admits of comparison with the Gipsey lan-

guage, as in the latter, as has been already pointed out in

* It is to be observed that the 8 from vulfas, " lupi," is not an

ofvulfis,
original final, as appears from the Sanskrit vrika-sya and Greek Xvjco(cr)to.

t LegAs for legais^ Vocalismus,

p. 201.
I Written also ch, see p. 138, last line.
 PRONOUNS. 507

another place,* pe has been formed from swa, whence ^

" the former as singular, the latter as plural
pe-s, pe-n, self,"

aceusative.t
360. We turn to a pronominal base con- [G. Ed. p. 519.]

sisting of a simple vowel, viz. i which, in Latin and German, ,

"
expresses the idea he," and in Sanskrit and Zend signifies
" and which has
this," left, in those languages, no proper declen-
"
sion, but only adverbs; as ^?n^ itas, from here," "from
there/' and which supplies the place of the ablative after com-
"
paratives ;
3p? ilia, Z. MQ idha and As7<sls ithra, here," i. e.
"
an inherent notion of place ^fir iti, Zend AsOu
at this," with ;

4< "
itha, Latin
ita, so," ^TRfa iddmm, now," analogous with
taddntin "then"; and also at the bottom
^TOI^ it-tham, "so,"
of which lies the obsolete neuter it as the theme,J and which
occurs in the Vedas as an enclitic particle.
also, I regard

this
and
^ it

^Tf nt,
as the last portion of
"
ch&t
"

not" (from na + it) which latter is in Zend

if
^
if" (from cha 4- it),

"
noit (. 33.), and merely means not "; since, like our
<*>.$/
German nicht, it has been forgotten that its initial element
alone is negative, while its latter portion signifies something
real in Zend " this," and in German " thing," (ni-cht, from

ni-wiht, Gothic ni-vaihts). From the pronominal root i pro-

"
ceed, also, the derivatives ^TTCH itara-s, the other," with
the comparative suffix; the accusative of which, itera-m,
coincides with the Latin iterum 9
f^jr idrisa,
and similar
" "
forms, which signify such," and 3[*nr iyat9 so many."

Notwithstanding these numerous offshoots, which have sur-

vived the declension of the pronoun under discussion, its
base has been entirely overlooked by the Indian gramma-

* Berlin Jahrb. Feb. 1836. p. 311.

t Perhaps, also, the syllable pen ofbolapen, " heaven," is identical with
the Sanskritftaarof the same meaning.
t Compare what is said at . 357* respecting the Lithuanian szit-tas.
LL2
608 PRONOUNS.

rians ; and I believe I am the first who brought it to light*

The Indian grammarians, however, give extraordinary ety-
[G. Ed. p. 520.] mologies for some of the abovementioned
11 11
words, and derived, "so, from
"to go iiara-$, "the
^i, ;

other," from i, "to wish" (see Wilson). In some, recourse

11
is hadto ^3* idam, "this ; and one would not be en-

tirely in error in deriving from this word itas, " from here/*

though there is a difficulty in seeing how from idam as the

theme can spring the form itas by a suffix fas. We should
expect idantas or idatas.
361. In Latin the theme of is
lengthened in several
is

cases by an inorganic u or o, in the feminine by a, and

thus brought into the second and

it is first declension, in
which i is liable to be corrupted to e, especially before
"
vowels. As from the verbal root i, to go," come eo and eunt,
in opposition to is, it, imus, itis, from our pronoun
ibam ;
so

come eum, eo, eorurn, eos, and the feminine forms ea, earn,
eae, earum, from the base which has been subsequently
all

lengthened, to which the obsolete ea-bus also belongs. To

the old type belong only ist id, the obsolete forms im, ibus,
with which agree the Gothic in-a, " him," i-m, " to them,"

(from i-b, .
215.), and the genitive and dative e-jus, e-i,
which are common to the three genders, and also the loca-

tive ibi in form a dative, according to the analogy of tibi,

sihi (. 215.) and probably the word immo, which has been
already mentioned (. 351.), which we may .suppose formerly
to have been pronounced immod, and which corresponds to
the Sanskrit pronominal ablatives in smdt, but by assimilation
"
approaches very closely the Gothic dative imma, to him."
The dative ei stands isolated in Latin Grammar, inasmuch
as all other bases in i have permitted this vowel to be
melted into one with the case-termination ;
thus hosti,
from hosti-i : the pronominal base i, however, escapes this

* Heidel. Jarhb.1818
p. 472,
 PRONOUNS. 09

combination by being changed into e. In my Vocalismus

(p. 204), I have
derived the length of quantity in the dative
character from the combination of the i of the theme with
the i of the inflexion, which is
properly [G. Ed. p. 621.]

short; and I have assumed that bases terminating in a con-

sonant lengthen the base in the dative singular, as in most of
the other cases, by an inorganic i; thus pedl from pedi-i.
As, then, in this way a long i must be found almost univer-

sally in the dative, this

would come to be regarded by the
of this case, and thus ei,
spirit of the language as the true sign
and the whole fourth and fifth declensions, followed the pre-
vailing example of the more
numerous class of words. Cut
alone retains the proper short quantity. It cannot be objected

shews any undue incli-

to the Latin language generally that it

nation towards terminations with a long i, and thereby

letter when originally short for
lengthens unnecessarily that ;

there is also a reason

universally where a long final i is found,
for its length, as in the genitive singular and nominative
declension it is the suppression of the
plural of the second
final vowel of the base, which has induced the lengthening

of the termination as a compensation thus lup-i, in both

;

cases, for lupoi ; while in the dative lupo for Inpoi the ter-
mination has been merged in the vowel of the base. We
2
have already mentioned (. 349. p. 497 G. ed. Note ) pro-
nominal datives like isti for uto\, which would be analogous
to theGreek /W, <ro/, o^
362. The Gothic pronominal base i has two points of

superiority over the Latin base

which has been just men-
tioned in the first it has never admitted the
:
place
corruption of the original vowel
to e, as generally this

comparatively recent
vowel is as completely foreign to
the Gothic as to the Sanskrit; and secondly, the theme i

in the masculine and neuter is preserved free from that

inorganic admixture which transfers the Latin kindred

form from the third to the second declension, and has
510 PRONOUNS.

produced eum for tin, eo for e or i, ii or ei for es, eorum for

lum. The Gothic pronoun, by the side of which are given
in parentheses the forms, which have been most probably

[G. Ed. p. 522,] drawn from the corresponding Sanslqpit

base at the time when it was declined, are as follows :

MASCULINE.
SINGULAR. PLURAL.

Sanskrit. Gothic. Sanskrit. Oothic.

Nominative, (z-s), i-s, (ay-as) 9 ei-s.

1
Accusative, $-m, i-na, ($-ri) 9 i-ns.

Dative, (i-shmdi)? i-mma, (i-bhyas), i-m.

Genitive, i-s, i-z&.

(i-shya)? (i-shdrri),

NEUTER.
4
Nom. Ace. i-t, i-fa,

Thi3 form actually occurs in the Vedas, see Rosen's Specimen p. 10,
1

and Note p. 11. We should have anticipated im (with short i), according
to the common declension ; but the substantive and adjective declension

has no monosyllabic bases in i, and other monosyllabic bases with the ex-
ception of those in 6 use am as their termination ; hence lhiy-am for bhi-m ;
and so, also, iy-am might be expected from i, as in monosyllabic words both
short and long i are changed before vowels into iy. The Veda dialect in

the foregoing case, however, has preferred strengthening the vowel of the
base to an extension of the termination, or, which is more probable, it has
contracted an existing iyam to im, according to the analogy of the Zend

($.42.); and thus, perhaps, also the Vedic sim 9 "earn," cited by Rosen
1. a contraction ofsydm, otherwise we must assume, that instead of
c., is

the feminine base sA> mentioned in . 345., si occurred, according to the

analogy of the Zend hnA from hma (. 172.). It is certainly remarkable

that the *, whichespecially subjective, has here found its way into the
is

accusative, like the Old High German sia and Old Latin sam, " earn,*
sum, eum (. 346.).
2
Comp. amu-shmdi, from amu, and 21. .

3
Compare amu-shya, from amu, whence it appears that all pronouns,
with whatsoever vowel their theme ends, have, in the genitive, sya 9 or,
4
euphonically,f%a($.21). $.157.
 PRONOUNS. 511

363.Although in Gothic, as in Sanskrit, [G. Ed. p. 523.]

Zend, Greek, and Latin, the vowel i in substantives is appro-
priated equally well to the feminine theme-termination as
to the masculine still in our pronoun of the third person,
;

where the idea based on the distinction of sex,

is essentially
" "
so that that which signifies he cannot mean " she," the

necessity for this distinction has produced an extension of

the base i, in cases which, without such an extension, would
be fully identical with the masculine.* In the nominative

singular a totally different pronoun is employed, which, in

High German, is used throughout all those cases which
are formed in Gothic from the extended base : Gothic si,

Old High German siu, &c. (. 354.). The affix which is

used in Gothic to extend the base consists in the vowel
which, from a time far prior to the formation of the Ger-
man language, was especially employed as the fulcrum of
feminine bases, but which in Gothic appears in the form
of 6 instead of d (.69.); thus, from i+6 with the 9
iy6
euphonic change of the i to
iy,
as in the plural neuter
forms iy-a, thriy-a, (. 233.). From the base is formed
iyti

however, in the uninflected accusative as final vowels are

for the most part liable to abbreviation iya,
an analogous
form to the in like manner shortened Latin ea, earn (for ia, 9

?aw), and in the nominative and accusative plural iyds.f

In
the dative plural the identity with the masculine and neuter
is not avoided, and this case is, as from [G. Ed. p. 624.]
the Old High German might be conjectured, im, with

* The accusative
singular would, indeed, be distinguished from the
masculine, since the feminine has completely lost the accusative charac-
ter ; but it was there originally, and therefore the necessity for a mark

of distinction from the masculine also existed.

t The accusative alone occurs, yet it is probable that the nominative
was exactly the same (Grimm. I. 785), in case it did not come from the

same base as the singular nominative, and it would, therefore, be sy6s.

512 PRONOUNS.

regard to which we must observe, that in Latin, also, in

several of the oblique cases, the distinction of gender is
less attended to (ejus, d, old eqe). All the cases which

distinguish the feminine by the inflexion spring from the

original theme; thus i-z&s, i-zai, genitive plural iz6, op-
the
posed to is, imma, iz8. In Latin, also, the extension of
base i may have been commenced in the feminine, and
thus an analogous masculine eum have been made to cor-
respond to earn, and may have superseded the more ancient
im. Similar corruptions have been adopted by the lan-

guage in the other cases; thus eorvm placed itself beside

earum, and thus the ium, which probably existed, fell into
disuse-: eabus, Us, cis, were followed by the masculine and

neuter which supplanted the older ibus.

iist eis,

364. If the singular nominative of the reflective pro-

noun given by the old grammarians was f and not ?, it might
be regarded as the kindred form of the pronoun under dis-
cussion; and in this view it would be of importance that the
Vedic accusative fm, mentioned above (p, 510, Note '.), has
a reflective meaning in the passage quoted, and is rendered
"
by Rosen semet ipsum" But if i'is the right form, then it
probably belongs to the Sanskrit base* swn, sw8 9 whence
" and
swayam, self" (. 341.), and is connected with o5, of, $,

cruets, &c., the latter from the base 2 W. As in this word

an i stands for an original a, which would lead us to expect

[G. Ed. p. 605.] o, so also in f and it deserves notice, that so

;

early as the Sanskrit, together with swa is found a weakened

form swi, from which I think may be formed the interrogative

* Not
necessarily so, as the rough breathing occurs also in words
which originally begin with a pure vowel, as answering to
l/a*re/>or,

^BBffTB ekatara-s. On the other hand the form I would not peremptorily
conduct us to a base as initial s has sometimes been entirely lost in
^ ,

Greek.
 PRONOUNS. 513

particle fa\ swit, as neuter, and analogous to

In favour of the opinion that ? belongs to the
chit.
^ it and

f*n{
old reflective base, may be adduced the circumstance, that,
like thetwo other pronouns in which there is no distinction
of gender (eyca, <n5), it is without a nominative sign. If it

belonged to the base ^ i, it would most probably have had

the same sound as the Latino-Gothic is unless we prefer 9

regarding i as the neuter. The dative u>, from its termi-

nation, falls under the pronouns devoid of gender (. 222.),
and would, therefore, likewise belong to the reflective base.
The accusative tv, however, considered independently, would
not furnish any objection to the opinion that it is identical
with the Latin im and the Gothic ina.*
365. We have already mentioned the inseparable demon-
strative i
(. 157.). There is, however (and this creates a
difficulty), another mode
of derivation, according to which
that i would be identical with the ei (=2), which is attached
in Gothic, in a similar manner, to other pronouns, not
to strengthen their demonstrative meaning, but to give
them a relative signification : izei, from is + ei, means
"qui" and set, a contraction of si + ei, in accordance with
a law of sound universally followed in Sanskrit (Gram.
"
Crit. .
35.) signifies qua" It is most frequently com-
" n "
bined with the article ; saei, sdei, thatei, qui, qua"
" and so through
"quod"; tluzei, feminine thizdzei, cujus" ;
all

the cases only in the feminine genitive plural thizoei has as

;

not been found to occur (Grimm. III. 15.). If the first

yet
or second person is referred to, ei is attached [G. Ed. p. 526.]
to ik and thu : thus ikei, thuei ; for the Gothic relative re-

quires that the person to which it refers should

be incor-

porated with it; and as it is itself indeclinable, the relations

of case are denoted by the pronoun, preceding it, which is

* Compare Hartung on the Cf^ses, p. 1 1,6 ;

M. Schmidt De Pron. ? p. 12,

&c. ; Kiihner, p. 386.

514 PRONOUNS.

then merged in the meaning of its attendant. Alone, ei sig-

"
nifies that," like the Latin quod and the Sanslqrit relative

neuter ^ yat. And I have no doubt that the Gothic ei, in

its origin, belongs to the Sanskrit-Zend relative base ya,
which in Gothic has become ei, just as, in many other parts
of Gothic Grammar, ei (=) answers to the Sanskrit ya, as
in the nominative singular hairdeis from the base hairdya.*
With respect to form, therefore, the derivation of the Gothic
ei from the Sanskrit TC ya, admits of no doubt ; and since
the signification of the two words are identical, we must
rest satisfied with this mode of deducing it, and abandon
Grimm's conjecture that ei is
intimately connected with is,

"
he," or only allow it a very distant relationship to it, in as
far as the derivation of the Sanskrit relative base i/a, from
the demonstrative base i, is admitted. The relationship,
however, of these two not susceptible of proof; for as
is

sa, ta, ma, na, are simple primary bases, why should not such

a one have originated in the semi-vowel y also ? But if the

Greek demonstrative f is akin to the Gothic appended pro-
noun of similar sound, it likewise would proceed from the
Sanskrit relative base, which appears to be especially destined
for combination with other pronouns (see .353.); and this

disposition is especially observable in Sclavonic, in which

language that base, when isolated, has laid aside the relative

[G. Ed. p. 627.] signification (. 282.). Hence, before en-

tering deeply into the Sclavonic system of declension, I mis-
took this base, and thought I saw in its abbreviation to
i (it "eum" im, "ei") the Sanskrit base L
366. We return to the Sanskrit idam, "this,
1*
in order
to notice the bases from which declension is completed,
its

and of which each is used only in certain cases. The

most simple, and the one most largely employed, is ^r a,
w
whence a-smdi, " Attic," a-$mdt /ioc, a-smin, "in hoc? in
9
4l

. 135. Compare Vocalismus, p. 161.

 PRONOUNS. 515

the dual A-bhydm, and in the plural &-bhis analogous to

Vedic forms aM-bhisfrom asva (. 219.)
like &-bhyas, &-shdm 9
fahu, exactly like t6-bhyas, &c., from ta, viz. by the com-
mingling of an i, as is usual in the common declension in

many cases. There is no necessity, therefore, to have

recourse to a distinct base 4, but this only a phonetic
is

lengthening of a, and from it comes also the masculine

"
nominative Wj*v ayam from & + am, as ^qpTN swayam, self/'
from sw& (for swa) +am (. 341.). Max. Schmidt is disposed
to compare with this & the Latin e of eum, ea, &c. (1. c. p. 10),
and to regard the latter as an abbreviation of an origi-
nally long e; for support of which opinion he relies prin-
cipally on the form aei, in an inscription to be found in

Orelli, and on the circumstance that, in the older poets,

the dative el has a long e. But we do not think it
right
to infer from this dative that every e of the pronoun is
is originally and we adhere to the opinion ex-
long;
pressed at 361., which is, moreover, confirmed by the
.

circumstance that i also occurs before vowels; and even

in the plural H 9 iis, is more common than ei, eis. As re-

gards, however, the obsolete dative singular with a long e,

it may be looked upon as the Guna form of i ; as i in San-

skrit, according to the common declension, would form

ay-=+ From this g, however, which is formed by
Guna from i, that which we have seen [G. Ed. p. 628.]
formed from a by the addition of an i is different and there- ;

fore the Latin dative, even if it had an originally long e,

would still have nothing in common with Sanskrit forms like
d~bhis, &c. The e in the genitive ejus is long through the
euphonic influence of the j9 and for it occurs, also, the form
r
aeius, in an inscription given by Orelli (N 2866.) When, .

through the influence of a j, the preceding vowel is

long, it
should not be termed long by position :
j is not a double

* The
length of the vowel preceding thej may sometimes be differently
accounted
516 PRONOUNS.

and ap-
consonant, but the weakest of all simple consonants,
to that of a vowel- This
proximates in its nature closely
weakness may have occasioned the lengthening of the
coincidence with the San-
preceding vowel, in remarkable
in which i and w, where
skrit, stand before a suffix they

commencing withalways either lengthened

^ y are
or strengthened by the addition of a t: hence the roots

fstji and *f stu form, in

the passive, tfftjiH stuyt,

but in the gerund in ya, jitya, stutya* The case is diffe-

^
rent where ^ i or $ i in monosyllabic forms are changed,
before a vowel following them, into <(*T iy : the y which
arises from i, i, has no lengthening power. It is scarcely

of the ortho-
possible to give any decided explanation
in Latin. When Cicero
graphical doubling of the i for j
wrote Maiia, aiio, he may have pronounced these words
28 i ) and we
[G. Ed. p. 529.] as Mai-ja, ai-jo (Schneider, p. ;

in writ-
cannot hence infer that every j was describedinitial

ing by ii. If this were the case, we should be compelled

to the conclusion, thatby doubling the i the distinguishing

the semi-vowel from the vowel i was intended, as, in Zend,

the medial y is expressed by double i (w) ; and as double

u denotes, in Old German, the w, though a single M, espe-
occurs as the representative
cially after initial consonants,
of w. But if Cicero meant a double by his double i, it j
would not follow that, in all cases, the language intended
the same. The Indian grammarians admit the doubling
"
of a consonant after r, as sarppa for sarpa, snake," and

accounted for; as major (. 301.) has been derived from magior,

whero

the vowel may have been lengthened owing to the g being dropped. And
a consonant must originally have preceded even ihej of the genitive in
jus, if this termination is akin to the feminine
Sanskrit WK^a
22
(.349. Note ).
* the
Compare what haa been said in my Vocalismus, p. 213, regarding

tendency of the t to be preceded by a long vowel.

 PRONOUNS. 517

they admit, also, of many other still more extraordinary

accumulations of consonants, with which the language
cannot be actually encumbered. But if the doubling of
a consonant following r had any real foundation, the r
would be assimilated to the consonant which followed it
as, in the Prakrit, savva from sarva, and then the simul-
taneous continuation of the r in writing would only be
in order to retain the recollection of its originally having
existed.*

367. From mentioned in

the demonstrative base ^r a,
the preceding paragraph, a feminine base t might have
arisen (see 172.), whence, by the addition of the termi-
.

nation am, so common in pronouns, the nominative singular

S^ iynm (euphonic for -am, Gram. Crit. .

51.) may be
derived. As, however, a short i with am [G. Ed. p. 530.]

might become ^qi^ iyam, it is uncertain if the feminine of

our pronoun should be referred to the masculine base a, or
to i : the former, however, appears to me the more probable,

since thus the masculine nominative <BR^ ayam, and its

feminine ^*ji^ iyam, would be of the same origin, while
the base i does not occur uncompounded in the whole mas-
culine and neuter declension. The Gothic fw, " earn"
cannot, therefore, be compared with ^n?x iyam, particularly
as, in 363., we have seen the Gdthic arrive, in a way
.

peculiar to itself, but still in accordance with the Latin,

at a theme iy6 lengthened
from i\ but the am of the Sanskrit

iyam merely the nominative termination.

is

368. In Zend WJ*( ayam becomes ttju ahn (. 42,), and

^qHv iyam becomes tm. The ^

neuter ^i?x idam, however,
is replaced by IAS$ J from the base ima, which, in
irnat,

Sanskrit, is one of those which supply the declension of

idam. Hence, for example, come the accusative mascu-
line ^RU imam, feminine ^HTH imdm, Zend $g$j imein,

* Compare the assimilation of m, and its simultaneous graphical repre-

sentation by *. (Gram. Crit. }. 70.)
518 PRONOUNS.

^^j imanm. Ought we, then, tocompare with it the Old

Latin emem for eundem. or, with Max. Schmidt (1. c. p. 1 1),
consider as the doubling of
it em for im? It need not
seem surprising that the base ima* which, in the singu-

lar, occurs only in the accusative, and which is principally

limited to this case, should be found in Latin in the accusa-
tive only. I regard ima as the union of two pronominal
bases, viz. i and ma (. 105.): the latter does not occur in
Sanskrit uncompounded, but is most probably connected with
the Greek plv, and the latter, therefore, with the Old Latin
emem.
[G. Ed. p. 631.] 369. As i with ma has formed the combina-
tion ima, in like manner I regard the base ^R ana, which
likewise enters into the declension of idam as the combination
of *T a with another demonstrative base, which does not
occur in Sanskrit and Zend in isolated use, but, doubtless, in
Pali, in several oblique cases of the three genders,t in the

plural also in the nominative, and in that of the neuter sin-

gular, which, like the masculine accusative, is tf nan.%

Clough gives which this pronoun occurs as
the cases in

secondary forms to the base 7f ta, as, in Sanskrit, in several

cases, a pronoun is found with the compound ^H &ta, which
has na instead of ta for its last portion. We will here give
the compound Sanskrit pronoun over against the Pali simple
pronoun.

* In the pi. the nom.

(^ img) belongs to this base, and in the dual
imdu, is both nom. and accusative.
t In the feminine naturally produced to nd, the d of which, however,
is shortened in the accusative nan " earn."tf

t I write nan, not nam, as a final m in Pali, as in Prakrit, becomes an

anuswara, which is pronounced like a stifled n (. 9. 10.). The original
m in Pali has been retained only before initial sounds commencing with
a vowel (Burnouf and Lassen, pp.81, 82). Final n is likewise cor-

rupted in Pali to anuswara, or is lost entirely.

In Zend observe the feminine genitive atnanhdo
gustPjufyjOA*
(a&nanhdoscka, Vend. S. p. 47), which presupposes a Sanskrit tnaxy&s.
 PRONOUNS. 519

MASCULINE.
SINGULAR. PLURAL.
Sanskrit. Pdli. Sanskrit. Pdli.

N. csha, sC>, tit, it, n&,

&nam, tan, nan, 6tdn, tndn, iff, n$,

*
1
Is replaced by the genitive. Or t&dnati, [G. Ed. p. 588.]
n&s&naii, as the old genitive is taken as theme, after suppressing the nasal,
and from it a new one is formed according to the analogy of the common
declension
3
Observe the transposition of the long vowel. 4 In the form tissd
 520 PRONOUNS.

the Pali coincides in a remarkable manner with the Gothic thiz&s, since*
like it, it has weakened the old a to i. Tissd, however, is inferior to the

Gothic kindred form, in having dropped the final s ; and in this point
ranks with the Old High German, in which the Gothic zos has become
ra (p. 610. G. ed.). The Pali, however, has abandoned all final *, without

exception. The older form tassd (by assimilation from tasyd), which is not
given by Clough, is supplied by Burnouf and Lassen, with whom, how-
ever, the form tissd is wanting, though they furnish an analogous one,
viz. imissd (Essai, p. 117). Clough gives, moreover, the forms tissdya
and tassdtdya. The former, like the plural genitive, appears to be
formed by the addition of a new genitive form, according to the common
declension, to the pronominal genitive form. From the form tassdtdya
we might be led to an obsolete ablative, which, in Sanskrit, must have
been tasydt still earlier tasmydt which is proved by Zend forms like
avanhdt, "ex hac" (}. 180. p. 198 last line). But if we are to give to

tassdtdya not an ablative sense, but a genitive and dative one, I then pre-
fer dividing it thus : tassd-tdya, so that the feminine base td would be

contained in it twice once with the pronominal, and again with the
common genitive termination. But it is probable that the form imamhd^
which is given by Burnouf and Lassen (Essai, p. 117) a an anomalous
feminine instrumental, is originally an ablative; for this case, in its

significations, borders on the instrumental,

and to it belongs the appended
pronoun sma. But if imamhd is an ablative, it is, in one respect, more per-
Zend forms, like (X>AU*y $jJM avanlidt, since the Pali form
fect than the

lias retained also the m of the appended pronoun sma transposed to mka,
while the n of avanltdt isonly an euphonic affix (. 56 *.)
(xj>AX5^3ui/A5
Tne final t, however, in Pali, must, according to a universal law of sound,
be removed, as in the masculine and thus the ablative nature of imam/id
;

might the more easily lie hid before the discovery of the Zend form.

370. I have already, in my review of Forster's Grammar,*

and before I became acquainted, through the Pali, with the
isolated pronoun, considered the Latin conjunction nam as

[G. Ed. p. 534.] an accusative to be classed here ; and I

have there also represented the Sanskrit fna as a compound,

and compared the Latin enim with its accusative 3nam. W|
It will, however, be better to refer enim, as also nam, to the

* Heidelb. JahrbUcher, 1818.

p. 47*.
 PRONOUNS. 521

feminine accusative P. t nan, Sans. ir^r* tndm as the

short masculine a in Latin has elsewhere become u, among
other words, in nunc, i.e. "at this (time)," which (I.e.) I have
explained like tune, as analogous to hunc. But if tune and
nunc are not accusatives, their nc would appear to be akin to
the Greek vUa, and tune might be compared to n\v'uta, of
which more hereafter. With respect to nam and enim, we may
refer to . 351. with regard to the possibility, in similar prono-
minal formations, of their m being a remnant of the appended
pronoun sma. There is no doubt, however, of the pronominal
derivation of all these adverbs. We may remark, in this respect,
our German denn, and the Latin quip-pe from quid-pe, to which,
with regard to its last syllable, nempe from nam-pe (compare
.
6.) analogous. The Sanskrit kincha, "moreover"" (eu-
is

phonic for kimcha], may be regarded as the prototype of quippe,

for it consists of kirn, "what?" and cha (commonly "and"),
which takes from it the interrogative meaning, and is in form
the same as que, which also, in quisque, removes the interroga-
tive signification of the pronoun. The syllable pe, however, of
quippe, is, in its origin, identical with que, and has the same re-
lation to it that the ^Eolic Tre/i/rre has to quinque. As regards the
relation of the i of enim to the a of nam, we may refer to that
of contingo to tango, and similar phenomena, as also to the Pali
i issd
together with tassd (see Table, 369.). [G. Ed. p. 535.]
.

The Greek vtv, like plv, has a weakened vowel, which appears
also in the
Sanskrit inseparable preposition m, "down,"
whence has arisen our German nieder. Old High German
ni-dar which bears the same relation to na that the
(p. 382),
neuter interrogative kim has to the masculine kas. A u also,
" M
in analogy with qrira ku-tas* "whence?" w* ku-tra, where ?
has been developed in our demonstrative, and appears in the

interrogative particle g nu, with which we compare the

Latin nurn, and the Greek vv, which, in form, and partly
in use, is identical with T nu.* On the other hand, in

*
Compare Hartung, Greek Particles, 11.99.
MM
522 PRONOUNS.

"
vvv, nun, now," which likewise belongs to the base na or nu,
the original demonstrative signification is retained more

truly. Are we to suppose in the v of this word, as being

a necessary corruption of final /*, a remnant of the appended

pronoun sma, and that the vowel preceding has been
lengthened in compensation for the loss of the rest? Then
vvv would perhaps admit of comparison with the Pali locative
nasmin, or namhi, and the change of a to v would have first

taken place in Greek through the influence of the liquids, as

u
<rvv answers to the Sanskrit TRIJ 5am, with." Our nun,
Gothic nu9 is likewise related, as is also noch, as analogous
to dock. The Gothic forms are nauh, thauh, to the final par-

ticle of which, uh, we shall recur hereafter.

371. The Sanskrit negative particle tf na, which appears
in Gothic in the weakened form ni, comes next to be con-
sidered: in Old Sclavonic ne w, the latter only as a pre-
it is t

fix.* So it is ni in Lithuanian, in ntekas, " none/' (ni-ekas,

" and kindred compounds but
compare Sanskrit &kas, one,") ;

elsewhere it is found as ne: in Greek it is lengthened to vr\,

but only at the beginning of compounds, as i^/ce/xw?, i^/^Sifc :

[G. Ed. p. 536.] in Latin it is found only as a prefixf in the

form ofne, ni, ne, m
(nefas, nefandum, neque, nisi, nimirum)*
This negative particle occurs in the Vedas with the signifi-
cation which points at its pronominal derivation.} At
sicut,

least I think that we cannot assume a different origin

for the particle in the two significations which are apparently
so distinct: for if the idea "yes," is denoted by a
ya,
pronominal expression in Latin by i-ta, in Sanskrit by ta-thd,
in Gothic by of which hereafter
yai,
its opposite may be con-
" "
trasted with it, as "that to this," and tf na would therefore,

* See
Kopitar's Glagolita, p. 77.
t I regard the conjunction ns as a corruption of me = pj, *n >w> as
narro, probably, from marro (see Vocalismus, p. 165.)
t Compare my Review of Rosen's Veda Specimen in the Berl. Jahrb.
Dec. 1830. p. 955.
 PRONOUNS. 523

as "that," simply direct to what is distant; for to

say that a
quality or thing does not belong to an individual, is not to re-
move it entirely, or to deny its existence, but to take it away
from the vicinity, from the individuality of a person, or to place
the person on the other side of the quality or thing designated,
"
arid represent it as somewhat other," than the person. But
"
that which, in Sanskrit, signifies this," means also, for the
most part, "that," the mind supplying the place, whether near or
remote, and the idea of personality alone is actually expressed

by the pronouns. The inseparable negative particle *r a, too

in Greek the a privative is identical with a demonstrative

base (. 366.) and the prohibitive particle m belongs mdM

to the base ma, (. 368.), and the Greek negation ov admits of

being compared with a demonstrative, as will be shewn here-

after. Observe, further, that as tf na in the Vedas unites the
" "
relative meaning with the negative, so the correspond-
as

ing ne in Latin appears both as interroga- [G. Ed. p. 537.]

tive and negative in the former sense affixed, in the latter
;

prefixed. It is further to be observed of the Sanskrit na,

that when combined with itself, but both times lengthened
" " 11
thus tfRT ndnd it
signifies much, of many kinds, as
" this and that
11
it were, ;
formed by
as totus also has been

reduplication (. 351.), The Sanskrit expression, however, is

indeclinable, and is found only in the beginning of com-

pounds. We may here mention, also, the interrogative and

asseverative ^tfu nunam,
particle which I agree with
Hartung (1. c. II. 95.) in distributing into nti-nam, since I re-
gard wi as the lengthened form of the nu mentioned above,
without, however, comparing nam with tfm^ ndman f

"name," as the pronominal base na appears to me to be

sufficient for the explanation of this Indian nam, as well as

that in Latin; which latter, likewise, Hartung endeavours to

11

compare with ^TH^ ndman, "name.

372. We return to the compound ^nr ana, the last element
of which has been considered by us in 369. , From ana
MM 2
524 PRONOUNS.

comes, in Sanskrit, the instrumental masculine and neuter

*Rif an$na, Zend ana (. 158.), feminine wpn anayd,
AsyAj
Sclavonic and the genitive and locative dual
onoyfi (. 266.),
of the three genders anaytis, which, in Sclavonic, has become
onu for In Lithuanian, am**, or femi-
onoyti (. 273.).
an'-s,

nine ana, signifies "that," and, like the Sclavonic on, ona,
ono, of the same signification, is fully declined, according to
the analogy of las, ta, f, to, to,* being, in this respect, superior
to the corresponding words in Sanskrit and Zend. To this

pronoun belong the Latin and Greek an, av, as also the
Gothic interrogative particle an (Grimm. III. 756.), though
elsewhere in the three sister languages the n is thematic ;

which is especially evident in Gothic, where, from a theme

ana in the accusative masculine, only an could be formed,
[G. Ed. p. 538.] and the same in the neuter or anata. For
the Greek and Latin we should assume that ^R ana had
lost its final vowel, as we have before seen *r?T $na abbre-
C
viated to EN (. 308.). But if the n belonged to the in-

flexion, or to the appended pronoun w sma, which appears

to me less probable, then the simple base ^ a (.366.)
would suffice for the derivation of a??, av.
373. As
the Latin preposition inter is evidently identical
with the Sanskrit antar and the Gothic undur, our unfer

(.293.294.), and i is a very common weakening of a, we

must class also the preposition in and the kindred Greek ev

with the demonstrative base Wff ana, although in and eV, con-
sidered by themselves, admit of being referred to the base
11

^ i, and the relation of wda Zend UQ^idha, "here,

to the

might be deduced through the inorganic commixture of a

nasal, as in a/xc/>o),ambo, answering to the Sanskrit ubhdu and
Sclavonic o&a* I now, however, prefer regarding the v of

&-0a, ev-0v, which bear the relation of locative and ablative

to one another, as originally belonging to the base, and iv

See Kopitar's Glagoiita, p, 69.

 PRONOUNS. 525

therefore, and the Latin in, the pronominal nature of which

is apparent in inde, as connected with the Sanskrit vr ana.

The 2 of e/9, from evs, appears to me an abbreviation of the

suffix <T 9 which, in forms like Troere, a\\o<re, expresses direc-
tion to a place, just as eT-$ is an abbreviation of ecr-o-/, 809 of
$60i, TTpo? of TTpori. There would then be a fitting reason

why 6/9 should express direction to a place : it is opposed in

our hin, " "
meaning to eV, just as towards/' to hier, here," only
that the Greek expressions havelost their independent sig-

nification, and only precede the particular place denoted of

rest, or to which motion is implied like [G. Ed. p. 539.]
;

an article the meaning of which is merged in that of its

substantive. The preposition ava, like the Gothic ana, our
on, has preserved more perfectly the pronominal base
under discussion: am is opposed to Kara, as "on this side/*

to "on that side."* The Gothic ana/rs, "suddenly," may

likewise, in all probability, be classed here, and would
therefore originally mean "in this (moment)." Its forma-
tion recalls that of aTraf, the f of which is perhaps an abbre-
viation of the suffix tcis (. 324.). If the Gothic ks is con-

nected with the suffix of such numeral adverbs, then the

removal of the k has been prevented by the close vicinity of
the s9 though elsewhere the Gothic is not indisposed to the
combination hs. In Lithuanian, an-day, from the base ana,
" that " 1

points to past time, and signifies time," lately/ while

" then."
fa-day refers to the future, and means
374. The base ^R ana forms,
with the relative q ya, the
combination ^sns anya, and, with the comparative suffix W*
tara, *RR antara, both expressions signifying alius, and in both
the final vowel of the demonstrative base being dropped; for
which reason the Indian grammarians do not admit <ro anya
to be a compound, any more than the previously discussed bases

* Compare . 105. and " Demonstrative Bases and their connection

with different Prepositions and Conjunctions," p. 9,
526 PRONOUNS.

; nor do they see in antara any comparative

suffix,* particularly as, besides the irregularity of its forma-
removed, by its signification also, from the common
tion,t it is

pronominal derivatives formed with tara (. 292.), and ex-

presses, not "the one," or "the other, of two," but, like ^?!T
[G. Ed. p. 540.] "the other" generally. In Gothic,
itara,

anthar, theme anthara, which has the same meaning, corre-

sponds; in Lithuanian antra-s, "the other," "the second"; in

Latin, alter, the n being exchanged for / (. 20.), on which also
is founded the relation of alius to 'sranr anya-s, the base of
which is preserved complete in the Gothic ALYA.\ The
Greek aXXo? is removed one step further than alius from
the original form, and, like the Prakrit <sra anna, and
"
the Old High German adverb alles, otherwise," has assimi-
lated the y to the consonant preceding it (compare p. 401.).
On the other hand, vm anya exists in a truer form, but
with a somewhat altered meaning, in Greek, viz. as ewo/,
"some," which may be well contrasted with the Sanskrit-
"
Zend, anyd, alii." From the base 'ENIO comes also evlore
"
sometimes," as analogous to aXXore, etfaorore, &c., for the
derivation of which, therefore, we need not have recourse
to evi ore, or etrriv ore. In Old Sclavonic, in signifies " the
other," and its theme is t'no, and thus the y of the Sanskrit-

Zend anya has been lost. The feminine nominative in Scla-

vonic is ina, the neuter ino.
375. Together with am/a, antara, and itara> the Sanskrit
has also two other words for the idea of "another," viz.
W*R apara, and Ht para. The former may have sprung
from the preposition opa, "from," as apa itself from the
demonstrative base *! a. With it is connected, as has been
*
derived from an, " to live," and antara from ante,
" end."
Anya is

t The regular form would be anatara.

"
I Alya-kunds, alienigenus," alyai vaihtai, "other things," ah/a thro,
" elsewhere " 384 &c.). In the nominative masculine 1 conjecture
(p.
7
,
not alis (p. 358, Note ).
 PRONOUNS. 527

already observed (. 350.), our after, Gothic and Old High

German afar (. 87.), the original meaning of which is still
evident in abermals, " over again," " once more," Aberglaubcn,
" "
over wit, " false wit." In Old
11

superstition," Aberwitz,
"
High German afar means also, again," like the Latin iterum,
" 1*

answering to ^UTTT itara-s, the other. xnc para, is de-

rived by apocope fromapara: it is more [G. Ed. p. 541].

used than the latter and though it has derivatives in the
;

European cognate languages also, the Latin perendie may be

among the first which has led to a reference to a word sig.
nifying "another." It should properly signify "the mor-
row," but the use of language often steps beyond the limits
of what the actual form expresses; and thus, in the word
alluded to, by " on the other day, not the next following is
11

implied, but the day after to-morrow. The language, there-

" "
fore, proceeds from this day (hodie) to eras in which an
"
appellation of day is not easily perceived and thence to the
1'
other day, perendie, the first member of which I regard as
an adverbial accusative, with for m, as in eundem. In the
Sanskrit par&-dyus, "morrow," par&, On the contrary, is

apparently in the locative, and the last member in the accu-

sative, if we
regard it as the contraction of a neuter divas;*
but in pard-dyavi both are in the locative. The Latin peren
occurs also in perendino, perendinatio, the last member of
which guides us to another Sanskrit appellation of day, viz.
to f^T dina. But to dwell for a moment on f^3* divas
and V^para, I am of opinion that these two expressions
are
united in ves-per,
ves-perus,
and eairepa, as it were f^TOR
divas-para, which, if we look upon para as
a neuter substan-

* I
prefer this derivation to that I formerly gave (Kleinere Gramm.
p. 323) from dyu with an irregular s; for from divas the step is as easy to
dyus as from div to dyu. Divas, however, does not occur alone, but in*
"
stead of it divasa: still the compounds divas-pati, Heaven V* or "day's
" and divas
lord -prithivyda, "heaven and earth," shew the trace of it;
for in the latter it is impossible to regard a* as a genitive termination.
528 PRONOUNS.

would signify "

tive, the last, latest part of the day," and para,
used adjectively, and prefixed to another appellation of day,

[G. Ed. p. 642.] actually occurs with this meaning for ;

"
pardhna (from para + a/ma) signifies the later, or after part
of the day" aspdrvdhna does "the former, or
(see Glossary),
earlier part." Consequently vesper would stand for dives-per ;

and this abbreviation of the appellation of day will not appear

more remarkable than that of ftr^ dwis, "twice, to bis. With
respect to the loss of a whole initial syllable, I may refer to
the relation of the Greek peipaj;, petpdiciov, to ch'HRq
"
kum&ra-s, boy," which, by the suppression of its middle
syllable, but with the retention of the initial one, has been

corrupted to /topo?, icovpos. We

turn now to another trace of
" 1'
in; para, the other, in Latin, which we find in the first

portion of pereger and peregrinus, and which we could not

well suppose to be the preposition per. Pereger would
"
consequently signify being in another land," like the Old
" who from
High German eli-lenti> and peregrinus, another
land." We might also refer per-perus to the same source, as
the reduplication of perus = Tpt^ para-89 in which the bad
"
" "
and wrong is opposed to the right," as the other. In the

cognate Greek irepirepo^ the fundamental meaning has taken

a more special direction. Lastly, the particle nep remains to
be mentioned, the use of which is more of a pronominal than
a prepositional nature. A word, which originally signifies
" was well adapted to give particular emphasis to a
other,"
relative, so as to bring prominently forward the persons or

things denoted by it as other than those excluded. In this

light let the French nous autres, vous autres, and our German
" if "
wenn anders, otherwise," provided that," be con-
" if."*
sidered, which is more energetic than the simple wenn,
* Remark,
also, the apparently pleonastic use of aXXos; and similar phe-
nomena in Sanskrit, as Nal. 1. 14, in which men are opposed to the gods
and to other beings not human, as otfiers : " Nowhere among the gods or
Ifakshas exists such beauty, nor amongst (others) men was such ever
before seen or heard of."
 PRONOUNS. 529

From para comes in Sanskrit, p&ra> [GK

TTC Ed. p. 543.]
"
"the further shore," and from this pdraydmi, I complete" :

to the former answers Trepav, to the latter rrep&co.*r

In
"
German, in the word under discussion the idea of "other
"
has been changed to that of the further," Gothic fairra,
"
far," the second r of which seems to have sprung from
n by assimilation. So early as even in Sanskrit, para
occurs in the sense of " far," in the compound pardsu, "dead,"
" removed/
1

having life

376. The Gothic yains (theme yaina), "that," Greek tcetvos,

&6U/09, (jEol. Krpos) and Doric 7*71/09, correspond, in respect

to their last element, with the bases in the cognate languages

which are compounded with na, no ; among which we may

especially notice ana-s (avis) on, which has the same meaning
in Lithuanian and Sclavonic. In the Doric 77)1/09, like

TtyXf'tfos, ryvlica, the vowel of the article is

lengthened
(cornp. .
352.), and the jEolic tcrjvos has the same relation to
the interrogative base KO, that 7771/09 has to TO. But in
#60/09, to which e/cefi/09 bears the same relation that epov does

to fiov (. 326.), instead of the base-vowel being lengthened

an i is introduced, and the o is weakened to e: compare,
in the former respect, the Sanskrit 6 and the compound
"
^T &na (. 369.). So, also, in the Gothic yain(a)s, that,"
an i has been blended with the Sanskrit relative base IT ya.
But if in German, as in Sclavonic, a
y preceded
the old

initial in yesmy=Tsfa{ asmi, Lithuanian esmi,

vowel, as
11
"I am (. 255. n.), yains would then shew itself to be a
"
cognate form to ^ff 6na, this," the real countertype of
which we have, however, already found in the numeral dins,
theme aina (. 308.). In Greek, the word [G. Ed. p. 644.]
8eu/a, theme AEIN, may also be classed here. It is a plural

neuter, which has been peculiarly dealt with by the language:

its i has the same relation to the o of the article that KVOS
has to KO (/core, /corepov),
and the tenuis has been removed,
*
Compare Vocalismus, p. 177, &c.
530 PRONOUNS.

as in Se before mentioned (. 350.). The v, however, of AEIN

can scarcely be connected with the appended pronoun ^ no
but is more probably a mere phonetic affix, as in TIN, of
which hereafter, and in many words of our so-called weak
declension (. 142.).

377. The Zend demonstrative base AJAJ ava, "this," has

been already repeatedly mentioned. In it we find a new
and powerful confirmation of the proposition which is one
of importance for the history of language that pronouns
and genuine prepositions are originally one; for in the
Sanskrit, in which ava has been lost as a pronoun, it has
1'
remained as a preposition, with the signification "from,
" "
'Mown ;
as e.g. ava-plu, ava-tar (IT M\ to spring from," to
descend," but the original meaning of which is "to alight down
or at this (place)." In Sclavonic, ava has been changed, ac-

cording to rule (. 255. ),

to ovo, which signifies "this" and
" thac": its fern. nom. ova is almost identical with the same
casein Zend ASA$ ava. With this form is connected the Greek
av of auros,* in which, after the suppression of the final vowel,
the v has been changed to a vowel. When used alone the pro-
nominal nature of this base most apparent in avdi, "here,"
is

which, therefore, is not to be regarded as an abbreviation of

avTo0t> for it is quite as natural for the locative suffix to be
attached to aS as to other pronominal bases. With the same
[G. Ed. p. 645.] signification as av0t we might expect to find
avda, as analogous to evda and to the Zend AJQ^A>AS avadha,
which corresponds in its base, suffix, and signification. But the
Greek expression does not occur alone, but only in combi-
nation with evda in evravffa for evQavda\\ and so, also, the ab-
lative adverb avGev is retained only in the compound evrevdev

(p. 480). The indeclinable not opposed

a5, the use of which is

to its pronominal origin, has probably lost some suffix of

* Compare p. 887, Note *,
t y.344. p. 480. The derivation of tvravBa given at p. 387 must be
corrected accordingly.
 PRONOUNS. 5tSl

case or of another kind. If it were a neuter for avr or

the suppression of the T sound would accord with a universal
phonetic law (comp. 155.). Perhaps it is an abbreviation
.

of aZOts, which has the same meaning, or of afire, which latter

agrees in its formation with the pronominal adverbs Tore, ore,

7TOT6, though the signification has diverged.
378. Through a combination with the comparative suffix

formed avrdp, " which we must

is but," with reference to

again advert to the relationship of our German ober (Old High

German afar, "but," "again") with the Sanskrit apara,
"
alius." The suffix of avrdp is distinguished from the cus-
tomary re/309 by the preservation of the original a-sound, and
in this manner corresponds exactly to the Sanskrit antar
(. 293.). The Latin au-tem, on the other hand, appears to
contain the superlative suffix, as i-tem in opposition to i-terum.*
The i oftirnus might easily be corrupted to e in a word termi-

nating with a consonant. I now, however, prefer regarding

the suffix tern of i-tem and au-iem as not originating in the
Latin language, but as identical with the suffix
which, in Sanskrit, likewise occurs only in [G. Ed.
^ tham,
p. 546.]
1'
two pronominal adverbs, viz. in
^?qn^ it-tham, "so,
and
"
o|f*!H
N ka-tham, how ?" with regard to which it may be left

undecided whether their tham is connected, through a pho-

netic alteration, with the superlative suffix, just as thama in
" "
PTOTO prathama-s, the first (p. 379. 1. 12.). The Latin
au-t appears to me an abbreviation of aw-fi, so that it agrees
in its formation with uti, ut, and iti in itidem, as also with the

Sanskrit ^ffr iti, "so/'t With regard to the au of aufugio*

no adequate reason for dissenting from the
aufero, I see
common opinion which regards it as a weakened form of

* and Demonstrative Bases,

Compare Heidelb. Jahrb. 1818, p. 479,

p. 31
t The j ofiti-dem might also be regarded as the weakening of the a of

itdy caused by the addition of weight through the dem. (cf. .

6.)
532 PRONOUNS.

ab.* On the other hand, the Sanskrit inseparable preposition

ova, mentioned above (. 377.), evidently re-appears in the
Homeric avepvcofi without the ancient connection between
this .prepositional av and the particle aZ being thereby re-

moved, as, as has been remarked above, the Sanskrit preposi-

tion ava and the Zend demonstrative base of similar sound,
are cognate forms.
379. It has been elsewhere pointed out| that of the three
forms into which the originally short a in Greek has been
distributed (e, o, that most often occurs in places
d), it is e

[G. Ed. p. 647.] where a Sanskrit a is combined with u more \

rarely the weightier o heavier a never.$ The

; and the still

Greek diphthong av, however, corresponds to the Vriddhi

diphthong ^
du, as i/a{/5 = '^^
ndus: its a is therefore

long, and is found so in mo?, &c., for vaffa tfTO^

ndvas. =
If, then, the final vowel of the Indo-Zend ava, Sclavonic ovo,

be removed, and then the u, formed by the melting down of

the be combined in a diphthong with the initial vowel, we
v,

should have ev or ov. As, however, av has arisen, we must

regard the lengthening of the initial vowel as compensation
for the final vowel, which has been suppressed. This compen-

sation, however, does not take place universally for as oZv is ;

plainly shewn, by its use, to be of pronominal origin, it may be ||

best compared with our demonstrative base ava, of which it is

* Without this from would be identical with

weakening, affero, dtfero^
affero, from adfero ; and the change of the b into the cognate vowel may
have taken place in order to avoid this identity, as, vice versd, the u of
duo (originally a v) seems to have been hardened into b in bis. If, for
this reason, au has arisen from ab on one occasion, it might be still further

adopted without being occasioned from a view to perspicuity.

its

t Compare A. Benary in the Berl. Jahrb. May 1830, p. 764.

t Vocalismus, p,193,&c.
This combination produces ^ft 6 (. re-
2.), which, before vowels,
is

solved into avt as, ycw-dm, " from

bovum," go.
|| Compare Hartung II.3,&c.
 PRONOUNS. 533

further to be remarked, that, in Zend, in departure from

. 155., it forms the nominative and accusative neuter, not

by /but by m. For avem, according to 42., aum should

t .

be employed; but in its place we have the irregular form $!***

aom, and the same in the masculine accusative.* I agree

with Hartung (1. c.) in considering the Greek oZv likewise as

an accusative, whether it be masculine, or, as we may assume
from the Zend aom, neuter. The negative particle ov is
also to be classed here, according to what has been said in
.
371., and my Review of Rosen's V&Ia Specimen
before, in

regarding the derivation of negative particles from pronouns :

it has the same relation to ov/c which, owing to its termina-

ting with a consonant, is used before vowels, [G. Ed. p. 548.]

that, in Latin, the prefix ne has to nee, an abbreviation of

neque. Ovtc is, therefore, an abbreviation of ovict (with the

change of the tenuis, ou%/), the icl of which is, perhaps, con-
nected with the Sanskrit enclitic pronominal base fa chi, of
which more hereafter. To this fa chi the ^ cha, which is
likewise enclitically used, and with which the Latin que is
"
identical, bears the same relation that F^ kas, who/'
has to its neuter fa * then, the syllable
kirn. If, of ovicl tct

is connected with the Indian fa chi, it is also related to

the Latin que of neque (compare 380,, subjinem.) ,

380. It remains for us to shew that an offshoot of the pro-

nominal base ava exists in German also. Such is our auch,
the demonstrative signification of which is easily discoverable
in sentences like er ist blind, und auch lahm, " he is blind
"
and also lame," in which the auch adds to the quality blind,"
as to " that," another " this :" he is lame and this, blind/'

The auch performs the same service for a single quality that
"
the conjunction dass, that/ does for an entire member of a
1

"
sentence for in sentences like I am not willing (dass) that
;

he should come, the conjunction dass expresses generally

Compare fiurnouf a Ya$na, Notes p. 5.

534 PRONOUNS.

or only grammatically, the subject of my will, and "be

should come" expresses it particularly and logically. In Old

High German, auh (ouh, one, &c.) has other meanings besides
"also," which are elsewhere expressed only by derivatives
from pronouns, as derm, aber, sondern, "for/* "but," &c.,
1. 120.), and the Gothic auk occurs
(see Graff only with the
" for."* If "
were the
meaning auch, also," only meaning
of the conjunction under discussion, in all German dialects,
[G. Ed. p. 649.] we might suppose it to be cbnnected with

the Gothic aukan, "to increase."t But what connection

have denn and sondern ("for" and "but") with the verb "to
increase?" Moreover, verbal ideas and verbal roots are
the last to which I should be inclined to refer the deriva-
tion of a conjunction. All genuine conjunctions spring
from pronouns (. 105.)t as I have endeavoured to shew in
a particular instance in my Review of Forster's Grammar.f
But whence comes the ch of our auch? I do not think
that can be regarded in the same light as that of doch
it

and nock, which have been likewise explained as pro-

nominal formations,^ but, in Gothic, terminate with h (nauh,
thauK)] while our auch bears the same relation to the

Gothic auk that mich, dich, sich, do to mik, thuk, sik. The
k, therefore, of auk t
may perhaps, in its origin, coincide with
that of the so-called pronominal accusative, and, like the

belong to the appended pronoun *n sma (. 174. 175.),

latter,

which, in Zend, becomes hma, but in Prakrit and Pali is

transposed to mha. But if the pronoun ava were used in

* The meanings "but" and " also," which I have, in accordance with

Fulda, given elsewhere (Demonstrative Bases, p. 14), rest on no authority,

for Ulfilas gives only auk as answering to the Greek yap (Grimm III.

272).
t Compare Sanskrit th, " to
**
collect," whence sam&ha, crowd."
J Heidelb. Jahrb. 1818, p. 473.
fl . 370. and Demonstrative Bases, p. 18,
 PRONOUNS. 535

Pali, its ablative would be avamhd and locative avamhi (comp.

. 369, Table). In the Gothic auk the sounds which surround
the h in these forms are lost, and the final vowel of the base
is suppressed, as in the Greek auro?. With regard to the
guttural, however, auk bears the same relation to avamhd,
"
avamhi, that ik, I," does to <8? ahan. If, of the forms of

negation OVK, OVKI, ov%l mentioned at p. 533, the last were the
t

original one, we might suppose the jp to be related to the Pali

pronominal locatives in ftf mhi, as % usually [G. Ed. p. 550 ]

represents the Sanskrit and Pali ^ h (. 23.).

38 1. As regards the etymology of the base ava, the
first member of it is easily perceived to be the demon-
strative a, and the latter portion appears to be analogous to
" " " 1*

iva, as," from the base i, as also to 6vn, also," merely,

&c., and with the accusative termination foam, "so," from
the base e!
(. 366.). A-va and 8-va, therefore, would be
as closely connected as a-na and $-na; and as from the
latter has arisen the Gothic term for the numeral "one,"

(theme at'na 308.), so from foa would come the Zend

.

"
numeral for one," a$va, with a prefixed, according to 38. .

In Gothic, aiv (theme aivd) corresponds, which, however, as

"all time," i.e. "eternity," answers to the cognate form

in Zend as logical antithesis, or as "another" to "this."

It
may be observed, that it is highly probable that our all,
Gothic "
omnis' (theme alia), has been formed by assimi-
alls,

lation from the base " alius" and has therefore

alya, expe-
rienced the same fate as the Greek aXXo?, Old High German
alles,"else," and the Latin ille, olle. In Sanskrit, from
the energetic subjective demonstrative base sa, " he, " this,"
11

"that," (.345), arises the general term for "all," viz.

*l sar-va "every," plural qRsarvt, "all," and the adverbs

of time, ^T sadd, and WTT sand, "ever": from the latter
"
comes the adjective 3RlffT sandtana, sempiternus" The
final member of sarva is identical with that of our W| ava,
*T tva, and ^ iva ; and, with respect to the r, analogous
536 PBONOUNS.

and kar-hi " when? *

" 11
forms to sarva occur in 6tar-hi, then/' t

the h of which I consider as an abbreviation of dh, and the

whole dhi as a cognate suffix to the Greek 61 (compare . 23.).

[G. Ed. p. 551.] Thus faarhi, exclusive of the prefixed pro-

noun 0, answers to rodt, and knr-hi to nodi, from tcodt. In

"
the Gothic, tha-r, there," in our dar in immerdar, (always)
" to 1 "
darbrinyen, offer/ darstellen, to represent," Sec., and
" where ?" "
hva-r, (compare war-um, wherefore/' wor-aus.
1
"whence/ &c.) the syllable hi or dhi of the Indian pro-
totype is wanting. We may notice, also, the compound
" which ?" the member of which
hvar-yis,
last belongs to
the Sanskrit relative base tj ya. In Lithuanian we have
5
in kittur (kit-tur), "somewhere else/ a form analogous to
the Gothic locative adverbs in r. With the Sanskrit sarva,

"every/" may be compared the Old High German sdr,

" "
ommno," our sehr, much." But to return to the Gothic-
base aiva, we see clearly enough the pronominal origin of
"
this word in expressions like ni aiv, nunquam? ni aiva-day$,

"on no day whatever/' and still more in ourje,

"ever/' Old

High German, So, io, which latter has been formed from aiv, by
suppressing the a, and changing the v into a vowel and by ;

this alteration it has become estranged from 3wa, "eter-

nity." A word, however, signifying merely eternity or

time, would scarcely have entered into combinations like
6o-man "aliquis" our "jemand" in which So may be re-
"
garded as equivalent to the Zend a6va, one ;* so, also, in
So-wiht
"
aliquid" literally,
"
one thing/' or " any one
1 " 1

thing ': ion&r means any where/ and, with respect to its
r, agrees with the abovementioned locative adverbs (thar,
hvar), and, in regard to its entire final syllable, with pro-
nouns compounded with na, no (. 376.) and this affords a ;

striking proof that the preceding io cannot, from its origin,

* The Indian
grammarians assume, without cause or reason, a suffix

rhifor both these expressions, and distribute them thus, $ta~rhi^ ka-rhi,
 PRONOUNS, 537

toe a term for denoting time. Perhaps, however, the Old

High German io is not in all places the corruption of the
Gothic aiv, for a short way of arriving at it is through
the old relative base n ya. It is certain that the
Lithuanian yu belongs to it, which, in its use before com-
paratives in sentences like [G. Ed p. 552.]
yu bagotesnis yu
" the richer the more
szyksztesnis, "je reicher desto karyer,"

niggardly ," corresponds exactly to the use of the German

language, only that, as may be done in German also, the
same expression always retained in the corresponding sen-
is

tence, as, in Sanskrit, the idea of one* is expressed by

attraction, after relatives and after interrogatives by

by ya,
Jca (see .
308.). The Lithuanian yu, however, is clearly the
instrumental of the base which elsewhere signifies " he,"
ya,
but, in this kind of expression, retains the old relative

meaning. In Lithuanian,
yo may be used for yu; and if
this is notmerely an abbreviation of yu (yuo), it is the geni-
tive of the " 11

pronoun referred to for vis (for yas), he, forms, ;

"
in the genitive, Ruhig renders, Je eher je besser, the
yo.
sooner the better," by
yo pirm-yaus yo geraus.^ Graff (I. 517.)
rightly compares the Old High German io with this
Lithuanian yo, and the former must therefore be distinguished
from the io, which are evidently corruptions of the Gothic aiv.

* The that in Sanskrit, a sentence be interroga-

meaning of this is, if,

tive, the object of the verb likewise becomes interrogative, as it were by

attraction, instead of being, as in English, indefinite. Thus, in the passage

referred to 308.,
Pdrtha !
.

kan
^
* 3^*: ^T%
hanti "
?faf
O Partha
^ WUft
kathan sa
can that
^
purushati ghdtayati kam, How, !

man cause to be killed whom, can he kill whom ?" The same attraction
takes place in a relative sentence. Thus, in the Second Book of the Hito-
1

padesa, *fl*^ Tfaff *f& H^fif 1HTO ^S^yadSva rdchate yasmdi bhavSt
" Whatever
tat tasya sundaram, is agreeable to whomsoever (in English it
*
would be to any one soever'), that to him will be beautiful." 2Vaws/a-
tor's Note.
t As addenda to $.306. maybe noticed the uninflected
comparatives,
which accord with the superlatives in aus-a$ (. 307.).
N N
538 PRONOUNS.

In Latin we find in ovum a form

evidently corresponding
to this aiv (theme aiva)9 and one which has quite lost a pro-
nominal signification. It may be left undecided whether
the Greek aiwv should be referred to this class. But we must
remark that the syllable va of ^r^ ava, 33 ifoa, and ^ iva,

is, as it appears to me, of itselfa pronoun, and connected

"
with the enclitic vat, as." Perhaps the v is a weakened
form of m
(. 63.), and iva therefore connected with the
demonstrative ima. Observe that the derivative suffixes vat

and matt in the strong cases vant, mant, are completely

identical in meaning, as are also min and vin.
[G. Ed. p. 553.] 382. We
come now to the relative, the base
of which in Sanskrit and Zend, ya f feminine yd ; and the
is,

offshoots of which, in the European cognate languages, have

been already frequently mentioned. With respect to the

Greek 09, ^, o, answering to the Sanskrit yas9 yd, yat, we

may notice how frequently the Indian ^y is represented
by the Greek spiritus asper. And 05 has the same rela-
"
tion to yas that fytefc has to the Vedic
ipJr yushmh ye,"
" 1

va-plwi to strife/ fjirap to and

-JUT yudhma, ijcpr yakrit
" "
jecur, a& to
*HJ yaj,
to honor," to adore," ijpepos to

^ yam,
"
to restrain."
tive is dialectically replaced
The circumstance, that the rela-
article, is as little
by the proof
of the connection of the two, as that, because our German
"
welcher, which," can be replaced by the demonstrative der,
<f
the," it is cognate to it in form. Since, as early as Homer,
the use of the true relative is very common, and the
relative expressions 00-09, 0^09, rj\tico$, ^09, answer
to the

demonstrative derivatives TOOW, ro?o9, ryXlicos, T^o9, we

may find in this alone sufficient evidence, exclusive of
proofs drawn from the Sanskrit and other cognate lan-

guages, of the original existence of a distinct relative

base in Greek.
383. In Zend the relative occurs also with a demonstra-
tive meaning: thus we frequently find the accusative
 PRONOUNS. 539

yim in the sense of hunc. This guides us to the

Lithuanian
yis,
"he" (euphonic for yas, .
135.),* accu-
sative yin. The dative yam corresponds with the Sanskrit
yasmdi, Zend yahmdi ; as does the locative yam& (. 176.) with
yasmin, yahmi. In Sclavonic, ye is the most per- [G. Ed. p. 554 .]
feet form that has been retained in the masculine and neuter

singular of this pronominal base (see p. 368 G. ed.) in the :

neuter plural agrees most exactly with the Zend and Vedic
ya
yd (. 255. a.), just as, in the nominative singular feminine, ya
"
(ya-she, which") corresponds to the Sanskrit-Zend yd. The
masculine form i is derived, as has been already remarked,
by suppressing the vowel of the base, and vocalising the y,
and thus resembles tolerably closely the Gothic relative
particle ei (=). In Gothic, however, there exist deriva-
tives from the base under which are even yet
discussion,
more similar. Forinstance, the conjunction ya-bai, "if,"
springs from it as the cognate form of the Sanskrit *rfi[ ya-di,
which signifies the same/ The suffixes alone differ. The
Gothic baia corruption of 6a,f and appears in this form
is

in the compound
thauh-yaba.
There is an analogous
form to viz. iba, ibai,\ which is used particularly
yabai, yaba,
as an interrogative particle, and proceeds from the prono-
minal base i. Combined, also, with the negative particle
means " "he
ni, iba if"; thus niba (for ni iba, as nist, is
1
"
not,' for ni ist\ if not," where we must remark that the
Sanskrit
likewise
^
means
it connected
"if";
with iba9 as regards
and, indeed, in like
its

manner only
base,

* In Zend the i of yim is not produced by the euphonic influence of the

y, for we also find dim for dem ($.343.), and drujim for driyem, from
" a demon."
drvj,
t As to the Gothic suffix ba and Lith. j>, cf. p. 1462. G. ed. Note 1. 19,

I Compare Demonstrative Bases, p. 15, and

Graff (L 75.), who assents
to my opinion, but designates the pronominal bases as adverbs of place, or

locative particles.

N N 2
840 PRONOUNS.

in combination with particles preceding it; so that nft

(na+it\ "if not," is, as were, the prototype of the Gothic

it

n'-iba (see .
360.). It can hardly be that the suffix, also,

does not contain somewhat of Sanskrit. I conjecture a

" "
connection with the syllables va in iva, as," fo-a, also,"
"
&c., and $-vam 9 so," or what almost amounts to the same
tf

thing, with the enclitic ^w vat , as." And thus the deri-
[G. Ed. p. 555.] vation of the Gothic adverbs in ba may
be shewn.* It cannot appear surprising that the v is
hardened to b, for in Bengali every Sanskrit v is pro-
nounced as 6, and in New German, also, we often find h
for the t; of the older dialects. In Lithuanian the v of
"
the Sanskrit iva, as," is altered to p, as we have before
seen pa formed from ^isiua (. 359,). No more satisfactory
derivation, therefore, can, in my opinion, be given for pro-
nominal adverbs terminating in ipo or ip, than from the

^T iva above mentioned, particularly as the latter is con-

"
as tad iva, like this." So, in
stantly subjoined, w^ ^f
" "
Lithuanian, aipo or taip,
t so," i. e. as this," from the base
ta + ipo; Jcaipo or kaip, "how"? kittaipo, kittaip, and

antraipo, antraip, "else." Another view of these expres-

sions might be taken, according to which i would be
allotted to the principal pronoun,which would be regarded
as neuter (. 157.); thus &c. In this case
tai-po, kai-po,
the vowel of the Sanskrit ^r iva would be lost in Lithu-
anian; but I prefer the former opinion, and believe that
the Gothic livaiva, "how"? taken as hva-iva, must be

* Not
aba, for the a belongs to the adjective base ; hence those in u
have, not v-aba but u-ba ; but those in for the most part, lay aside
j/a,
their final vowel, and form i-flo for
" intelli-
ya-ba. Examples froda-ba,
:

gent," from FRODA (nom./r&fo); hardu-ba, "hard," from HARDU;

andaugi-ba.)
"
evident/' perhaps from the substantive base ANDA UGfA
<c
(nominative andaitgi)^ visage/' The full form is seen in
gabaurya-ba 9
"willing."
 PRONOUNS. 541

referred to this class ; for it cannot appear remarkable that

the termination va 9 in Gothic, should not have been every-
where hardened to ba, but that a trace of the original
But "
form should be still left. if the sva, so," answering
to hvaiva, does not, as has been before conjectured, belong

to the Sanskrit reflexive base H swa

(. 341.), I should then
regard it as analogous to hvaiva, and divide it thus, s'-va,
so that it would contain the demonstrative base sa, men-
tioned in .345., from which, in Sanskrit,
[G. Ed. p. 566.]
"
comes, among other words, *r$i sa-dnsa, similar," lite-
" But to return to the Sanskrit
rally like this appearing."
"
yadi, if," its di is probably a weakened form of the suffix,
"
which we have seen above in ^fw iti, thus," and else-
"
where, also, in wftf ati, over," and altered to fVf dhi in

^rfil adhi,
"

has quite dropped the

on,"
"
towards."
T sound, just
The Prakrit ^
jai (.
as the Lithuanian
19.)
:
yey
through both languages the Greek el is, as it were, prepared ;

as to the connection of which with our relative base I have no

longer any doubt, all being regular up to the suppression of

the semi-vowel in the initial sound and by a similar suppres-
;

sion we have not been prevented from recognising the

"
Vedic TI^ yushmd, ye," in the JEolic ifyt/ze?.
384. The Gothic particle in the signification " whether."
yau,
coinciding with the Sanskrit irf$ yadi, which together with
"if" means also "whether," supports the derivation
pffta
from same
yau has
va, given above; for essentially the
relation to
yaba, that,
in Lithuanian, taip bears to the more
full The form owes its
taipo. yau] however, probably
origin to a time when, in more perfect accordance with the
Sanskrit, yava for was still used, whence, after suppress-
yaba
the must come "
ing a, yau, as e. g. the base thiva, servant,"
forms in the nominative thius> in the accusative thiu. But if

yau arose at a time when yaba was already in use for yava, we
should have to refer to the relation of the Latin au (aufugio,

aufero) to a&. The Lithuanian has likewise a particle

yau,
542 PRONOUNS.

which is connected, in its base at least, with the Gothic : it

signifies "already," i.e. "at this (time)", and therefore

reminds us ofjam, which, in Latin, is the only remnant of the
pronominal base under discussion. Perhaps the u in the
Lithuanian form is the dissolution of a nasal, by which jam

[G. Ed. p. 657.] and would be brought still closer, and

yau
"
the latter would be related to the former, as buwau, I was,"
to the Sanskrit WTO* abhawm (compare . 255. g.). With
the Latin jam and Lithuanian yau must be classed, also, the
"
Gothic yu, " now," already," which, in respect to its u, is an
"
analogous form to the nu, now," mentioned above (p, 535
G. ed.), and, with than, forms the combination yuthan,
" This furnishes a new proof that
already." yu is probably
"
but an abbreviation of the Sanskrit ^ dyu, day ;" for if
this were the case, it would follow the demonstrative, and
or would be used, as in Latin hodie, and in Old
thanyu thayu
High German hiutu, in Sanskrit a-dya, in Greek aq/j,epov.
The Old High German ie in ie xuo, whence our jctzo, jetzt,
is probably a weakened form of the Gothic yu, and literally

signifies "to this," with a preposition subjoined. It first

occurs in an inscription of the 'twelfth century (Graff I. 516.),

for which reason it cannot be matter of surprise that the u
is corrupted to e.

385. There remain to be noticed, in order to complete

the list of the remnants of the Sanskrit relative base, the
affirmative particle
ya, yai, (compare
.
371.) and, the copu-
lative
" " also." The form ya may be taken as
and,"
yah,
neuter, analogous to the interrogative hva, "what?" and,
like the latter, it is indeclinable. The more usual form
have sprung from the inclination,
yai may ya, through
which the a manifests, even in Sanskrit, to form a diph-
thong with the addition of an i (. 158.). Hence there
arises an apparent affinity of declension with the sole pro-
nominal neuter in Lithuanian, viz. iai. The copulative
particle yah is identical in its final h with the Latin (jue
 PRONOUNS. 543

and Sanskrit *T cha, which is likewise subjoined, and which

owes its origin to the interrogative base ka, on which
we will bestow a closer examination in the following
paragraphs.
386. The interrogative bases in Sanskrit [G. Ed. p. 658.]

are three, according to the three primary vowels, viz. ka, ku, ki.
The two latter may be looked upon as weakened forms of the
first and principal one, for which reason I shall take them
in the order of the diminution of the weight of the a.*

From ka springs the whole declension of the masculine,

<a|f

as also that of the neuter, with the exception of the singular

nominative and accusative far*

which is
kirn.

obsolete as far as regards its isolated use, and on

The neuter ^ kat,

which the Latin form quod is founded, is easily recognised

in the interrogative particle cfffarT kach-chit, euphonic for
kat-chit: it also appears as the prefix in expressions like
" 1 "
cfr^ssr^kad-adhwan,^ a bad street,' literally, what sort
of a street !" Other interrogative expressions are similarly

prefixed, in order to represent a person or thing as bad or

contemptible, as I have already previously noticed.} But

since then my conjecture regarding the cognate form in
Sanskrit has been still more confirmed by the Zend, where
iA*2 kat is actually the common neuter of the interrogative.
From the masculine and neuter base ka springs, in Sanskrit
and Zend, the feminine base k& which, according to 137.,
9 .

appears in the nominative singular without inflexion.

Not one of the European cognate languages agrees better

* Vocalismus, p. 227, Rem. 16.

t Kad for kat^ according to . 93 a .

J Getting. Anzeig.
1 821 , p. 352, Wilson, on the other hand, follows the
native grammarians in deriving both the interrogative particle kachchit and
" bad *
kad-adhwan, and similar compounds, from kat ; and for kut,
ap- it

that the connection of the prefixes kat and ku with the interrogative
pears
has quite escaped the Indian grammarians
544 PRONOUNS.

with the twin Asiatic sisters than the Lithuanian, in which

the masculine nominative kas is completely identical with
[G. Ed. p. 659.] the Sanskrit w* kas, over which, too, it
maintains this superiority in the retention of the original
form, that its s remains unalterable, and is not liable to
suppression, while the Sanskrit has is changed into kali, kv,
and ka, according to the quantity of the initial sound follow-

ing, or before a following pause, and retains the original

sibilant, according to a universal law of sound, only before

if
v t, and ^ ih, and changes it before ^ ch, ^ clih, or <

7 th, into the sibilant of the corresponding organ. In the

corresponding Zend form there is this remarkable peculiarity,

that, if followedby the singular of the pronoun of the second
person, the latter combines with the preceding interrogative,
and forms one word a combination which is of course only
phonetic, and has no influence on the sense. Though I have
no doubt this combination has been occasioned simply by the
tendency in several languages to unite s and t, or th, still

in the case before us a conjunctive vowel has been, in the

course of time, introduced in Zend ;
and indeed, according
to the oldest MSS., an <?,* in the sense of . 30. As however,
f

in the edited codex of the V. two out of four passages

S., in
"
in which
^oxfc^UAs^ kasethwanm, who thee," should be
read, we find instead kas$ thwanm; and in one passage,

indeed, these words occur combined, but with a long still ,

kasethwanm ; and, in the fourth case, there is an erroneous

reading, kasit/tawanm : I was therefore formerly of opinion

(Gram. Crit. p. 327.), that we might consider the or i,
combined with kas f as analogous to the Greek demon-
strative a conjecture which must be withdrawn, owing to
;

the various readings since published by Burnouf, and the

inference Q. c.
p. 108) thence deduced. With the dative

Burnouf' s Ya9iia, Note R p. 134.

 PRONOUNS. 545
" 11
t$, and with juiy
nd, man, JJAS^
kas forms, without
an auxiliary vowel, the combination g^p^Ajj kast$ t

kasnd (Burnouf L c. p. 409).

387. According to 116., from the San-
.
[G. Ed. p. 560.]

skrit-Zend-Lithuanian interrogative base must come the KA

Greek KO, which, retained in Ionic, has elsewhere become
HO, through the easy interchange of gutturals and labials.
The declension, however, of this KO or HO is disused in
favour of that of rk, and the only remains of it are adverbs
and derivatives, as /core, Trore, tcw9 TTW?, icorepov, Trorepov
"
(cf "SlfTO^ kataras, whether of the two f '), rc6(ros, TTOCTO?,

tcdtos, 7r0?Q9, which are clear enough proofs of the original

existence of a #09, m;, KO. These form the foundation of those

cases of the Latin interrogative and relative, which belong to
the second declension, viz. quod (=$>AJ^ kat), quo, and, in
the plural, qui, quorum, quos. The plural of the neuter qua
differs from the common declension, according to which it

should be qua. The form qua, however, may have remained

from the dual, which is otherwise lost in Latin, and may
have assumed a generally plural signification for qua* ;

agrees, as has been already remarked (. 234.), exactly

with the Sanskrit dual % M The Latin feminine is

founded, in the cases peculiar to it, on the Indo-Zend

feminine base kd :
compare, for instance, quam with ^JT^
Mm, qudrum with GRTOTH kdsdm, quds with omWN kds. The
singular nominative qua, however, is remarkable, standing
as isolated in Latin grammar as the neuter plural nominative

just mentioned ;
for the demonstrative hie (of which more
hereafter), in its origin, identical with the pronoun under
is,

discussion, the feminine nominative of which should be qua,

which it actually is in the Whence,
compound ali-qua, &c.
then, the forms
qua and ha-c? If they are not cor-

ruptions of qua, for which no reason can be assigned, or

Regarding qua as pi. neuter, sec . 394.

546 PRONOUNS.

weakened forms of the originally long qua (. 137.), by the

last element of d (=a+a) becoming i, [G. Ed. p. 561.]

there is no course
but to regard the CR of qua, ha-c, as a
left

remnant of the feminine character f i, mentioned in 119. .

As, however, in Sanskrit and Zend, the masculine and

neuter a of the primitive dropped before this feminine
is

f, and from ^ ka might be formed, in the feminine base, ki

(compare 172.), but not k$ I now prefer, contrary to my

. 9

former opinion,* the explanation pointed out above that

the long A, which should be found in the uninflected no-
minative of bases in d, has, in the first place, been so
weakened, as is usual in the vocative of the corresponding

Sanskrit class of words, in which sut& ( ^

sutai) 9
=
"
daughter !" bears the same relation to sutd that quce does
to "an kd ; and, secondly, by the complete abbreviation
of the A 9 which, in Sanskrit, is the case only in a small number
1'
of vocatives, e.g. ^m
amma, "mother! from ammd.
388. In Gothic, according to a universal law of permuta-

tion, the old tenuis of the interrogative base has passed into h ;
and as gutturals freely combine with v, with this h a v has
been joined as euphonic hence HVA from
; off ka, and, in the

feminine, H VO (according to .
69.) from wr kd. The v has
"
remained alone in our wer, who ?" We have before drawn
attention to the masculine nominative hva-s, with respect to
itsgrammatical importance (. 135.), and have remarked that
the feminine nominative hvd, as also $6, "this," has not
admitted, owing to its being monosyllabic, the shortening of
the 6 to a, which takes place elsewhere in this case (. 137.) In
the neuter hva the inflection ta is
wanting, in which respect the
Old High German huaz (Old Saxon huat) is more perfect In
[G. Ed. p. 562.] Old Sclavonic, according to 255. a., a mas- .

culine and neuter base ko and a feminine ka, might be looked

for ; but the simple declension of the interrogative does not

* Influence of the
Pronouns on the Formation of Words, p-3*
 PRONOUNS. 547

occur, but only that compounded with the definitive, originally

relative pronoun (. 282.): hence, nom. ky-1 (ko-i, 255. d. .

p. 332. G. ed.), ka-ya,

ko-e, genitive masculine and neuter
ko~ego, feminine ko-eya, &c. The same principle is followed
in Old High German, only the cases do not occur in which

the combination of the interrogative base and old relative base

would be most perceptible, with the exception of the instru-
mental huiu (=hwiu), German wie, the simple form of which
would be huu (hwu). It is a question, however, whether huiu,
be really an instrumental, and not from the Gothic hvaiva,
" how " The feminine, if it were used, would
(p. 555. G. ed.).

be, in the singular nominative, huiu, and, in the plural, huio

(Grimm, The masculine singular forms Twer, hues,

796.).

huemu, hum (or human) and the case is the same here with
;

regard to the more concealed appended pronoun, as above

with der, demu, den (. 356.). The Old Saxon, on the other
des,

hand, clearly displays in the masculine nominative singular

huie, the old relative base, just as in the demonstrative thie,

which latterforms the truest countertype of the Sanskrit base

W tya (. 353.) The Middle Netherlandish shews quite plainly,
in the whole masculine singular of the interrogative, the ap-

pended relative n ya, the semivowel being corrupted to t and

the a to ebut the guttural of the interrogative base has disap-
;

peared, and only the euphonic affix w has remained thus, ;

w-ie, w-ies, w-ien, uv-ien. With respect to the latter portion

of the word compare the Sanskrit yas, yasya, yasmdi, yam ;

the Lithuanian and the Gothic y is,

yis, yo, yam, yin ;
yis,
contained in 551. G. ed.) The Old
yamma, yana, hvar-yis (p.

High German yen$r is also to be viewed in the same light, the

base of the old relative being added, that is to say, to the Gothic
base and what has been said above [G. Ed. p. 563.]
yaina,
(p. 504) of des&r applies to the long t. Perhaps, too, the 6 of
" w
the locative adverb ionfa, anywhere (p. 536), which has
been before mentioned, is to be viewed in the aame light, as
from iona-ir. The feminine of yentir is yenu, with i suppressed
548 PRONOUNS.

(compare 288. Rem. 5. p. 3S3. G. ed.) on the other hand, in

,
;

the Middle High German to Notker, entu,

yeniu, and, according
and in the masculine, enflr. If these forms, in which the initial

y is wanting, are, not abbreviated from genu- but

yenir, ycniu,
" and
ine, then they would belong to the Sanskrit ana, this,"

Lithuanian ana-s, Sclavonic on, "that" (comp. Graff, I. 598).

389. We turn to the second interrogative base men-
tioned in .
386., viz. ofi from which spring only the ad-
ku,
" "
verbs
p ku-ira, where ?" and ^H^ ku-tas,
"
whence ?"
perhaps, also, T$ kwa, where ?" if it is to be distributed
into ku-a, not into Ic-va; further in the Zend
AJ^>^ kuthn,
" "
how ? which would lead us to expect a Sanskrit CJTOT
kuthd, however, cinq^ Itatham is used for off
for which, ;

ka is prefixed in a deteriorating, derisive sense, as in

"
Wra kutanu, lt having an ugly body," properly having a
what sort of body?" a title ofKuvera. In Zend this ku
occurs as a prefix to verbs, where it gives additional emphasis
to the negative expressed by r&jy) ndit, and signifies "any
one whatever." Thus we read in the beginning of the Vendidad,

noil kiulat sditim* y$idhi zi n6itazem daidhyaiim, &c., " ^

[G. Ed. p, 64.] any one could have created them if I had not
created them." Under this class might be brought the Latin

genitive cu-jus and the dative cu~i, which belong to the fourth
declension, as the obsolete forms quojus, qnoi, from the base

QyO=K0 do to the second.

9 cff Jta, It is not requisite,

therefore, to consider the classical forms cujus and cui as

corruptions of quo-jus, quo-i for as the base CM, as is apparent

;

from the Sanskrit and Zend, is in its origin equally old with

* This appears to me an abbreviation of fedvaitim, and presupposes a

Sanskrit fohdvat together with Mvat (from ta, .
344.)- The initial

has been dropped, but has left its influence on the sibilant following ;
hence sditim for shditlm ($.61.52.), not hditlm. Remark the Zend
>AU
t^O shdu,
mentioned before, as compared with the Sanskrit asdu, unless
the conjecture mentioned $.65. is well grounded.
 PRONOUNS. 549

QFO, from it may have proceeded ctyus, cui,cvjas, or cujatis,

which mayhave existed together with quojus, quoi, quojas, as

quid, from the base QVI, together with quod from QFO.
Considering, however, that, in Sanskrit, the. whole interroga-
tive declension, with the exception only of kirn, comes from
the base ka on which the Latin QUO is based just as in
Lithuanian it all comes from KA, and in Gothic from HVA;
and that the rarely-occurring base ku has, in the European
cognate languages in particular, left us no traces which can
be relied upon ;
under these considerations I now prefer,
contrary to my former opinion,* deriving cujus, cut, from
quojus, quoi; so that, after rejecting the 0, the send- vowel

preceding has been changed into a vowel, as, in Sanskrit, u

frequently appears as the abbreviation of the syllable va, as
ukta spoken for vakta, and even in the Latin cutio (concutio)
from quatio. Qu, however, =
kv, whether the v in this place
be pronounced like the English v or German w and the
Latin like the Gothic (. 86. 1.) loves the euphonic addition of
a v after gutturals; hence the forms QFO and HVA, in the

interrogative, correspond in their difference from the Sanskrit,

Zend, and Lithuanian KA, and thus aqVa, and the Gothic
" shew an agreement when 565 J
ahva, river," [G. Ed. p.
'*
contrasted with the Sanskrit
w^ ap, water," with the
common interchange between gutturals and labials. We
must observe, also, the relation of ang Vis to the Sanskrit
"
^fi?* ahi-8, snake," and Greek e^/9. If, then, as I doubt
not, oujun, cujas, cut, spring from quojus, quojas, quoi, as cum,
"
since," from quum, cur, from quare, then we must also derive
uter, utiy ut, ubi, and unde, from lost forms like quoter, &c., and

the latter would correspond tolerably well with the Gothic

hvathar (. 292.). It is certain that ufer, and the other inter-

rogative and relative expressions commencing with u, have

lost a preceding guttural, as amo has, compared with cMHJflfo
" I
kdmaydmi, love," and nosco, riascor, from gnosco, gnascor.
The more perfect culri, cunde, is still preserved in the com-
* Influence of Pronouns on the Formation of Words, p 3.
550 PRONOUNS.

pounds ali-cubi, ali-cundc;* as the root of the verb substan-

tive is retained more
truly in the compound participles ab-sens
and j>r<e-sens, than in the simple ens, answering to the Sanskrit
cat, nominative san, accusative santam. Under this head are
to be classed, also, unquam, usquam, uspiam, usque : the in-

terrogative meaning, however, is removed by their last ele-

ment, just as in quisquam, quispiam, and quisque. In abbre-

viating cu (from Q VO)

these forms agree, in some
to u all
"
measure, with our German wer, who ?" in which only the
element which has been added for the sake of euphony,
according to . 86. L, has remained of the consonants which
belonged originally to the base. It might, indeed, be as-
serted, that the u of uter, and other interrogative expres-
sions beginning with u, has nothing in common with the

euphonic v of the base QFO, but that it is the original a of

[G. Ed. p. 566.] ^r ka weakened, and that thus uter is a
corruption of SRiTC^ kataras, by simply dropping the k and
changing the a to u. To this it may be objected that u in
Latin, does, indeed, often enough correspond to an Indian a,
but still principally only before liquids and before a final s:
the a of WTfW katara-s, however, it might be expected,
ist

would, under the most favourable circumstances, remain

unchanged, or, more probably, be altered to u, as in icorepov
or to e or i.

390. The third interrogative base fa ki is more fertile

of derivatives than ku, both in Sanskrit and in the cog-
^
nate languages* From it comes the word kirn, "what"?
(as nominative and accusative) which has been frequently
mentioned, which is so far isolated in Grammar, as other*
wise substantive and adjective neuters in a alone make 971
the sign of the nominative and accusative singular (. 152.),

* I do not think that these words can be distributed thus, alic-ubi, alic*
->unde, and that we can assume a compound of ALIQUI, with ubi, unde;
but as all, as the abbreviation of ALIO, is the first member of the com-
pound ali-quis, so it is also that ofali-cubi and ali-cunde.
 PRONOUNS. 55 1

and bases in i use the simple theme. We should have

looked, therefore, for &/, or, according to the pronominal

declension, fsp^ kit, before sonant letters far^ kid. Of the

prior existence of this form there can be scarce any doubt,
after what has been before said of the neuter
^r it and
frnr chit : however, confirmed by the Latin quid and
it is,

the Lithuanian kittur, "elsewhere," which I regard as a

compound, and distribute thus kit-tur, with regard to which

the szit-tas before cited (. 357.), may be again brought to
notice, which, with reference to its lost portion, is identical
with that of kit-tur, of which mention has been before
made as locative adverb. That, in Sanskrit also, there
existed a masculine nominative* fsg^ kis, as prototype to
the Latin quis, perhaps with a more full declension, is proved
by the compounds Hlfsire m&kis and fTftra nakis, which
occur, perhaps, only in the Vedas, and the former of which

probably signifies the same as the corresponding ndquis

(from mtquis, .371.), and Zend mdchis,* [G. Ed. p. 567.]

while the latter agrees in meaning with the Zend

-HSj^uoAy
na&chis, "not any one," "no one." Grammarians, however,
include both expressions among the indecliriables, and write
them irrfait mdbir, ffcir^
nakir which Colebrooke renders,
t

together with Ulfts* mdkim and TfftR^ nakim, by " no,"

*
except," f without
signifying that they are masculine
nominatives, which might be very easily understood without
the aid of the Zend.
391. Other derivatives from the interrogative base fa

#Gram.Crit, p. 328.

f Sanskrit Grammar, p. 121. On account of the mutual transitions of

final * and
r, and the uniformity of the phonetic laws to which they are

subject after vowels other than a, d, it might remain undecided in the

expressions given above, whether * or r is the original final letter. As,

however, by a reference to mdkim and nakim, they are shewn to be mas-
culine nominatives, it is matter of astonishment that mdkir and nakir
could ever be taken for the original forms.
552 PRONOUNS.

Jci
are Iddrisa, "similar to whom?" and analogous forms,
"
of which more hereafter, and
fowi^ kiyat,
how much?"
in the strong cases (. 129.) fornTt^ kiyant, hence nominative
masculine kiydn, accusative kiyantam. As k easily passes
into h, and, in Germanic, the old tenues are almost always

changed into aspirates, and e.g.,

k to U; and as $? hrid and
to the Latin cor and Greek
hridaya, "heart," correspond
/crjp
and /capSta; so, perhaps, also hi, "for," may be re-

garded as the weakened

form of far Id, with the transition
of the interrogative signification into the demonstrative,

which is easily intelligible, and which occurs also in the

Greek yap, which, with regard to its formation, appears

analogous to the Gothic fy;ar, thar, and Sans, kar-hi. As to

the change of the tenuis to the medial, it cannot be more a

matter of difficulty than in Se and Selra 350. 376.). (. We
may here mention, as derivatives from the interrogative, the

particles K (Doric #), KW, ye (Doric ya). The Sanskrit //?,

" 1

[G. Ed. p. 568.] however, occurs in ?rcr hyas, yesterday,'

which I think may be distributed into hi + a*v, and considered
" "
"
as that day for words which signify " yesterday," to-day ,"
;

"
to-morrow," (as far as the elements, concealed in them, and
often so altered as to be quite undistinguishable, admit of

any derivation at all,) can be traced only to pronouns

and terms denoting "day/' The as, therefore, of hy-as,
be a weak remnant of "
may divas, day," as in our cr of
heuer Middle High German hiure, from hiu-ydru there is
"
concealed the word Jahr, year,'* which is in Zend g^wjCL

ydre, a remnant of which is to be found, also, in the Latin

hornus, with nu, no, as derivative. In the Greek %&&, the &

appears to have arisen by a kind of semi-assimilation from

the older semi-vowel (compare . 300. p. 414 G. ed.;, by which
its
etymology is still more obscured. In the Latin heri, from
hesi (compare hes-ternus, Sanskrit hyas-tana-s), a demonstra-
tive element is more perceptible than in %0&, from the par-
"
tial retention of hie. The g of the German gestern, yes-
 PRONOUNS. 553

terday," Gothic gistra.* is a consequence of the regular

transition of old aspirates into medials, but otherwise the

gis, to which the tra is affixed as mark of derivation,

resembles the Sanskrit
392. From gestern
^
we proceed
hyas tolerably well.
to morgen; but we must
first settle the derivation of a word, which, in Sanskrit, sig-
nifies "all," "every," and in which I recognise an affinity
11
to
H^ swas, "to-morrow ;
I mean f^gf viswa, which, in
Zend, according to 50., becomes A$Q)J^(? vispa, and in
.

Lithuanian is changed by assimilation into wissa-s, whence

wissur, "everywhere," analogous to the abovementioned
"
kittur, elsewhere." The first portion of the Sanskrit
fw viswa, I believe to be the preposition [G. Ed. p. 569.]
" " " 11
vi, which expresses separation," dissipation," diffusion,

and, with the aid of a pronoun, may be well adapted to ex-

" 11
press the idea all. There remains igf swa, as a pronoun,
in which it may be observed, that sis of guttural origin,
^
and represented, in the classical languages, by k, c (.21.);
so that 1$ swa appears to be related to the interrogative base,
with a euphonic v, as in the Gothic VA, and Latin H
QVO. Observe further, that, in Lithuanian, ka-s, com-
bined with the appended particle gi, which is probably a
softened ki, signifies both " who then ?" and " every."
11
And without gi, kas di6n, means "all days, and difa-
isskay, with the appended, signifies the
interrogative
" 11
same. But to return to the Sanskrit fog vi-swa, all, I
" 11
take its latter portion to explain to-morrow,
*B^ swas,
with which the Latin eras is connected (/20.) We should,
however, probably distribute thus, s-vas, so that the

pronominal base is represented only by its consonant,

as in the Sclavonic k-to, " quis 9" (. 297.)- The syllable
Vff vas, however, we refer to f^ro divas, an appellation

Gistra-dagis occurs Matt. vi. 30. in the sense of "'morrow.*

1

/*-. o o
554 PRONOUNS.
51
of "day, which would therefore be less altered by one
" 1
letter than in ?m hy-as, yesterday/ and which agrees
with the Latin ves in ves-per (. 375.).

393. We return to the interrogative base for ki, which has

led us to corruption f% hi, and thence to the derivation
its
" "
In
of ?ra hy-as, yesterday," and T$R& xwas, morrow."
Zend I have hitherto found the base ^
ki, unchanged only

in the neuter plural nominative, AS^ ky-a (froiji ki-a)

(. 233.) ; may be compared the Latin qui-a, which

with which
Max. Schmidt (De Pron. p. 34), perhaps rightly, has taken as
the plural neuter. The Sanskrit and Zend, therefore,
mutually complete the declension of the interrogative, so
[G. Ed. p. 570.] that the former admits the base ki only
in the nominative and accusative singular the latter in the ;

plural; while in Latin the corresponding QVI enters more

largely into the declension; so that quis and quern have
quite dislodged quus and quum, which might have
the
been expected from the base QV09 or, in the case of the
latter word, have restricted it to its use as a conjunction.

And in the dative plural, quibus has abolished the use of

quis, which spring from QVO.

queut9 In the ablative

singular, however, qui, from QVl9 has been superseded by

quo, from QV&, or its use has been much diminished by
it;just as, in the plural, the obsolete ques is supplied by
qui and quos. I have elsewhere noticed, that four declen-

sions (the first in the feminine), enter into the declension

of the Latin relative interrogative and hi-c, which is
identical with it In origin.* The use of the fourth is,

however, only apparent, as cti-t above has been shewn to

be a contraction of quoi, which belongs to the second
declension, and, with respect to the more true retention of

* Influence of Pronouns on the Formation of

Words, pp. 3, 4. Max.
Schmidt CDe Pron. Or. et Lat. p. 33) has discussed this subject almost

simultaneously with myself, and viewing it in the same light.

 PRONOUNS. 555

the case-termination, agrees with other obsolete forms, as

popoloi Romanoi (. 20(X).

394. That hie is identical in origin with quis, qui 9 is

shewn by its sharing in the peculiarities and mixed

declension of the latter, peculiarities which belong exclu-

sively to hi-c and qui quis, viz. the feminine A<z-c, and the
9

plural neuter of the same sound. The reason of the non-

existence of ha-c, together with the form given above, as

might have been expected from the analogy of aliqua, siqua,

&c., is, that hac does not occur at the end of compounds ;
for it seems not to admit of any doubt that qua is reduced
[G. Ed. p. 671.] to qua, on account of the increased weight
of the compound, which has occasioned the lightening of its
latter part. Though si quis, ne quis9 may be written sepa-
rately, and a word may sometimes be interposed between
them ; still, where they occur together, they really belong
to one another, and form a compound, like the correspond-

ing *nfVflx mukis, rfftfi^ nakis,

in Sanskrit, and, in Zend,

jtujfj.u)$ m&chis, -AUj^xiAiy na&chis. Contrary to the con-

jecture expressed at . 387., I now prefer regarding the
neuter-plural forms qua and ha-c 9 not as remains of a
dual, and thus corresponding to the Sanskrit %M 9 but as
exhibiting in their ce a weakening of the older A9 which
originally belongs to the nominative and accusative plural of
the neuter of bases in o (from a) ; but which in Zend, ac-

cording to 231., is retained only in monosyllabic themes,

.

just as, in the nominative singular feminine, its being mono-

syllabic is the cause of the retention of the original length
of a (. 137.). This principle is observed in Gothic in
both places thus s6 (from sd), /uec, hvd, * qua ?" and, in the
* 11
;

neuter plural, in which the interrogative cannot be cited,

th6. This being the only monosyllabic form of
th6, then,

its kind, and remarkable for its 6 (=<1), for a, as has been

noticed by Grimm (1. 790.), coincides with the Latin qua

and A<g-c, which, both in the singular nominative feminine
oo 2
55G PRONOUNS.

and neuter plural, are the only monosyllabic forms of

their kind; and as, for this reason, they are qualified to
retain the long a, that letter is not entirely shortened,
but changed to <B(:=a+?), and afterwards, in compounds,
reduced to short a, which is more suitable to polysyllabic
forms: thus we have aliqud, both in the feminine and in
the neuter plural.

[G. Ed. p. 572.] 395. J5R-c resembles the Sanskrit ff hi

before mentioned in the irregular change of the old tenuis
to the aspirate. This change, however, is not admitted in
ti-s and ci-tra, which are likewise demonstrative, and akin to
f% ki ; and, in hie, be promoted or occasioned by the
may
accession of c, in order that like initial and final sounds may
be avoided; as in Sanskrit, to prevent the recurrence of

gutturals, these, in the syllable of reduplication, are weak-

ened to palatals; hence ^^nc chakdra, "he made," for ka-
k&ra; and, according to the same principle, though ano-
malous, Slff jahi,
Thus also, in
"
kill ye," for hahi, from the root

Latin, hie, hcec, hoc, for the less

han.

euphonious cic,
^
c<ec, coc. The doubt not, an abbreviation of
final c is, I

ce, which is again combined with itself in hicce ; but ce, as

also pe in quip-pe (from quid-pe), is only another form of

que,by abandoning the euphonic affix V. As, then, que, pe,

quam and piam, which are all originally interrogative, when
they are attached to an interrogative destroy its inter-
rogative meaning, and give a different sense to the pronoun ;

so also the c of hie makes a similar change in it, and

should therefore accompany this pronoun through all its
cases, as it perhaps originally did. In the neuter hoc the

case-sign makes way for the c, as hodc would be pro-

* Ci-tra
analogous with ul-tra, from tffe, oik, suppressing fe, and
is ci-s

withuZ-*, the s of which may be connected with the Greek locative suffix
ft (v6-6i,
&c.), to which it bears the same relation that dfc does to
Remark, that final I is
suppressed in Latin almost universally.
 PRONOUNS. 557

nounced with The interrogative meaning is simi-

difficulty.

larly destroyed by the enclitic uh in Gothic, which is also

identical in }ts origin with the c of hie or the
que of quis
que* And hvaxuh (euphonic for hvasuh, [G. Ed. p. 573.]

.86.5.) actually signifies "quisque"; and after verbs uh

means "and," e.g. gaggith quithiduh, "ite diciteque" (Marc,
"
xvi. 7.) ;
yah big&tun ina qudthunuh, et invenerunt eum dixe-
vi. 25.). In therefore (. 385.), the
runtque (Joh. yah, "and,"
copulative force may lie principally in the uh, which is abbre-

viated to h, and to which the preceding relative base serves

only as the fulcrum as, in Sanskrit, the particle

; vd, m
"or" (cf. Latin ve), which ought always tobe subjoined, is at-
"
tached, when prefixed, to nft[ yadi, "if," or ^nr atha, then,"
which then lose their signification, like the Latin si in sive. As
to the abbreviation, however, of uh to ft, this regularly occurs
in monosyllabic words terminating in a vowel ; hence hvd-h,

"quaque" is the formal countertype of Aee-c, just as sva-h,

" from "
so," si-c and ni-h (" and not," nih-nih, neither, nor "),
from " "
nee. Nauh, yet," and thauh, but," form an exception,

inasmuch as they ought to be divided na-uh, tha-uh, not nau-h,

thau-h. It is clear, however, that, in Gothic, in these ex-

pressions the composition with uh has been lost sight of:

they are obscurely transmitted from an ancient period of the
language, and the separate elements of composition are no
longer perceived in them. But regarded from the Gothic-
point of view, how is
agree with Grimm
uh to be derived ? I

in considering it as hu transposed, and connected with hun f

which is likewise enclitic (III. 33.), and occurs almost only in
negative sentences ; so that ni ainshun and ni hvashun signify
" not
any one whatever." Hun, like the Latin quam, may be
an accusative, but of the masculine gender, [G. Ed. p. 574.]
as feminines in Gothic have generally lost the accusative

* Compare Grimm 1 1 1. 23., where uh, and the Latin que (=*f) are for
the first time shewn to be identical.
558 PRONOUNS.

sign. But if Awn be the accusative masculine it has lost

the final a, which added in Gothic to the original final
is

nasal (. 149.) : in this respect it agrees with the adverbial

" "
pronominal accusatives than, then," &c., and hvan, when ?"
41
how ?" Perhaps, however, hun is only a contraction of the
latter, by suppressing the and changing the v into a vowel,
a,

just like the Latin cujus, cui, from qVojus, qVoi (. 389.), and
like cum from qVum. But in the Gothic there was greater
ground hun occurs only in compo-
for this abbreviation, as

sition, and must not therefore be too broad. The same

applies to uh as the transposition of hu, inasmuch as this is

actually a contraction of the base HVA. The possibility,

however, of a different derivation of uh and hun will be
shewn subsequently (. 398.)
396. To the Sanskrit-Zend interrogative base ki, and
the Latin QF7, HI, and C7, the Gothic demonstrative
base HI corresponds; of this, however, as of the Latin
CI, from which only distinguished by the legitimate
it is

transposition of sounds, but few derivatives remain, viz.

the dative himma> and the accusative hina, as also the ad-
verbial neuter accusative hita, which are used only with
"
reference to time himma and hita in the sense of now,"
;

and himmadaga, " on this day," " to-day," hinadag, " this day.
11

The adverb " a derivative from HI;

hi-dr$, hither," is also
and Mr, "
here," is likewise irregularly connected with it,

being, with respect to its r, analogous to the thar and hvar

mentioned at . 381. A regular and undoubted derivative
" to
of the base HI, occurs in the compound
viz. hir,
hir-yan,
descend"; in which, however, the pronominal expression has
an accusative meaning, signifying direction to a place.
[G. Ed. p. 675.] On the Gothic accusative hina is based
the German hin, properly " which sup-
to this or that (place),"

plies the place of a preposition in compounds like Wn-

gehen, "adire" Instead of the Gothic dative in himma-
daga, the Old High German uses the instrumental hiu,
 PRONOUNS. 559
"
contained in hiutu, German to-day according to
heute,

Grimm's very satisfactory derivation, an abbreviated form

of hiutagu and which is found also in the Middle High
German German heuer, " this year," which presupposes
hiure,

an Old High German hiuru, and is evidently an abbrevia-

tion of for the Latin hornus cannot be considered
hiu-ydru ;

as the root, but must itself be compounded of a demon-

and an appellation of " year," the age of which is
strative

shewn by the Zend (compare 391.). In Old High Ger-

.

" 1
we
man, in combination with naht, night/ find the form
hfaaht, Middle High German hinaht, and hinte, German heunt,
for heint. I agree with Grimm in considering hi as an ab-
breviation of hia, which must be supposed to exist as the
accusative feminine ; so that the suppression of the a is

compensated by lengthening the i, which is short of itself.

The base HI, therefore, is lengthened in the feminine in

the same manner as, in Gothic, the base i
(. 363.), the femi-
nine accusative of which, iya (euphonic for ia) coincides t

with the to-be-presupposed Old High German hia, the nomina-

tive ofwhich was probably hiu, in analogy with siu, accu-
sative sia (. 354.). This opinion is supported by the
Anglo-Saxon and Old Frisian, which express "he," by
this pronoun, but, in the feminine, lengthen the base hi by

the inorganic affix mentioned ; thus, Old Frisian, hiu, " ea?

hia, "earn"; and for the former, in Anglo-Saxon, heo, and

in the accusative hi, abbreviated from hia. As, then, as

appears from what has been said, the base HI refers prin-
cipally to appellations of time, it may be observed that the
Sanskrit had already furnished the example for this by its
" 1

^H^ hyas, yesterday,' from hi+as.

397. The Latin ni-hil is to be mentioned [G. Ed. p. 576.]

here, the/ of which springs perhaps from the frequent cor-

ruption of d to lor r, a weakening which takes place especially

in compounds, to prevent the whole word from becoming too

ponderous. In this respect we may adduce the instance of

560 PRONOUNS.

the number ten dasan, 8e/ca), the d of which becomes r

(^^
in Hindustani and Bengali, in the compound numerals eleven,
twelve, &c. (p. 442), and I in Germanic and Lithuanian. If,
then, nihil is a corruption ofnihid, it then literally means
''not something"; and may thus be compared with the
" "
Zend -^^x)A5 1 na&chis, not any one," mentioned
none,"
at . 390., the neuter of which, which I am unable to cite,

can scarce be any thing but ittj^jojuy

nakhit. From nihil
as in its change to /no longer perceived
the inflexion is

to be the case-sign, might easily come the lengthened form

nifnlum, and htlum, after removing the negation, and length-

ening the vowel. The Sanskrit intensitive particle ftRf

kila must also be mentioned, which has also probably

proceeded from the pronominal base fv ki. And from

this quarter must be further adduced ft^<5* khila-s "va- t

"
cuum" the negative of which, ^fags akhila, signifies all,"
" 1 " "
whole/ literally, having nothing empty whence, by ;

assimilation, may have arisen the German all, Gothic alls,

theme ALL A, supposing it has not been formed by a reverse
"
assimilation from ALT[A> alius" With regard to the Latin

ornnis,the conjecture has been already elsewhere expressed,

that its o is a particular modification of the negative a, and
mnis may be an abbreviation of minus ; so that o-rnnis would
"
properly mean
having no minus" and would be based on
the same ideal process as the Indian akhila. ^f$
[G. Ed. p. 577.] 398. The reason that the Sanskrit mftF*
N
mdkis, qfonx nakis, mentioned at . 390., are, in Zend, cor-
rupted to J^J^AVJ^ mdchist ^oj^A5y naUchis, may be this, that
ch, as softer and weaker than , is more suitable in forms
encumbered by composition. The same explanation may be
applied to the Sanskrit appended particle chit (for kit,

.
390.), the use of which, in Zend, is more extensive, and
which is there combined, amongst other words, with AS^J^AS^
" uter"
katara, whence, in the nominative masculine,
katarasdhit (V. S. p* 40.), which, when eon-
 PRONOUNS. 561

trasted with the Latin uterque for cuterque, and the Gothic

hvataruh, is clearly seen to be cognate in form, as in

meaning. In Sanskrit, also, f^ chit removes from the

interrogative expression preceding it its interrogative force,
and forms kaschit, "any one," "one," from TOl ka-s, "who?"
and similarly in the other genders; and so kaddchit* "at
"
in "
any time," kathanchit, any manner," kwachit, any
where," from kadd, "when?" katham, "how?" and kwa,
" where ?" And as the base chi has proceeded from ki,
in the same manner the enclitic *r cha, which signifies
"and," "but," and "for," springs from the principal base
ka, which therefore appears more corrupted in cha, than

the Latin QFO in the enclitic que. The Sanskrit ^ cha

is further combined with na, and forms Vf chana, which
islikewise enclitic, and occurs principally, if not solely, in

negative sentences like the Gothic hun mentioned above:

na kaschana signifies "nullus" na kaddchana, "nunquam?
and na kathanchana, "
nullo modo" Hence the appended na
may be regarded both as the negation, and as strengthening
what expressed by the simple phrase.
is But by this ^
chana a derivation may be given to the Gothic hun different %

from that furnished above (p. 558). It is certain that if

the u of hun is not the vocalised v of hvos, it can only

have proceeded from an older a, whether from the influence
of the liquid (. 66.), or from the weight [G. Ed. p. 578.]
of the vowel of the appended particle being lessened on
account of the composition. But if hun be identical with
chana from kana 9 should also prefer regarding the ti of the
I

appended particle uh (p. 557), not as the solution of an older t>,

but as the weakened form of a prior a ; and thus uh from hu

might be compared with the Sanskrit cha from kn.

399. As expressions, which occur chiefly in negative sen-

tences, readily adopt, as it were, a negative nature, so that, even

when the true element of negation is omitted, they obtain an

independent negative force, as e.

y. the French ran by itself
562 PRONOUNS.
" "
signifies nothing," and the Old High German nih-ein, nul*
lus? has, in the German kein, lost precisely that which is the ele-
ment of negation ; so we may suppose that, in the Old Northern
expressions, before the enclitic ki or gi (Grimm HI. 33.),

a particle of negation originally existed. In the present state of

the language, however, the said particle is of itself negative ;

e.g. eingi,
"nullius" mangi,
"nullus" einskis, manskis, "nemo"
"neminis? vaetki, "nihil" I consider this particle to be a

derivative of the old and widely-diffused interrogative base

ki, which, by its being always subjoined to some other word,

has been protected from the usual alteration of sound so that, ;

in the sense of 99., the old tenuis has been left unchanged
.

after s, but the medial has been introduced after vowels

and r.

400. With regard to what has been observed of the Old

Sclavonic, . 388., that its interrogative base ko occurs only in
combination with the definite and originally relative pronoun,
it must, however, be understood that KO, after the o is dropped,
is combined also with the demonstrative base TO, since kto
"
[G. Ed. p. 679.] though to by itself is only
signifies quis,"
neuter ;
and in the masculine nominative and accusative, as
in all bases in o, this vowel is suppressed. In the oblique
cases* kto abandons the demonstrative element, and appears
as the simple base KO. Compare the genitive ko-go and
dative ko-m& with the Sanskrit ka-sya (. 269.), ka-smdi. The
instrumental kym follows the declension of the definite adjec-
tive (. 284.), and is, therefore, not simple. The neuter is
attached to the Sanskrit- Zend softened interrogative base cAt,
and is, in the nominative, chto, with the vowel of the base
suppressed, as in the masculine kto. The oblique cases like-
wise drop the demonstrative element : the genitive is che-go

* With the the same as the nomi-

exception of the accusative, which is

native. This pronoun does not appear to he used in the plural, and the

feminine, also, is
wanting. Compare Kopitar's Olagolita, p. 59.
 PRONOUNS. 563
X

and cAe-so,* dative che-mfl, locative c/ie-m, instrumental

c/zi-m. These forms may be explained in two ways : either
the e of che-go, &c., is a corruption of the i of the Sanskrit-
Zend base chi as the bases gosti and kosti (. 280.) form, in
t

the dative and locative plural, goste-m, goste-ch, koste-m

koste-ch ;
or the original base chi has assumed, in Sclavonic, a
second inorganic affix, and been lengthened to CHYO (com-
pare 259.), from which, according to
. 255. . n., must be
formed or che, and then, by rejecting the final vowel,
chye
chi, as, . 282., we have seen the base
yo
in several cases
contracted to
Compare, also, i. . 280., the declension of the

bases KNJAZJO and MOR?0.

40 1. There remains to be mentioned the Greek interroga-
tive rfc TWOS, and the indefinite T/J, TIVOS. [G. Ed. p. 680.]

The origin of bothhave no doubt, similar, and they are

is, I

derived from the bases ki and chi, which, in Sanskrit and

Zend, have not only an interrogative signification, but, under
certain circumstances, an indefinite one also. In Greek the
old theme in i has been lengthened by the affix of a v ; but, in

regard to its T, TIN has the same relation to chi and to the

Latin QVI that rea-crapes has to ^TOTC^ chatiudras and qua-

tuor, and that TrevTE has to ifQpancha and quinQFE. Still
I am not of opinion that the Greek r in these forms has

arisen from the ch of the cognate Asiatic languages, but that

it has sprung directly from the orginal fc, from which, at the
time of the unity of language, ch had not as yet been de-
veloped, as this letter has, in the classical languages also, no
existence, but was first formed in Italian from the Latin c

(aiways=fc) before e and k has been frequently

i. But if

changed into the labial tenuis, and thus HO has been formed

* This form, which formerly escaped me, is important, as testifying

that the g of the common pronom rial termination go has sprung from the
*, and not from the semi-vowel of the Sanskrit termination sya ( see
.269).
564 PRONOUNS.

from KO, we/xwe from the to-be-pre-supposed ireyKe, we may

also see no difficulty in its occasional transition into the

lingual tenuis, particularly as t is the primary element of

the Indian ch. But if ri'$ comes from icfc and is akin to the
Latin quis and Sanskrit ki-s and chi-t, then perhaps, also, the

particle re is connected with que and the corresponding ^

cha (. 398.), and has therefore sprung from ice, and is alien
to the base of the article, which would be at variance with
my former conjecture.*
402. Here may be mentioned,the Old Sclavonic en-
also,
" 1'
clitic particle she (ME), which signifies but, and has the
"
effect of restoring to the he," its original rela-
pronoun i,

tive signification (. 282.), for i-she signifies

" which." On
[G. Ed. p. 581.] the other hand, when combined with inter-

rogatives, it removes, like the Latin que, their interrogative

" "
meaning ; hence, ni chesoshe, nihil" not of any thing/'f
I consider this particle as identical with the Sanskrit ^ c/ia,
* " "
and," but," for," and with the Latin que, and therefore as
a derivative from the interrogative base, the tenuis of which

appears in this particle, as in the Greek ye and yap (. 39 1.), to

have descended to a medial. Grin Sclavonic before e, however,
isregularly changed, in several parts of grammar, into s/i; as in
the vocative singular, where, in bases in o, this vowel is weak-
ened, as in Greek, to e (E) ;
but by the influence of this e the
"
g preceding becomes sh, hence" boshe, God 1" from the base
BOGO % nominative bog, whence, also, boshit,
"
godlike." I

intentionally select this word as an example, since it is im-

portant to me to be able'to compare it with an Indian appel-
lation of the highest divinities : I think, that is to
say, that
the Sclavonic base BOGO
is identical with the Sanskrit
"
bhagavat, the exalted, the worthy of veneration,"

* Influence of Pronouns on the Formation of

Words, p 6.
t Kopitar's Glossary, p. 86. Regarding cheso, see above, p. 50?.
 PRONOUNS. 565
"
literally gifted with happiness,
power, splendor." This

bhagavat, nominative bhagavdn, occurs principally as an

appellation of Vishiju, e.g. in the episode of Sunda and
Upasunda (III. 23.), and in the title of an episode of the
Mahabharata, Bhagavad-GM, ie. "Song of the exalted,"
because it refers to Krishna, an incarnation of Vishnu.

Referring to Brahma and Vishnu, bhagavat is only used ad-

jectively thus Sunda and Upasunda III. 24. and IV. 23. it
;
:

comes from bhaga, with the suffix vat, in the strong cases
vant but bhaga comes from the root bkaj " to venerate."
; 9

The Sclavonic base BOGO

has dropped the derivative suffix
of the Sanskrit bhagavat / but this appears in an abbreviated
form, and with an inorganic affix, in bogat [G. Ed. p. 582.]
"
(theme bogato),. rich," which, too, might be the meaning of
HWi^ bhagavat, as "gifted with fortune."
403, The same relation that, in an etymological respect,
the Sclavonic sh has to g, ch has to k, and springs from
the latter according to the same rule by which g becomes sh,
" 1
viz. before e ; hence, tek&> I run,' in the second and third
persons forms techeshi, techet, on the same principle by which
mosheshi and moshet come from mogti, " I can." Although,
then, above, at . 400., we have seen the Sanskrit-Zend inter-

rogative chi in the same form in Sclavonic, or in that of che

che-go, "of whom?" chim, "by which?" chto, "what?" for

che-to or chi-to not requisite to assurpe that these
it is

forms brought the sound ch with them from the East, because
there exists an interrogative chi there also but in the Scla- ;

vonic and its Asiatic

cognate idioms the weakened ch might
have arisen independently from the old guttural, which, per-
haps, alone existed at the time of their identity and in the ;

Sclavonic, according to a phonetic law which has been given,

an interrogative form che would have proceeded from Id or
kya, though in Sanskrit and Zend a base eld never existed.
5H6 PRONOUNS.

DERIVATIVE PRONOMINAL ADJECTIVES.

404. By the suffix ka are formed, in Sanskrit, mdmaka,
" "
mew? tuus" from the genitives of the personal
and tdvaka,
pronouns, mama, tava, with the vowel of the first syllable
lengthened. To these the Vedic plural possessives are
analogous; asmdka, "our," yushmdka, "your," from which we
have seen the plural genitives of the personal pronouns
[G. Ed. p. 683.] asmdkam, yushmdkam, formed. Perhaps,
as Rosen conjectured,* these forms spring from the personal
ablatives asmat, yushmat, so that the suppression of the i is

made up by lengthening the preceding vowel. It must

here be observed, that, as has been already repeatedly re-

marked, the of the nominative and accusative singular neuter
t

of pronouns of the third person, as also that of the ablative

singular and plural of pronouns of the first and second

persons, is so far used as a theme by the language, that it is
retained at the beginning of compounds, where otherwise
we find the mere base (compare .357.); and that several
derivative words have proceeded from the form in t, whether
the T soundhas been actually retained in them (. 405.), or

replaced by lengthening the vowel preceding. On the Vedic

"
asmdka, our," is based the Zend A^AM^AJ ahmdka,
whence V.S. the instrumental
p. 30, -^OJAU^AU^AJ ahmdJkdis.
I am unable to cite the possessive of the singular, and of

the second person, as the use of possessives in Zend, as

in Sanskrit, is very rare, because they are generally sup-

plied by the genitives of the personal pronouns.

405. In Sanskrit, possessives are formed with the suffix $TT

iya, from the ablative singular and plural of pronouns of the

and second person, and from the neuter tat of the third per-
first
1
son; also from V^sarva, "every/ the a of which is rejected
before the suffix fya, while t is
changed before it into d;

* In the
place quoted at p. 473.
 PRONOUNS. 567

hence madiya, "mine," from mat; twadiya, "thine/* from

twat; asmadiya, "our," from asmat ; yushmadiya, "your,**
"
from yushmat ; ladiya,belonging to him, to this man, or be-
longing to her, to this woman," from tat* An analogous for-
mation is, I think, to be found in the Greek [G. Ed. p. 584.]
1810$, whether it belongs to the demonstrative base i,f and

the t$ preceding the 109 be identical with the Sanskrit it (before

sonant letters id), contained in ^w n&t, and %ir ch& and the
9

Latin id; or whether and this conjecture I prefer the breath-

ing has been softened, and 'tStos for I'&oy belong to the reflexive
(. 364.) with regard to which it may be remarked, that the
;

" "
cognate Sanskrit ^ swa, his," signifies, also, own,
11
and
can be applied to three persons. There does not, indeed,
all

exist, in Sanskrit, a pronoun of the third person devoid of

gender, with a perfect declension, but only the remains of

" "
one, ^F^ sivayam, self," and, in Prakrit, $ s$ (for swd) "sui
(. 341.). There is, however, every reason for supposing that
^r swa, as a personal pronominal base, did possess a complete
declension analogous to the pronouns of the first and second

person. must, therefore, have been ^n^swat;

Its ablative

and thence might have arisen swadfrja, "suus" analogous

to madtya, twadiya, and a cognate form to 1810$ for Sftios,
from o-fi&io? ;
like itip&s, from <rfi5pwj, corresponding to the
Sanskrit ^ from
sw@da, and the German
= Sanskrit
Schweiss," sweat
11
and ;

advs, f]8v$, <rFa$v-$ 13T33 swddus. In regard

to form, the correlatives TroTos, roToy, 010$, which appear to

have lost a middle 8*

agree with the possessives in $q iya :
in other respects, roJoy answers tolerably well to tadtya-st
which has not only a possessive, bat also a clear demon-
strative meaning.t

* Compare Hartuog On the Cases, p. 117.

t Tadiya occurs, also, in the sense of its primitive ; so Raghuvansa, ac-

cording to Stenzler 1. 81., and Brockhaus s Pataliputra, SI. 2. The pos-

sessive signification occurs at Raghuvansa II. 28.
668 PRONOUNS.

406. The Sclavonic possessives are based on the Sanskrit

[G* Ed. p. 685.] in %a, but have dropped the i of this suffix,
and the T sound of the primitive pronoun. According to
.257. if ya> must become and according to 255. ft., yo .
yo,
becomes ye or e: the latter is the form assumed and in ;

those cases which are uninflected, and at the same time de-

prived of the final vowel of the base, the y has become i t as

"
always takes place after vowels hence mo?, meus" moya,
:

"mea" moe, "meum" corresponding to the Sanskrit ma-

dtya-s, madtyd, madtya-m. And in the second person, tvot,
tvoe, bears the same relation to twadiya-s, twadtyd,
tvoya,
iwadtya-m and the possessive third person, svoi, svoya,
; svoe,

presupposes, like the Greek J'&os if this stands for iS/o?

-a Sanskrit swadiya. It appears that these possessives

have been transmitted to the Sclavonic from the ancient

period of the language, and are, as it were, the conti-

nuance of the Sanskrit forms; for if they were originally
Sclavonic we should then find in them the same corruption
of the base of the primitive pronouns that we have before
remarked in those pronouns. The possessives would then
most probably nominative masculine,
be, in the
meny or m??t/,
or but no case of the personal pronouns
;
teby, seby, toby, soby
would lead us to expect moi, still less lvoi> svoi. In Lithuanian,
on the contrary, the possessives mana-s, t&va-s, sdwa-s, are

comparatively of quite recent date, for they agree with

the particular modification of personal bases in the oblique
cases singular (see 340. 342.) thus, in Latin, metis,
. :

tuus, suus, probably from mei, tui, sui ; and in Greek, e/*<fe,
<r<fr, oy, are, in their theme, identical with that from which

proceed e/xoC, e/xof, croO, <ro/,

ov 9 di. On
the other hand, cr^of ,
is the exacj countertype of the Sanskrit swa-s> swd,
<r^>% <r$oi/,

swa-m, which affords the oldest example of possessives with-

out any expressing the possession; for swa is purely
affix

personal in its form, and, as has been already observed, the

"
[G. Ed. p. 686.] theme of ^rmi swayam, self." (. 341.).
 PRONOUNS. 569

The formation of possessives in the plural numbers by the

comparative suffix is peculiar to the Greek and Latin;
but this suffix not extraordinary in possessives, which
is

prominently contrast the person or persons possessing with

those not possessing) and thus contain a duality, which the

comparative suffix in
pronouns is adapted to express.
407. The Lithuanian plural possessives are musiszkis,
M 1
"
our/ your," the theme of which terminates in
yusiszkis,
kia (. 135.), and reminds us of the Sanskrit possessives in

lea; viz. asmdka, yushmdka. It is certain that the syllable si

in muSJszkis, is connected with the appended pro-

yuSIszkis,
noun wsma (compare . 335.) ; but we shall leave unde-
cided the origin of the sz ( sh) which precedes the k.
=
The Old Sclavonic forms the plural possessives nas, vas,
from the genitives of the personal pronouns, by the same
suffix, which we have noted in mot, tvot, svoi, only with
11
the necessary phonetic difference; hence "our,
nashy,
" 11 *
vashy> genitive nashego, vashego. With this suffix,
your,
the interrogative forms, in Sclavonic, also a possessive,
viz. chii, "belonging to whom?" feminine, neuter
chiya,
chie. It belongs to the Sanskrit weaker base ki, which we
have already noticed in chego, chim, &c, (. 400.). As to
the weakening of the k to eft, we must refer to what has
been said on this subject at . 403.
408. The Germanic
possessives are most intimately con-
nected with the genitives of the personal [G. Ed. p. 587.]

pronouns, and are identical with them in their theme (p. 474).
If it be assumed that, in the genitive plural, the forms unsara,

izvara, like the Latin noslri, vestri, nostrum, vestrum, and

the Sanskrit asmdkam, yu$hmdkam, are of possessive origin f
the r may then be very satisfactorily explained as the

* Written also without ij, nosh, vash. The change of the 8 to sh is the

consequence of the euphonic influence of the y, or, in the oblique cases, of

the e (Dobrowsky, pp 39,41).

P P
570 PRONOUNS.

weakening of the d of the Sanskrit asmadiya, "our,"

yushmadiya, "your." Observe what has been remarked

at p. 441 regarding an original d becoming r in a similar

case, and, moreover, the circumstance that, in Hindustani

also, the d of the possessives under discussion has become

" "
r ;
m&ra* m&ri, meus"
hence, mea" for i^ffa madiya,
JR^JIT madiyd. The dual genitives, ugkara, igqvara, and
the dual possessive bases of the same sound, the singular
nominatives masculine of which are ugkar> igqvar, are,

according to what has been remarked at . 169.,

originally
only different modifications of plural forms, .and their r,

therefore, is founded on the same principle with that of

the plural number* If we are to suppose that the singular

genitives meina, have proceeded from pos-

theina, seina,

sessive bases of the same sound, we should then have to

assume a weakening of the medial to the nasal of the
same organ, as, in general, an interchange between
medials and nasals of the same organ is not unusual.
But as to the formation, in New High German, of an in-

organic possessive, foreign to the old dialects viz. ihr,

"
ejus (femina) proprius" and "eorum or earum proprius,"
from the feminine genitive singular and the genitive
plural of the pronoun of the third person, which is com-
mon circumstance affords no proof
to all the genders this

that the genuine and original possessives also have sprung

from the genitive of the personal pronouns but only shews ;

that it is agreeable to the use of language to form pos-

sessive adjectives from the personal genitives.
[G. Ed. p. 688.] 409. The forms corresponding in sense to the
Greek correlatives TTO-CTOJ, TO-O-OS, o-croj, are, in Sanskrit and
Zend, those with the derivative suffix vant, in the weak cases
vai (. 129.), before which an a final of the primitive base is

* "mine"
Thus, in the Gipsey language, miro, "mine," miri, (fern.);
tee Berl. Jahrb. Feb. 1836. p. 310.
 PRONOUNS. 571

lengthened,* perhaps as compensation for the dropping of

the T
sound of the neuter, which probably forms the
foundation and theme of these forms (compare 404.) .
;

hence HWfT tdvant, nominative masculine wraT^ tdvdn, TOO-OS,

*TTV?f ydvant, nominative masculine

ydvdn, ocroj. HWJ From
the interrogative base ka, or the lost neuter kat, we might

expect kdvant, which would serve as prototype to the Latin

quantus, and would bear that relation to it, which rtl^
tdvant does to tantus. In the Latin tantus, quantus, there-
fore, a whole syllable is rejected, as in malo, from mavolo ;
but externally the theme is lengthened, in analogy with the
Pali participial forms mentioned at pp. 300,301 thus tantus ;

for tdvantus, and the latter for tdvans. The quantity of

the a of quantus, tantus, on account of its position, cannot
be discovered the a, however, appears to spring from an
:

originally long d, inasmuch as from a short a probably ^

e or o would be evolved, as in tot, quot, answering to iffir tati,

SFfir kati, of which hereafter. In Gothic, the suffix SR^ vant

iscorrupted in three ways first in consequence of the easy
;

mutation and interchange of the semi-vowels ;f secondly

through the no-less-frequent vocalization of the nasal to u J ;

and lastly by extending the theme with a, [G. Ed. p. 589.]

* In Zend the long has relapsed into the short vowel, as very frequently
occurs in the antepenultimate.
t . 20. Compare, also, theGothic sttpa, " I sleep," with the Sanskrit
Igfqfa swapimi ; the Latin laudo with ^p<f vand, u to praise"; and the

Lithuanian saldu-s, Old Sclavonic saldok (p. 412, Note *), " sweet/ with
7

the Sanskrit ^TT^r swddu-s. With respect to the interchange of v and r,

in which the Old High German birumfe, as contrasted with the Sanskrit
" we
H3TTO bhavdmas, affords us a
are/' very interesting comparison, and
one which has been since established by Graff (II. 325.), we will here re-
"
mind the reader of the relation of the Gothic razn^ " house (theme razna,
with z euphonic for s, according to . 86. (5) ), to the Sanskrit root qn vas
"to inhabit/* whence ^tH vasra, "house/' which Piktet recognises in the
Irish jfora (Journ. As. Ill Serie, T. II. p. 443).

t See .236. 255. g. and 307.

P P 2
572 PRONOUNS.

which, however, in accordance with . 135,, is suppressed

in the nominative. In the first and last respect LAUDA
coincides very remarkably with the form which, in Latin,
the suffix *PtT vant assumes, or may assume, where it does
not form pronominal correlatives, but possessive adjectives,
as opvlentus (with the more organic opulens), virulentus,* &c.
The long vowel required in Sanskrit before the suffix vanl,

where it forms correlatives, is retained in the Gothic

"
hvdlauds, quantus" the old A (. 69.) being supplied by ;

whence it appears as if the instrumental hv6 were contained

in hv$-lauds. We should expect a demonstrative thttauds,

r6<ro$, as corresponding to hvdlauds, TTOCTOJ, analogous to the

Sanskrit 414'^ t&vant and Latin tantus this thQlauds, how- :

ever, is rendered superfluous by a svalauds, formed from

the original base of the genderless pronoun of the third
person (comp. .
341.), which, however, has not preserved
the original Jong vowel.
410. The derivative kdvdt, from the Sanskrit interroga-
tive base ka, which is wanting, is supplied by kiyant> from
"
the base hi; analogous to which is ^fr iyant, so much,"
from the demonstrative base I I conjecture
fw*&( kiyant
[G. Ed. p. 590,] and ^n^ iyant to be abbreviations of
Ictvant and formed by suppressing the v after which,
tvant, ;

in accordance with a universal phonetic law,f the preceding i

must become iy. This conjecture is supported by the Zend,
in so far as the interrogative form under discussion has re-
tained the full suffix vant : instead of this, however, an abbre-
viation has taken place in the base, by suppressing the i

and weakening the k to ^ ch, hence in the nominative

* We must avoid referring the u to the suffix : it is clearly the final

vowel of the primitive word, which, however, through the influence of
the liquid, appears in the form of u
(compare Vocalismus, p. 162, Note *).
tQram. Grit, $.61.
 PRONOUNS. 573

masculine jj*s^ chvans, accusative 9g$>y.u^i chvantem*

neuter J*A}^ chvat.+ To the Sanskrit relative ydvant cor-

responds i^JA*A5^ yavant, of which, however, I am

unable to quote any case in the masculine, and only the
neuter yavat and the feminine yavaiti. The former occurs

tolerably often; the latter I am acquainted with only

through a passage given by Burnouf,t where, in the litho-
graphed codex (V.S. p. 83), avaiti occurs, through an error,
for yavaiti. The tdvant which answers to [G. Ed. p. 591.]
the above interrogative and relative expressions, appears to
be wanting in Zend, as in Gothic, and is supplied by ana-

logous derivatives from other demonstrative bases ; viz. by

ittjWA*A}As avavant from ava, and rc^A5ju avant from a.
The latter forms, in the masculine nominative, not avana,
according to the analogy of chvans, "how much?" and
"
thw&vans, as thou," but gosAs av&o, which I agree with
Burnouf in explaining by supposing that the nt has given
||

)^5 chvantem pascha&a zrvdnem,

" after how much time ?" (Vend. S. p. 229). The nominative chvans oc-
curs Vend. S. p. 86. From the primitive base chi I have still to mention
here the neuter /js chit, of which only the enclitic use,
whereby the in-
terrogative meaning is removed, has been mentioned before. But as repre-
senting the more common hat occurs
^AJJ ix>AsA5
it 1. c.
p. 80,
chit avat vacko, what (is) that word?"
t Often occurs ad verbially,
"
e. #. *#><?**)
cAsp^JXS r&M^ chvat an-
tare nareus, among how many men?" (Vend. S. p. 30).

J Ya$na, Note A., p. 12.

We should notice also here the expression ^(JASUQ fratho (with

r^ chit, rj^jj3A5UA5oA/ra^W-cAzX),
since it shews that the ri, which

is retained full in the Sanskrit prithu, is an abbreviation of the syllable ra

which is also pointed out by the Greek irXarvs. think I have sufficiently
I

proved, in my Vocalismus (Hem. 1. p. 156, &c.), that the Sanskrit vowel

ri is, in all places, an abbreviation of a syllable, which contains the conso-
nant r before or after a vowel.

|| Ya?na, Note A., p. 11.

574 PRONOUNS.

place before the nominative sign and has been supplied by

,

the lengthening of the a to d ; which latter, with the final

must produce the diphthong do (. 56b.).
sibilant,
411. The Lithuanian idant, which signifies "that" and

"thoroughly," most probably a remnant of the forms

is

which terminate, in Sanskrit and Zend, in vant, and in Latin

in ntu-s ; and, indeed, in the d Want, the neuter case-ter-
of
mination appears to be retained, which is replaced in the

cognate Asiatic languages by lengthening the preceding

vowel the syllable
: of the relative base has, then, been
ya
contracted to L The pronominal origin of this idant is shewn
" and also the cir-
by it$ signification that," particularly by
cumstance that other terms also for this conjunction have

sprung, both in Lithuanian itself and in the cognate languages,

from the relative base under discussion; viz. yeib (, 383.), in
the sense ofut, Sanskrit ya-thd, Greek o>, Gothic ei (. 365.),

and in the sense of quod, Sanskrit yat, Greek on. The

y6g,
secondary idea of multitude, expressed in Sanskrit, Zend, and
Latin, by the formations in vant, is represented in idant by
"
the signification thoroughly." From the particular case of
the Lithuanian language, however, we could scarcely argue

[G. Ed. the possibility of a connection between the

p. 592.]
"
suffix ant of id-ant, and that of kieli, how many ?" Kieli is
a masculine plural nominative, according to the analogy of
geri from GERA ; the theme, therefore, is KIELA, and, for
a few cases, KIELIA (see p. 251, Note J); and la the deriva-
tive suffix,which admits of being regarded as an abbreviation
of va-nt, with a similar exchange of v and /, as we have eeen
above in the Gothic hvttauds. This conjecture is strongly
11

supported by kielets, which likewise means "how much?

but is so limited in its use that it can only be .applied to

living beings. Every letter of the Sanskrit suffix vat (the

theme of the weak cases) is represented in this kieLETs,
and we even find an interrogative expression, in which the
n also of the strong form ^TW vant is contained ; I mean
 PRONOUNS. 575

" how manyeth?"* with

kolinta-s, der wievielste?" "the ta

as ordinal suffix (. 32L), probably, therefore, for kolint-tas ;

"
so that kolint, how many ?" by adding ta-s, becomes the
"
how manyeth ?" But to return to id-ant, its suffix ant has
lostonly the v of the original vant but la, the suffix of kieli,
;

has retained the v in the form of /, and lost, in place of it, the
final nt. There is, however, no demonstrative tieli corre-

sponding to kieli, but "so many" is expressed by tick or

tiekasj which has also a corresponding interrogative kiek.

The forms appears connected with that oftolds
suffix of these

or toks (theme tokid), " such," and k6ks, " what kind of one ?"
412.Though at 409. we commenced with the comparison
.

of the Greek correlatives Trocror, rocros, ocroj, we must not,

therefore, suppose that the Greek suffix 2O is identical with

the Sanskrit vant, and those related to it in the cognate lan-

guages. The transition of T into 2, as also [G. Ed. p. 593.]

the affix of an O, would not be extraordinary; but as the
vowel of the pronominal base is originally long in this deri-
vative, the retention of this long vowel would be to be ex-
pected in Greek; and the rather, as most probably the dropping
of the initial sound of the suffix vant would have found a com-

pensation in the preceding syllable, even if this had not been

naturally long from the first A
form like rovcros might be
regarded as identical with the Sanskrit tdvant; but TOCTO?
appears to me, with reference to its final element, as of a
different origin, and I would rather recognise in it the Zend
shva, which forms words like "a third,"
"
x$pj<3 thrishva,

A5>>^p>?6.M^ chathrushva, a quarter," and is identical

with
"
the Sanskrit swa-s, suus" From ^H swa-s, whichi when
uncompounded, has become o$ or <r<f>6$9 hardly any thing

* It seems surprising that there should be no word in English for

wievielste. "Who of the number T expresses quite a different idea. 1
have been obliged, therefore, to coin a word. Translator's Note.

t Tick, substantive and indeclinable tieka-s adjective, feminine tieka.

576 PRONOUNS.

but <ro; could arise in the preceding compounds ; and 7ro-<ro(

"
what part?"
would, according to this view, originally signify
or, as possessive compound, "having what part?" from which
the meaning "how much?" is not far removed.* Never-
theless, if what has been before said (. 352.) regarding the
origin of T^/ZOJ ^/zof, is well founded, there are not wanting
,

in Greek points of comparison with the pronominal forma-

tions in vant or vat. In Sanskrit the adverbial neuter ac-
cusative TfT^T tdvat signifies, amongst other things, also
[G.Ed. p. 594.] "now," "at this time"; and the relative
adverb *TRi^ ydvat, also, which serves as prototype to the
Greek Jj/xof is used principally with reference to time, and
,

signifies "how long?" "while," "how often?"

"how far?"
"
up to," and " that." It may be cited in the first sense from
a passage in the Nalah (V. 23.)
:

vdvachcha m$ dharhhyanti prdnd d$h$, tuchismitd

tdvat tvayi bhavishydmi } satyam &ad bravimi tS

"quam diuque mei constabunt spiritus in corpore, screno-risu

pradita ! tarn diu tecum ero ; veritatem hanc dico tibi."

As frequently happens that one and the same word is

it

divided into several forms, of which each represents one of

the meanings which formerly co-existed in the one original
form, so may also Teo>? and eca; be identical with tdvat and
ydvat; so that the digamma, which has been hardened
above to p,,
has been here, as usually
happens, entirely
dropped, but the quantities have been transposed thus ;

* To these formations most

probably to-os, also, belongs, which origi-
" so " "
nally must have signified great," whence the meaning equal might
easily arise. I formerly thought it
might be assigned to the demonstra-
tive base (Demonstrative Bases, p. 8) : as, however (which was there
i

overlooked), it has a digainma, it would be better referred to the reflexive

base, and compared with the Sanskrit swi ($. 364. ;
and see Pott's Etymol.
Forsch. p.272).
 PRONOUNS. 577

for 5J(f)<* Teo> for r^(f)oj. But

probable that the first it is

syllable has been shortened through the influence of the

vowel following and this weakening, and the abbreviation
;

caused by dropping the digamma, have been compensated

by lengthening the syllable following. The common adverbs

in o>, also, of which an account has been given at . 183..
have operated by their example on ea>& reaif. For the rest
there exists a form reios, as well as rewy, re/cof.

Perhaps the Sclavonic pronominal adverbs in mo

413.

may also be classed here, which express direction to a place

" whither ?" " 1

(Dobr. p. 430) ka-mo, :

fa-mo, thither/ The
relative
yamo is wanting, which would coincide with the
4<
Sanskrit
*m^ ydvat, how far ?" in the signification
"therein," since the former word likewise expresses the
direction to which movement is made. As to the relation

in form of the suffix mo to ^?r vat, the t in Sclavonic, like

all
original consonants, must necessarily disappear
final

(. 255. l} and a in Sclavonic becomes o or

9 [G. Ed. p. 595.]
e almost universally but to the long A, which, in Sanskrit,
;

precedes the derivative suffix, the Sclavonic a corresponds

according to rule (. 255. a.): thus fa-mo, answers to the Indian

td-vat, with m for v 9 as in the Greek adverbs of time

W$ 9 Tjy/xof, above mentioned.an origin for the Sclavonic

If

suffix mo, different from that here assigned, be sought for,

the appended pronoun TO sma might be next adduced.
which drops the s in Sclavonic. But to take the demon-
strative as an example, to the Sanskrit dative ta-smdi, and
locative ta-smin, correspond, in Sclavonic, to-mu> to-m ; and
all that is left to find is an analogous form in Sclavonic
to the ablative dWifV ta-smdt. But the ablative is most
opposed in meaning to the adverbs in mo, expressing direc-
tion to a place; and, as regards form, we could only

expect for eN-HM ta-smdt, a form toma or tomo, and not ta-
mo. For as the Sanskrit short a, at the end of old
Sclavonic bases always becomes o (. 257.), an un weakened
578 PRONOUNS.

a,in this sole case, cannot but appear surprising ; and there
appears no reason why ta-wo should differ from the
analogy of i o-mu and to-m. There only remains one other
possible means of deriving adverbs in mo, viz. by supposing
mo to be a more full form of the plural dative termination ;

so that, of the Sanskrit termination vq* bhyas, Latin bus,

Lithuanian mus or ms (see 215.), which elsewhere, in
.

Sclavonic, has become mere m, in the case before us a

vowel also is retained. If this opinion be the true one,

"whither?" " 1
tamo thither/ inamo, "to somewhere
kamo,
" to that
else," onamo, quarter ," and similar forms, must be
assigned to the feminine gender. Tamo, therefore, would
[G. Ed. p. 596.] correspond to the Sanskrit tdbhyas ; while
which is identical with the masculine and neuter,
tyem,
belongs to the compound base m tya (p. 499 G. ed.). This
last derivation appears particularly supported by the con-
sideration, that, in all probability, the adverbs of quantity in
ma or mi (Dobr. p. 430) contain plural case-terminations, and
those in mi the instrumental ; those in ma an unusual and
more full form of the dative termination, in which the old

a of the bhyas above mentioned is retained, by which it

becomes similar to the dual-termination given at 273. . It

appears to me, however, inadmissible to look for a real

dual inflexion in the adverbs under discussion. Examples
are:
kolyma or kolymi, "how much?" tolyma or tolymi*
"so much." All these adverbs, however, have the syl-
lable (from It) in the middle ; and this, in my opinion,
ly
expresses the secondary idea of multitude, and is an ab-
breviation of the suffix liko, nominative masculine lik, e.g.
" From this
kolik, quantus," of which more hereafter.
KOLIKO come, I imagine, the adverbs and
kolyma kolymi,
as, in Sanskrit, the plural instrumental sandis> expresses
?I%^

*
See Kopitar's Glossary to the Glagolita, Dobrowsky gives merely

tolyma.
 PRONOUNS. 579

the adverb "slowly," but does not occur in its own pro-
1
i.e. "through the slow/ There are
per signification,
also adverbs of quantity in Sclavonic which end in ly,
without the case-terminations ma or mi; thus koly, "how
11
much? "so much." With these are also probably
toly,
connected the adverbs of time in lye,
which prefix to the
"how
pronoun the preposition do or ot t e.g.
do-kolye, long?"
"
so long."
ot-tolye,

By the suffix fir ti is

414. formed, in Sanskrit, wfif kati,
"
"how much ?" from ka; frfk tail, so much," from ta; and
" first two
the relative as much," from ya.
ijfif yati,
The
Latin (juot and tott
expressions are easily recognised in the
which, like the personal terminations of [G. Ed. p. 597.]

verbs, have lost the final I The full form is preserved, how-
ever, in compounds with dem, die, dianus; thus, tott-dem (not
from tot-itidem), quoti-die, quoti-dianus.
The length of the i
of quoti-die, and of its derivative quoti-dianus, is inorganic,
and perhaps occasioned by quoti appearing, by a misap-
prehension, as an ablative. But to
return to the Sanskrit

kali, tail, these expressions, in a certain measure,

yati,
forms in
prepare the way for the indeclinable cognate
Latin, as in the nominative and accusative they have no
case-termination, but a singular neuter form, while in the
other cases they exhibit the regular plural inflexions. In
this respect they agree with the numerals from 5 10,

which have become quite indeclinable in

Greek and Latin
also (.313.).
likewise, as isquatuor, in the latter language,
In Zend, kati frequently occurs after the masculine rela-
tive plural, and with a regular plural termination, viz.
SJDA^ Af^y6i katayd,
which signifies quicunque.
415, Nearly all pronouns are combined in Sanskrit with

the adjectives
-p^ dris, "pt drisa,
frpm the root dris, "to see," and
^
driksha, which spring

signify "appearing,"*
"like"; but, as do not occur either isolated or in combi-
they
nation, have completely assumed the character of derivative
580 PRONOUNS.

suffixes. The final vowels of the pronominal bases, and of

the compound plural themes asma and yushma, are length-
ened before them, probably to make up for the loss of a T
sound of the neuter of pronouns of the third person and of
the ablative of the first and second person singular and plu-
or
ral (comp. . 404.); hence, td-dris (nominative tddrik),
11 " M
td-drisa> or td-driksha, "to this like, "such," to/w, for
" "
tad-dris, &c.; kt-dris, kt-driia, ki-driksha, qualis ? for

[G. Ed. p. 598.] kid-dris, &c. ;

yd-dris, yd-drisa, yd-drihha,
" "to me
quatis" (relative); md-dris, md-drisn, md-driksha,
like," "my equal"; asmddris, &c., "to us like"; yufhmadri*
"
&c., to you like." From the demonstrative base i, or rather
from the neuter it, which isnot used uncompounded, comes
tdriia, &c., "/a/is": from the subjective demonstrative
base sa comes sadris, &c., which, according to its origin,
" " like but is
signifies resembling this," appearing this,"
"
used to express in general what is similar." But the rea-
son that there is no form sddris, according to the analogy
of tddrii, &c., is clearly this that this form springs from
the real base sa, and a neuter sat was not used. It is not
therefore, requisite to assume, with the Indian
grammarians,
that sadris an abbreviation of sama-drid, though, perhaps,
is

from sama a form samordris might proceed, as from sa the

form sadris. The European cognate languages have, in
remarkable agreement with one another, exchanged the old
d for I in these combinations independently, however, of each
;

other, and simply because the interchange between d and / or

r is much used,* and weakened sounds in forms encumbered

* See
$.17,, where, amongst others, the Gothic is compared with Mk
the Sanskrit d&ia. If the Gothic expression also means " flesh," it may
be observed here, that a word which, in Sanskrit, means simply "flesh,"

appears in Old High German as a term for the body; while in Lithuanian
and Sclavonic the "flesh" has become "blood." In form the nearest

approach
 PRONOUNS. 581

by composition are readily introduced. In this way

-

has become so far estranged from the verb 5epKO>, that we

should have failed to perceive their common origin without
the means of comparison afforded by the cognate Sanskrit
We must here again notice a similar fate [G. Ed. p. 599,]

which has befallen the old d of the number "Ten" in several

Asiatic and European-Sanskrit languages at the end of com-

pounds (p. 442). And in the preceding case we meet with
a concurrent phenomenon in the East; for in Prakrit, in the

compound under discussion, we frequently find r which,

according to .
20., is often the precursor of / instead of
the Sanskrit d; e.g. Tnf&ltdrisa, together with inf?^ tddisa,
for t&dri*a.* The Doric rahtKos closely resembles
Tffipc
tArisa. The i of both languages, however, springs, not from
the Sanskrit ri, for this is an abbreviation of ar,f the a of i

which, in Prakrit and Greek, has been weakened to i, while the

r is dislodged entirely. While \IKO$ is based on the Sanskrit

drisa, nominative masculine pure radical drisa-s, the

s, nominative masculine, feminine, and neuter drik*

is also represented in Greek, vte. by y\t and 6/^\/f. The
Prakrit ktrisa resembles the very
interrogative in)\iKo$

closely ; but it must not be overlooked, that the Prakrit is

"
approach to the Sanskrit kravya-m, flesh," is the Lithuanian krauya-s,
Sclavonic Icrovy, " "
blood ; next comes the Old High German base
HREWAj nominative hr&o, "body," which preserves the original form
more truly than the Greek upeas and Latin caro.
* In
my first discussion on this subject I was unacquainted with the
resemblance of the Pr&krit to cognate European languages (see Influ-
its

ence of Pronouns on the Formation of Words, pp, 8 and 27). Since then
Max. Schmidt, also (De Pron. Gr. et Lat. p. 7*2), has shewn the agreement
of the Sanskrit formations in drisa-s with the Greek, Gothic, and Latin,
in XiW, leik-8 y and li-8. But he overlooks, in the Sanskrit forms, the long
vowel of the pronominal base, on which is based the Greek 77, more an-
ciently a, and Latin 5, whence it is not requisite to make the adverbs jy,
rrj, ny, the basis of the said formations.
t . 1. and Vocalismus, Rem. I.
582 PRONOUNS.

a corruption of * while mjXc'ito? stands for 7ro\/KOf, and is

based, not on the Sanskrit kidrisa~s, but on a kddrisa-s to be

[G. Ed. expected from the base ka, and which pro-
p. 600.]

bably originally existed, to which, also, the Gothic

hvfleiks

belongs*
416. In the hv&eiks (theme hvdleika) just mentioned, with
which the German welcher, " which," is connected, as also in
hvSlauds (. 409.), the Gothic has retained the vowel length,
which is thousands of years old, with this difference only, that d
isreplaced by ^ a circumstance of rare occurrence (. 69.).
There is no demonstrative tktleiks corresponding to hv&leiks,
but instead of it svaleiks* German solcher, "such/' like svalauds
for th&auds(. 409.); but the Anglo Saxon and Old Northern
employ thylic, thttflcr, corresponding to the Greek TYI\IKO$
and Sanskrit tddrisa-s (Grimm III. 40.). The Gothic leiks,
"
similar," however, occurs also in combinations other than
the ancient pronominal ones never, however, by itself, but
;

instead of it is used ga-leiks, our gleich, from ge-leich, which

may be looked upon as the continuation of the Sanskrit

sadrisa-s mentioned above for as the inseparable preposi-
:

tion ^ sa, *n^ saw, has,

in Gothic, become ga (Grimm II.

1018.), so may also the pronominal base, from which those

prepositions have sprung, be expected as prefix in the form of
go. In anoleiks^ German izhnlich, " like," ana, in my opinion,
stands, in like manner, as a pronoun, not as a preposition, and
answers to the Sanskrit-Lithuanian demonstrative base ana
.
372.): ana-leiks therefore signifies "to this like." In the
other compounds, also, of this kind, with the exception of
manleika " 1 "
man-resem-
(theme -leikan), likeness/ literally
11

bling, the first member

of the word corresponds more or
less to a pronominal idea. These
compounds are antharleikei,
"variety," which pre-supposes an adjective antharleiks, as

* Hoefer De Prkrita Dialecto, p. 29.

t To be deduced from the adverb analeikd.
 PRONOUNS. 583

connected in sense with the Sanskrit anyd-drisa-s, " to another

" of a different
like," kind," whence deducing it from alyaleiks,
is the countertype in fform : [G. Ed. p. 601 ]
alyakiMs, erepvs,
samaleiko, which pre-supposes an adjective samaleik(a)-s,
ICTUS,
" to the same like," analogous to the Greek offlKtl; and Latin
"
similis .-*
equal," like the simple ibn(a)-s accord-
ibnaleiks, ;

ing to its origin, the former signifies " seeming equal":

" various." I cannot avoid
missaleiks, here expressing the

conjecture that the Gothic prefix missa, German miss, may be

of pronominal origin, and connected with the Lithuanian base
"
JVISSA, nominative wissa-s, all," and therefore also with
the Sanskrit fqft viswa, by the very common exchange of
v for m (. 63.). According to the explanation given above

(. 392.) of frs viswa, this word, through the signification

of the preposition ft[ vi, would be very well adapted to ex-

press the idea of variety. And the Gothic missa (the bare

theme) might originally have signified alius, and still be identi-

cal with the Sanskrit-Lithuanian term for "all "; at least its in-

fluence in composition is similar to the German aber, which is

"
akin to the Sanskrit apara, " alius (see 350.), in compounds .

" "
like Aberwitz, delirium," Aberglaube, superstition." The
German "Missethat, therefore, Gothic missad&ds, "misdeed,"
would be=Aber-That, " a deed different from the right "; and
Mixsgunst, "ill-will," would beAber-gunst," wrong-will"; and
the missaleiks given above would originally signify " to other
like." This conjecture is powerfully supported, and con-
firmed almost beyond doubt, by the adverb missd, which

springs from the theme MISSA (compare p. 384), which

"
signifies one another": gdleith izvis mus&, [G. Ed. p. 602.]

* The "
simple sama (theme samari) means the same/' and corresponds
to the Sanskrit sama-s, "equal/' "similar/' and Greek ofto-y, the theme

being lengthened by an n. To this head, also, must be referred sums

"
(theme suma\ any one/' which has introduced a u on account of the
liquid, but to make up for this has dropped the n.
584 PRONOUNS.

a<nra<ra<r0e aXhqKovs (1 Cor. xvi. 20).

original meaning The
"all" is still perceptible in this, as missd, in one word, ex-
"
presses the one and the other." In German, the lich, which
is based on the Gothic leiks* and which in welcher and solcher

has dropped the i, and in gleich gives, according to rule, ei as

answering to the old t, is much more extensively diffused, and

has completely assumed the character of a derivative suffix in
" " " 1
words like jahr lich, yearly jammerlich, lamentable,' gluck-
1 11
lich, "fortunate/ The occur-
schmerzlich, "painful,
&c.f
rence of the simple word in Northern, Anglo-Saxon, and
English, may be explained by its being formed by abbreviating
the Gothic galeiks, our gleich, by removing the entire prefix.
417. An objection against the identity of the Gothic suffix
leikaand Greek KIKOS could hardly be raised from the non-
mutation of sound in the middle tenuis. I refer the reader,

on this head, to . 89., for example to the connection of the

Gothic sUpa and Old High German insuepiu with the San-
skrit swapimi, Latin sopio, and Greek virvos, in spite of the

retention of the old tenuis. The long i (in Gothic written

ei) in the Germanic formation, answering to the short i in

the Greek A/JCOJ, and Prakrit risa or disa> will still less be
a ground for rejecting the identity of the suffix under dis-
cussion in the three languages ; for as the original form is

darka (see p. 598 G. ed.), the rejection of the r may well

have been compensated by lengthening the preceding vowel ;
and the Germanic, therefore, in this respect, approaches the
original form one degree closer than the cognate Hellenic

and Prakrit idiom.

[Gr. Ed. p. 603.] 418. The Old Sclavonic exhibits our suffix

exactly in the same form as the Greek, in the masculine and

neuter liko, nominative masculine lik (according to . 257.),
" " " 9
neuter liko ;
hence tolik, toliko, talis" tale? or tantus,
t
fanttw,"=Greek T*)\iKo$9 T*I\IKOV, and Prakrit, tdrisd, tdrisan,

*
Regarding leiks, see, too, p. 1442. G. ed.
*
See the Old High German compounds of this kind in Graff II. 105.
 PROxXOUNS. 585
" "
Sanskrit tAdrisas, t&dmam : kolik, koliko, qualis? quale"
"qucmtus" "quantum? "Greek irqMfco?, nrjKiKov, Prakrit
kerisd, kdrisan, Sanskrit kidrisas, ktdnsam : rela-
yelik, yeliko,
tive Greek i;\f'fco?, ^A/icoi/, Prakrit ydrisd, ydrisan, Sanskrit

yadrisas, yddrisam. With respect ta the relative expression,

it isimportant to remark, that, in this derivative, the base

"
ye (euphonic for which commonly signifies " he (. 282.),
yo,)
has preserved the original relative signification without the
elsewhere necessary enclitic she. Dobrowsky, however
(p. 344), in assuming ik alone in this derivative as suffix
"
interposito tamen /," appears not to have noticed the sur-
prising similarity of the Greek forms in XI'KO?, otherwise he
would have assigned to the I a more important share in the
work of derivation. But the Sclavonic forms differ from those
of the cognate languages in this, that they do not lengthen
the final vowel of the primitive pronoun, or replace o by a :

for, according to . 255. a., the Sclavonic o corresponds to the

Sanskrit short a, and a to the long d. We should therefore
look for talik as answering to the Sanskrit tddris'a-s, and
Prakrit idris6. It cannot, however, be matter of surprise,

that, inthe course of thousands of years, which separate the

Sclavonic from identity with its cognate idioms, a weakening
of the vowel should have takep place in the preceding case ;
as shortenings, weakenings, and abrasions of sounds, are the
most common alterations which time introduces into the
original form of a language. There are, however, in Scla-
vonic, other formations of cognate meaning, in which the
base syllable has retained the old weight of the vowels, while
the suffix has been abbreviated by drop- [G. Ed. p. 604.]

ping the syllable lr, and appears in combination with the

affix of the definite declension : hence takyz, " talis? kakyf,
" " "
qualis ?" yakyi, qudis (relative).* The simple neuters,

* Dobrowsky (p. 343) incorrectly regards ak as derivative, since In

Q Q respect
586 PRONOUNS.

that those divested of the definite prefix tako, kako, occur

is,
"
as adverbs, the former with the signification so," the latter

with that of " how ?" By the rejection of the syllable tt t

takyt
and its correlatives, in respect to their last element, become
identical with the interrogative kyi, "quis?" which is like-

wise declined definitely ; and therefore we cannot entirely

set aside the objection, that takyi is a compound of the de-
monstrative with the interrogative. The explanation, how-
ever, given above is to be preferred, because by it the a of the
first member of the compound, as also the signification of

the whole, is shewn to have a very ancient foundation;

while by the second mode we should not be able to see why

tokyi yekyl, kokyi, should not be used, or tkyi,* ikyi; and why
,

the mere appending of the interrogative to the pronoun

preceding should have the same effect as the suffix under dis-
cussion has in the cognate languages.
419. the Old Sclavonic correlatives fakyi, kakyi,
But if

yakyi, are abbreviations of talikyi, &c., then the analogous

"
and aequi-significant Lithuanian forms toks, "tali8 9 koks,
" "
quails (theme tokia, kukia, see
1.),
.41 must also be viewed
in this light, and the agreement of the former with the
[G. Ed. p, 60/5.] tockin (Grimm. III. 49.), which exists in

Old Swedish, together with tolik and tolkin, would conse-

quently not be fortuitous. The Latin suffix li in tdlis,

qualis, Gqualis,^
exhibits a contrary abbreviation, since it
has retained the initial part of the original adjective of

respect to the primitive pronoun he proceeds from the abbreviated nomina-

tive masculine t\ k9 ,
i> and, in general, is in the dark regarding the the/ne

of the base words, and the historical relation of the o to a, developed in

. 255.
a., through the Sanskrit, as also its length.
* According to the analogy ofkto, chto, 400. .

t Mqualis is, probably, with regard to its last element, so far identical
with qualis^ as cequus is most probably connected with the Sanskrit
3HR! &ha-s u and the latter
units," in its final
is, identical
syllable, with
the interrogative base ka (. 308.).
 PRONOUNS. 587

similarity, as also the long vowel of the pronominal base, but

has lost the last syllable, or the guttural only, of
tddrik, kidrik (. 415., p. 597 G. ed.), i?\iK-
*frj^
The identity of the formation lies beyond all doubt, and Voss
has already shewn that tails is identical with raAfico?. To the
constant occurrence of a long a in these ancient forms may
be ascribed the fact, that, in more modern formations of this

sort, particularly belonging to the Latin, an 5 is inserted

before the suffix,or added to the primitive base, in case

it terminates with a consonant; hence, regalis,* legdlis,

conjugalis, hiemalis, carnalis, auguralls, &c. On the other

hand, in bases with a short final vowel this is merely
lengthened, and the u (o) of the second declension is
changed into a long i instead of the short ?',
which is else-

where introduced before suffixes ; hence, civi-lis, hosti-

lia, juvem-lis, from civi, hosti, juveni ;f and so, also, vm-lis
from viru, puerl-lis from pueru, servl-lis from servu, &c.:

ani-lis, also, from the organic u of the fourth declension,

which is no be weakened to i, as is proved by
less subject to

the dative-ablatives in i-bus. Here, perhaps, may be classed,

also, though with a short i, words in ti-lis [G. Ed. p. 606.]
or $i-lis, which spring either from lost abstracts in ti-s, si-s,t
or passive participles, the u of which must be weakened
before the new suffix to i; thus, ficti-lis, rnissi-lis, either
from the obsolete abstracts ficti-s, missi-$ whence the
secondary forms fictio, missio or from fictus (weakened from
factus,
.
6.), missus. So, also, simi-lisf with short i, from
the lost primitive simu-s = Sanskrit sama-s,
"
similar,"
Gothic sama (theme saman), and Greek o/*o- ;
and humi-lis,

* As to forms like regdli-s see also . 942. conclusion.

t Prom the primitive base juvene* Sanskrit yuvan, comes juvenalis;

gentllis comes from a base genii (compare Lithuanian gentis^ " kinsman "),
the i of which, and consequently the t also, are suppressed in the nomi-
native gens.

I Compare Influence of Pronouns on the Formation of Words, p. 24.

QQ2
 ( 598 )

THE VERB.
[G. Ed. p. 617.] 426. The Sanskrit has two forms for the

active, of appointed for the transitive and

which the one is

outwardly-operating direction, and is called by the Indian

"
grammarians parasmdi-padam, equivalent to stranger-
"
form ";* the other, which is called dtmandpadam, i.e. self-

form,"f serves, when it stands in its primitive significa-

tion, for reflexive or intransitive purposes, or shews that the

action is to the advantage of the subject or stands in some

"
near relation thereto. For instance, dd, to give," in the

dtman&paJam, in conjunction with the preposition d, has the

force of "to take," Le. "to give oneself": the causative
" "
darfayami, to make to see," to shew," acquires, through
"
the terminations of the atmanepadam, the signification to

shew oneself"; # "to lie

1'

(s'&6=*KeiTai), ds, "to sit

11

" " 1'

((istd=rj<TTou, p. 118), mud, to be pleased," to please oneself,

" to " to "
ruck, please," to please oneself," are only used
shine,"
"
in the dtmantyadam ; ydch, to require," "to ask," has both

forms, but the reflexive prevails, as we most generally require

or pray for our own advantage. In general, however, the lan-
[G. Ed. p. 618.] guage, as it at present exists, disposes of both
forms, in rather an arbitrary manner. But few verbs have
retained the two and where this happens, the primitive inten-
;

tion of both seldom shews itself distinctly. Of the cognate lan-

guages, only the Zend, the Greek, and the Gothic have retained
this primitive reflexive form for that the Gothic passive is
;

*
iR&parasmdi is the dative of para, " the other."

t ^rntnr dtman, "soul," of which the dative, dtmand, used above, in

the oblique cases often fills the place of a pronoun of the third person,

generally with a reflexive signification (see Glossary).

 PRONOUNS. 599

identical in construction with the Indo-Greek middle has

been already shewn in my Conjugation-system.* Grimm has
since directed attention to two expressions which have re*
mained unnoticed in former Grammars, and which are of the
greatest importance, as having preserved the old middle
form in a middle signification also. Ulfilas, namely, twice
(Matt, xxvii. 42. and Mark xv. 32.) translates Kara/Bar^ by
"
atsteigadau" and once (Matt, xxvii. 43.) pu<ra<r0o> by *'/aw-

yadau" Lately, also, v. Gabelentz and Lobe, in their valu-

able edftion of Ulfilas (pp* 187 and 225), have justly assigned
to the middle the following forms, all but one lately brought

to light, by Castiglione's edition of St. Paul's Epistles:

ufkunnanda, yv&vovTai (John xiii. 35.) faianda, "vituperant"
;

gavasyada undivanein, evUvcnqTat atydaplav

(Rom. ix. 19.);

(1 Cor. xv. 54.); vaurkyada, epya&rat (2 Cor. iv. 17.); ustiu-

hada, Karepya^erai (2 Cor. vii. 10.); and liugandau, *yap)aa-
TOXTOV (1 Cor. vii. 9.). Grimm, in the first edition of his

Grammar (p. 444), gives the forms atsteigadau and

lausyadau,
justly, I doubt not, as imperatives, but considers them as
erroneous transferences of the Greek expressions into the

passive form. What, however, could induce Ulfilas to trans-

late the middle pwao-dto, not to mention the active jcarajSaTO),

by a passive, when he had other opportunities for

so many
exchanging Greek middles for passives? In the second
"
edition (1. 855.) Grimm asks, Have we here [G. Ed. p. 619.]
the III. subjunctive of a Gothic middle?" Were they, how-
ever, subjunctives middle, they must then have retained the
characteristicof this mood, and, in this respect, have an-
i

swered to the Indo-Greek middle, such as bhar&ta (from

bharaita), Qepotro. The middle and passive could not be dis-

tinguished by the insertion or suppression of the exponent

of the subjunctive relation. I explain, therefore, atsteigadau
and lausyadau, as well as the later liugandau

12-2. Compare Vocalismus, p. 79, and Grimm 1. 1060.

600 PRONOUNS.

without hesitation, as imperatives of the middle voice for as ;

such they answer excellently well to the Sanskrit middle im-

"
peratives, as bhar-a-t&m, him bear or receive," bhar-a-ntdm,
let
"
let them bear or receive." The Gothic au has the same
relation here to the Sanskrit Am, as, in the first subjunctive
" "
person active, where, for instance, siyau, ich set" 1 may

be," answers to the Sanskrit sydm. The old m has been resolved
into u, and has formed a diphthong with the preceding a (com-

pare . In respect to form, however, atsleiyadau,

255. g.\
and liugandau, are at the same time passive; and
lausyadau,
"
Ulfilas would probably have also rendered the idea let him

be freed" by In the translation of the Bible,

lausyadau.
however, an occasion for the use of the passive imperative
rarely occurs.
427. While the Greek and Gothic have carried over
the middle form into the passive, so that the passive and
middle, with the exception of the Greek aorist and future,
are perfectly identical ; in the Sanskrit and Zend the pas-
sive, indeed, exhibits the more important terminations of
the middle, through which the symbolical retro-operation
of the action on the subject is expressed, but a practical
distinction occurs in the special tenses (. 109*.), in that the

syllable ya of which more hereafter is appended to the

root but the characteristic additions and other peculiarities,
[G. Ed. p. 620.] by which the different classes are distin-
guished in the two active forms, are resumed. In Greek,
SeiK-vv-Tcu is as well passive as middle, but in Sanskrit,
tl
fjtA chi-nu-t&, from fa chi, gather,"only middle, and
is

the passive is chi-ya-t& : in Greek, StSorai, iVrara/, are both

passive and middle ;

in Sanskrit the kindred forms 5^ dat-tt,

anomalous for dadA-t$ 9 fifl^ tishtha-lt, are only middle, and

their passive becomes di-yatt, stlrf-yatt.* In that the San-
skrit and Zend
passive is formed immediately from the root,
* Some of the roots in d weaken that vowel to i before the passive
characteristic ya.
 VEKBS. 601

the class-characteristics being removed, it answers to other

derivative verbs, the causal, desiderative, and intensive, and
we, in treating of them, shall return to it The middle,
however, we shall treat part passu with the transitive active
form, as distinguished from this latter, in nearly every
it is

case, only by the extension of the personal terminations.

428. The moods in Sanskrit are five, if we include the

indicative, in which, in fact, no modal relations, but only

those of time, are expressed. The absence of modal accessary
notions is its characteristic. The other moods are, the po-
tential, imperative, precative,* and conditional. Besides
these, we find in the Vedas fragments of a mood, which, in
the principle of its formation, corresponds to the Greek

subjunctive, and by the grammarians is called Ut.^ The

same moods, even to the subjunctive, or Ut, exist in Zend,

only I am not able to cite the conditional, which stands

in nearest connection with the future, and [G. Ed. p. 621.]
which very rare. The infinitive and par-
in Sanskrit, also, is

ticiple belong to the noun. The indicative has six tenses,

viz. one present, three preterites, and two futures. The pre-
form, correspond to the Greek imperfect, aorist, and
terites, in

perfect. With their use, however, the language, in its present

condition, deals very capriciously ; for which reason, in my
Sanskrit Grammar, I have named them only with reference
to their form the
single-formed augmented preterite ;
:
first,

the second, multiform augmented preterite and the third, ;

reduplicated preterite. Both futures are likewise indis-

tinguishable in their use, and I name them according to

their composition: the one, which answers to the Greek

* Benedictive, according to us.

t The Indian grammarians name the tenses and moods after vowels,

which, to designate the principal tenses, are inserted between <w I and
z t, and, to designate the secondary, between ^ I and ^ n. Thus
the names run, lat , f Zi/, lut, Irit, I6t 9 tdj ; Ian, Zm, fan, /ran, See Cole*
brooke's Grammar, pp. 132. 181.
R u
602 VERBS.

and Lithuanian future, and is most used, the auxiliary

future; the other, the participial future, as its first ele-

ment is a participle which answers to the Latin in turns.

In the Zend I have not yet detected this tense, but all
the other Sanskrit tenses I have, and have given proofs of
this in the reviews mentioned in the preface (p. xii. last line

but two.). The moods ranging after the indicative have, in

Sanskrit and Zend, only one tense each yet the potential and ;

precative have, in fact, such a relation

to each other, as,

in Greek, the present and second aorist of the optative ;

and
Paniui embraces both of these modal forms under the name
lin. The same relation of wishing and praying, which is spe-

cially represented by the precative, may also be expressed

by the potential, which is in far more general use. In the

Vedas traces are apparent of a further elaboration of the
moods into various tenses, and it may hence be inferred, that
what the European languages, in their developement of the
moods, have in excess over the Sanskrit and Zend, dates, at
[G. Ed. p. 622.] least in its origin, from the period of the
unity of the language.
429. The numbers of the verb are three in most of the

languages here treated of. The Latin verb has, like its
noun, lost the dual; but the Germanic has preserved the
verbal dual in its oldest dialect, the Gothic, in preference
to that of the noun ; the Old Sclavonic retains it in both ;

and so has the Lithuanian to the present day. The Pali

and Prakrit, otherwise so near to the Sanskrit, have, like
the parted with both the dual and the middle
Latin,
of the active forms. In opposition to the Semitic, there
is no distinction of gender in the personal signs of the

Sanskrit family which is not surprising, as the two first

;

persons, even in their simple condition, are without the

distinction, while the Semitic dispenses with it only in the
first
person, as well simple as in the verb, but, in the
second and third, in both conditions distinguishes the
 VERBS. 603

feminine from the masculine. The Old Sclavonic has, in the

dual, gained a feminine in an inorganic fashion, and by
a divergence from the primary type of its class, as well in
its simple pronoun of the first person, as in the three persons
"
of the verb.As, namely, va, we two," has the termination of
a masculine substantive dual, to which the feminine in
ye
corresponds (.273.); so, by the power of analogy, out of
that BA va has been developed a feminine B* in
vye, and,
accordance with this, in the verb also for instance, KCBA ;

" "
yesva,
we two are (masculine), KCB* yesvye (feminine),
answering to the Sanskrit swas (abbreviated from aswas), and
'the Lithuanian esva. In the same manner, in the second
and third dual persons, which, in the masculine, are both
yesta, answering to the Sanskrit (a)sthas, (a)stas, and the
Greek eoroi/, eoroi/, a feminine
yestye
KCTt has been formed ;

for as, in virtue of the law by which the terminating sibilant

of the Sanskrit form is necessarily rejected [G. Ed. p. 623.]

(see . 255. /.), the verbal dual ending became identical with that
of the masculine noun, and as, moreover, the termination la has

precisely the same sound with the independent ta, "these

two" (men), the way was thus opened to the formation of
a feminine personal termination rt which is also iden-
tye,
ticalwith the independent "these two" (women). These
tye,
feminine verbal terminations are in any case worthy of
observation, as they rest on the feeling of the grammatical

identity of the verb with the noun, and shew that the spirit
of the language was vitally imbued with the principle of
close connection, which had of old existed between the simple

pronouns and those joined with the verbal bases.

With respect to the personal signs, the tenses and
430.

moods fall most evidently, in Sanskrit, Zend, and Greek, into

two classes. The one is fuller, the other more contracted
in its terminations. To the first class
belong those tenses
which, in Greek, we are accustomed to call the principal,

namely, the present, future, and perfect or reduplicated

RR2
604 VERBS.

preterite, whose terminations, however, have undergone

serious mutilations in the three sister languages, which clearly
have their foundation in the incumbrance of the commence-
ment by the reduplication-syllable. To the second class
belong the augmented preterites, and, in Stinskrit and Zend,
all the moods not indicative, with the exception of the

present of the let or subjunctive, and of those terminations of

the imperative which are peculiar to this mood, and are rather
full than contracted. In Greek, the subjunctive has the fuller
terminations, but the optative, which answers to the Sanskrit

potential, has, like its Asiatic prototype, the contracted. The

[G. Ed. p. 6*24.] termination fit
of TUTTTO//X/ is, as we have
elsewhere observed,* inorganic, as appears from a comparison
*ith the TUTTTO/JLITJV which has sprung from the original forin

Tvnrotv and the conjugation in /x/ (SiSolrjv).

431. In Latin, this double form of the personal termi-
nations, although in an inverted relation, makes itself
observable in this, that where the fuller form mi stood, the
termination, excepting in the cases of sum and inquam, has
vanished altogether. On the other hand, the original
final m has everywhere maintained itself. Hence, amo,
amabo ; but amabam, eram, sim, amem, as, in Sanskrit,
" "
a-bhavam and Asam, I was," syAm, 1 may
be," knmaydyam,
"I may love." In the other persons an uniformity of
terminations has crept in by the abrasion of the i of the

primary forms; thus, legis(i), legit(i], Icgunt(t) 9 as legas,

legal, legant.
432. In the Gothic, the aboriginal separation into the
full and mutilated terminations makes itself principally
conspicuous in that the terminations ti and nti of the

primary forms have retained the T sound, because it was

protected by a following vowel, but have lost the t: on
the other hand, the t of the secondary forms,
concluding

* Berlin Jahrb.
Feb. U27, p. 279, or Vocalismus, p. 44.
 VERBS. 605
\

as in the Greek, has vanished: hence, for example.

bair-i-th, bair-a-nd, answering to H^fif bhar-a-ti, wffjf bhar-

a-nti (0e/D-o-vn), but bair-ai, like $epoi, answering to H^

bhar-e-t (from bharait) fer-a-t. In the
person singular, first

the full termination mi (with the exception ofim, "lam")

has, in remarkable accordance with the Latin, quite dis-

appeared on the other hand, the concluding ra of the secon-

:

dary forms has not, indeed, as in the Latin, been retained

unaltered, but yet has kept its place in the resolved form of u
(compare 426. p. 619. G. ed.)
. thus bair-a, answering to
:

HTTfo bhar-d-mi, but bair-a-u (from bairam [G. Ed. p. 625.]

for bairaim)* answering to *n?J^ bhar-ty-am, fer-a-m. In
the second person singular, as in the Latin, an identity be-
tween the primary and secondary forms has introduced
itself, since first have lost the concluding i, and the latter
tL^
have not brought one from the Asiatic seat of their class ;
hence bair-i-s, answering to Htftf bhar-a-si, and also bair-
ai-s to vft* bhar-i-s, fer-A-s, ^ep-ot-j.

433. In the Old the secondary forms have,

Sclavonic,
in the singular, been compelled entirely to abandon the

personal consonant (see 255. /.), on account of its being

.

final; hence, in the imperative, which is identical with

the Sanskrit potential, the Greek optative, and Roman-

German subjunctive, the second person singular ends with
the modal-vowel i, and, in the preterite, answering to the
Sanskrit-Greek second and third persons have
aorist, the
the same sound, because the concluding s, like f, was ne-

cessarily dropped. Compare, in the preterite iterative, the

termination IIIE, she, UIE, she, with the Sanskrit tffar sis, *ftu sit.

On the other hand, the primary forms give the expression

of the second person singular with wonderful accuracy, as

HIM, shi, or CM, and out of the fir ti of the third we have
si;

T, and, in the plural BT from antL We now proceed to a

closer consideration of the personal signs.

Compare Vocalisnuis, p 203.

606 VERBS.

FIRST PERSON.
434. The character of the
person is, ill the singular as
first

well as plural, in its original shape, 'in but in the dual the lan- ;

guages, which possess a first dual person in the transitive

[G. Ed. p. 626.] active form, have softened the m to v 9 as we
have also found qra^ vayam "we," for ?nm mayam,iu the plural
of the simple pronoun, and similar phenomena in several cog-
nate languages (. 331.), The full characteristic of the first per-
son singular is, in the primary form of the transitive active,
mi, and spreads and Zend, over all verbs
itself, in Sanskrit
without exception: in Greek, however peculiarities of dialect

excepted it extends only over such as answer to the second

chief Sanskrit conjugation, which embraces the classes two,
a
three, five, seven, eight, and nine (. 109 .), but altogether com-

prises but a small proportion of the verbs (about 200). The

other Greek verbs have quite suppressed the personal ter-
mination, and their o> (omega), like the Latin o of all conju-
gations, answers to the Sanskrit d, which, in forms like bddh-
" 1
" "
-6,-mi, I know/ tud-d-mi, I wound," I slay," belongs nei-

ther to the root nor the personal termination, but is the

character of the class, which, when it consists of a short a,
or of syllables ended by a, lengthens that letter before and m
v followed by a vowel hence, bddh-d-mi, bddh-d-vas, bodh-d-
:

mas, in contrast to bftdh-a-si, b6dh-a-ti ; bddh-a-thas, b6dh-a-

tas ; h&dh-a~tha, bddh-a-nti. The Greek has no participation
in this lengthening, and makes Tep7r-o-/zev answer to the
Sanskrit tarp-A-mas. It is possible, however, that, in the

singular, TCJOTT-CO-/*/ may haveonce stood, answering to tarp-

d-mi ; and if so, we might conjecture that this o> may have
been shortened in the plural and dual (middle) by the
influence of the increased
weight of the terminations, of
which more hereafter; thus, also, in the medio-passive.
The to-be-presupposed repTr-co-fti has, in fact, the
same re-
lation toTep7r-o-ftev, and repTr-o-fta/, that 8/5co-fu has to 5/5o-/zei/
and HiS-o-fJLou. If, however, we prefer, which I should not, to
 FIRST PERSON. 607

assume as the primitive form, the length of re/oTrco

T^OTT-O-/*!
must then be considered as a compensation for the loss of the
termination. In any case the middle-pas- [G. Ed. p. 627.]
sive /zai, which spreads itself over all classes of verbs, proves
that they all have had a /xi
in the active ;
for /xai has sprung
form /it/,
as era/, TOK, vra/, from or/, T/, vrt ;
and without the
presence either of a repir^i or a Tepirojju we could have no
repTTOfjiai. With regard to the all-prevalent conservation of
the character of the person in the middle-passives, the
first

Greek maintains a conspicuous advantage over its Asiatic

cognates, which, in the singular of the middle, as well in the
primary as in the secondary forms, have suffered the to m
vanish without leaving a trace. IfrepTro) be, as it were,
amended from the Sanskrit form tarp-&-mi, the mutilated
Sanskrit form tarpj}* may be, in like manner, traced back
from the Greek repTr-o-ftai to its original form tarp-d-mH, or
lurp-a-m$.
435. We what has been said above, a very re-
find, in

markable confirmation of the maxim, that the various

members of the great family of language now under discus-
sion must of necessity mutually illustrate and explain each
other, since not even the most perfect among them have been
handed down to us uncorrupted in every part of their
rich organism. For while the ending jtiou is still extant
in splendor in the Modern-Greek passive, the cor-
all its

responding Sanskrit form lay in ruins at that period when

the oldest existing sample of Indian literature, the Vedas,
were composed, the antiquated language of which has con-
veyed to us so many other remnants of the primaeval type of
the family. On the other hand, Homer, in all the over-

whelming variety of and future forms, was com-

his present

pelled to forego the terminating pi,

which was the mother of
his /xa/, which is the only existing termination in the Sanskrit,

* Such would be the form of tarpdmi in the middle voice, in which,

however, it is not used.
 608 VERBS.

and which to this day the Lithuanian utters in the following

verbs.

LITHUANIAN. SANSKRIT. GREEK.

" 1
'riemi, I am,' asm?, c/i/x/i e?/x/.
"
^eimi,
I
go," =mi,
"
3 dumi, I
give," daddmi,
"
(Kmi, T
lay," ^dadhumi,
l~J "
stowmi, I stand," tixhtMmi, uroy/x/.
" I
z, eat," =admi ....
" "
i, I sit,"
=ni-5//MmJ, I sit down"
" "
gi&dmii sing," I
gaddmi, I
say" ....
" I " I
</^/6m?, help,"* =kalpaydmi, make, I prepare?"*
" I ....
sHrgmi, guard"
"
saugmi, I preserve" ....
"
miSgmi, I sleep" ....
" " I
fte&m?', I leave," ^rahfani, forsake? "f ....

436. We must take into account that in all these verbs

a
the termination /*/,
as in the Sanskrit second class (. I09 .
3.)

and in the verbs which correspond to it, such as $)yju/, e?/*/, is

combined directly with the root. The Old Sclavonic also
has preserved, in some verbs of this kind, which we would
name the Archaic conjugation, the termination mi, not,

indeed, in its original purity, but under the shape of my.

Before this however, as also in the first person plural
my,
before my, and before the sibilant of the second person
singular, a radical d is suppressed, which d, before termi-
[G. Ed. p. 629.] nations beginning with /, in analogy with

the Zend and Greek (. 102. p. 102. G. ed.), passes into $4

Compare :

*
Kalpaydmi) on which the Gothic root halp^ "to help" (present httpa,
preterite halp\ is probably based, is, in all likelihood, akin to the root kar

t Compare p.441.
I fad alone forms an exception, in that, in the second and third person
dual
 FIRST PERSON. 009

OLD SCLAVONIC. SANSKRIT.

"
KCMb t/eswi/, I am," ^arftR asmi.
" 11

vycmy,
I know, ^f?T v$dmi.
" 1 '

vyedyaty, they know,* fa<jfnf vidanti.

"
A A Mb rfamy, I
give,"* ^rfa daddmi.
"
dadyaty, they give," ^fir dadaii.
"
I eat," ^rfiBT ad me.
f

yamy,
"
yadaty, they eat," ^ftf adanti.

Thus also the compound cnt,Mb m-ycmy for sn-yamy, "co-

" I have." The
manduco"^ and niMAivib imamy,
'*
medo?
Krainish deserves special attention in respect of the first

person singular, as, without exception, it has preserved the

personal m, although with entire renunciation of the i;
"
for instance, delam, I labor*: so, Polish, in the first
in
"I
conjugation, as Bandtke has it, czytam, read." In Old

Sclavonic, however, we find everywhere in the common

conjugation MM, & and we have already remarked that we
recognise, in the latter part of this diphthong, the melting

of this personal sign m into a short u sound, which, with

the preceding conjugation- vowel, has resolved itself into wn, as
in Greek rvirrovvt from TVTTTOVTI (. 255. y.). [G. Ed. p. 630.]

In the same light is to be regarded the Lithuanian u in

Mielcke's first and second conjugation; compare suku,
"I turn," and penu t
"I feed," with the plural suk-a-me,

pen-a-me. On the other hand, in verbs like laikau^ " I hold,"

" "
I seek," myliu> the u only belongs to the
I love,"
yeszkau,
personal sign. It is otherwise with the Old High German u
in Grimm's strong and first weak conjugation : in these, u is

a weakening of the Gothic a (Vocalisrnus, p. 227, ff.),

and this

dual it inserts an e as a connecting vowel ; hence, yad-e-ta in contrast to

das-ta> vyes-ta. See Kopitar's Glagolita, p. 93.

* Is generally used with a future signification.

t TheSanskrit preposition sam, Greek crvi/, has, in Sclavonic, usually

lost the nasal, but has preserved it in the above instances*
610 VERBS.

is a shortening of the Sanskrit d, and so far corre-

itself

sponds to the Greek o> and Latin o (see 434.). Com- .

the Gothic bair-a-\ Old High German bir-u-

pare (piru), with
Httfa bhar-d-mi, 0ep-o>-(/zi), fer-o. The only verb which, in
Gothic has preserved a remnant of the termination fu9 is
"
tro, I am," = 'wft* asmi, &c. In High German, however,
the remains of this old termination are more numerous:
in the German bin it has to this
day rescued itself from total
suppression. The Old High German form is him, or pirn, a
contraction of the Sanskrit bhavdmi, the v of which
reappears
in the shape of r in the plural birumfa. Besides these, the

personal sign in Old High German fastens on some other

isolated verbs, as on gdm, "I go," = *pnftl jaffdmi,
"
(p. Hi); stdm, I stand,
11
= fimfa tishthdmi, Zend
histAmi, f<rn//u (p-111); tuom, "I do,"
Greek, Sanskrit =
"
Spnfo dadhdmi, I place," Greek ridy^, fa^vrftf vi-dadhdmi,
"
I make "; and, further, on those classes of verbs which ex-

hibit the Sanskrit form aya in the shape of & or 6 (Grimm's

a
second and third conjugations of the weak form, see 109 6.). . .

Hence habtm (Gothic habti), damndm, and phlanzom, are

more perfect than the corresponding Latin forms habeo,
damno, planto. Yet it is only the oldest monuments which
exhibit the m termination : the more modern substitute n.

[G. Ed. p. 631,] 437. In the secondary forms the expression

of the first person singular, in Sanskrit and Zend, is termi-
nated by m
without a vowel and this mutilated ending, which
;

has maintained itself in Latin in preference to the fuller mi

(. 431.), has been forced in Greek, by a universal law
of sound, to become v just as we have seen, in the Old
;

High German, the final m of the most ancient authorities

corrupted into n. Compare e'repTr-o-i' with aar/?-a-m,
and
with adadd-m and add-m; and further,
$o>-i/

and So-<V with dad'-ydm and d$-ydm. In the first

Greek aorist the personal sign has vanished hence, eSei^a ;

contrasted with ^f^apr adihham. The older e$eiav> from

 FIRST PERSON. 611

a still older form e$e/fa/*, can be traced, however, out of

the resulting middle form eJeif afi-Jjv. With respect to the

Gothic u fop m, we refer the reader to . 432,

" Remark. We
have, above, divided atarp-a-m after the
fashion of the Greek erepTr-o-i/, but have further to observe,

that, according to the Indian grammarians, the full termina-

tion of the first person singular of the secondary form is not
a simple m, but am
accordingly, atarpam would stand for
:

atarpdm from atarp-a-am, and we should have to assume an

elision of the intermediate syllable a. In fact, we find the
termination am in places where the a cannot, as in a/arp-a-w,

aria-ya-m, adars-aya-m, be assigned to the class character

a
(. 109 1.2.6.); for we form, for instance, out of ?, "go,"
.

f/y-am, not di-m, "I went"; from fcrtl, "speak," abrav-am

"
or abruv-am, not abr6-m 9 I spoke "; and from the syllables
nu and M, which, in the special tenses, are appended to the
a
roots of the fifth and eighth class (, 109 4.), spring, not .

ntJ-m, d-w, as we might expect from the present nd-mi,

d-mi, but navam, avam; and thus, for instance, we find

astnnavam, plural iHfe4UH astrinuma, answering to

eo-Topvvfjiev. As, however, the second person in San-
skrit has a simple s, the third a simple f for its sign, and, for in-
,

stance, astri-nd-s, ustri-n6-t, answer to the Gr. evrop-vv-s, eoro/o-

-i/G(r); from thence, as well as from the fact that the Greek also,
in the first person, has a simple v, we may deduce that the a of
mtrlnavam is
inorganic, and imported from the conjuga- first

tion, just as, in Greek, we find for ea-Topvv- v [G. Ed. p. 632.]

also eoTopvu-o-v ;
and so, in
person, togetherthe third
with evropvv also eoro/ow-e, to which a Sanskrit astrinav-a-t
would correspond. The verbs which unite the personal ter-
minations immediately with roots ending in consonants may
have particularly favoured the introduction of an a into the
person; thus, for instance, to the present v&dmi, "I know,"
first

no avddm could follow; the personal character must have

vanished entirely as in the second and third person, where,
612 VERBS.

instead of av$t-s, avtt-t, by . 94. atft (for av$d) is used* or

else the aid of an intermediate vowel must have been sought,
as the nominal bases terminating in a consonant add am instead
of simple m in the accusative, from whence this termination has
passed also over to monosyllabic bases terminating with a
vowel so that ndv-am for ndum, and bhruv-am for bhr&in have
;

the same relation to the Greek i/aD-i/, 6<t>pv-v, that we have seen
astrinav-am (for astritidm) bear to ecrropvv-v. In any case, how-

ever, the a has acquired a firm establishment in the first person

singular of the secondary forms and it would be best perhaps,

;

practically as well as theoretically, to lay down the rule,

thatwhere a or d does not precede the terminating m as the
property either of a class, a mood, or a root, that letter is in-
troduced : hence we find crfarp-a-w, "plucabam," adadd-m,
da&am," ayd-m, "i&am" (from the root yd), ayu-nd-m,
"ligoham? (cl. 9. see . 109*. 5.), dadyd-m, "rfew"; but also
"
astri-nav-am 9 sternebam" for astri-no-m ; aud tarp-&y-am)
"
"placem" (. 43.), for
tarpSm tishth3-y-am, ; stem" for ihhthtm,
which last would accord more closely with tishth&s, "stes";

tishthdt, "stet"; tishthSma, "stfmus"; tishthtta, "stttis"

438. In the Gothic, as we have before remarked (. 432.),
the m of the secondary forms has resolved itself into u.
This termination, however, has entirely vanished from the
Old High German, with the exception of a solitary exam-
ple,which has preserved the original m in preference to
the Gothic u; namely, lirnem, "discam" in Kero. In the
Lithuanian, both the mutilated m and
the fuller ending mi
have been corrupted into u, and therefore just as laikau, " I
hold," is related to the to-be-presupposed laikam from laikami,

[G. Ed. p. 633.] so is buwau to the Sanskrit a-hhavam,

"I was." With respect to the Sclavonic, I may refer the

* In the second
person the form ave-s also holds good with the radical
consonant suppressed and the termination retained, as in the Latin nomi-

natives, likepe-8 fai-ped-t.

 FIRST PERSON. 613

reader to what has been said generally (, 433.) on the sin-

gular secondary terminations, and to what will follow here-

after on the preterite in particular.
439. With regard to the origin of the termination of the
first person, I consider mi to be a weakened form of the

syllable ma (compare p. 102), which, in Sanskrit and Zend,

lies at the foundation of the oblique cases of the simple pro-

noun as theme. In the word daddmi, mi has the same

relation to the ma in which it
originates, as the Latin i bears
in compounds like tubiClN(-cinis), to the true radical form
CAN. The secondary form rests on a further weakening
of mi to m, which, though be of most remote antiquity,
it

as would appear from its

striking accordance with the sister
languages of Europe, still does not belong to those times
when the organization of the language was yet flourishing
in all its parts, and in full vigour. I do not, at least,

believe, that in the youth of our family of languages there

was already a double series of personal terminations ;
but
I entertain the conjecture, that, in the course of time, the
terminations underwent a polishing process in those

places where an accession to the anterior part (in the

augment-preterites), or an insertion into the interior (in

the potential or optative), had given greater occasion for
such a process.* The gradual prevalence of the mutilated
terminations is illustrated by the fact, that, in Latin, all
the plurals still end in mus, in Greek in /xei/ (/te$), while in
Sanskrit the corresponding form
*rc^
mas only remains in
the primary forms, and even in these shews itself not

unfrequently in the mutilated form ma, [G. Ed. p. 634.]

which, in the secondary terminations, has become the rule:
hence we have, indeed, tarp-d-mas, sarp-d-mas,and occasionally

tarp-d-ma, sarp-d-ma, corresponding to repTr-o-^es, serp

a
-i~mm, (. 109 .
1.) ;
but constantly atarp-d-ma, asarp-&-ma,

answering to eTepir-o-fJLes, scrpebamus ; constantly eb-wa,

*
Compare Vocalismus, Rein. 1C.
 614 VERBS.

answering to ^(cr)-/xej, erdmus, dadyd-ma to $i$oiV/*e? and

tishth8-ma to st&nus. To pass, however, to the explanation
of the termination mas, we might assume that it should be
divided into m-as ; that the m should stand as theme, but the
OH as a plural nominative termination ;
for mn$ ends like

iflja padas, /xe? like Trodey, and the personal endings always
express a nominative relation. It is, however, also possible
that the s of mas rests on the same principle as the s of the
"
Zend xsfyv you," for yusmh and the s of the San-
yus,
skrit nas, vas, and Latin nos, vos.* Then TORT ad-mas
"
would signify I and they eat," as we have seen that ^^
a-sm& was considered a copulative compound in the sense
of "I and they" (.333.)-t In this view the Vedic termi-
nation masi, on which rests the Zend mahi for instance,
"
t^rfe dadman, jtyAff^u^ dademahi, we give" would
[G. Ed. p. 635.] appear to be mutilation and weakening
a
of the appended pronoun sma, or the i of masi would be a mu-
tiJation of & (=a + i); and masi (for mas$) would thus join itself

to the Vedic plural nominative asme for momd. The inde-

pendent asm& would have lost the first, and the termination
masi the second m. If, however, the first supposition be the
true one, the of masi might be compared with the Greek
i

demonstrative /, omitting the difference of quantity.

* See
$$.335. 336. 337
t As in the expression " we" other companions are more usually attri-

buted to the / than the person or persons addressed, to whom, in fact,

tilings are usually recounted in which they themselves have had no

and " we two/'
share ; as, moreover, for the idea in its simple use, a spe-
cial form is provided, which perhaps existed before other duals ; it
seems
to me little likely that Pott s conjecture (Berl. Jahrb. March
1833, p. 336)
is correct, that the syllable mas of the first person plural properly ex-
" I and
presses thou"; and that therefore the pronoun of the second person
is
expressed by the 9, in the same form in which it appears in the
singular of the verb, which in any case we are obliged first to derive from
the t of twam, while, the by explanation above, the s is given as existing
originally.
 FIRST VKKSON. 615

440. The Old High German exhibits the first person

plural in the very full and perfect shape mds, as well in
the primary as in the secondary forms j. e. in the indica-
tive and subjunctive while the Gothic has in the one
merely m, in the other ma. In the Lithuanian we find

everywhere m ; in the Carniolan mo, for instance, delamo,

"
we labor**; but the Old Sclavonic has a naked m or my
the however, only in a few verbs, which have, in the
latter,

singular, the more full termination my (p. 609); for instance,

"
we eat, = ^rere ad-mas; Bfcuibi vye-my,
11
IAMBI ya-my,
"
we know," = f^pBR^ vid-mas. This Sclavonic i>i
y for
E or o, which, according to . 255. a., we might expect in

answer to the Sanskrit ^r a, is, I believe, produced by the

euphonic influence of the original s which concludes the
form (compare . 27 1.). It is more difficult to account
for the long e in Old High German, unless Graff (I. 21.) be

right in his conjecture, that the termination m$s may rest

upon that peculiar to the Vedas, mast. We should then have to
assume either that the i which had been dropped from the
termination had been replaced by the lengthening of the
antecedent vowel (thus mfo for mds, as in Gothic ^TT A, =
or that the i had fallen back into the
.
69.), preceding
syllable for out of
;
ai we have, in Old High German, as in

Sanskrit, & In Gothic, we may be surprised that the more

mutilated termination m should answer to the fuller Sanskrit
termination ur^ mas, while the shorter ma [G. Ed. p. 636.]
of the secondary forms has remained unaltered; thus

bair-a-m, "ferimus" contrasted with bhar-<l-mas and

*rou^
bair-ai-ma, "feramus" answering to w*r bhar-d-ma. Pro-

bably the diphthong ai, and, in the preterite subjunctive, the

long i (written ei, as in b8r-ei-ma\ was found better able to bear

the weight of the personal termination, after the same prin-
of the preterite,
ciple by which the reduplication-syllable
in, the Gothic, has only maintained itself in the roots with

long syllables, but has perished in the short We must con-

C16 VEUBS.

sider that the Sanskrit, in the reduplicated preterite has, h;

like manner, R ma, not TO mas ; but the Gothic, in this

place, does not share the termination ma with the Sanskrit,

but as 1 believe, on account of the shortness of the ante-
cedent vowel has a simple
m; hence, for instance, bund-u-m,
"
we bound," answering to ^rfem bdbandh-i-ma.
In the dual, the Sanskrit has vas in the primary
441.
forms, and va in the secondary, in analogy with the plural
may, ma. The difference between the dual and the plural
is, however, so far an accidental one, in that, as we have

before observed (.434.), the dual v is a corruption ofm.

This difference is, of remote antiquity, and
nevertheless,
existed before the individualization of the German, Lithu-

anian, ayd Sclavonic, which all participate in this peculiar dual

form. The Lithuanian universally has wa, the Old Sclavonic,
together with BA va, an inorganic feminine fit vye (. 429):
but the Gothic has three forms, and the most perfect in the

subjunctive, where, for instance, bair-ai-va has the same

relation to H^ bhar-$-va, as, in the plural, bair-ai-ma to
H^T bhar-4-ma* The reason why the dual ending, in this

position, has maintained itself most completely, plainly

lies, as in the case of the plural, in the antecedent

diphthong, which has felt itself strong enough to bear the

syllable va. In the indicative present, however, the long d
[G. Ed. p. 637.] in the Sanskrit bhar-d-vas, pre-
which,
cedes the personal termination, has, in the Gothic, shortened
itself, in all probability, as, in the plural, bair-a-m> and, in the

Greek, ^e/o-o-juej, contrasted with 6Aar-d-mav .- then, how-

ever, v has permitted itself to be extinguished, and out of
baira(v)as, by a union of both the vowels, bairds has been

generated, as 6, in Gothic, is the long form of a (. 69.); and

hence, in the nominative plural masculine of the a bases,
in like manner 6s is produced out of a + as, so that, for
1
instance, vairos, "men/ answers to the Sanskrit virds,
44
heroes (out of vfoa-as). In the indicative preterite we
 FIRST PERSON. 61 7

cannot expect to meet with 6s, as this tense has for its
connecting vowel not a but w; nor can we expect to meet
with u-va, since va, like the plural ma, can be borne only

by diphthongs or long vowels. The next in turn is w-t%

as analogous to the plural u-m. At the end of a word,
however, v is subject, where preceded by a short vowel,
to be changed into Hence, for instance, thiu> "ser-
u.

vum" (for thiv) from the base THIVA; and thus, also,
9

from M-V, first u-u, and next long tf may have been gene-
rated, by the union of the two short vowels into one
long. hold the u of magu, " we two can,"
I therefore
siyu,
"we two are," the only evidence for the form under dis-
cussion,* to be long, and write magu, siyil,
as contractions
of magu-v, from mag-u-v, Should, however,
siyu-v, siy-u-v.
the u of this termination be neither long nor the modern

shortening of an originally long u, it would then be identical

with that which stands as a connecting vowel in mag-u-ts,

mag-u-m, or it would be explainable as mayu from mayva,

siyu
from Independently, however, of the phonetic
siyva.
impossibility of the last-mentioned form, [G. Ed. p. 638.]
the immediate annexation of the personal ending to the
root is incredible, because the first dual person would thus
present a contrast scarcely to be justified to the second, and
to all those of the plural, as well as to the most ancient

practice of this tense. In Zend I know no example of the

first person dual.
442. Of the middle terminations I shall treat particularly

hereafter. The
following is a summary view of the points
of comparison we have obtained for the first person of the
transitive active form.

* As mag is throughout inflected as a preterite, and also the verb sub-

stantive in both plurals, Grimm has, certainly with justice, deduced tbe
form of the first dual person of all the preterites from the foregoing in-
stances.

s s
 618 VERBS.

SINGULAR.
SANSKRIT. ZEND. GREEK. LATIN. GERMAN. LITH. OLD SCLAV.

tishthdmi, histdmi, tern/fa, sto, *Mm, stowmi, stoyun.

1

daddmi, dadhami* dtfafu, do, .... dumi, damy.

asmi, ahmi, c/*/it, swm, im, esmi, yesmy.
bhardmi, bardmi, ^epa, fero, baira
8
vakdmi, vazdmi, c^w, who, vigaf wesft,* eun,
tishth&yam, .... lo-raii/v, stem,

dadydm, daidhyahmf Moirjv, dem,

hyahm? c(<r)ir}v y aiem, siyau
.... (fopotvjfferam, bairau

avaham, vaxem, c?^oj, vehebam, .... mziau, ....

DUAL.
tiththdvas, .... stowiwa, staiva.
dadwas, .... 1
dudawa, dadeva.
bhardvas, .... bairos

a vdhdvas, .... ?;0ros, wezawb,

^ bhardva, .... bairaiva*
jx
^ vahfoa, .... wigawcP ....
^ avahdva, .... wezvwa }n ....
uj PLURAL.
tishthdmas, .... tora/iey, stamus, *stdmes, stowimi, sto'im.

tishthdmasi^histdmahiy
1
dadmas, .... 8/5o/Lify, damns, .... dudame, damy
11
dadmasi, dademahi,
bhardmas, .... <f>fpopf$, ferimus, bairam,

bharamasi^ bardmahi,
vahdmas, .... fX /iCf9 vchimus, vigam, wezame, ve^om.
vazdmahi, .... ....
histafana, IcrrairnL^st&mus,

dadydma, daidhydma, 8idoir)p,cs,d(!mug,

bara&ma, fopoiiM^ferdmus, bairaiwa*

vaza&na, e^ot/iey, vehdmus, vigaima

1 *
.... vefyem*
avahdma, vassdma? ct^o/ze^ vehebamus, .... wez&ne ....
1 * 3
See J. 255. 0. See J. 39. If o X os, for fo^oy, be related

to xo>, then
exo) also stands for Fx>, and belongs to vahdmi and we^o.
The signification, also, of movement in the compounds avc^a, &c'xa>,

&e., is plainly perceivable ; then the Sanskrit root vah signifies,

* The forms marked with * to the Old High German, the un-
belong
marked forms to the Gothic.
 FIRST PERSON. 619

also "to bear," from which we easily arrive at the idea of "hav-
ing." In Greek, however, it sterns that, in this verb, two roots
of distinct origin have intermixed themselves, namely, *EX vah, and =^
2XE ^2XH)=^T? sah, "to bear," with transposition of the radical vowel,
as in /3/3X?7fca, as related to BAA. If, however, exo> an ^ arxn-(ra> belong to

one root, the first must then stand for o-^w, with the loss of the cr.

We must not, however, consider the spiritus asper of o>, and of simi-
lar forms, as a substitute for the
as it is very satisfactorily explained by
<r,
4
. 104. Glossary I have made the Sanskrit vah
In p. 213 of my
" to set in motion "
correspond to the Gothic vagyan, ; [G. Ed. p. 640.]
but this vagya belongs, like the Lithuanian vaz-o-yu, to the causal
vdhaydmi (. 109*. 6.): the primitive of vagya has weakened in the pre-
sent the radical vowel tot
(p. 106), and only appears in connection with
the preposite ga In the Lithuanian, the a ofwasoyu,
(ga-vi-ga, ga-vag).
"I ride," rests on the long a of the Sanskrit vdhaydmi; the e of
wezu on the short a of vahdmi. Though, at the beginning of
5

the Vendidad (OJshausen' s edition, p. 1,) the form daidhyanm belong to the
Sanskrit root dhd, "to place "which, if not by itself, at least in con-
has the meaning " to make," " to create
" we
junction with ftf vi, still

deduce thus much from daidhyav'im, that it is also derivable from da,
" to on the antecedent
give ": unless the y has exercised no aspirating power
cf, which case we should necessarily have daidyahm.
in On the roots
AMJ
dd <JT
=
dd,
" to
give," and
.uy
dd Vf dhd,
" to
place/' compare =
Burnouf s pregnant Note 217 to the Ya^na (p. 356), and Fr. Windisch-
man's excellent critique on the same work in the Jena Literar. Zeit.
6 7
July 1834. p. 143. Or, without reduplication,
See . 430.

duwa, as the analogue of the singular dumi, together with which, also, a
reduplicated form dudu, but wanting the mi termination, is extant.
8 10 See Mielcke, p. 100. 18
See . 441. See $. 255. e.

11 l2 13
Ve"da dialect, see . 439. See . 440. Euphonic for

dadymy, see Dobrowsky, pp. 39 and 539.

l4 See .
440, 441.

SECOND PERSON.
443. The Sanskrit pronominal base two, or twe (. 326.)
has, in its connection with verbal themes, split itself

into various forms, the t either remaining unaltered, or

being modified to th or dh, or as in Greek <iv has de-

generated into the v being either maintained or removed,

s

the a remaining unaltered, or being weakened to i, or alto-

gether displaced. The complete pronominal form shews

ss 2
020 VERBS.

itself in the middle voice, as this aflbcts weightier ter-

minations, and therefore has guarded more carefully

against the mutilation of the pronoun, upon same the

principle as that in which, in Sanskrit, the verbal

forms
which take Guna admit no irregular mutilations of the roots.
[G. Ed. p. 641.] For it is natural that a form which loves

strengthening should at least, under circumstances which

prevent that process, repudiate the contrary extreme of muti-

lation. Hence we say, for example, asmi, " I am," with the
root undiminished, because the latter would receive Guna in

the singular, if a would admit of Guna ;* but we say, in the

dual swas, in the plural smas, in the potential sydm, because
the two plural numbers and the entire potential 'refuse all
Guna increment, and hence, occasionally, admit of radical
mutilation. After the same principle, the pronoun of the
second person shews itself in its most complete shape in the

*
Upon Guna and Vriddhi see 2(>. "29. I
may here append, in justi-
.

fication of . 29., what

have already indicated in my Yocalismus (p. ix),
I

that I no longer seek the reason why a is incapable of Guna, although it may
be compounded into long a with an antecedent a, in the supposition that
Guna and Vriddhi would be identical in the case of a for a-f a, as well

as d-t-a, give a but in this, that a, as the weightiest vowel, in most of the
cases inwhich i and u receive Guna, is sufficient of itself, and hence re-
ceivesno increment, according to the same principle by which the long
vowels i and u in most places remain unaltered where an a precedes
i or u (Gram. Crit. . 34 a .). It is, moreover, only an opinion of the gram-
marians, that a has no Guna : the fact is, that
a in the Guna, as in the Vrid-
dhi degree, becomes d 9 but on account of weight seldom usesthis capa-
its

bility. When, however, this happens, i and u for the most part, in the
same part of grammar, have only Guna ; for instance, bibhdda, "he clave,"
from bkid> together witlye/^wa, he went," from gam. It is, however,
natural, that where so great an increment is required as that t and u be-
=
come, not &j o ( a -f i y a +
u\ but di, du, in such a case a should exert
the only power of elevation of which it is
capable hence, for instance, we :

have mdnava, " descendant of from as sdiva from

Mann/' manu,
and kdurauya from burn.
 SECOND PERSON. 621

middle voice, namely, in the plural, where the primary

forms end in dhw8, and the secondary in dhwam, and, in
the imperative singular, where the termination swa has
indeed allowed the T sound to vanish into s, but has yet
"
preserved the v of twam, thou." As we [G. Ed. p. 642.]

shall have hereafter to consider the middle forms in par-

ticular, we now turn to the transitive active form. This has
nowhere completely preserved the semi-vowel of the base
twa, yet I believe I recognise a remnant of it in the th, which
stands in the primary forms, as well in the dual as in the

plural, and, in the reduplicated preterite, also in the singular.

On the other hand, the secondary forms, as they generally
have blunter terminations, so also they have, in the two
plurals, the pure tenuis; hence, for instance, tishth8-ta,

<<rra/i;re, opposed to tishtha-tha, Jo-rare; and, in the dual,

tishth&tam, Icrrou'tyroi/, opposed to tishthathas* fcrrarov. We see
from this, that, in Sanskrit, the aspirates are heavier than

the tenues or the medials; for they are the union of the
full tenuis or medial, with an audible h (. 12.), and

tishthatha, must then be pronounced tishf-hat-ha; and I think

that I recognise in the h of the termination the dying
breath of the v of twam, " thou."
444. The above examples shew that the full termina-
tion of the second person, in the dual present, is thas, and,
in the plural, t ha : we have, however, seen the dual, in
the noun, arise by strengthening of the plural termi-
nations (, 206.). As, however, the personal termina-
tions, being pronouns, stand in the closest connection
with the noun, it might be assumed that the second person

plural in the verb was once thas,

and that the dual termi-
nation thAs had developed itself from this ; but that, in the

lapse of time, the s had escaped

from the thas, and the long
vowel from the dual thds. We must consider that even,
in the first person, the s of mas has but a precarious tenure,
as, even in the primary forms, we often meet with ma. If,
622 VERBS.

however, in the second person plural, the original termination

was tha* 9 the Latin tis corresponds well to it, and, it would
confirm Thiersclf s conjecture, derived from the hiatus, that
[G. Ed. p. 643J in Homer, instead of re the termination

res may have stood as analogous to /xej (Third Edition, .

163.).
As to the origin of the s of the termination t has, it is without
doubt identical with that of mas in the first person it is :

thus either to be divided as th-as, and as is to be explained as

a plural nominative termination, or the s of 1ha-s is a rem-
nant of the appended pronoun sma (.439.); as also, in an
isolated condition, yu-shm$, "ye," is found with a-sm$,
" "
we (. 332.). If the latter assumption be correct, pos-

sibly in the m of the secondary dual termination tarn

we may recognise the second consonant of sma ; so that

this appended pronoun has suffered a twofold mutilation,
surrendering at one time its m, at another its s. In this
respect we may recur to a similar relation in the Lithu-
anian dual genitives mumu, to the plural
yumu, opposed
locatives mususe, As, however, the secon-
yususe (.176.).
dary forms, by rule, are deduced by mutilation from the
primary, we might still whether the first or the second
theory be the true one of the termination thas deduce the
duller m from the livelier concluding s ; as also in

Greek, in the primary forms, we find TOV from TTO thas;

as, in the first person, /uei/ from mas, JUGJ, and, in the

Prakrit ff hi* from the Sanskrit fa^ bhis (. 97.). Thus,

also, may the dual case-termination n* bhydm have arisen
from the plural bhyas originally by a mere lengthening
of the vowel (see ,215.), but later the concluding s may
have been corrupted into m.
445. While the Greek already, in the primary forms, has
coiTUpted the s of the dual ending t has into v, in the Gothic
the ancient s has
spread itself over primary and secon-
dary forms; and we are able to deduce from this a new
proof, that where, in Sanskrit, in the second person dual,
 SECOND PERSON. -
623

a nasal shews itself, this did not arise out of s till after the se-

paration of languages. The a which preceded [G. Ed. p. 644.]

the s has, however, escaped from the Gothic, and, in fact,
inpursuance of an universal law, by which a before a ter-
minating s of polysyllabic words is either entirely extin-
guished, or weakened to i. The first of these alternatives
has occurred and thus is answers to the Sanskrit thas, as,
;

in the nominative singular of the bases in a, vulfs corre-

sponds to the Sanskrit vrika* and Lithuanian wilkas. Com-

pare bair-a-ts with w^ni bhar-a-thas, ^ep-e-Tov, and further,
bnir-ai-ts with
wfcn^ bhar-e-tam, fyep-oi-rov.
The Sclavo-
nic has been compelled, according to . 225. /., to give up
the consonant of the termination in question
final the ;

Lithuanian has chosen to do so both, in fact, make la cor- :

respond to the *n^ thas of the Sanskrit primary forms, as

well as to the
in^ tarn
of the secondary. Compare the
Sclavonic AACTA das-ta (see 436.), the Lithuanian dfts-la or
.

"
dnda-ta, ye two give," with ^W*^ dat-thas, MSo-rov and ;

"
AA&AbTA dashdy-ta? let you two give,"
SJWnw^ dadyd-
-tam, StSofyrov, and Lithuanian dudo-ta, "ye two gave/' with
eStSo-rov.
TSft^jadat-tam*
446. In the Zend, I know no example of the second
dual person ;
but that of the plural runs as in the Sanskrit

primary forms xdtharf and in the secondary jop to. The

Greek, Sclavonic, and Lithuanian have everywhere re, TE, te ;

the Latin has in the imperative alone weakened its Us to te

* Note any dual how-

. 442. 's.
Dobrowsky does not cite : it is
plain,

ever, from the plural that the dual, if it be used, cannot sound
dashdy^
otherwise than as given in the text.

f In the Zend we might explain the aspiration, according to 47., as a .

remaining effect of the earlier v : as, however, in Sanskrit, the semi-vowel

is entirely free from this influence, we prefer for both languages the con-

jecture put forward p. 642 G. ed., that the h contained in the th is the real

representative of the v.
624 VERBS.

(. 444.). The Gothic has everywhere th> with the termi-

nating vowel rubbed off: this ih is, however, in my opinion,

neither to be identified with the Sanskrit-Zend th of the

[G. Ed. primary forms, nor to be explained by

p. 645.]

virtue of the usual law of displacement by which th is re-

quired for the older t ; but very probably the Gothic per- .

sonal termination, before the final vowel was abraded, was

da. The Gothic, in fact, affects, in grammatical termina-

tions, or suffixes between two vowels> a d for the original t,

but willingly converts this d, after the suppression of the

concluding vowel, into th (see 91.). On the Gothic d just .

presupposed rests also the High German t (, 87.),

by a dis-
placement which has thus brought back the original tenuis :

hence we find, forOld High German, wey-a-t,

instance,
*
ye move," answering to the Latin veh-i-tis, Greek e^-e-res
8
(p. 639 G. ed. Note .), Lithuanian we-a-e, Old Sclavonic

DELETE veg-e-te,
Sanskrit ^ng vah-a-tha, Zend ASCSASJAJ^
va%-
-a-tha, and presupposing in Gothic an older vigid for vigith.
447. We now turn to the singular.The primary forms have
here, in Sanskrit, the termination ftr si, and the secondary
only ^ s. Out of si,however, under certain conditions, fre-
quently comes ski (. 21.), which has also been preserved in
the Zend, where, according to .
53., the original si is changed
"
to hi ; as J>>ASASI bavahi and JWAS ahi, thou art," answering
to H^rftf bhavasi, 5sftr asi (for as-si) : but kerentiisfri,
"
J^pJ^/g?3
thou makest," answering to krindshi, as kri, according
'spftftf
a
to the fifth class (. 109 .
4.), would form. In the secondary
b
forms, according to . 56 ., the concluding sibilant, with a

preceding A* a, has become

y o, and with jui d, gw do, but
after other vowels has remained hence ;

"
rdvayd, thou spakedst" ( V. S. p. 4l), answering to
"
prdsr&vayas ; but J^^AJ^ mraSs,* thou spakedst," answering

* I write
AV^AJ? purposely, and render Ji by 6, because I now find

myself compelled to adopt the rcmorks-of Burnouf, founded on the best

and
 SI<;COND PERSON. 625

for which irregularly [G. Ed. p. 646.]

^ abros, 'fTSrafh^
nbravis (Gram. Crit. . 352.). the European cognate Among
languages, the Old Sclavonic takes decided precedence for the
fidelity and consistency with which it has preserved
the pri-

mary termination si or ski, and so distributed them that the

first has remained in the archaic conjugation, (.436,) the

and oldest manuscripts ( Ya$na, pp. Ivii. IviiL), that i as well as y stands
for the Sanskrit ^ft; the former, i, however, only for the initial and medial,
and always accompanied by the new Guna a (. 28.) thus always i;A5

for an initial and medial ^fti and the latter, ^i, only for a terminating ^
and without the appendage of AI; as also before 6 at the end of a word
K^
no AS a is inserted. As a medial letter, vf appears sometimes as the repre-

sentative of the Sanskrit ^Sf a, and is then produced by the influence either
of an antecedent v or b
(^4^j> uboyo for wfar ubhayfts, p. 277), or it

represents in the diphthong j^ 6i, the a element of the Sanskrit 7 e

(=a + i). As, however, fy in the purest texts is specially reserved for a

position in the last syllable, it happens that, for the most part, it is, accord-

ing to its origin, the solution of the syllable iSf^T o, as this terminating

syllable, in Sanskrit, becomes 6 only before sonants, in Zend always

b
($.5G .). Yet I do not believe that it has been the intention of the Zend

speech or writing to distinguish the Guna ^ft o, i.e. the 6 which springs

from "S u with a inserted before it, from that which springs from ^pfl as,

by vocalization of the stou; for each 6 consists of a + w, and upon the value
and the pronunciation the question whether the M- or the ^-element was
there first, whether an a has been prefixed to the u y or an u appended to the

a, can have no influence. The position of a vowel in a word may, however,

well have an influence on its value ; and it is conceivable that the con.

eluding <>, kept pure from the Guna , appeared more important than that
which, at the beginning or middle of a word, had a prefixed. If

the crude forms in u, in Zend as in Sanskrit, had Guna in the vocative

(. 205.), the concluding Guna-^ft would also, as I believe, be represented

in Zend by ^ and not by ^AJ. I can, however, as it is, discover no reason

why a concluding ^ in Sanskrit, produced by Guna out of ti, should be

represented in Zend in the one way or the other.

 626 VERBS.

[G. Ed. p. 647.] latter in all the others. I subjoin the verbs

of the archaic conjugation, with several examples of the more

common, for comparison with the Sanskrit.

OLD {SCLAVONIC. SANSKRIT.

"
KCM yesi,
es" ^ftf cm.
1 "
dasi, das" ^iftf daddsi.
1 " '

edis? ^rffcr atsi

yasi,
1

vyesi,
"
[
bibis" ftRftf pivasi?
pieshi,
"
chipshi, quiescis" ijR sfoM.

smyeyeshi(sya)>
"rides" WH1 smayasS?
Bt>Kuin "flas" ^iftf irtfa*.
vyeyeshi,
DNAKiiin
fnayeshi, "rwvisti? ^TRTftr^Vlwds'e.

Bowiun bcMii(sya\ "times? Wift bibMshi.

At Km II dyeyeshi* "fhcis" ^nftr dadhdid.

"
/kMBEiiiH shiveshi, vivis? WV^ft? jtvasi.
"
IIAAEIIIH padeshi, cadi*? xnrftr
"
vehis" ^ftr
BE^EIUH ve^eshi,
CinmiM jpfefti, "dorm/V Hftft swapishi.
4< 11

g
E'lEiuii recheshi, dicis, T^ftr vachan.
" *
M'^ACEUJH tryaseshi(sya\ lremis t ^HRftr trasasi.
"
G^AEIUH byedeshi, affligis" fouiftl vidhyasi*
1
ME C EIU ii neses/ii, "/ers," prf3a nayasi.
"
obeshi, vocas" d^ftf hwayasi.
"
dereshi, "excoris" dnndsi t laceras" g
"^linftl
"
m proshishi, precaris? if&fa prichchhasi, "interrogas?
"
\

gadishi, "vituperas? JT^ftf gadasi, loqueris."

"
;

slyshishi,
audis" 'Wlf^ srindshl
M
mishit sonas" ^rftf su^anost.
^^ .A
ng AHUIH
^ pudishi, "pellis" xn^nftr pddayasi.
W .. i . a
vems
.. M
. BA^TMIUH i?arfis/ii, ,

'hj
' ' "
budishi, expcrgefads" ^"Wft bddhayasi
smis/tisfti, "nictaris" firaftr rnishasi.

1
See * 8
A middle.
}. 436 Compare nttBO pw, beer."
 SECOND PERSON. 627

form, which is replaced in Sclavonic by the appended reflexive. Ac-

cording to the ninth class (. 109*.
but with irregular suppression of
5.),

the n of the rootjnd, which in the second class would foTmjndsi, to which
the Sclavonic form approaches more closely. Dhd " to place,"
5

obtains, through the preposition vt, the meaning "to make" (compare
$. 442., Note 6 ). Perhaps, also, the Carniolan d&lam> " I work," is based
on this root, so that it would stand for dedam (. 17.), retaining the redu-

plication which is peculiar to the Sanskrit and Greek verb, as also the
6
Lithuanian dedu with d&mi. Observe the favourite interchange be-
tween v and r or I ($.20. and .409., Notet): on this perhaps rests
the relation of the inseparable preposition Aa ra which in several
compounds corresponds in sense to the Latin die (Dobr. p.422, &c.) to
the Sanskrit ^f^f vahis, "out," for ^ h is frequently represented by the
Sclavonic o ,
as in Zend by *x ; e.g. in ^nrn
f
vahdmi, j% juifjotp vazdmi,
BEDg vetfi. The Sanskrit vahis, however, is found in Sclavonic in
another form besides this, viz. with the v hardened to b ; hence EE2
be, "without"; in verbal combinations b and 6o (Dobr. p. 4 13, &c.).
7
I have no doubt of the identity of the Sclavonic root nes and the San-

skrit wf, which agree in themeaning "to bring"; and in many passages
in the Episode of the
Deluge the Sanskrit ni may be very well rendered
" to With reference to the sibilant which is added in Sclavonic
by carry."
observe, also, the relation of the root slys^ "to hear," to the Sanskrit Sru
and Greek KAY. In the infinitive (jbati and preterite $bach the
Sclavonic form of the root resembles very strikingly the Zend
.59*^.^1$
zbay &rni, a complex but legitimate modification of the Sanskrit hwaydmi
(. 42. 67.). 9
The root is properly dar, according to the Gramma-
rians 5 drly and <nn nd (euphonic for nd) the character of the ninth

(. 109 \ 5.). Compare Vocalismus, p. 179.

class Remark the 10

Zend form Jtyjujjc/co) peresahi. In Russian s-prosity means " to carry."

Irregularly for srunoshi, from the root srw, with the character of the
1

a
fifth class (. 109 4.), and n euphonic for n
.
[G. Ed. p. 649.]
(comp. Note
7
.)-
12
The causal form of pad, "to go." The Sclavonic
has M for a, according to . 255. h. The Latin pello appears to me to be-

long to this root, with exchange of d for I which a following y

(.-17.)> to
in Greek, oXXos .from a rem-
may have assimilated itself as, oXyos as
nant of the causal character W| aya (. 374.).

448. The Lithuanian with the Greek, pre-

has, in common
served the full termination si only in the verb substantive,
where es-si and the Doric eor-<n hold out a sisterly hand to
628 VERBS.

each other. In other cases the two languages appropriate

the syllable in question so that the Lithuanian retains every-
where the i9 the Greek, in accordance with the Latin and
Gothic, the s. Compare the Lithuanian d&rf -i with the San-
skfit dadd-si, Sclavonic da-si, Greek S/Jw-j, and Latin da-s.
Just as ducf-i has suppressed its radical vowel before that of
the termination, so, in Mielcke's first and second conjugation,
is the connecting vowel removed, while the third and fourth
form a diphthong of it with
person with the
i, as in the first

u ;
hence wez-i for wee-i,
answering to the Sanskrit vah-a-si,
Zend vaz-a-hi, Sclavonic ve-e-shi, Latin veh-is, Gothic vig~i-$
a
(. 109 .
1.), Greek e^-e/-y, and its own plural ve-e-te, as
d&da-te, answering to dud'-i; but yessk-a-i, "thou seekest,"

analogous to the first person yessk-a-u. In the Greek, how-

ever, the i of the second person in the conjugation in o> has

hardly been lost entirely, but has very probably retired back
into the preceding syllable. As, for instance, yevereipa out of

yeverepta =Sanskrit janitri; pchatva out of/xeAocwa (.119.),

fjiia)v, ^e/|oa>i>, a/*eu/coi/, for //eia>i/, &c. (. 300. p. 415 G. ed.);
so also repir-et-s out of repTT-e-cri
= Sanskrit tarp-a-si. Or
are we to assume, that in Greek the i has exercised an
attractive force similar to that in Zend (.41.), and accord-
ingly the antecedent syllable has assimilated itself by the
insertion of an i, so that re/crae/^ is to be explained as arising

[G. Ed. p. 650.] from an older form repTieta-t ? I think not,

because, of the i-forms extant now in Greek, no one exhibits

such a power of assimilation, and, for instance, we find

yeveffts, repei//, fteAav/,

not yeveierifj repeivt, p.e\atvi. The
power which is not attached to the living i is hardly to be
ascribed to the dead.
449. The Lithuanian carries over the i of the primary
forms also to the secondary, at least to the preterite, or
has brought it back by an inorganic path to this place,
which it must have originally occupied so that, for instance, ;

buw-a-i corresponds to the Sanskrit a-6/mv-a-*, " thou wast"

 SECOND PERSON. (>29

On the other hand, in the Sclavonic the secondary forms

are without any personal sign of distinction, since the final
s of the cognate languages has been compelled to yield to
the universal law of suppression of terminating consonants

(.255. /.). Hence, for instance, the imperatives AA&AH

" "
dashdi, give," BEij'fc ve^ye, drive," answering to the San-
b
skrit dadytis, vahvs, Zend daidhydo (. 442. Note \ and . 56 .) f

vaz6is, Greek $t$oirj$, e^ots, Latin dfa, vchds, Gothic vigais.

450. There remain two isolated singular terminations of the
second person to be mentioned, ftr dhi and ^ ilia. The former
is found in Sanskrit in the imperative of the second principal

conjugation, which answers to the Greek conjugation in /xc;

the latter in the reduplicated preterite of verbs in general. The
termination did has, however, split itself into two forms inas- ;

much as, in the common

language, consonants alone have
the power to bear the full dhi, but after vowels all that
remains of the dh is the aspiration; hence, for instance,
" " "
bhAhi, shine," pa-hi, rule," in contrast to ad-dhi, eat,"
" " "
vid-dhi, know," vag-dhi, speak," yung-dhi, bind." That,

however, dhi originally had universal prevalence, may be

inferred from the fact, that in Greek the corresponding 6t

spreads itself over consonants and vowels, since we find not

only iv-Oi, KeKpayOt, aveo%0/, TreTre/afl/, but [G. Ed. p. 651.]

also 0a0/, ?0i, cTTrjdi, &c. : furthermore from this, that in San-
skrit, also, other aspirates have so far undergone mu-
many
tilation, that nothing but the breathing has remained;
inasmuch as, for instance, the root dM, " to lay," forms hita
in the participle passive ; and the dative termination bhyam
in the pronominal first person, although at an extremely
remote period, has been mutilated to hyam (. 215.) :
filially
from this, that in more modern dialects also, in many places,
a mere h is found where the Sanskrit still retains th$ full

aspirated consonant, as also the Latin opposes its humus to

the Sanskrit bhumi. My opinion hereon, already elsewhere
established, that whereas it has formerly been assumed that
the termination hi, as the original, has, after consonants, been
630 VERBS.

strengthened to dhi, this assumption is false, and conversely

the dhi has been shortened, after vowels, to hi, is since
then confirmed by the Vedic dialect, which I had not yet
consulted; inasmuch as in this it is true the mutilated
form hi* already extant, but the older dhi has not
is

retired so far to the rear as not to be permitted to con-

nect itself also with vowels. Thus, in Rosen's Speci-
men of the Rig- Veda (p. 6), the form dru-dhi, " hear thou,"
answers remarkably to the Greek K\C0/.t The Zend also

gives express confirmation to my theory, in that it never,

as far as yet known, admits of the form At, or its probable
is

substitute j zi (. 57.), but proves that at the period of its

identity with the Sanskrit the sound of the ending dhi T

had as yet not yielded. In Zend, in fact, we find, wherever the
personal termination is not altogether vanished, either dhi or
"
dt ; for instance, *}$& stuidhi, praise thou," for the
[G. Ed. Sanskrit
"
p. 652.]
1
^ff stuhi ;
42^/% kerenuidhi t

make thou/ for the word, deprived of its personal ter-

11
mination, TJTCJ
krinu; -J<2^J5*y daz-dhi, "give thou, (for
^f^ diihi), euphonic for dad-dhi, inasmuch as sounds be- T
fore other T
sounds pass into sibilants (compare 7re7re/(r-0i,
. 102 concl.): to soft consonants, however, as Burnouf has
shewn, the soft sibilants^ z and do zh alone correspond.? For
j<2^A5 dazdhi we find, also, ^*JAU ddidi, for instance,
Vend. S. p. 422; but I do not recollect to have met elsewhere
with di for dhi.

451. How much, in Sanskrit, the complete retention of

the termination fit dhi depends on the preceding portion of
the word, we see very clearly from this, that the character
of the fifth class (nu, . 109 a .
4.) has preserved the mutilated
form hi only in cases where the u rests against two antece-

* See Gram. Crit. . 104. and Addenda to $.315. p. 331 G. ed.

t Compare Rosen's remark on this termination. 1. c. p. 22. B. The

retention of ftf after a vowel is found also in the Mahbharata as
" "
put away," discard." -W.
t Ya ? na LXXXVJ. and CXXI. passim.
 SECOND PERSON. 631

dent consonants ;
for instance, in Apnuhi, " obtain,"
from dp
(compare ad-ipiscor). Where, however, the u is preceded
a consonant, it is become of
only by simple incapable bearing
the hi termination hence, for instance, chinu, " collect," from
;

the root In this mutilated form the Sanskrit goes along

chi.

with the corresponding verbal class in Greek, where Setwv,

according to appearance, is in like manner without personal

termination. The coincidence is, however, so far fortui-
tuous, as that each of the two languages has arrived inde-
pendently at this mutilated form subsequently to their

separation. Nor is the Greek Setwv entirely without ter-

mination, but, as I conjecture, the t of the ending 61 lies con-
cealed in the v, as also in the optative long v occurs for vi for ;

instance, Scuvvro (II. xxiv. 665.) from Saivviro. It is not re-

quisite, therefore, to derive Setwu from the co

conjugation, and
to consider it as a contraction from SeiKvve; [Cr. Ed. p. 653.]

and thus, also, to deduce Ti'dei, not from rldee, but from rldert,

the T being rejected, as rtrmet from rvTrren, followed out

from rvirreTCu, and as Kepq. from Kepart] thus, also, fern;
(for TOT?/) from Zrra(8)i 9 as Mova-y from Movvai, \6y(*> from
\6yot (compare O(KO/). If, also, SlSov be the contraction of
e, we find also with it, in Pindar, the dialectic form
i, which admits very well a derivation from J&o(0)i.*
452. As the ^r u of the fifth class, where it is not pre-

ceded by two consonants, has lost the capacity for sup-

porting the personal termination dhi or hi thus, also, the short ;

a of the first chief conjugation, both in Sanskrit and Zend,

has proved too weak to serve as a support to dhi or /??,
and has laid them aside, as would appear, from the re-
motest period, as the corresponding Greek conjugation,

* The relation of dldot to didov is essentially different from that which

exists between Tvnroto-t, rvirToura, and TVTTTOVO-^ Twrrovo-a ; for here, as in

pc'Xcn? for pe'Xa?,

out of pcXavs* and analogous cases, the i represents a

nasal, which, in the ordinary language, has been melted down to v, but also,
In n0is for rcdc?* has become i. On the other hand, W8ou and di&oi do not
rest on different modifications of a nasal.
632 VERBS.

namely, that in w, and the Latin and Germanic conjuga-

tions, collectively dispense with the personal termination.
The Germanic simple (strong) conjugation also surrenders
the connecting vowel; hence vig for viga, Sanskrit vah-a<
Zend vaz-a, Latin veh-e, Greek e%-e.
453. We now turn to the termination ^ tha, of which
it has already been remarked, that it is, in the singular,

peculiar to the reduplicated preterite. In the Zend I know

no certain instance of this termination ; yet I doubt not
that there, also, its prevalence is pervading, and that in
a passage of the Izeshne (V.S. p. 311), in which we expect a
fuller explanation through Neriosengh's Sanskrit translation,
[G. Ed. p. 654.] the expression As(3AU(OAyA5oA fra-dadh&tha
can mean nothing else than "thou gavest," as the repre-
sentative of the Sanskrit pra-daddtha (. 47.) for in thet ;

second person plural, after the analogy of the Sanskrit and

the Zend first person dademahi (. 30.), the d of the root must
have been extinguished, and I expect here AS^KUA^ das-ta
for A><3J4A5 das-tha, insomuch as in the root JW$MJ $tA,

tinswering to the Sanskrit root WT sthd (compare p. Ill),

so universally, in Zend, the Sanskrit ^ th has laid aside
its aspiration after ja $.* the European cognate
Among
languages the Gothic comes the nearest to the aboriginal
grammatical condition of our family of languages, in so far
that, in itssimple (strong) preterite, it places a t as a per-
sonal sign, without exception, opposite to the Sanskrit tha,
which t remains exempt from suppression, because it is
always sustained by an antecedent consonant (compare 91.): .

we might otherwise expect to find a Gothic th answering to

the Sanskrit th, yet not as an unaltered continuation of the
Sanskrit sound, but because
^ th is a comparatively younger
letter
(compare p. 621), to which the Greek r corresponds,

*
Burnouf, in his able collection of the groups of consonants ascertained to
exist in the Zend, has not admitted the combination (34* sth (fih), but only

pjlfr (ft) (Vend. S. p.cxxxviii).

 SECOND PERSON. 633

and to this latter the Gothic /A. If, however, the Greek, in
its termination 0<x, appears identical with the Sanskrit iitha,
thisappearance is delusive, for in an etymological point of
view 0=tf dh (. 16.). While, however, this rule holds
good elsewhere, in the case above, is generated by the ante-
cedent cr, on the same principle as that which, in the medio-

passive, converts every r of an active personal termination,

after the pre-insertion of cr, into 6. As to the origin of the o-

which constantly precedes the ending da [G. Ed. p. 655.]

I have now no hesitation, contrary to an earlier
opinion,* in
referring it to the root in faQa and o?cr0a, and in dividing them
77cr-0a, or-0a (for oiS-0a). The former answers to the Sanskrit
ds-i-tha, forwhich we may expect ds-tha, without the con-
necting vowel, which has perhaps remained in the Veda-
dialect. If this treatment and comparison, however, be sound,

then is qa-da also a remnant of the* perfect, to which, too,

the person %a for 770-01= Sanskrit Asa, belongs, and the
first

ending da thus stands in fada in its true place just so, also, :

in <H(j-0a, answering to the Sanskrit v&t-tha (for vtid-tha),

"thou knowest," Gothic vais-t for vait-t (. 102.), aijd very
probably to the Zend va$s-ta(see p. 94). The root fq^ vid, in
Sanskrit, has the peculiarity, demonstrated by comparison with
the cognate languages to be of extreme antiquity, of using the
terminations of the reduplicated preterite, but without redu-

plication,with a present signification hence, in the first :

person, vtda (not viveda), answering |o the Greek o!<$a for

FolSa, and Gothic vaiL In *8eurda or yfyvOa, I recognise
with Pott, as in all pluperfects, a periphrastic formation,
and consider, therefore, his eurda or qo-fla as identical
with the simple fada. *Heia0a is, as to form, a plus-

quam perfect : nevertheless, to the Sanskrit first augmented

preterite &yam %
dyas, >/ioi/, i/ley, correspond. In e^/<r0a, how-

* Aunals of Oriental Literature,

p. 41.

T.T
634 VERBS.

ever, and in dialectic forms like ede\Y)<rOc<, the termination 6a

appears to me unconscious of its primitive destination, and,
habituated by ^crfla, and ofcr-0a to an antecedent cr, to have
fallen back upon the personal sign 2, which was ready to its

hand.
454. In Latin, sti corresponds to the Sanskrit termi-
nation tha, with a weakening of the a to i, and the pre-in-
sertion of an s> which has even intruded itself into the

[G. Ed. p. 656.] plural, where the s is less appropriate. On

which account I consider it as a purely euphonic affix.

Compare, for example

LATIN. SANSKRIT.

dedi-sti, dadi-tha or dadd-tha.

steti-sti, tasthi-tha or tasthd-tha.
"
momord-i-sti, mamard-i-thfi, thou crushedst."
"
tutud-i-sti, tuttid-i-tha, thou woundedst,"

ppped-i-sti, papard-i-tha.
" thou askedst."
popo.w-i-sti pnprachch-i-tha*

The Latin has preserved the ancient condition of the lan-

guage more faithfully than the Greek in this respect, that

it has not allowed the termination in question to overstep
the limits of the perfect. The Lithuanian and Sclavonic
have allowed the reduplicated preterite, and, with it, the
termination, entirely to perish.
455. We give her% a general summary of the points of

comparison which we have established for the second person

of the three numbers of the transitive active form.

*
Compare the Sclavonic proshiti, "precari" (. 447. Table.) The San-
skrit root prachchh, whose terminating aspirate in the case above Gram.
Crit. .
88.) steps before its tenuis, has split itself into three forms in
Latin, giving up the;? in one, whence rogo, interrogo, the r in another,
whence posco (, 14.), and retaining both in preowr. *
 SECOND PERSON. 635

SINGULAR.
SANSKRIT. ZEND, GREEK. LATIN. GERMAN.* UTH. OLD SCLAV.
asij ahi, e<r<ri, es, is, cssi, yesi.

tixhthasi, histahi, tor?;?, stas, *stds9 stowi? stoishi.

daddsiy dadhdhi, &'8a>j, das, .... dudi,- dasi.

biiarasi, barahi, fopcis, fers? bairis P

4 2
vahasi, vazahi, *xs, vehis, vigis, wezi, ve&shi
5
(ajsyds, hydo, f(cr)ir)s, sife, siyais, 75
tishthfa* histoiSy io-raiiyy, 8te8 9 .... stoweki 1
stol* J

dadyds, daidhydo, diboi^ dfe, .... dukij dashdy?

^
bhar&s, bhardis, Depots, fads, bairais
7
vahfe, vazois, cx ms 9 vehds9 vigais, wefzki, ve$.

Gvahas, vazo, etxey, vehebfis, .... wezei- ....

n Mi
edhi," azdi,

viddhi, vishdi? 1 *
Mi
dazd*,

vaha, vaza, exe, vehe, viff

dsitha, donhithaW ^cr^a,

18

} *
vfittha, va&'$ta$ mcrQaJ* vidisti, vaist
20
tutoditha, .... .... tutudisti, staistaust

bibh&ditha, .... .... fidisti^ maimaist20

DUAL.
11
tishthathas, histathoV toraror, stowita, stoita.

bharathas, baratho?- 1

foperov, .... bairats ... ...

vazatho?-* IXCTOI/, .... vigats, wezata, veeta.
. . .
(j>poiToV) .... bairaits

.vaMtam, . . .
e^otTov, .... vigaitst wefzkita, vetyeta.
avahatam, .... ctxfroi;, wezdta . . .

PLURAL.
tisfythatha, histatha, torctre, statis, *stdt ... ....
bharatha, baratha, <^/pere, fertis^ bairittf*

vahatha, vazatha, fX TCi vehitis, vigith^ wezate, veete. ^

ti$hth6ta* histatia, iaraiVe, stfais, .... stowdkite, stolte. ^
dadydta, daidhydta, dido^re, dtiis, . . .
dukite, dashdite.
1

bhar&a, bara6ta9 (frcpoiTe, ferdtis, bairaith ^

vah6ta, vaxafaa, exoire, vehdtis, vigaith^ wqfzkitey vefyete. S

avahata, vaxata, c?x T > vehcbatis, ....

* See Note*
$.442.,
TV 0.
636 VERBS.

Corresponds, with
2 3
1
Abbreviated from as-si. See . 448.

regard to the immediate connection of the personal termination with the

H *
root, to ftwft bibJiarshi of the third class ($. 109 3.). See .

grounded on sly as its root ; a is the usual

3 6
{. 44*2. Note . This form is

connecting vowel (p. 105), and * the modal expression. More of this
hereafter. 6
Tishthdyds, or, with the d suppressed, tishthyds, would cor-
respond with the Greek la-rairjs: but the root sthd treats its radical vowel

according to the analogy of the a of the first and sixth class (. 109
a
.
1.),

and contracts it, therefore, with the modal character i or I, into 8, as in

7
Latin sttis out ofsta'i*. More of this hereafter. The Lithuanian
imperative, also, like the Sclavonic, rests on the Sanskrit potential. The
t is thus here not a personal bat a modal expression, but is generally sup-
pressed in the second person singular ;
and Ruhig declares the form with
8
i to be absolute. See Dobr. p. 530. See Dobr. p. 539, and
the further remarks on the imperative of the Archaic conjugation.
10
See }. 255. 1 and 433. 1!
Out of ad-dhi, and this euphonic for

as-dhi, ?<r-0i (Gram. Grit. .

100.) ; so, below, dd-hi out of dad-dhi.
That, however, the form d&-hi has been preceded by an earlier dd-hi
or dd-dhi, may be inferred from the Zend form ddi-di (see 450.), the .

first i of which has been brought in by the retro-active influence of the

last ($.41.). In Sanskrit, however, I no longer, as I once did, ascribe
to the of 6dhi, dehi, an assimilating influence on the antecedent syllable,
i

but I deduce the & from d thus, that the latter clement of a -fa has
weakened itself to i. 1 shall recur to this hereafter, when I come to the

reduplicated preterite.
l -
As ^fy 6dhi lias sprung from ad-dhi, the
latter leads us to expect a Zend form J <AS az-di, by the same law which has
13
generated j4(AS4 daz-di from dad-di. The here supposed jaeJojtp

vizh-di, from vid-di, distinguishes itself from\3*extdaz-di> out of dad-

di, through the influence of the antecedent vowel ; for Jo zli and( z are, as
sonant (soft) sibilants, so related to each other as, in Sanskrit, TT * and ^ ?/*

among the surd (hard), see $.21., and compare Burnouf's Ya9na, p. cxxi.
14 ll 12 16
See . 450., and above, Notes and . See . 450. Veda-form,
. 450. n I have here, and also p. 654 G. ed , given a short a to the end-

ing tha, although the lithographed Codex, p. 311, presents fradadhdthd

with a long d ; but in the passage cited of the Izeshne there are many other
instances of the short terminatinga written long; for which reason I can-
not draw from the formfradaddtfid tho conclusion that the originally short

personal-termination Ma has lengthened itself in Zend, while elsewhere, con-

versely, the long final a of polysyllabic words has been shortened : compare
p. 306 Note f. As to what concerns the supposed form donfiitha I have else-
 THIRD PERSON. 637
b

Astv^gus donhaWQata, ($.

where already cited the third person 66 .),

and expect accordingly ^Sflf^t dsitha to be answered by

AiCxttp^gus
*
1 02. *./., and
donhitha. See pp. 632, 633. See p. C54 G. ed.
' l
.

20
The Gothic roots staut and mait have permanently substituted tlie Guna
for the radical vowel, and thus preserved the reduplication : their concluding
t for d satisfiesthe law of substitution, but the first t of staut is retained
on its original footing by the pre-insertion of the euphonic * ($. 91.).
With regard to the m of mait, as corresponding to the bh of bkid, look to

$$.62. and 215., and to the phenomenon, often before mentioned, that
one and the same root in one and the same language has often split itself
into various forms of various signification; for which reason I do not hesi-
tate to consider as well
" to bite " as
" to cut
off,"
bit, (beita, bait), mait,
with "
Guna, as corresponding to the Sanskrit bhid, to split/'
its petrified

21
The dual termination to, of which we have evidence for the third person,
leaves scarcely room for doubt that thd belongs to the second person of
n
the primary forms. Compare fw^T bibhri-tha of the third class,
and above Note 3 .
2B
Upon th for d, see . 446.

*
THIRD PERSON.
456 The pronominal base w ta (,
343.) has, after the analogy
of the and second person, weakened its vowel* in the
first

singular primary forms, to t, and in the secondary laid it

quite aside the /, however, in Sanskrit and Zend, has, with
:

the exception of the termination in us [G. Ed. p. 660.]

nowhere suffered alteration, while, in the second person, we
have seen the t of twa divide itself into the forms t, th, dh,

and s. The Greek, on the other hand, has left the t of the
third person in ordinary language unaltered only in
eon' = ^ftcr asti, J$MM asti, but elsewhere substituted a
a- ;
so that, for instance, S/Soxn more resembles the Sanskrit
second person daddsi than the third daddli, and is only
distinguished inorganically from its own second person
diftuf, by the circumstance that the latter has dropped the i,

which naturally belonged to it. That, however, originally

rtprevailed everywhere, even in the conjugation in co, is

proved by the medio-passive termination TOU for as ft/ftorai ;

is

founded on &/}am, so also is repirerai on Tep7T-e-Ti= Sanskrit

tarp-a-ti. The form rep-rret has, however, arisen from a
 638 VERBS.

rejection of T, as above (. 451.), rlBei from rider i, Wtiot

from $l$o6t, Kepqt, from Kepan ;* as also, in Prakrit, bhanai,

"
dicit" is used together with bhanadi.'t
In the secondary
forms the Greek, according to the universal law of sound,
has given up the concluding T sound, and
goes hand in
hand, in this respect, with the Prakrit, which, with excep-
tion of the Anuswara
(. 10.), has repudiated all consonants
at the end of words, as in the Gothic, .
432., and the
255. I hence
Sclavonic, eypi answers better to the
. :

Prakrit form vaht, and to 'the Gothic

vigai and Sclavonic

BEJJH vezi, than to the Sanskrit vahSt, Zend

pj^u^ vaz6it,
and Latin vehat, vehet.
4 57. While the concluding T sound of the secondary forms in
[G. Ed. p. 661.] Sanskrit and Zend has survived the injuries
of time in but one other language, the Latin, in the more full

termination of the primary forms ti almost

everywhere the
i alone has been dropped, but the sound has been preserved T
to the present day in German and in Russian. Nor has the
Old Sclavonic allowed the i to escape entirely, but exhibits
it in the form of a Compare
y.$

OLD SCLAVONIC. SANSKRIT.

est,"

"edit"

AACTb
"vehtt

* oocoi, too, is not an antiquated dative form for

Perhaps ouca>, but an
abbreviation of OIKO&.
t In the second imperative-person, also, the Pr&krit exhibits an inter-
esting analogy to the Greek n'&(T )i, a '8o(0)i, in the form t die
"
bhanai,
(Urvasi Ed. Lenz, p. 67), for bhanahi, from bhanadhi.
t According to Dobrowsky, only in the Archaic conjugation ; to Kopi-
tar, also in the
ordinary. He remarks, namely (Glagolita, p. 62), " Tertia
Tb tarn
persvrue sing, quam ptur. veteres, ut nos hie, per Tb scribcbant.
Hodierniper T'b." 5 s euphonic for d (p. 608.)
 THIRD PEESON. 639

The Lithuanian has, in the ordinary conjugation, lost the

sign of the third person in the three numbers; hence

wez-a corresponding to the Sclavonic and Sanskrit
ve-e-ty
vah-a-tif so, too, in the dual and plural. Those verbs
only, which, in the first person, have preserved the termi-
nation mi (. 435.), have, in the third also, partially pre-
served the full tl9 or the /, and, indeed, at the same time, in
"
direct combination with the root ; hence, esti, he is," dusti, or
dust'* "he gives," esf* "he eats,* giesf* "he sings," dest\*
"he places," miegf, "he sleeps," sdugt', "he preserves,"
gelbt, "he helps," sergt\ "he protects," liekf, "he lets."

This singular termination is also carried over to the dual and

plural. The Gothic has, with the exception of 1st, where

the ancient tenuis has maintained itself under the protec-
tion of the antecedent $, everywhere th in the third person
of the primary forms. This th, however, is not the usual
substitute of f, but stands, as in the [G. Ed. p. 662.]
second plural person (see 446.), euphonically for rf, because
.

th suits the ending better than d (.91.). In the medio-

passive, on the other hand, the older medial has maintained

the termination da, which also agrees with the Prakrit
itself in

ending di. On these medials rests, also, the Old High Ger-
man t, by a displacement which has again brought back the
original form. f
458. For the designation of plurality a n, which has
been compared before with the accusative plural (. 236.), is
inserted before the pronominal character. After this w, the
Gothic, in contradistinction from the singular, has main-
tained the older medial, since nd is a favourite combination.

Compare sind with qftft santi, J$>M<V> henti, "sunt" and

* 8 euphonic for d, in accordance with . 102. and with the Sclavonic,

t In this sense is to be corrected what we have remarked on this head
n $.UO.
640 VERBS.

(a)evri The Sanskrit observes before the same n the same

principle, which we have noticed above (. 437. Rem.), with
respect to the vowel-less m
of the first person of the secondary
forms. It pre-inserts, namely, an a when that letter or d

does not already precede the pluralizing n in the class or radical

syllable :
hence, indeed, tarp-a-nfi t like Te/oTr-o-vn, tishta~nti

}ikeY(TTa-vTi,bhd-nti, "they shine," like^a-i/r/; but chi-nw-anti,

"they collect," not chi-nu-nti from chi; y-anti, "they go," not

[G.Ed. p. 663.] i-nti* from I Thus the Greek dcrt out of

avn in SeiKvv-dcrt, ?-dun, riOe-curi, &Ja-a<n, acquires a fair
foundation ; for it is scarcely to be admitted that so striking
a coincidence can be accidental. For even if the forms
rtdeavTi, 81 Sown, /avr/, SeiKvvavTt, are not maintained in any
dialect, yet we cannot doubt that the length of the a in r/0ea07,

&c., as well as in fora<ri and rert/^aa-i, is a compensation for a

dropped i/, and that en, as everywhere in the third person,

stands for T/. With regard, however, to the interpolated a,

SeiKvvacrt and iSun coincide the most closely with the abori-
ginal type of our family of language, as in ndeda-t the e,
and in SiSodcrt the o, stand for the Sanskrit d or a; for
rl6ri[jLi=dadhdmi and 8t8a)iju
= daddmi. These two Sanskrit
words must originally have formed, in the third plural
person, dadhd-n-ti, dadd-nti, or, with a shortened a, dadha-nti,
dada-nti; and to this is related the Doric rtOevrt, SiJoVn, as
ei/r/ to TfrfnT santi. The forms T/0eacn, 5/Joad/, however, have
followed the analogy of SetKvvavt and ictcr/, inasmuch as they

* The Indian
grammarians assume everywhere anti, and, in the secon-

dary forms, an, as the full termination of the third person plural, and lay
down, as in the person singular of the secondary forms, as a rule, that a
first

of the class syllable of the first chief conjugation is rejected before the a of

the ending; thus, tarp'-anti, for tarpdnti^ out of tarpra-anti. The cognate

languages, however, do not favour thig view; for if the Greek o of $/>-o-m
is identical with that of and the Gothic a ofbair-a-ndmth that
4>e'p-o-/ief,
of fair-a-m, the a also of the Sanskrit bharanti must be received in a like
sense as the long d of bhar-d-maa and the short of bhar-a-tha.
 THIRD PERSON. 641

have treated their radical vowel as though it had not sprung

from a. Thus the lonicisms, tarredd, eourt.

459. The Sanskrit verbs of the third class (. 109*. 3.\ on

account of the burthen occasioned by the reduplication,
which they have to bear in the special tenses, strive after
an alleviation of the weight of the terminations: they
therefore give up the n of the third person plural,
and shorten a long A of the root, whence ^fir dada-ti,
" "
they give," ^jfir dadha-ti, they place," jaha-ti, ^fk
"they leave." There is, however, no room to doubt that,
in the earlier condition of the language, these forms were
sounded dada-nti, dadha-nti, jaha-nti, and that in this respect
the Doricisms J/So-i/r/, nOe-vTi, have handed down more faith-

fully the original type. The Zend also [G. Ed. p. 664.]
protects, in reduplicated verbs, the nasal; for in V.S.,
"
p. 213, we read WP'&Z^^ dadentd, they give," perhaps
erroneously for dadenti* If, however, the reading be
correct, it is a middle verb, and not the less bears witness
to a transitive dadenti. The Sanskrit, however, in the
middle, not only in reduplicated verbs, but in the entire
second chief conjugcition, which corresponds to the Greek
in on account of the weight of the personal terminations,
(ii 9

abandons the plural nasal hence chi-nw-at$ (for chi-nw-antt)

;

contrasted with the transitive chi-nw-anti. This also is

evidently a disturbance of the original build of the language,

which dates from an epoch subsequent to the dis-
first

persion of tongues for the Greek maintains in the medio-

;

passive, still more firmly than in the active, the nasal as

* That, however, the suppression of the nasal is not foreign to the

Zend is shewn in the form senhatii,
" =
they teach," Sanskrit
jpjAS^CJJ
^jrefcf
sdsati from the root^rra sds, which, probably on account of the
double sibilant, follows the analogy of the reduplicated forms. In Zend,
tt
the nasal (. 56 .) placed before the h may have favoured the suppres-
sion of that of the termination. Upon the c e for g e see BurnouPs
Ya^na, p. 480.
642 VERBS.

an expression of and not only opposes

plurality,
to the Sanskrit tarp-a-nt89 but also S/5o-i/ra/, r/fle-i/ra/, to
the Sanskrit dadatf, dadhatf. Yet the Greek
has, through
another channel, found a means of lightening the excessive

weight of the middle termination, by substituting vrai

where avrat would naturally be expected : hence Je/Ki/u-vra/,

not HetKvv-avrat, which latter we might expect from $etKvv-a<rt

(out of SeiKvv-avri). The Sanskrit form stri-nw-at$ and the
Greek (TTop-vv-vrai respectively complete one another,
since the one has preserved the a, the other the nasal. The
extrusion of the a from <rTop-w-(a,)vTat resembles that of
the >/
of the optative, inasmuch as, on account of the in-

creasing weight of the personal terminations, in the medio-

[G.Ed. p. 665.] passive, we form from 8i$ot7)v not dtSoitjwv,
but SiSofftyv* The lonicism has, however, in the third

person plural, sacrificed the i/ to the a, and in this par-

ticular, therefore, harmonizes most strictly with the Sanskrit ;

in remarking which, we must not overlook that both, in

their respective ways, but from the same motive, have gene-
rated their ate, area, out of anti, avrai ; thus, QrTop-vv-a(v)Tat,

together with o-Top-vv-fyvrcu, the first being analogous to

the Sanskrit stri-nw-a(n)te. We
do not, therefore, require,

contrary to what has been remarked at p. 255, to assume that

the a of TreTravarat, and similar forms, is the vocalization
of the v of Trenawrou, but Treirav-vTou and wrrav-aTat are
diverse mutilations of the lost original form ire-nav-amou.
460. *The Old Sclavonic has dissolved the nasal in

Dobrowsky's first and second conjugation into a short u

sound (as in the first person singular the m) and contracted9

this again with the antecedent connecting vowel, which else-

where appears as E, but here is to be taken as o, to v so that ;

from veon1y has a surprising resemblance

*Cf.(.783A).
BE^s T ve&t, and gives, as in the singular, the y
t Dobrowsky writes
only in the Archaic conjugation (see p. 638. Note. t).
 THIRD PERSON. 643

to the Greek e^owi from cloven for e^ovri. The Bohemian

wezau has, on the other hand, preserved the old a of the
Sanskrit vah-a-nti, and the Gothic vig-a-nd, which, in the
Latin veh-u-nt, by the influence of the liquid, has become w,
in contrast to the i of the other persons (veh-i-s, &e.). The
u of the Bohemian wezau, however, like the last constituent
of the diphthong v of
BE^aTb ve&ty, is of nasal origin (. 255. g.).
In the Archaic conjugation the Old Sclavonic has, with the
"
exception of C*Tb suty =
^rftf santi, sunt" *$<&& henti,
evri, abandoned entirely the nasal of the termination anti, but,
instead, has maintained the a in its
primary shape, yet
with the pre-insertion of an inorganic y [G. Ed. p. 666.]
n
(. 225 .) otherwise for which we find AAA^Tb dad-
;
dadaly,
yaty* would be nearly identical with the Sanskrit 5^ftr dadatl :
as reduplicated verbs have, in Sanskrit also, lost the nasal
"
(. 459.). BtA^Tb they know," accords less with
vyedyaty,
"
fa?for vidanti, and toA^Tb yadyaty, they eat," with v^fa
adanli. analogy is followed, also, by those verbs, which
Tliis
a
correspond to the Sanskrit tenth class (. I09 6.), namely, .

"
Dobrowsky's third conjugation, as EtfA^Tb bild-ya-ty, they
"
wake = Sanskrit ^hnrf^T b6dh-aya-nti. Here, however, as
the division and comparison given above shew, the
y pre-
ceding the a is not inorganic, but belongs with the a to the
character-syllable of the conjugation, of which more hereafter.
461. In the secondary forms the vowel has been dropped
from the plural termination nt i or ant i, as from the singular t i,
si, mi, and with this in Sanskrit, after the law had esta-
blished itself so destructive to many terminations which
forbids the union of two consonants at the end of a word
(. 94.), the personal character t was obliged to vanish, which
where even a simple t is excluded as a termination,
in Greek,
had been already withdrawn from the singular. If thus

erepTr-e finds itself at a disadvantage opposed to atarp-a-t

so, in erepTT-o-v, compared with atarp-a-n (for atarp-a-ni) the
two languages, though from different motives, stand essen-
tially on a similar footing of degeneracy. *Ho--ai/ accords
644 VERBS.

still better with ds-an, and aorists like e$etav with San-
skrit tenses like the equivalent adikshan, as it would seem
that the sibilant of the verb substantive has protected the old
n of the termination an from degenerating to o for the usual ;

practice of the language would have given us to expect

%(rov like erepirov, or %(rev like repTroi-ev. The Zend goes

along with the ev of the latter in forms like tfw^jj
" "
anhen, they were," and
yg&yu^ui barayen, they may
[G.Ed. bear"=<epo/ei/. We see from this that the
p. 667.]

Zend also cannot support the weight of the termination nt,

although it condescends more than the Sanskrit to conclud-

ing sibilants sequent on r, c,/, and n and has handed down

;

"
to us nominatives such as J^^AJ^OAM 6,tar-s, fire," jt^cJ^j
" "
drucs, a demon," j^A j^j kercfs, body," O^^ALI bnrtinss 9
4i
bearing." From the Gothic have vanished all the final T
sounds which existed in the period previous to the German
language (see 294. Rem. 1, p. 399 G. ed.).
. Hence, if in the

present indicative bair-a-nd answer to the Sanskrit bhar-an-ti

and Greek ^ep-o-i/r/, we can nevertheless look for no bairaind
or bairaiand in the subjunctive answering to <epo/ei/(r), Zend
barayen(f)\ and we find instead bai-rai-na, as would seem by
transposition out of bairai-an, so that an corresponds to the
Greek and Zend ev, en out of a??.* In the medio-passive the
lost T sound of the active has preserved itself as in the Greek,
because it did not stand at the end, but the vowel coining

before, and, in Gothic, by transposition, after the n, is re-

moved on account of the increscence of the ending; hence,
bairaindau, as in Greek tyepotvro, not tjiepoievro (compare p.642).
462. The termination un of the Gothic preterite, as in
"
haihaitun, they were named," may be compared with the
Alexandrine av for avn, acri (eyvuKav, eJp^Kai/, &c.) with the
recollection that the Sanskrit also, in its reduplicated pre-

* Or should we
assume, that, as in the accusative singular (. 149.), an in*
organic a has been appended to the originally terminating nasal ? The sup-
position of the text, however, accords better with the primitive grammar.
 THIRD PERSON. 645

terite, although the primary endings belong to it, yet, under

the pressure of the reduplication syllable, has been unable to

maintain the original anti uncorrupted, but puts us in its
stead. The s of this form is without doubt [G. Ed. p. 668.]

a weakening of the original t: with respect, however, to the

u, it may remain undecided whether it is a vocalization of

the nasal, and thus the latter element of the Greek ov of

or a weakening of the a of anti. The Sanskrit uses
TtrTTToucn,

the ending us also in the place of an ; first, in the

potential, corresponding to the Zend-Greek en, ev, hence

Htj^ bhar3-y-us (with euphonic y, .

43.)=y^As^u baray-en,
<}>epoi-ev second,
;
in the first
augmented preterite of the redu-
" "
1

"
plicated roots, thus, adadhus, they placed, adadus, they
gave," for adadlian (comp. ertdcv), adadan ; fropa which it is

clear that us, since u is lighter than a (Vocalismus,

p. 227), more easily borne by the language than an
is

third, in the same tense, but at discretion together with

d-?7, in roots of the second class in 6, for instance, ayus,

or aydn, "they went," from y&\ fourth, in some forma-

tions of the multiform preterite, for instance, ^%rro
axrAushus, "they heard."
463. The Old Sclavonic could not, according to . 255. /.,

maintain unaltered either the or the n of the secondary

t

form ant* or nt : it sets in their place either a simple a or * ;

which last is to be derived from on. These two terminations

are, however, so dealt with by the practice of the language,
that a appears only after in sh, * only after ^ ; for instance,
"
Bt^* or &>UIA byesha, " they were (. 255. m.). The
byechd
secondary form of the Latin has been handed down in most
perfect condition, and has everywhere retained the prono-
minal t after the nasal which expresses plurality ; thus erant
outdoes the abovementioned forms ^ra dsan, ^crav, and

* Of the termination ant has been dropped, but the n

only the t is con-
tained in the preceding nasalized vowel (see .783. Remark); hence we
should read an for a, uh for g.
646 VERBS.

ygwjutf
anhen ; and ferant, in respect of the personal sign,
is more perfect than the Greek <j>epot-ev> Zend y^-MAMj
baray-en, Gothic bairai-na % and Sanskrit HW^ bhard-y-us.
464. In the dual of the Sanskrit the primary form is

tas9 and the secondary tdm : to the former, rov corresponds in

[G. Ed. p. 669.] Greek, (.9 7.) thus re/oTr-e-rov tarp-a-tas = ;

but the termination t&m has, according to the variety of the

d representation (. 4.) divided itself into the forms ryv and
TWI/, of which the former is the prevalent one, the latter

limited to the imperative; hence erejOTr-e-D/i/,

<

Tep 7r-o/-T>;i>,
answering to atarp-a-tdm, tarp-$-t&m ; ede/ic-ora-D/i/ answering
to adik- ha-tdm; but TepTr-e-rcoi/ answering to tarp-a-tdm.
From this remarkable coincidence with the Sanskrit, it is

clear that the difference in Greek between TOV on the one hand,
and njv9 TCOV, on the other, has a foundation in remote antiquity,
and was Buttmann conjectures (Gr. 87. Obs. 2.), a
not, as .

later formation of the more modern prose, albeit in four places

of Homer (three of which are occasioned by the metre) TOI/ is
found for TJ/V. The augment, however, cannot be considered
as a recent formation merely because it is often suppressed in
Homer, since it is common to the Greek and the Sanskrit. In
Zend the primary form is regular, ^p td :* for the se-
condary, however, which will be $*4fl> tanm, we have as
yet no instance. The Gothic has lost the third dual person,
but the Old Sclavonic has TA ta, feminine TPU tye, as well for

* An instance is found in a passage of the Izcshne (V. S. p. 48), the sense

of which has been much mistaken by Anquetil: ASA) GO MAS (

omi maeghcmcha vdremcha yd t6 kehrpem vacsayatf)

(vide 922.) baresnus paiti gairinanm, u I praise the clouds and the rain,
which sustain thy body on the heights of the mountains." According to
Anquetil, "J'adresse mapriere a I'annte, a fapluie, auxquelles vous ave
donn6 un carps sur le sommet des montagnes" Vacsayato is either the
future of vazj with an inserted a thus for vacsyato =Sanskrit vakshyatas
or a derivative from the root mentioned, in the
present, according to the
tenth class ; in either case, however, a third person dual.
 THIRD PERSON.

the primary form TO tas (rov) as for the [G. Ed. p. 670.]

secondary TH* tdm, rrjv, row (compare .445.); hence BE^ETA

w&ta, "they two ride," =^?rTO vahatas; BE^OCTA vetosta,
"they two rode," =^r3TW^ avdktdm, euphonic for avd/csjddm,
"
1 1

p.98; ^>BEntCTA {venyesta, "they two sounded, =^rafTOT*

aswanlshtdm. As to what concerns the origin of the last
letters $ and m in expressions TOS tas and
the personal
tdm, they rest, without doubt, on a similar principle to
those of the second person ^w thus, and if one of
?r^ tarn ;
the explanations given, 444. be valid, we
. must then abandon
the conjecture elsewhere expressed, that m of tdm sprang in-
deed originally from .v, but first through the previous interven-
"
tion of a t? (for M), after the analogy of ^n^TRx AvAm, we
" 1'
two," ipr* ymdm, ye two (. 340. Table, Dual, l).

465. The
following comparative table presents a summary
of the third person in the three numbers :

SINGULAR.
SANSKRIT.

astij

tishtati,

daddti,

barati,

vahati,

(a)sydt,

tishlhit,*

dadydt,
bharet,
pu
avahat,
*o
a&wanit?

DUAL.
yesta.
sto'ita.
tishthatas* histatftj eoraiw,
barStdm, .... fapoirrjv,

bkaratdm, .... fapCTVV,

aswdnishtdm,
~~~ {venyesta.

* See *
p. 618, Note
648 VERBS.

PLURAL,
SANSKRIT, ZEND. GREEK. LATIN. GERMAN.* LITH. OLD SCLAV.
8
santi, henti, (<r)eyri, sunt, sind, . .
suhty*
8
tishthanti, histenti, 1orravri t stunt, ^stdnt. . .
stoyanty.
dadati^ dadenti," didorri, dant, ...... dadyahty. 8

bharanti, barenti, fytpwri, ferunt, bairand ......

9
vahanti^ vazenti, e^oi/, vehunt, vijand, . . .
ve{uhty.
tishlhtyus,
12
histayen, ferrate//, stent .... ... ...
bhartyus barayen, <j)cpoiv, ferant^ bairaina .......
dsan, anhen, rjcrav, erant .... .......
atarpishus, .... fap^av, ........... terpyrslunV*
aswanishuS) ................... {venyes/ian.
alikshan, .... cXetfai^, ........ ... lokaskan.

1
See 2
. 456. Answers to f^nf& bibharti, third class, p.
Without personal sign see 4 See 5 5
: . 457. p. 636, . p.
6
First person, aswanisham,
" sounded." 7
See 8 As
I .464.
9 10
in the singular ; see . 457. See . 225. g. See . 450
See $.459. w See 645. See p. 644. w i
p. Tarpijeti
moans " to suffer,"
" to so that the
bear," original signification appears
to be inverted
" to need "
:
compare the Gothic thaurban, ( Vocalismus,

p. 170). The
Sanskrit root tarp (trip) means, according to the fifth class
" to be
(tripydmi)) content, satisfied "; according to the first (tarpdmi),
tenth (tarpaydmi), and sixth (tripdmi),
" to " to
rejoice," content," &c.

MIDDLE TERMINATIONS.
[G Ed. p. 672.] 466. The middle terminations, in which
the passive participates, distinguish themselves throughout
from those of the transitive-active by a greater fulness
of form, even though the of formation be not always mode
the same. Sanskrit, Zend, and Greek accord in this,
that they lengthen a concluding i, in the primary forms, by
the pre-insertion of a hence, /xa/ from p, <rou from the cri
:

which remains uncorrupted only in ecrcr/ of the second person

(. 448,), rai from T/, and, in the plural, vrat from VTI. The
Sanskrit and Zend make
their diphthong e correspond to the
Greek at ; and this applies to the rare cases in which the
produced by a+ i is represented in Greek by at, as usually the
first element of the Indo-Zend
diphthong appears, in Greek,
 MIDDLE TERMINATIONS. 649

ill the shape of e or o (see Vocalismus, p. 196), The weightier

and original a seems, however, in the terminations of the
middle voice here spoken of (cf. 473.), where expressive .

fulness ofform is of most importance to the language, to

have been purposely guarded. The Gothic has lost the i
element of the diphthong ai ; hence, in the third person, da
for dai; in the second, za (euphonic for sa, . 86. 5.) for zai;
and in the third person plural, nda for ndaL The first person

singular and the first and second of the plural have perished,
and are replaced by the third, as our German sind, which,

pertaining only to the third person plural, has penetrated into

the first. The a which precedes the personal termination, as
in hait-a-za, " vocaris" hait-a-da, " vocatur" as opposed to the

i of hailis, " vocas" haitith, " vocat," formerly appeared mys-

terious, but has since, to my mind, fully ex- [G. Ed. p. G73.]
plained itself, by the assumption that all Gothic verbs of the
strong form correspond to the Sanskrit first or fourth class
(p. 105), and that the i of a weakening of an
haitis, haitith, is

older a, conformable to rule, and the result of a retro-active

influence of the terminating s and th (. 47.). The medio-
passive, however, found no occasion for a necessary avoid-
ance of the older a sound, and it therefore continues, in this

particular, in the most beautiful harmony with the Asiatic

sister idioms.

467. The Sanskrit and Zend have lost in the first person
singular, as well of the primary as the secondary forms, the
pronominal consonant, and with it, in the first chief conjuga-

tion, the a of the class-syllable (see .

435.) ;
hence ^
bodh$, "I know," for b&dh-d-m$ or Mdh-a-mt, in case the

weightier personal, ending has impeded the lengthening of

the class-vowel mentioned in . 434. Compare

SANSKRIT. ZEND. GREEK. GOTHIC.

1

t bhar-6, bair-6, tpep-o-pat

(O^AU
*TTO bhar-a-s$, MWAJ^US bar-a-h$, (^ep-e-o-cu), ^epj. bair-a-za,
1
vmibhar-a-t$, wpju^us bar-ai-ti, ^ep-e-rcc/, bair-a-da,

*TC^ bhar-a-ntb, bar-ai-ntf, ^ep-o-i/ra/, bair-a-nda.

H^^UAS^MI
u u
(550 VERBS.

* See , 41 . 2
In the passive the third person plural often occurs
as
U3yjMmb$X&>uszay$int$ "nascuntur," (Vend. S. p. 136), with & for
a, through the influence of the preceding y (:i. 42.). For the middle I have
no instance of this person we might, however, at the utmost be in doubt
:

whether we should use barente after the analogy of the transitive barenti,
or baraintS. Both are possibly admissible, but baraint& appears to me the

safest, as in the active transitive, also, ainti is extant as well as enti, espe-

cially after v, where entl would, perhaps, not be allowed: hence,

" =Sanskrit
[G. Ed. p. 674], jpjUjMJvainti, they live," wfafo
jivanti; ^jo^JJA5A5j bavainti, "they are," =^fff bhavanti. We find,
also, without v preceding, yazainti=yajanti in a passage cited from the
Tashter-Yesht by Burnouf (Ya$na, Notes, p. 74). Or should we here
read yazainte, as yaz is specially used in the middle.

468. In the secondary forms the terminating diphthong

in Sanskrit and Zend weakens itself in the same manner
as in Gothic already in the primary the i element, namely, ;

vanishes, but the a remaining appears, in 'Greek, as o;

hence, e^e/o-e-ro, opposed to 5HWC1T abhar-a-ta AJ^AI^SI

bar-a-ta; in the plural, tyep-o-vro, to WK*x abhar-a-nta,

Ajjo^sAs^j
bar-a-nta. The Sanskrit-Zend forms have a
striking likeness to the Gothic bair-a-da, buir-u-nda, given
above. Yet am
not hence disposed, as formerly,* to adjust
I

the Gothic primary to the Sanskrit secondary forms, and to

make the comparison between bair-a-da, bair-a-nda, (instead
of bhar-a-t8, bhar-a-nt@9) and abhar-a-ta, abhar-a-nta. The ter-
mination au, in the Gothic subjunctive, is
puzzling ; where,
for instance, bair-ai-dau is opposed to the Sanskrit bhar-6-ta,
Zend bar-a8-fa, Greek <j>ep-oi-ro ; and thus, in the plural,
bair-ai-ndau answers to tyep-oi-vro ;f and, in the second per-

* Conjugation System, p. 131.

t In Zend the active bar-ay-en would lead us to expect a middle
bar-a$-nta (compare 461.). The Sanskrit, departing from the sister lan-
.

guages, has the termination ran, thus bliar-&-ran, which seems to me a mu-
tilation tfbhar-$-ranta. The root " to " to inserts anoma-
si, sleep," lie,"

lously such an r, as here precedes the proper personal ending, in the third
d
person of all special tenses (. 109 .), suppressing, however, in the present
impe-
 MIDDLE TERMINATIONS. 651

son singular, bair-ai-zau to <>e/o-o/-((ro). [G. Ed. p. 676 ]

It isnot probable that this au has arisen out of a by the in-

organic addition of a w, as the corruptions of a language

usually proceed rather by a wearing off than an extending
process. I think, therefore, that the termination au of the im-
perative, has already attained a legal foundation
where it

(p. 597), has insinuated itself into the subjunctive that thus ;

the speakers, seduced by the analogy of bair-a-dau, bair-a-

ndau, have used bair-ai-dau, bair-ai-ndau, also in the subjunc-
tive and that thence the au has made its way into the second
;

person singular, thus bair-ai-zau for bair-ai-za. This ought

not to surprise, as the medio-passive in the Gothic has already

got into confusion in this respect, that the first person, and,
in the plural, the second also, has been entirely displaced

by the third.

469. In the second person singular of the secondary forms

the Sanskrit diverges from the principle of the third and
first.Just as ta stands opposite to the primary if and the

secondary t of the transitive active, so we should expect sA as

a counterpart to s& and s. In its place, however, we find thds;
thus, for instance, abMdh-a-thds, "thou knewest," bk6dh-8-
-thdx, "thou mayest know." That, however, originally
there was a form sa co-existent with this thds is indicated,
not only by the Greek, in which e5/8o-<ro, StSot-cro, accord
exactly with eSfto-To, S&OI-TO, but also by the Zend, which
exhibits AW ha in places where, in Sanskrit ?r sa would be
to be expected, the h being a regular correspondent to ^ s
(. 53.), and Ascp sha after such vowels as, in Sanskrit, require

imperative and first augmented preterite, according to $. 459., the nasal of

plurality; hence sA-ra(ri)t& = icei-wat ; potential say-t-ran, imperative

eg-ra(n)tdm, preterite as4-ra(ri)ta CKCIVTO. = We
shall hereafter recog-

nise such an r in the middle of the reduplicated preterite. As to its origin,

however, I conjecture it to be the radical consonant of the verb substan-

tive, with an anomalous exchange of 9 for r (comp. >
22.), so that, for in-

stance, dad-i~ran, for dad-i-ranta, would run parallel with the Greek active
didoirjcrav, to which would pertain amedio-passive faftoirjo-avro or

U u 2
652 VERBS.

the conversion of the s into sh (p. 20).

The termination ha has.
[G. Ed. p. 676.] according to . 56*., an n prefixed, and thus it
occurs in the passive form noticed in my first Zend attempt

(Berlin Jahrb. March 1831, p. 374), and still hitherto unique,

" thou wast born"
( Vend.
S. p. 42). Anquetil
usazayanha,
translates the passage, which cannot admit two interpre-

tations, A^JA/^A^JUJ^ 9^$> w&

hi turn usazayanha, "to hirn
thou wast bom," by u lui yui a eu unfits celebre comme vous" and
thus conceals the true grammatical value of this remarkable

expression, which was perhaps no longer intelligible even to

Anquetil's Parsi instructors. I have since been unable to find

a second instance of this form but Burnouf (Yacjna, Notes,

;

p, 33) has brought to light a middle aorist form of no less

"
importance, namely, Mzpxwjh ururudhusha, thou grewest,*
to which we shall recur hereafter. At present we are con-
cerned only with the substantiation of the termination sha, the
sh of which is used under the euphonic influence of a preceding u.
470. We return to the Sanskrit termination thas. This stands
in obvious connection with the active termination tha, dis-

cussed which probably had, in its origin, a still farther

.
453.,
extension in the singular, and from which the form t hd-s
arose, by elongation of the vowel and the addition of s; which
s, as elsewhere noticed (Gram. Crit. . 301. d.) f probably
stands also to designate the second person. If this be so,

then either the first or the second personal-expression would

designate the person, which sustains the operation of the

action or its advantage, which in all middle forms is

forthcoming at least in spirit if not in form. Thus in

adat-thds, "thou gavest to thee" (tookest), either "thou"
" "
is
designated by t &, and to thee by s, or the converse.
[G. E<L p. 677-1 If this be so, and if in the Greek first person
the v of the termination MV (Doric pav) be organic, i.e. not a
later nugatory addition, but intentional, and a legacy of the
primeval period of our race of languages, then e&Jo/x>7i> also
signifies
"
I gave to me," whether it be that (/*a) or, as w
seems to me more probable, the v expresses the subjective
 MIDDLE TERMINATIONS. 653

relation: in either case, however, iuj-v (ftcc-i/) stands, even

with respect to the length of the vowel, in perfect analogy
to the Sanskrit thd-s. To this we must add, as an analogy
for the third person, the termination TffiT td-t of the Veda-

dialect, where the expression of the third person stands dou-

bled. I therefore hold this remarkable termination for a

middle one, although Panini (VII. 1. 35.) gives it as a sub-
imperative terminations tu and hi*
stitute for the transitive

which occur in benedictions for instance, bhavdn jwatdt,

;

"May your honour live!" (respectful for "mayest thou live!").

It istrue the root jiv (and perhaps many others with the

ending tdt\ is not used in the ordinary language in the

middle voice, but this termination may be a remnant of a pe-
riod in which all verbs had still a middle voice. The middle
is, moreover, in its place in blessings, in which some good
or advantage is always invoked for some one. Finally, t<U,
in a formal respect, is much nearer to the usual middle

imperative termination tdm than the transitive tu; yet I do not

believe that tdt has arisen out of tdm, but [G. Ed. p. 678.]

rather that the converse has taken place, perhaps by the

intervention of an intermediate tds (compare 444.), How- .

ever this may be, the termination tdt, which Burnouf s acute-
ness has detected also in Zend,| is of importance, because it

affords an ancient foundation for the Oscan imperative in

tud, J preserved to us in the table of Bantia, as licitu-d for

* un-
Possibly the representation of the termination hi by tdt may be so
"
derstood, as that in sentences like bhavdnjivatdt, May your honour live !"
the person addressed is always meant. Examples are not adduced in which
the actual second person expressed by tdt. Should such exist, we should
is

be obliged here to bring back the two t to the base two, of the second per-

son, while in the tdt of the third person both belong to the demonstrative
base ta (.343.). Cf. . 719. p. 956, Note.

t Only in one instance of value, fttjw(tyo^u>>(> uz-var$tdt. ( Ya9na,

p. 503, Note).

J Compare the ablative in ud] answering to the Sanskrit-Zend in fit, al,

<md the Old Latin iu o-d.
654 VERBS.

liceto, estu-d for esto, eorco.* To the Greek imperative termi-

nation TO> a middle origin has been already elsewhere ascribed ;

for in the plural, repTr-o-vrcov accords perfectly with the San-

skrit middle tarp-a-ntdm, and is related to it as repTr-e-To)!/ to
the purely active dual tarp-a-tdm. Should, however, repit-o-
-i/Tcot/ be identical with the transitive
tarp-a-ntu,this would be a

solitary instance in the whole grammar of the Greek language,

of to corresponding to a Sanskrit u> with, moreover, an inorganic
accession of a nasal. We should be more inclined in repTrero)
if we compare it to the middle tarp-a-tdm to admit
the abrasion of a nasal sound, as in edetga, opposed to ^fi^ji?
adiksham. I now, however, prefer to identify repTrero) with

the Vedic word tarpattit,

for the abandonment of the T was
compulsory, that of the nasal an accidental caprice.
[G. Ed. p. 679.] The relation of repTr-e-ra) to tarp-a-tdt
would be similar to that of eJ/Jco, e'dco, to adaddt, addt. If,

however, repTrerco be identical with tarpatdt and Oscan forms

like licitud, estud, the view we have mentioned above, that

the Veda-ending tdt belongs properly to the middle, acquires

a new support for if Tep-novruv is based on tarpantdm, aud
;

is therefore of middle origin, then its singular counterpart,

also, can belong to no other verbal genus, and will prove

a similar origin for that of Asiatic prototype tarpatdt.

its

471. The first person singular of the secondary forms ought,

in Sanskrit, after the analogy of the third in ta, to be ma 9

so that bhardma would be the counterpart of the Greek

* It deserves remark, that Dr. Kuhn, in his

lately-published work,
" habita"
Conjugatio in pt, linguae Sans, ratione (p. 26, obs.), has ascribed
to this Oscan form, without recognising its Vedic analogue, a passive
origin. The Oscan affects a concluding d for t, but has maintained the
oldtenuis under the protection of a preceding*; hence the subjunctive
forms such as fust, opposed to fuid (see O. Miiller's Etrusker, p. 37).

Compare, in this particular, the Gothic ist (p.66lG.ed.) with lairith,

hairada.
 MIDDLE TERMINATIONS. 655

This form, if not the oldest, must have been

of long standing in Sanskrit. In the present condition,
however, of the language, the w, as everywhere in the
singular of the middle, has given way, and for bhar$(m)a we
with euphonic y, which is inserted before all
find bhar$-y-a t

personal terminations beginning with vowels, in both active

forms of the potential (compare 43.). In the forms .

burthened with an augment, the termination a, already much

mutilated, has experienced a further weakening by the trans-
ition of a into "
i ; hence, e.
#., astn-nv-i, sternebam" for astri-

-nv-a, and from astrinu-ma, or a still older a$tri-nu-

this

mdm, which would correspond to the Doric kvTop-vv-nav.

472. We primary forms, in order to
return to the

remark, that, in Sanskrit, not merely those forms end in

which, in the transitive active, end in i, and above have
been classed opposite the Greek middle forms in at but also ;

those which, in the transitive active, ex- [G. Ed. p. 680.]

hibit no ?f and, in the Greek middle, no at. The collective

primary forms run

SINGULAR. DUAL. PLURAL.

vah&, mahS = peda.

dthS, dhw&.
dt&> ntS or a^=i/ra/, arat (. 459.)

The Zend follows, as far as evidence exists, the analogy

of the Sanskrit, yet the first person plural is not
maz$ 9 as would be expected from H% mahd, but
maidhS (.41.);* from which it is clear, that the
Sanskrit mahd is a mutilation of inr madhd (. 23.), as, before
I studied Zend, I had
already inferred from the Greek /xe0a.
The Greek /xe0a, however, has on its side lost the termina-

ting t , and thus ranks with the Gothic forms, mentioned 467.
.

In the secondary forms, vfe mahS weakens itself by the loss

* Maidi, also,, occurs with the aspiration dropped.

 656 VERBS.

of the initial element of the

diphthong & to mahi on the ;

other hand it extends itself, in a manner which

argues a
propensity to the greatest fulness of form, in the first

person imperative to w*t dmahdi; and analogous to this

the dual exhibits together with vah$ the forms vahi and^
dvahdi. The Zend retains, also, in the
secondary forms,
the full termination maidM; at least there is evidence of this
"
last in the potential
(oU^9-4ttA&~s buidhy6imaidh$, we
may see," (Vend. S., p.
45) repeatedly.
473. Though, in Sanskrit, all the middle terminations of the

primary forms end in t, I am not of opinion, therefore,

that all these & rest on the same As to those to
principle.
which, in the transitive active, i, and, in the Greek middle,
[G. Ed. p. 681.] a/, corresponds, I am much inclined to
assume the dropping of a pronominal consonant between the
two elements of the diphthong,* and, indeed, to derive
(m)6,
/MCI from mami
, s$, (ra/, from sasi ; t$, rai
; from tati ; as we 9

have before seen rirrrrei

spring from Tt/nrer/, and, in the
from bhanadi; and as, also, in the Greek, the
Prakrit, b Hanoi
middle TtmTevai has been still further shortened into Tvmrj,
and, in Sanskrit, m3 into & In this 6, therefore, the expres-
sion of the first
person is contained in a twofold manner,
once in a for ma, and then in i for mi ; and thus, also, the

reduplicated preterite in the third person exhibits ^ opposite

the Greek rat for ran, and the Veda-dialect
gives us,
even in the present for ai-tt^Keirat of the
ordinary lan-
guage, the form say-6 (euphonic for $-0), and other simi-
lar mutilations of the terminations of the middle
voice, as aduh,
"they milked," for aduh-ata; duhdm, "let him milk," for
dug-dhdm, and this last euphonic for duh-tdm (Panini VII.
1. If we now refer
41.) (m)3=/xa/, s6<rai, and tlarai, to
the probably
pre-existing forms mami, sasi, tati, perhaps,

*
So, also, Kuhn in his Tract (p. 25), mentioned at p. 654.
 MIDDLE TERMINATIONS. 657

also, mdmi, the question arises which of the two

sdti, t&ti>*

pronouns expressed the subjective, and which the objective

relation. Do dat-sa(s)i, 5/5o-(ra(cr)/ signify "give to thee
thou," or "give thou to thee"? If we assume the former, we
obtain the same order as in S/$o<r0e, S&ovdov, &c., of which
more hereafter ; and the remarkable case would occur, that,
after the suppression of the second pronominal consonant,
the first, which, with expressed the pronoun
its vowel,

standing in the relation of the oblique case, has obtained the

appearance of designating the subjective, [O. Ed. p. 682.]
or of belonging to the proper personal termination for, in ;

S/So-/*a(/z)/, the feeling of the language would better dispense

11
with the expression of the "to me or "me" (accusative)
than with that of " I." Whichever of the two explanations
be true, it is
thought we find in 5$o-/x the same /*
as
in d/5w-/xf. That this should so appear is,however, no
proof of the real state of the matter; for if which much re-
sembles the case in question, and has often occurred in the

history of language reduplicated forms undergo interior

mutilation, by extrusion of the consonant of the second
syllable, the first syllable then acquires the appearance of

belonging to the root itself. No one misses, from the point

of sight of our current language, from preterites like hielt
the initial consonant of the root :
every one holds the h of
hielt as identical with that of halte; and yet, as Grimm, with
much acuteness, was the first to discover (I.
103. 104.), the

syllable hi of hielt has gained this place by reduplication.

The Old High German form is hialt hi(K)alt, and the Gothic
haihald, whose second, and thus radical A, has escaped from
the younger dialects. I now hold, contrary to my earlier

opinion, the initial consonants of Sanskrit forms like

" we and assume an
tdpima, expiated," for reduplicative, I

extrusion of the base letter t of tatapima, producing

* 470
Compare .
thd-s, td-t, /*a-i/
658 VERBS.

tdpima
= taapima, and hence, by weakening the A
(=a + a) to =a+ ( i), tdpima. In the Sclavonic
damy,
"
give," also, and in the Lithuanian d&mi, the first syllable
I

has arisen by reduplication, and the radical syllable has

entirely vanished. More of this hereafter.

474. Let us now turn to those middle terminations in 6, to

which, in Greek, no at corresponds, and we believe that we

recognise in the plural dhwb a pronominal nominative form
in the sense of . 228. ;
thus dhw$ out of dhwa-i> from the base
dhwa for twa. The dual terminations dthd, dt&, correspond,
on the other hand, with neutral dual forms; such, for

[G. Ed. p. 683.] instance, as tt, "these two." In the se-

condary forms, dhwam, distributed into dhu-am, may, in

regard of its termination, be compared with yu-y-am, "you,"
"
vay-am, we ;" but the dual expressions dthdm, dtdm, are re-
lated, with respect to their terminations, to dhwam, as, accord-

ing to .206., du (out of As) is to a.v, and answer to dvdm, "we

two," yuvdm,
"
ye two." For the rest, ^r^ d-th$, ^ d&
WWT N Athdm, <mHT*x dtdm, appear to me mutilations of
tdtM, &c. (see Kuhn, 1. c., p. 31) just as we have found above ;

in the Veda-dialect, in the third person singular imperative

dmfortdm, (p. 68 1 G. ed.). The syllables (t)hd, (t)d, which
express the pronoun standing in the objective case-relation,
are represented in Greek by the <r in 8/$o-<r-0oi>, ftfto-ff-A?!"
e$/So-cr-0oi>, cS*$o-(7-0jji/, according to which
99., explains <r, .

itself very satisfactorily as out of T the following 0, how- :

ever, has likewise proceeded from T through the influence of

this 6 with a preceding aspirate, or cr, being a very favourite
cr ;

union. If we contrast iffio-tr-Qov, &c., with the Sanskrit

datf-(th)d-thd, we
perceive that the two languages, in dealing
with the aboriginal form, so divide themselves, that the one
has preserved only the consonant, the other only the vowel, of
the pronominal expression standing in the oblique case-re-
lation. In the second person plural the Sanskrit has dropped
the vowel as well as the consonantal-element of the inter-
 MIDDLE TERMINATIONS. 659

mediary pronoun ;
but I believe that dhw$, dhwam, in the
condition of the language immediately anterior, were d~dhw$,
d-dhwam ; thus bhar-a-d-dhw3, abhar-a-d-dhwam = <ep-e-<r-0e
e0e|0-e-(r-0e ; for T sounds are easily suppressed before t w
and dhw : hence we find in the gerund for dat-twd, " after

giving," bhit-fwd, "after cleaving," more commonly da-twd,

hhi-twd ; form the second person
and in the second aorist

plural of the middle exhibits both id-dhwam [G. Ed. p. 684.]

(out of is-dhwam) and i-dhwam: finally, before the termination

dhi of the second person imperative singular, a radical s
is converted into d: this d may, however, also be sup-
"
pressed; hence sd-dhi, as well as sdd-dhi, reign thou," for
"
Jfa-dhi. The root as, to be," forms merely &-dhi* for ad-dhi,
out of as-dhi. As, then, this $-dhi is related to the Greek
iir-0/, so is bharadhwd for bharaddhwd to Qepevde, only that
in the latter place the Greek d represents, not the Sanskrit
dh (. 16.), but the Greek r, through the influence of the
preceding <r. Hence arises, in the imperative also, ^epeo-flei),

as a middle after-growth. For after <epero>, a middle itself

by origin (p. 678 G. ed.), had been applied in practice with

a purely active signification, the necessity arose of forming
from it a new medio-passive on the old principle. Even the
infinitives in <r0a<f appear to me, by a misdirected feeling,
to have proceeded out of this principle ;
for after the true

signification of the <r under discussion was extinguished, the

spirit of thelanguage found it adapted, everywhere by its
insertion before a T, and the conversion of the latter into 0, to
call forth a medio-passive signification. If, however, we
disrobe the form S/<W0ai of its cr, and bring back the 6 to r, we
arrive at J/5ora/, which admits of comparison with the Scla-
vonic-Lithuanian infinitive in ti, just as this last has itself
been traced back elsewhere to abstract substantives in

* As A &
I think, immediately from d-dhi y with a weakening of the to

t But see 888. p. V202 G.ed,

 660 VERBS.

Sanskrit with a similar termination in ii. The Veda-dialect

also supplies us with infinitives in ^ dhydi, as dative femi-

nine abstracts in fv dhi, in which I can only recognise a

transposition of the ordinary suffix fif ti (Gram. Grit. . 640.

Obs. 3.).

[G. Ed. p. 685.] 475. If we cast a glance back over the at-

tempts we have made to explain the origin of the terminations

of the middle voice, the theory, that they depend on the doubling
of each personal designation as it occurs, will be found to rest

principally on the fact, that, in the Greek e^ejod/x^i/, the San-

skrit abharatds, and Vedic and the same per-
bharat&t, one
sonal expression is manifestly doubled, as also on the prin-
"
ciple that it is most natural so to express ideas like give to
I
" " "
me," I rejoice me," that the I," as well as the to me," or
" me" the subjective as well as the objective case-relation
should find a formal representative in one and the same

pronominal base. Apart, however, from e<epo/x>/v, forms like

0e/oeoTe, and the to-be-supposed Sanskrit bharaddhwS for the

existing bharadhw$, would admit yet another exposition,

namely, that the Greek cr does not stand euphonically for T,
but on its own account, and as the base-consonant of the
reflexive (.341.); which, although belonging to the third
person, yet willingly undertakes the functions of both the
others. In Sanskrit, the s of the reflexive base before the

personal terminations dhwd and dhwam, by the universal laws

of sound, would either become d, or be dropped ; and so far in
thisway, also, the Greek ^epecrfle, tyepecrde, would go along
with a Sanskrit bhara(d)dhw&> abhara(d)dhwam for the above :

presupposed forms, such as bharathdthd, answering to ^>epe-

vdov, we should have to assume bliarasdthti, out of bharasw(Uh$.
Were this assumption well founded, as probably a similar prin-

ciple would have prevailed in all the productions of the middle

voice, the terminations (m)0, t6 pat, rat, would have to be ex-
9

plained, not as from mami, tali, but from masi, tasi, or maswi.

* Influence of Pronouns on the Formation of Words.

 MIDDLE TERMINATIONS. 661

taswi. The second person would remain sasi, but the second *

would pertain, not to the second person, but to the reflexive, and
we should then refer, also, the s ofabharathds to the re-

flexive, and necessarily suffer the fiqi/ of [G. Ed. p. 686.]

e^epofjLrjv to stand totally isolated, without sympathy with an

old principle.
476. With respect to the Latin, it was in the " Annals
of Oriental Literature" (London, 1820, p. 62), that it was first

observed that the passive r might owe its origin to the

reflexive. I am now the more decided in giving a pre-

ference to this hypothesis over that which resorts to the

verb substantive, as have since recognised in the Lithu-
I

anian and Sclavonic, which I had not then drawn within

the circle of my inquiries into
comparative language,
a similar, and, in truth, universally-recognised procedure;
not, however, necessarily that aboriginal one which, in
the remotest aera of the formation of the language, must
have governed those middle forms which are common to
the Greek and Asiatic sisterhood; but I rather assume
a gradual inroad of the reflexive of the third person into
the second and first, as a substitute for some older and
more decided expression of each person, on whom the action
works retro-actively. The Old Sclavonic
appends the
accusative of the reflexive to the transitive verb, in order
to give it a reflexive or passive signification ;
for instance,

*IT* c/ittl, "lego" becomes cht&sya, "legor"; and thus in

the second and third person MTEUIHCA *iTETbC/\
chteshisya,
ITEMCA chtemsya, &c. (Dobrowsky, p. 544,
cfietysya, plural
Kopitar's Glag. p. 64, xvii.) In the Bohemian, se is not
so much as graphically connected with the verb, and

may stand as well before as after it, but is used by pre-

ference for the expression of the passive only in the third

person (Dobr. Bohm. Lehrg. p. 182), which may also be

the case with the Old Sclavonic. In the Lithuanian such
verbal expressions have merely a reflexive signification,
662 VERBS.

[G Ed. but bear more the appearance of a gram-

p. 687.]

matical unity, and therefore more resemble the Latin pas-

sive, because it is not a positive case of the reflexive

pronoun, whose accusative is sawen (p. 477),* but only its

initial consonant, which is appended to the verb, either

immediately, or with an e prefixed. The latter occurs in

the persons which end in i or e, the latter of which, before
the appended es, becomes i. Compare, in this respect, the
Old Latin amari-er from amare-er, with forms like wadinnati-e* 9

" The dual terminations wa

ye name you," for wadinnate-es.
and ta convert their a into o, and a simple u of the first per-
son becomes u. I annex here the present of wadinnus,
"
I name myself,"f opposite the simple transitive.

SINGULAR.
1. wadinnu, wadinnfia.
2. wadinni, wadinnies.
3. wadinna, wodinnns.

DUAL.
1. wadinnawn, wadinnawos.
2. wadinnatn, wadinnafos.
3. like sing. like sing.

PLURAL.
[G.Ed. p. 688.] 1. wa-dinnamc, wadinnamies.
2. wadinnate, wadinnaties.
3. like sing. like sing.

* It would
appear, that, together with this sawen, or, in the dative, to-
gether with saw, a kindred form si co-existed, as, in Old Sclavonic, si with

sebye,
and from this si it is plain that the suffix of the verba reflexiva pro-
ceeded; and in the third person, instead of a simple * the full si may
stand; for instance, wadinnas or wadinnasi, "he Dames himself." With
verbs, also, beginning with at, ap, and some other prepositions, or the ne-
is interposed hi the shape of*/, but may also be
gation ne, the reflexive
U I sustain
appended to the end; for instance, issllaikam (tff-0tfot&atc-)>
me."
t Compare Sanskrit vad, "to speak."
 MIDDLE TERMINATIONS. 663

477. To
these formations the Latin passive is strikingly

similar, only that here the composition is already ob-

scured, as the sense of independence of the reflexive

pronoun not here maintained by its mobility, as in the

is

Lithuanian, where, under the above-cited conditions, it is

placed before the verb. the favourite interchange,

By
also, between s and r, a scission has occurred between the

passive suffix and the simple reflexive. In the persons

ending with consonants, a connecting vowel was necessary

towards the adjunction of the r, and u stands as such in
amatur, amantur, as it seems to me
through the influence of
the liquids. The imperative-forms amato-r and amarito-r
required no auxiliary vowel. In omamur the s of amamus
has given way before the reflexive, which is not surprising,
as the s does not belong to the personal designation, and,
in Sanskrit, is given up also in the simple verb, in the

secondary forms, and occasionally even in the primary.

In amer, on the other hand, the personal character is itself
sacrificed to the suflix, for amemr was not possible, and
amemur was forestalled for the plural (instead of amemusr).

In amaris, ameria, &c., there is either a transposition of

amasir, or the personal character s has been unable to with-

stand the inclination to become r when placed between two
vowels (. 22.) and the reflexive has protected its original s,
;

(just as the comparative suffix in the neuter exhibits ius

opposed to tor (. 298.)*) and hence i here forms the conjunc-

tive vowel of the s, not u, which is used to conjoin r.*
In the singular imperative-person ama-re, [G. Ed. p. 689.]

* That the of amaris belongs to the original termination si, as Pott con-
t

jectures (Etym. Forsch. p. 135), I cannot admit, because I hold this kind of
passive formation far younger than the period when the i of the active
expression in Latin was still extant, as it has also vanished in Greek
without a trace, except in eVo-t. In the secondary forms, however, it had

disappeared before the individualization of the languages here compared,

and yet we find amabaris, ameris.
664 VERBS.

the reflexive, in advantageous contrast with the other pas-

sive forms, has protected its vowel ;
and if we commute
this re into se, we obtain the perfect accusative of the simple

pronoun. We have already attended to the old infinitive

form amari-er, produced by transposition for amare-re

(p. 662). If we prefer, however, which I do not, to exempt
the imperative amare from the universal principle of the
Latin passive, we might recognise in it a remnant of the
Hellenic-Sanskrit and Zend structure, and compare re as

a personal termination to <ro, ^r swa, AW ha, of which more

hereafter.

478. That the second person plural amamini steps out of

all
analogy with the other passive persons is easy to
observe, and nothing but the circumstance, that the earlier

procedure of grammar did not trouble itself at all with the

foundation of lingual phenomena, and that the relationship
between the Greek and Latin was not systematically and
scientifically traced out,
can account for the fact, that the
form amamini had so long found its place in the paradigms,
*

without raising the question how and whence it came there.

I believe I was the first to bring this under discussion in my

Conjugation System (Frankf. a. M. 1816. p. 105, ff.); and I

repeat with confidence the explanation there given, namely,

that amamini is a passive participle in the masculine nomi-

[G. Ed. p. 690.] native plural ;

thus amamini for amamini

estis, as, in Greek, rerv/x/xeixM eiW. The Latin suffix is

minu-s, and corresponds to the Greek juei/o^ and Sanskrit

mdn-as. From the fact, however, that these participles
in Latin are thrust aside in ordinary practice, mini has,
in the second person plural where it has continued as if
petrified, as far as the practice of the language is con-
cerned assumed the character of a verbal termination,
and has thus also, having lost the consciousness of its no-
minal nature, renounced its distinction of gender, and its

appendage estis. If we found amamina for the feminine

 MIDDLE TERMINATIONS. 665

and amamina for the neuter, we should be spared the

trouble of seeking an explanation for amamini, inasmuch
as it would partly be afforded by the language itself. It

may be suitable here to bring to remembrance a similar

procedure in Sanskrit: this employs ddtd (from the base
ddtdr, .
properly daturus, in the sense of daturus est,
144.),
without reference to gender, and, therefore, also for datura
and daturum est, although this form of word, which is also

a representative of the Latin nomen agentis in tor, has

a feminine in trt at its command (see tri-c, 119.), and .

the giveress is no more called ddtd than the giver in

Latin dator. In the plural, also, ddtdras, used as a sub-
stantive, stands for "the givers," and in the character of
a verbal person, "they will give;" this in all genders;
likewise in the dual, ddtdrdu. The procedure of the
Sanskrit is thus still more remarkable than that of the
Latin, because its ddtd, ddtdrdu, ddtdrds, has maintained

ordinary nominal usage of the language. It is

itself in the

therefore due merely to the circumstance, that the lan-

guage, in its condition as handed down to us, could no longer

deal ad libitum with the forms in the sense of future parti-

ciples, that ddtd, ddtdrdu, ddtdrds, where they signify dabit,

dabunt, have lost consciousness of their adjectival nature,
all

and their capacity for distinction of gender, [G. Ed. p. 691.]

and have assumed altogether the character of ordinary per-
sonal terminations. To return, however, to the Latin ama-
mini: the Reviewer of my Conjugation System, in the "Jena
"
Literaturzeitung (if I mistake not, Grotefend), supports

the explanation given by the forms alumnus, vertumnusf

which evidently belong to these participial formations, but
have lost the i. This, however, has been preserved in ter-
minus, if, as Lisch, and beyond dispute correctly, lays down,
we consider it as expressing "that which is
overstepped,"
and identify its root with the Sanskrit tar (tn)* Fe-mina

*
Vocalismus, p. 174.
X X
666 VERBS.

(as giving birth, and therefore middle), which is likewise

instanced by Lisch, I had before recognised as a formation

belonging to the same category: the root is fe, from which

&\sofetus,fetura, and fecundus. Gemini, moreover, as "the
born together," (from the root gen) may be considered as an
abbreviation of genmini or genimini.
479. How stands the case now with the imperative
amaminor? Are we to consider its r as identical with that
of amor, amator, amantor? I think not; for it was not
necessary to express here the passive or reflexive meaning
by an appended pronoun, as the medio-passive participial
suffix was fully sufficient for this purpose. Our best course,
then, isr to seek in amaminor for a plural wise-termination

as in amamini ; and this is afforded us, as I have observed

in my Conjugation System (p. 106), by the Eugubian Tables,
where, for instance, we find subator for the Latin subacti,

screhitor for scripti.* The singulars, however, of the

'second masculine declension in the Umbrian end ino: we
[G. Ed. p. 692.] find orto for ortm, subato for subactus.

Now it is remarkable that, in accordance with these sin-

gular forms in o, there are extant also, in Latin, singular

imperatives in mino, namely, famino in Festus, and pra-
famino in Cato de R. R. To these forms, before described,
we can add/rw/nmo, which Struve (Lat. Decl. and Conj. p. 143)
cites from an inscription in Gruter, " is eum agrum nei

habeto nei fruimino" where the form in question plainly

belongs to the third person, by which it still more con-
clusively proclaims itself to be a participle, in which cha-
racter it may with equal right be applied to one as to the
other person.
"
Remark. Grafe, in his work,
'
The Sanskrit verb
compared with the Greek and Latin from the point of

The termination or accords perfectly with the Sanskrit ds (a+at) and

Gothic fo (.227.); while the Latin i has obtruded itself from the pro-
nominal declension ($.228.).
 MIDDLE TERMINATIONS. 667

view of Classical Philology,' remarks, p. 120, that he once

considered, as the form in mini as a participle similar
I do,

in kind to the Greek in /zei/o, but now considers it. with con-

fidence, as a remnant of an of the Greek

old
analogy
infinitive in e/xei>a/, which, having been originally passive,

had first been applied to the imperative in Latin, and

thence had been further diffused. How near the impera-
tive and infinitive come together, and how their forms
are interchanged, Grafe thinks he has shewn, 1. c. p. 58 ff.,
where, namely, the Greek second person in ov (rv\jsov) is de-
duced from the Sanskrit first person singular in uni; but
where the remark follows, that in any case, tisthdni ('let me
stand') manifestly and strikingly like the infinitive
is

forai/a/, and much more, if we consider that ai in Sanskrit

is merely the diphthong nearest to i (in Greek, however,

the rarest, see Vocalism. p. 193). We
have, however, to re-
member, that, in lorai/ai, the a belongs to the root, and that,
therefore, for a parallel with the Sanskrit imperative, if

such be admitted, only vat can be compared to dni. Grafe

goes on 'It would be easy to imagine that the first person

:

plural from tishth&ma had its counterpart in the other

infinitive form
lord/xei/, properly fora/xe,* i. e. stare. Finally,
it may not be left unobserved, that the Greek [G. Ed. p. 693.]
and Sanskrit imperative in 0i, dhi, is again the form of
the infinitive in the Sclavonic dialects,t and that custom
admits the frequent use of the infinitive for the imperative
in Greek/ I could hardly have expected that the personal

terminations of the Sanskrit imperative could lead to so many

and various comparisons. It appears, however, to me ill
suited to the spirit of classical philology, without necessity
to attribute to the Greek that it has borrowed inter alia its

* I consider the v very essential, just because I deduce /xei/ and

from the middle participial suffix fiew?.
t I explain their ti as identical with the abstract substantive suffix

ftr.
x x 2
668 VERBS.

second person imperative in ov from any Sanskrit first

person. I find it still less
congenial to the spirit of a more
universal comparative philology, that Grafe, who has before
overlooked laws of sound incontrovertibly established,
many
should, in his comparisons, lend too willing an ear to mere
similitudes of sound ;
for instance, where (p. 39.) he explains
the root
'
^
move
go/ by the periphrasis (' hinscharren '),
char, 'to
to scraping along on the ground,' and where (p. 32,
Note) he compares <J?i^/p, 'to speak,' with lappen, 'to botch/
4
to speak imperfectly/ and AaTTTrco. I was not aware that a

German sch anywhere corresponded to a Sanskrit ch but 9

I knew that it did so to

/ (or i;), in observance of the law of
permutation of sounds (. 87.), and of the favourite practice
of exchange between gutturals and labials. Remark but the
relation of chatwdras to the Gothic Jidvtir and German vier, as
also that ofpanCHan tofunF, and the identification of the San-
skrit char, 'go/ and Gothic 'to go/ 'to
farya (preterite /rlr),

wander/ German fahren, will be satisfactorily proved. If,

however, we are to admit that any infinitive has arisen out

of any imperative person, it would be the least far-fetched sup-

position, which derived the Sanskrit infinitive and the Latin

supine in turn from the third person imperative w tu, by

the addition of m; for instance, bhfttum, 'to shine/ from
bhdtu, 'let him shine'; pdtum, 'to rule/ frompdtu, 'let him
rule/ In kartum, *
to make/ from kar&tu,
'
let him make/
the class vowel only would be thrust aside. As, however,
Grafe (1. c. p. 58) has found a jest in what I have elsewhere
said, and mean to repeat, of the first person imperative,

I must take care that he does not take for earnest what
I mean as a jest We do not, in truth, go so far in deriving
hhdtum from bhdtu as in deducing iirravcu from fHSTftf tish-
thdni (Zend histdni), 'let me stand'; but I can find no other

relationship between bhd-tu and bhd-tum than this, that in

the infinitive, as an abstract subs tan live, the action is per-
sonified through a form which comes near the expression of
 INFLUENCE OF THE PERSONAL TERMINATIONS. 669
>

the third person in the imperative. I recog- [G. Ed. p.

694.]
nise in the suffix tu, as also in that of ti,
(of another class of
abstracts, with which the Sclavonic and Lithuanian infinitive is
connected), different gradations of one and the same pronoun
of the third person as in the interrogative we find the forms
ka, ki, ku, and so far a relationship between the nominal
classes in question and the terminations ti and tu of bhdti, he '

1
shines," and bhdtu, '
let him shine. The coincidence is thus
in any case not quite so fortuitous as that between la-rd-vat
and tishthdni,
'
let me Whosoever derives the former
stand.'
from the latter cannot escape from bringing into this
family
the Gothic infinitives in an,
especially as the a of stand-an
does not, like that of fard-vat, belong to the root. Histori-

cally, however, as I doubt not, the German infinitive belongs

to the class of the Sanskrit abstracts in ana, as bandh-ana,
'
the binding "=Gothic bind-an."

INFLUENCE OF THE WEIGHT OF THE PERSONAL TERMINATIONS.

480. The weight of the personal terminations exercises,
in Sanskrit and Greek, and, as far as we have evidence,
also in Zend, an influence on the antecedent radical or class

obvious and comprehensive, though till lately quite

syllable,
overlooked.* Before light terminations extensions are fre-

quent, which, before the heavier, are withdrawn ; so that in

many anomalous verbs the entire body of the root can only
be maintained before the
light terminations, but, before the
heavy, mutilation occurs. For instance, the root WC as,
" to
be," retains its a only before the light terminations, but
rejects it before the heavy, as if it had been overgrown by
the augment; hence, indeed, aami, "I am," but smas> " we
are" " "
stha, ;
ye are," santi, they are." [G. Ed. p. 695.]

* I was first led to the observation of this

interesting phenomenon in
my investigation into the origin of the German Ablaut (Berlin Jahrb. Feb.
1827, p. 209, and Vocalismus, p. 13,
670 VERBS.

We see, however, that this mutilation had not yet established

the period of the unity of the language; for the
itself at

Greek protects, in the verb substantive, the radical vowel

corrupted to e, even before the heavier terminations, and
opposes (Tfji t core, earov, eoroV, to the Sanskrit smas, stha,
sthas, stas. The Lithuanian and Sclavonic, also, testify to
the comparatively recent loss of the Sanskrit a before the

weightier terminations. Compare

SANSKRIT. SCLAVONIC.

icc Mb yes-my.
KCM t/^-.v?.

ns-ti,
yex-ty.

DUAL.
s-was, es-wil, ICCBA
ycs-vn.
s-ihas, G(T-TOI/, es-tn, KCTA
^.v-/ci.
ecr-roi/, like the Sing.

PLURAL.
yes-my.
s-tha, ecr-re, KCTE ycs-te.

s-anfi, (cr)-ei/T/,
like the Sing.
s-unty.

"Remark. the suppression of the radi-

It is possible that

cal vowel may have begun with the third person plural,
whose termination anti is also the heaviest of all, and it may
have existed in this position even before the migration of

language, and its manifold individualizations ; at least, all

[G. Ed. p. 696.] the languages under comparison exhibit

in this case a wonderful harmony scarcely attributable to
chance : and, in addition to these, the Latin sunt, as opposed

By assimilation out of eV-iu. as, before, > out of

Vedic asme, yuqhme.
s,

t Irregular for as-si, on which are based the Greek and Lithuanian forms.
The Sclavonic, however, has likewise dropped one of the two sibilants.
 INFLUENCE OF THE PERSONAL TERMINATIONS. 671

to es-tis, as well as the Gothic sind, are in accordance. On

the other hand, the dropping of the e in sumus first appeared
on Roman ground, and, in the singular likewise, sum for
esum is quite isolated. After the falling away of the
initial and terminating vowels of asmi in the Latin, the
insertion of an auxiliary vowel became necessary, and
the influence of the liquids prevailed in favour of u. This
n remained, also, in the plural, where s-mus was possible,
but not favoured, as the Latin has generally gone out of
its way to avoid the immediate connection of the ending mus

with roots terminating in consonants; whence we have

vol-u-mus opposed to vul-t\s, vul-t ; fer-i-mus to fer-tis, fer-s,

fer-t (Sanskrit biblm-mas, bibhri-tha, bi-bhar-shi, bibhar-ti

from bhri class 3) ; ed-i-tnus opposed to es-tis, -s, es-t (San-
skrit ad-mas, at-tha, at-si, at-ti). To the Greek, in the case
of the third person plural, evrl9 if, as I scarcely doubt, it

stands for cr-ei/r/

(=Zend h-enti), nothing has remained but
the termination, as in the Sanskrit, in the second person

middle, se for o(s)-.v

The Gothic we have excluded from the
above comparison, although i-w, are based upon
i-s, is-t,

as-mi, a-si, as-ti ; but, in the plural numbers, sind alone is

organic, for siy-u-m, siy-u-th Dual siy-u (see . 441.), siy-u-ts,

have the terminations of the preterite, and belong to a

secondary root siy, which proceeds from the Sanskrit potential

sydm, in which sy has changed itself to sly.
481. All Sanskrit roots of the third class in A (. 109\ 3.)

depend, on account of the anterior burthen created in the

reduplication syllable, on the influence of the weight of the
personal terminations, so that they retain their d only be-
fore the light, but before the heavier either altogether

suppress or shorten it, or change the length of the a-

sound into that of the lighter t; and this is one of the
evidences from which I deduce the maxim very important
for the history of language that the organism of the lin-

gual body sustains a greater weight in the a than in the i

672 VERBS.

sounds, the long a being heavier than the long and the short
a heavier than the short i (see Vocalismus, Obser. 12. p. 214).
1'
[G. Ed. p. 697.] The roots dd, to give, and dhd, "to place,"
suppress their & before heavy terminations, with exception
of the third person plural, if, as I prefer, we make the divi-
sion dada-ti, not dad-ati (compare .458.); for the ori-

ginal form was certainly dadd-nti, whence never could come

dad-nti, but dada-nti well enough, and, out of this, with
a new sacrifice to the reduplication syllable, dada-ti. The
Greek only shortens the long vowel before the increasing
terminations, and makes d/Jo, ride, ICTTO., out of /a>, rtBrj,
terra. In the Latin, Sclavonic, and Lithuanian, the influence
of the weight of the personal endings on the antecedent
syllable has utterly vanished, and da has also lost the original

length of its vowel and the reduplication syllable. The

Lithuanian and Sclavonic have, on the other hand, saved
their reduplication, but have absolutely suppressed the root-

vowel, which the Sanskrit only does before heavy termi-

nations. As, however, the d also vanishes before endings
which commence with m and s in Lithuanian also with w
but before t
passes into s (.457.), the reduplication in these
verbs almost totally overlooked, and in dumi, AAMb damy,
is

which are mutilations of dii-d'-mi, the reduplication

da-d'-my,
has, by thrusting out the most essential element of the
entire form, acquired the appearance of a radical syllable.
It is, however, certain, that in dumi, the syllables du,
damy,
da, are identical with those of du-s-ti, for dn-d-ti,
da-s-ty,
thus merely reduplicators.* Compare
da-d-ty,

* We here confirm the observations of .

442., Note 7
. In dudu, ac-

cording to the usual conjugation, dud has constituted itself as root, and
the a of dud-a-wa, dud-a-me, has thus nothing more to do with the d of
the Sanskrit of the Greek dt&a/u, but belongs
daddmi, or the o>, o, di'do/iei/,

to a class with the a ofwez-a-w&, wez~a*m*.

 INFLUENCE OF THE PERSONAL TERMINATIONS. 673

SINGULAR.
SANSKRIT. ZEND. GREEK. LITU. OLD SCLAV. LATIN.

dadd-mi, dadhd-mi, J/5o>-/z/, du(d)-mi, da(d)-myt do. Q

dadd-si? dadhd-hi, 5$a>-, dfi,(d)-i, da(d)-si, da-s. gj

dadd-ti, dadhdi-ti, S/5a>-T/, dfts-ti,

das-ty,
dat. ?

DUAL. 2.

dad-was, . . . . .... d*(d}-wa, dad-e-va

1
dat-thas, das-td? 8/Jo-roi/, dus-ta, das-ta ...
2
dat-tas, das-td ? &<8o-rov> like Sing, das-ta

PLURAL.
dad-mas, dad-e-mdhi? 5/5o-/xej, c?6(rf)-mp, da(d)-my, da-mus.
dat-tha, das-ta?* SlSo-re, dhs-le, das-te9 da-tis.

dada-ti, dade-nti? S/Jo-i/r/, like Sing, da-nt.

dad-yaty,
In the Greek the influence of the weight of the personal ter-
minations over the radical syllable has penetrated further
than in Sanskrit, in this respect, that even the aorist forms,
set free from reduplication, edyv and eSw, have shortened
their vowel before the increasing terminations, while eirnyi/
(eorai/), in accordance with similar Sanskrit aorist-forms,
allows no influence to the weight of the endings. In Sanskrit,
from the first augmented preterite adadd-m comes the plural
adad-ma, as, in Greek, eHfto-fJiev from ed/Sw-i/; but from addm
comes, not adma, but the root remains un- [G. Ed. p. 699.]
diminished. It may be convenient to give here in full the
two augmented which are distinguished in the two
preterites,

languages by retaining and laying aside the reduplication

syllable.

Although the second dual person in Zend not yet identified, may
1 it
is

nevertheless be deduced with tolerable certainty from the third person

in t6, which is extant (. 404.), for which, in the second person of the pri-

mary forms, we may expect th6, the aspirate of which, however, has been
forced to vanish in ^JJAS* dasto (see .
453.). Upon jd
for^
d see
2
. 102. Conclusion. . 102. Conclusion. a 80.
* 5
. 102. Conclusio i,
and . 453. . 161*.
674 VERBS.

SINGULAR. DUAL. PLURAL.

adadd-m, eS/Sco-v, adad-wa, .. adad-ma,
adadd-s, adat-tam, e adat-ta,
adadd-t, adat-tdm, adad-us,*

add-m, add-va, .... add-ma,

eJa>-, add-tam, eSo-rov, add-ta,
add-t, e&o-r, add-idm, ad-us,*

482. The Sanskrit roots Ad, " to leave/'f Ad, "to go," and
" "
m4 to measure
(compare /ue-r/oov, /i/jueo/zai, &c.) the two
last have only the middle, the first only the pure active
form weaken, before most of the heavy terminations, their
d to t, and the two last substitute also, in their reduplication

syllable, a short i for short a- for instance, jahi-mas, "we

leave," opposed tojahd-mi, "I leave"; mim& (from mimt-m$) t
" "
I measure," mimi-mahd, we measure." The roots ^n
" " 11
sthd, to stand," and in to smell, follow a peculiar
ghr&,
path, inasmuch as a vowel-shortening, which probably at its
origin, as in the Greek fora/xt, lora/zei/, only obtained before
heavy terminations, has extended itself to the other persons
through which the radical a, thus shortened, would be treated
[G. Ed. p. 700.] just like the unradical of the first and sixth
class (109*. 1.).
Hence the Indian grammarians reckon these
roots as under the first class, although they assume a redu-
plication syllable, which, however, substitutes an i for a, as

I doubt not, on the ground that the reduplication syllable,

which is seeking generally for relief from weight, and there-

fore, as a rule, converting long into short vowels, may not
combine the heaviest among the short vowels, with the
length derived from position; hence, tihthami, tishthasi,

* See 4u^
J.
" " "
t Compare, with Pott, xrP> widow," as the abandoned or "left."
In Sanskrit vi-dliacd is
" the manless."
 INFLUENCE OF THE PERSONAL TERMINATIONS. 675

tishthati, &c., Zend histdmi, histasi, histati; jiyhrdmi, jighmsi;

jighrati,
&c. The Greek follows this principle of the weak-

ening of the vowel, there also, where there is not, as in the

cases of for^f, any immediate reason for it by the
fc/xpQftf,

doubling of consonants. TLlpmlmu and TrlfjL-rrpijfjLi are, how-

ever, striking and peculiar in appending a nasal, a stranger
to the the reduplicated syllable.
root, to These forms,
however, accord with the Sanskrit intensive verbs, which
love a great emphasis in the repeated syllable, and hence

change to the Guna letters the vowels susceptible of Guna,

but double the whole root in roots ending with nasals, and,
in some cases, also represent the liquids r and I by the nasal

liquids which accord with the organ of the chief consonants

" 11

of the root; for instance, jangamj* from gam, to go* c/ian- ;

"
chal from chal, to totter "; chanchur (for chanchar), from
" In this sense, then, I take
char, to go." Tn/iTrp^Mi, TT/JUTT^JU/,
for TtlpTrpy/ni, TT/ATTA^/ZI
:
thus, also, /3a/x/3a/va>, with the kin-
dred form /3a/xjQaAco (compare balbus).
R
483. As the roots of the second class (. 109 .
3.),
in

Sanskrit, do not load themselves with reduplication, so

neither do they subject a concluding d to [G. Ed. p. 701.]
the influence of the weight of the personal terminations.
The Greek, however, has here also again permitted a wider

range to that influence, inasmuch as ($/*0

^MJ/XI
lu ^is
respect, follows the analogy of Torn;/!/. Compare
SINGULAR. DUAL. PLURAL.
bhd-mi, $a-ju/, bhd-vas, .... bhd-mas, 0a-/xes-
bhd-si, $$-$> bhd-thas, <a-T<n/, bhd-tha, <j>a-re.

bhA-ti, cf>a-T/, bhd-tas, 0a-roi>, bhd-nti, <f>a-vrt.

abhd-m, e0a-v, ahhd-va

dbhA-s e'<a-,
dbhA-s, e<f>a-$,
9 abhd-tari
abhd-tam, e0d-Toi/, aJ)hd-ta, e^>a-

ctblid-t, e(/>a-(r), dbhd-tdm t etba-Trjv, a6Act-w,

* " M
Compare with this the Gothic gagga (= ganga), I go, where the
rJiief syllable has lost the nasal
676 VERBS.

This analogy is followed in Sanskrit, among other roots, by

" " to make
yd, to go," on which the Greek o/ju/, properly
to go," rests, to which the syllable of reduplication has lent
a causative signification, as to the Latin sisto opposed to sto,
while the Greek ?<rr?;ju/ (=ar/oTtyiu) unites the primitive with
the causative signification. While in f-orq/Ai the spiritus

asper, as it so often does, stands for a, in i-ripi it is the repre-

sentative of the lost semi-vowel as, among other words, in

y,
8s for*Fff yas, "who" (.38-2.); thus i%;/x/ for yt-yrim: on
the other hand, compare the future jjf-crco, relieved from the

reduplication, with the Sanskrit yd-sydmi. This fyfjn still

bends to the weight of the terminations ;
thus ?e/*er, fe-re,

opposed to yd-mas, yd-tha. To the root yd, I think, with

Pott (Etym. Forsch. p, 201), we must refer the middle of
"
e?/z/, which belongs to the root ^ i,
itself to go," which
in Greek, analogously to i'-/xes, should form i/xar, foai,

Iron, answering to the Sanskrit i-y&

(from i-w), i-sh$, i-t$.
[G.Ed. p. 702.] The form i'e-/xoc/, however, is to be derived
from yd, by a vocalization of the semi-vowel, and thinning
of the d to e. In duly considering, then, what I think I have

proved, that the personal terminations exercise a wider in-

fluence on the preceding syllable in Greek than in Sanskrit,
and example, roots ending in vowels shorten one
that, for

originally long before heavy terminations, the verbs r^ou

and Kei-pon might surprise us, since in these the heavy
middle terminations have not shortened the antecedent
vowel. Of jcel/xa/ we shall treat hereafter ;
but J?-/xai owes
the retention of the length of its vowel to the circum-
stance that its root was originally terminated by a con-
sonant, and I have already, in my Glossary, identified it
with the Sanskrit ds, "to sit," the s of which has remained in
the Greek only before T; hence ?or-Ta/=^n% ds-t$, qcr-TO=
As-ta* It accords, however, with the system of
* On the other &c , belong to the root *EA (fd-pa), Sanskrit
hand, ef-cra,
/
(compare Pott, Etym. Forsch. p. 278, and Kuhner, p. 242). The
spiritus
 INFLUENCE OF THE PERSONAL TERMINATIONS. 677

equilibrium that nady^ou cannot bear the

<r of
^<T-TO, together

with the burthen of the augment hence, indeed, Kotdfjcr-To

; ;

but eKaO*]-To.
"
484. The
Sanskrit root $n*l sds,
*
\
to rule," exhibits a

peculiar susceptibility for the weight of the personal termi-

nations, inasmuch as its long d remains undisturbed before
those heavy terminations which begin with, the weakest con-
sonants (semi-vowels and nasals) thus sds-was, " we two
;

rule," sds-mas, "we rule;" but, before the stronger conso-

nants of heavy terminations, weakens itself to the shortness
of the lightest vowel, namely, to i, whence, for instance,
" "
"
aixh-tha, rrgitis,"opposed to sds-si, reyis" sds-ti, regit?
We may recognise in this a forerunner of [G. Ed. p. 703.]

the German conjugation-forms, such as binda, bindam,

bundum, opposed to the monosyllabic singular preterite band,
bans-t, p. 116 G. ed.
a
485. The roots of the ninth class (. 109 ,
5.) are so far
in accordance with the principle of the roots hd and md,
mentioned in . 482., in that they weaken to i the A of the
class syllable na, in the same places in which those roots
experience the same relief in their radical syllable. The
Greek, on the other hand, shortens the long Doric a (rj)
to

a. Compare

SINGULAR. DUAL.
}
kr$-nd-m? 9 7rep-va-/z/. kri-ni-vas

kr$-nA-si, wep-va-?. kri-ni-thas, mep-vd-Tov.

kri-nd-ti, Trep-va-n. kri-m-tas, itep-vd-Tov.

akn-nd-m, enep-vd-v. ahri-ni-va

akri-nA-s, eitep-va-s. a\ri-ni-tam, lirep-va-roi

nkri-nd-t, eTrep-i/a-fr). akri-ni-tAm,

is inorganic, i.e. not from cr; as, for instance, in

opposed to unda.
T^ uda,
678 VERBS.

PLURAL.
kri-m-mas,
kri-m-tha,
kri-na-nti? (nep -ra-

f
a krf-ni-ma, eirep- voL-

akri-ni-ta, kitep-va-re.
akri-na-n?

, "I purchase," has n for nin the middle syllable

through the euphonic influence of the antecedent r. The relationship to

the Greek Trcpj/ij/bti rests on the favourite exchange between gutturals and

[G. Ed. p. 704.] labials, through which the Greek verb has assumed an
"
apparent relationship to 7repdo>, "to sail through (Sanskrit pdraydmi),
where the TT is primitive. * If we make the division kr>-n'~anti, akri-n-an
.
458.), we must assume that the middle syllable suppresses its vowel be-
fore all those heavy terminations which themselves begin with a vowel ;

thus, also, in the middle, kri-n'-$ from kri-ni-ml. For the special pur-

poses of Sanskrit Grammar this rule may hold good; but in considering
the historical developement or decay of the language, I am more inclined
nd has shortened itself before nti and n (older
to the belief that the syllable

nt) instead of converting itself into the long form of the lighter * sound, in
order to avoid combining length of vowel and position. The middle dual-
terminations dtM, dt&y dthdm, atdm, did not require the weakening of
the nd to ni, since without this, by the ordinary rule of sound, two homo-

geneous vowels melt into one long one; so that nd+dtM gives a lighter
form than ni+dth&, which latter would give ny-dt&, while from nd+dt
comes merely ndtg.

486. With Sanskrit verbs of the second and third class,

with a radical vowel capable of Guna,* the influence of
the weight of the personal terminations is shewn in this, that
Guna takes place before the light (. 26.), but before the

heavy the pure radical vowel reappears. The same law

* The Sanskrit
conjugation-system only allows the Guna to short vowels
before simple consonants, and to
long at the end of roots. On the other
hand, Guna never takes place in the middle of the roots, where there is

length by nature an4 position.

 INFLUENCE OF THE PERSONAL TERMINATIONS. 679

is respected by the Greek, which, however, affords no

example, except that of e?/xi (. 26.), of a verb with a radical
vowel capable of Guna, which, in the special tenses
a
(. I09 .), connects the personal sign directly with the
root. Compare

SINGULAR. DUAL. PLURAL.

e-7W, e?-ju. i-vas, . . . i-ma,v, ?-/xe.

d-shi, el-f. i-thaSj t-rov, i-tha, i-re.

6-ti9 el-n. i-tas, trov9 y-anti, 'l-atn (from l-avrt).

That the middle /'e/*ai belongs to another [G. Ed. p. 703.]

root has been already remarked (p. 676).
487. An exception to the law of gravity is found in the
"
root si, class 2 (" to lie," to sleep,") in that, although only

used in the middle, despite the weight of the middle termi-

nations, it everywhere exhibits Guna in which respect the ;

Greek Ketpat runs exactly parallel to the Sanskrit : hence

Kei-arat=!$$-shP, net-rat =#-18, plural Ke/-/ie0a==e-waM We
might also present s&9 as the root for the Sanskrit verb, as
the pure vowel i nowhere appears, and the formation, also,
of the word exhibits no expression, which would make a
root si necessary, rather than s8, unless, perhaps, we should
" " "
take &ita, cold," in the sense of frozen," and therefore rest-
"
ing," motionless/* and hence choose to derive it from .$, The
Old Sclavonic exhibits the old diphthong in the shape pre-
sented by the Greek KOITYI, KO/JLCCXO), in noKoftpo&o/, " re-

quies" "pax"* On the other hand, maio chiyA, "quiesci>"

has undergone a double weakening first, that of K to *i ch, ;

and next, the thinning out of the diphthong to its concluding

element. It must not be overlooked that pokoi is not the

primitive shape of the base, but po-koyo, out of which, in the

uninflected nominative and accusative, after suppression of
the final vowel of the base (. 257.), po-kot necessarily came :

*
Kopitar's Glagolita, p. 86.
680 VERBS,

the theme pokoyo, however, accords excellently with the

" " "
Sanskrit inya ; as adjective, lying," sleeping ; as sub-
"
stantive, sleep."
488. The roots of the fifth and eighth class admit the
Guna form of the
1

un or u before the
g u of the class syllable

light terminations, and, before the heavy, reject the Guna-

vowel the Greek obeys the same principle, only, instead of
:

extending v into et/, it lengthens the v, Compare

SINGULAR. DUAL,

.vfri-50-ww",* (TTop-i/u-/x/. stri-nu-vas

T /
1

o stri-no-shi, L '
stri-nu-thas,
orop-i/v-s. vrop-vv-rov.

^ sn-nd-& orop-vu-Ti* stri-nu-tas, <nop-vv-rov.

W astri-nav-am, eoTop-i/tJ-i/. astri-nu-va ....

^j astri-nd-s, ecrrop-vv-s. lustri-nu-tam, e

astri-no-t, eorrop-i/u-(T). astri-yu-tdm, e

PLURAL.
A'fn-nM-mo*,

stri-nu-tha, crrop-vv-Te.
stri-nv-anti,

astri-nu-ma>
astri-nu-tcb

avlri-nv-an,

The Sanskrit reduplicated preterite receives Guna

489.
before the light terminations, and restores the pure root-
vowel again before the heavy. Herein the Germanic, and
most evidently in the Gothic, stands in closest accordance
with the Sanskrit, inasmuch as all verbs, with a root-vowel

* The grammarians assume a root *tn and another H stri, both of w

"
which signify to strew," and have, properly, for their radical syllable
far=Greek STOP, Latin STER, the a of which is subject to suppression
(Vocalismus, Obs.I. p. 167, and on the root in question, especially, l.c.
p. 179.)
 INFLUENCE OF THE PERSONAL TERMINATIONS. 681

susceptible of Guna with

or u), insert before this, in
(L e. i

the singular of the simple (strong) preterite, the original

Guna vowel a but before the increasing terminations of the
;

two plural numbers, as also in the entire subjunctive, which

is burthened by the exponent of the mood, [G. Ed. p. 707.]

and already in the singular polysyllabic, again reject the

is

foreign strengthening vowel. Compare

490. On
the law of gravity rests also the phenomenon,
that those Gothic roots ending in two consonants, which,
without protecting the reduplication, have preserved a radi-
cal a in the singular of the preterite, weaken* this to u

before the heavy plural and dual terminations, and those of

the whole subjunctive (Vocalismus, Obs. 16. p. 227). The
Sanskrit exhibits a remarkable counterpart to this phenome-
non, which had not come under my notice in my earlier
treatment of the theory of gravity, and is [G. Ed. p. 708. j
here for the first time considered from this point of view ;

* In the German weakening of the vowel is produced by

preterite, the
the polysyllabicness, see p. 709. G. cd.
Y Y
682 VERBS.

"
I mean the root kar, to make," which not indeed in the

reduplicated preterite, but still in the special tenses before the

heavy terminations, and in the whole potential, which answers

to the Gothic subjunctive weakens its a to u, and only
before light terminations retains the heavy a sound. Hence
"
kartimi, I make/' stands in quite the same relation to kuru-

mas or kurmas, "

we make," and to kurydm, " I may make,"
as, inGothic, band to bundum, and bundyau. compare We
here the Gothic preterite band with the Sanskrit babhandha,
which everywhere leaves its vowel unaltered, and with
kar6mi as regards the change of vowel.

SINGULAR. DUAL.
SANSKRIT. GOTHIC. SANSKRIT. SANSKRIT, GOTHIC. SANSKRIT.

babandha, band, kardmi, babandhiva, bundA, kuruvas.

babandhitha, banst, kardxhi, babandhathus, bunduts, kuruthas.

babandha., band, karflti, babandhntus, . . . kurvtas.

PLURAL.
SANSKRIT. GOTHIC. SANSKRIT.

babandhima, bundum, kurumas.

babandha(tha), bunduth, kurutha.
babandhus, bundun, kurwanti.

POTENTIAL.
SINGULAR. DUAI^ PLURAL.
SANSKRIT. GOTHIC. SANSKRIT. GOTHIC. SANSKRIT. GOTHIC.

kurydm, bundyau, kurydva, bundeiva, kurydma, bundeima.

kuryds, bundeis, kurydtam, bundeits, kurydla, bundeith.

kurydt, bundi, kurydtdm, .... kuryw, bundeina.

"
[G. Ed. p. 709.] Remark 1. As all verbs which, in the

analogy of band, have a liquid for their

preterite, follow the

penultimate consonant, and liquids have a preference for the

vowel u we may attribute to them here an influence on
9

the generation of the u : it remains, however, not the

less true, that under which, in the fore-
the conditions

going scheme, a and u are interchanged, rest only on the

 INFLUENCE OF THE PERSONAL TERMINATIONS. 683

laws of gravity, and on a principle sufficiently, as I believe,

demonstrated in my Vocalismus (p. 227), that the weight of
the u ismore easily supported by these languages than that
of a. For were this not so, it were difficult to see why
the old a was protected exactly in the monosyllabic singular ;

and why the condition of monosyllabicness is so enforced

in the preservation of the a> that, inOld High German,
where the second person singular is designated by i instead
of t * even in the form which thus becomes dissyllabic, the
9

lighter u should assume the place of the heavier a; and thus

bundi stand in contrast to band of the first and third
person,
and to the Gothic second band. In like sense a certain
share in the generation of the u may, in the Sanskrit form
kur, alternating with kar, be attributed to the liquid, while
the distribution between the a and u forms depends on
the weight of the terminations alone. Beyond the range,
however, of the special tenses, the root kar, in the forms
which seek be lightened, dispenses entirely with the a,
to

so that the r becomes the vowel n. The mutilated form

kri thus produced as, for instance,, in kri-ta, 'made/
*

opposed to kar-tum,
'
to make is considered by the
grammarians as the original, and this holds good in ana-

logous cases ;
a view which I have endeavoured, in the
first Observation of my Vocalismus, to demonstrate as his-
torically unsustainable. In special Sanskrit grammars, how-
ever, this system may be outwardly maintained and kar may ;

still pass for a Guna form of kri ; as also we may be com-

pelled to treat the a of the Gothic preterite band as the Guna
form of i in binda, and so, indeed, we must,
if, reversing

the real historical course of the language, we recognise, in

the singular a of the preterite, a first, and, in the plural and

subjunctive u of the preterite, a second

,
Ablaut of the i
9'

of the present binda.

For the origin of this i I refer preliminarily to itiy Vocalismus, p. 23.

Y Y 2
684 VERBS.
"
Remark 2. It may appear surprising that those Gothic
verbs with a radical a, which, in the preterite, have preserved
the old reduplication, do not equally weaken their a to u
before the heavy terminations; that, for instance, haihald,

[G. Ed. p. 710.] in the plural, should form, not haihuldum,

but hailhaldum, although the root has equally a liquid for

its penultimate; and we might imagine that the bur-
thening of the root by reduplication would occasion still

more susceptibility for the weight of the terminations;

as we have seen, in Sanskrit, that the reduplicating roots of
the third class in A either weaken or totally remove that
vowel before the heavy terminations (.481.), but the non-

reduplicating roots of the second class experience no dimi-

nution. With the Gothic reduplication of the preterite
we find a peculiar condition
can only be borne by : it

the strongest radical structure, and has hence only been

perpetuated, first, by verbs with a long or diphthongal

radical vowel; as haihaif, 'I was named,' present haita;

hlailaup, *I ran,' present hlaupa; secondly, by roots with

the heaviest of the short vowels (), united with length by
'

position ;
for instance, vaivald, I directed,' present valda.*
Under these conditions, it was a necessity of the lan-

guage to retain the root after the reduplication in all its

strength, and by this the weakening of the a to u was
provided against."
491. The Greek exhibits the Guna modification of
the / in two forms, in that, namely, the original pre-in-
serted a sound is represented either by e or o, but at never

answers to the Sanskrit & in roots inwhich diphthongs

are exchanged with a pure *.f Where, however, ei and o/,

* " "
Faifah, from the rootfah, to seize," and haihah, from hah, to hang,"
make an exception, but appear, on the evidence of cognate dialects, to
have lost a nasal.
t Vocalismus, Obs. 2. p. 193.
 INFLUENCE OF THE PERSONAL TERMINATIONS. 685

together with /, are exchanged with each other in one and the
same root, there o/, as the heavier of the two Gunas, takes its
place in the perfect, where also the simple o is frequently
opposed to the simple e ; hence, for instance, \e\onra opposed
to Ae/7ra>, eA/7roi/; Ti&noiQa to Tre/dco, einOov, as rerpoffxx, to

Tjoe0o>. answers to the Gothic Guna through a, and

Thus 01

e/ to that
through i (. 27.) and 7re/0a> and it&noida are
;

related to each other, as beita (i.

e. bita [G. Ed. p. 711.]
from biita, p. 106) to bait from the root bit ; then, also, r/oe^>o>
to Terpotfra, as lisa to las from the root LAS (p. 116 G. ed.). It

appears, therefore, that the Greek too bears more willingly the
burthen of reduplication by a stronger than a weaker root-
syllable. The towards the weight of termi-
susceptibility
nations has, however, almost entirely vanished from the
Greek perfect. A remnant of it is still found in o?Sa,
"
opposed to the Sanskrit v&da, I know," and the Gothic
vait * in all three languages a present as to sense, with the
terminations of the reduplicated preterite. Yet the Sanskrit
verb, in this signification, dispenses with the reduplication,
and so does the Greek ;
for olSa for FoiSa is merely the Guna
of the root (F)t<$. Compare
SANSKRIT. GOTHIC. GREEK.

J v$d-a 9 vait,

vti-tha 9 vais-t 9 olv-Oa (see .

453).
v$d-a 9 vait 9

vid-i-va, vit-u

vit-u-ts>

vid-u-tus, HT-TOI/.

vid-i-ma, vit-u-m* tS-fJiev

vid-a-(tha\ vit-u-th, fc-re.

vid-us (see .462.), vit-u-n,

* In the case of this verb the modern German language has preserved
the operation of the influence of the terminations ; hence, rvissen, wissef,

wissen, opposed to weiss, weisst, weiss ; while elsewhere the plural has

everywhere made itself equal in weight to the singular.

686 VERBS.

" The Sanskrit root not without a proper

Remark. vid is

present the plural of which, vid-mas, vit-tha,

%ftr vddmi,

vid-anti, might have equally given, in Greek, i'd-juei/, icr-re,

[G. Ed. p. 712.] jo--a<n (from ?Jai/T/, p. 663 G. ed.) as also ;

out of the duals vit-thas, vit-tas, we could hardly obtain in

Greek any thing else than JO--TOI/, IO--TOI/. The present forms
resemble the Greek much more than those above of the pre-
terite. Nevertheless, I am not of opinion that the Greek

plural and dual terminations can belong to the present in

their origin, for the intermediate vowel a, whose rejection

gives to the appearance of a present (compare e<r-/zei/),

?fytei/

is no essential element of the perfect, and is wanting, among

other instances, in which, moreover, through the
eiVc-roi/;

restoration of the pure radical vowel, bears the same re-

lation to eoiKe, as (OTOI> to olSe. We shall recur to this sub-
ject."
492. After what we have hitherto remarked on the laws of
gravity, it becomes scarcely necessary to quote instances to
shew which are the light terminations, and which the heavy.
It is self-evident that the dual and plural endings have
more body and compass than the singular of the transitive
active form, and that in the middle voice the weight of termi-
nations communicates itself also to the singular for /*/, era/, ;

TO/, are obviously richer in sound than /x/, cr(/), n in the :

same manner, in the secondary forms, wv, cro, TO, are heavier
than i/, or, (r). We have, however, to observe, that several
terminations, originally heavy, but which have, in the course
of time, become abbreviated, have nevertheless left behind
them the effect of their former state. This is the case espe-
cially in the Sanskrit, in which the middle abibhr-i (see p. 471
G. ed.) is much weaker in its termination than the transitive
abibhar-am ; so that, according to the present state of the

language, we should rather expect abibhr-am answering to

ablbhar-i than the reverse. The second person
plural of the
transitive reduplicate preterite, like the first and third of the

singular, has lost the true personal sign, and retained only the
 DIVISION OF CONJUGATIONS. 687

intermediate vowel Nevertheless, we find above vida, "ye

" "
know," over against the singular vSda, I know/' he
knows." In the second person plural of [G.Ed. p. 7 13.]

the primary forms, t ha is, in its present state, heavier than

the singular si, as a is heavier than i, and the Sanskrit aspi-

rates are evident combinations of an h with the full tenues or

medials (. 1
2.).
In Greek, all the terminations (if we except,

perhaps, the relation of re to 0, as in r-re, contrasted with

o?<r-0a),
which I reckon heavy, have still, in their actual state,

more weight than those which, according to the theory

which has been brought forward, belong to the light class.

Compare

LIGHT TERMINATIONS. HEAVY TERMINATIONS.

mi, pi, vas, mas, $,

ai,
<r(t), thas, tha, s&, Ath$, dhwt, TOV, re, era/, <r0ov, <r6e.

ii, TI, tost nti, ti, &t$, nt&, TOV, VT/, o"0ov, vrai.

m(am), v, va, ma, a, i,* vahi, mahi,

s dthdm dhwam,
, y, /am, ta, tkds> t TOV, Te,<ro,

t, (T), tAm, n(an), ta, Aldm, nta, (da), T^V (TCOI/), v, TO, adriv (<r0a)v),

I/TO.

DIVISION OF CONJUGATIONS.

493 Sanskrit verbs admit of an easy distribution into

two conjugations ;
the firstwhich, if not the oldest, existed

before the separation of languages, and is almost alone re-

presented in the European cognate languages comprehends

the great majority of all the verbs, viz. classes 1. 4. 6. 10.

(. 109*.), which, in the special tenses, annex to the root either

a simple a (el, 1.
and 6.), or syllables which terminate with a,

viz.
ya and aya (cl.
4. and 10.). This con- [G. Ed. p. 714.]

jugation is followed also, as will hereafter appear, by nearly

all derivative verbs and by all denominatives. In Greek, the

conjugation in o>
corresponds to it, in which, of course, too

See $.471.
688 VERBS.

much stress must not be laid on the w answering to the

Sanskrit mi, for if the /*/ is restored to the repTrco, compared

above (. 434.) with tarp-d-mi ; and if Tepireis, repTtet, are
carried back to the forms repTr-e-d/, repn-e-Tt, which, in all pro-

bability, once existed; still this verb, and all of similar

structure, remain sufficiently distinguished from all classes

of the so-calledfit conjugation,
which does not contain any
verbs that insert between the root and the personal termina-
tions an e, interchanged with o, and is foreign to the
which is

root, or larger syllables terminating with these vowels. The

second Sanskrit conjugation separates, like the Greek, into
three divisions. It comprehends first, those verbs which

append the personal terminations direct to the root (Cl. 2. 3. 7.),

as 4-nusse?-/u dadd-mi=<i (Stout yunaj-mi, "jungo" plural
; ;

a
yunj-mas, "junyimus" (. 109 3.), to which there is no .

analogy in Greek ; secondly, verbs with nu or u, in Greek

vv t v, as the intermediate syllable ;
thirdly, those with nd

(weakened to ni), in Greek va(vrf} 9 vd (see pp. 119, 703 G. ed.).

All these divisions are, in Sanskrit as in Greek, subjected to
the influence of the weight of the personal terminations,
while the first conjugation is free from it. Other peculiari-
be presented hereafter, in which the Sanskrit and
ties will

Greek second conjugation coincide with one another, and are

distinguished from the first conjugation.
494. The Greek first conjugation contains a greater va-

riety of subdivisions than the Sanskrit, which consists of

only four classes. This, however, has no influence on the
[G. Ed. p. 716.] inflection, since rep7r-o-/zei/* is inflected

just like TO7r-To-/xei/, daK-vo-/xei>, cf-ai>o-/jtev, Aaftj8-ai>o-/*ei>,

7T|oa(r-cro-/*ei/, 5a/-i-ab-/zei', a>0-/fo-//ey ;

as it is the same, with

regard to the conjugation, whether the formation, which is

added to the root, consists simply of one e, which, before

nasals, is replaced by o, or of syllables which terminate with

* termi-
give the plural, as the abbreviation of the singular primary
I

nation renders the character of formation not easily

perceptible.
 DIVISION OF CONJUGATIONS. 689

this vowel, as, in Sanskrit, the formations a, ya, and aya, are
inflected similarly, for this very reason, that they all end in

a. It appears to me, however, wrong to separate, in Greek,

the consonants from their vowels, and, e.g., in -rvitro^v to

add, first a r and then a conjunctive vowel o ; while, accord-

ing to the course of the development of the language, the

root TVTT, in the special tenses, combines with the syllable re
or TO, SOLK with ve or i/o, and Aa/3 with ai/e or avo. The addi-
tion of a bare consonant, or of a syllable terminating with a

consonant, would have been too cumbrous for the conjuga-

tion a TV7r-T-/xei/ or JotK-v-/xev can never have existed.
: But
if we
are right in dividing thus, SetK-w-pevt and do not

regard the v merely as the element of formation, and the v

as the conjunctive vowel, there is no reason to distribute

TvnTOfjLev according to a different principle. What the syl-

lable TO is in the latter verb, the syllable vv is in the former.
For this reason I cannot admit that mode of distinguishing
the conjugation in co from that in JLC/, which consists in

terming the latter " with a conjunctive vowel "; as the /u/

conjugation also, though not in all the classes of which it

consists, has syllables of conjunction, if

they are to be so
called, that are inserted in Jeuc-vi/-/xei/, daju-i>a-/xev, between
the root and the personal termination.
495. It is hardly possible to state any thing satisfactory
regarding the origin of these syllables. It appears to me
most probable that the majority of them [G. Ed. p. 7 16.]
are pronouns, through which the action or quality, which is

expressed in the root in abstrado, becomes something con-

crete; the expression of the idea " to love" becomes the
e.
g.
"
expression of the person, who loves." This person, how-
ever, is more closely defined by the personal termination,
whether it be " " or " he."
I," thou," Proceeding from
this point of view, we may regard the character of the
Sanskrit ninth class nd (. 109*. 5.) = Greek va, vy, vaf as
the lengthening of the pronominal base, ^ na* (. 369.) and
690 VERBS.

nw=Greek vv9 as the weakening of this na, as, in tfte interro-

gative, together with ka the forms ku and ki occur. The

u of the eighth class is easily perceived to be the abbre-

viation of the syllable nu, which arises from the circumstance

that the few roots of this class themselves terminate with n ;
thus tan-u-ma$ for tan-nu-mas. The sole exception is kri,
" be deduced from the
to make," which, however, as may
Zend kere-nao-mi, likewise had n originally before the

appended u. From c[T nd it seems that dn has arisen by

transposition, which is further combined with the cha-
racter a of the first or sixth class, and belongs to the first

conjugation; but it occurs only in the second person

imperative singular of the transitive active form of the

ninth class, in which the first conjugation is without the
"
personal termination ; hence, as-dna, opposed to the eat,"
first person as-ndni, and the third as-ndtu. This as-dna
would lead us to expect a present as-dnrl-mt, as-dna-si,
as dna-ti, for as-nd-mi, &c. The circumstance that the
Veda-dialect has not preserved forms of that kind affords
no certainty that they have never existed; for although
several other ancient forms of speech have been preserved
in the Veda-dialect, still it is very far from having re-
tained, in their perfect state, all that existed at the period
of the unity of language ;
e.
y. there are no middle forms
in me for the abbreviated & But if the Sanskrit, in its

formations in dna, actually took its de-

[G. Ed. p. 717.]

parture from the second person imperative, where it also

remained, the Greek has completed the formation thus
commenced; for I have scarce any doubt that forms like
as-dna are the prototypes of the Greek c'f-ai/e, Jap0-ai/e,
&c. Both languages agree in their conjugational affixes
almost as exactly as possible; for a Greek a refers rather
to a Sanskrit
long A than to a short one, as ^r a is more
frequently represented by e or o than by a. Besides, the

original length of quantity is still left in IK&V<*>. In

 DIVISION OF CONJUGATIONS, 691

Lithuanian, verbs in enu* and inu, and also those with

doubled n, innu, belong to this class, though they retain
the nasal, also, in the future and infinitive, which verbs
in nu, of which hereafter, do not, e.g. gab-enii, "I bring,"
gad-inu, "I destroy," future gabensu, gadinsu (. 10.), in-
finitive gabenti,
gadinti.
a
496. If, in the Sanskrit seventh class (. 109 .
3.),
that

form, which appears before light terminations, is older

than that which occurs before heavy ones, e.g. bhi-na-d
from bhi-nad-mi, "I cleave," older than bhi-n-d from
bhi-nd-mas, "we cleave/' then it might be assumed, as I

am much inclined to do, that this syllable na is nothing

else than the syllable na of the ninth class, which has
been transposed into the interior of the root, and abbre-
viated; thus, bhinadmi for bhidndmi, as bhid would form

according to the ninth class. In Greek verbs, like

both forms occur together and in them

\ajujQcti/a>, /xai/0cci/co, ;

the nasal of derivation has a second time been reflected

into the middle of the root, just as, in Zend, an i or y

imparts to the preceding syllable also an i (.41.). It has

been already remarked (. 109 a 5.), that verbs, like . a/c-i/o-

-/xei/, re/z-vo-jitei', by weakening

the syllable of derivation,
i.e. by changing the organic a of $a/x-i/a-/xei/ for the inorganic

e or o, have entered into the o> conjugation. [G. Ed. p. 718.J

To this place, also, must be assigned the Latin formation ni

(before r: ne) of ster-ni-mus, cer-m-mws, sper-ni-mm, li-ni-mus,

si-ni-mu8. Compare, for instance, ster-ni-mus with JflnqftuH
stri-ni-mas ; but the resemblance must not be rated too high,
for the Latin ni is not a shortened form of the Sanskrit ni

(see .
485.), but a weakened, as leg-i-mus for leg-a-mus,
a
(. 109 .
1.).
In Old Sclavonic, verbs in nil, neshi, correspond,
which reject this appended syllable in the preterite, e.g.

rbiGN* gyb-nd, "pereo" second person gyb-ne-shi, preterite

gy-boch (Dobr. p. 355.) in Lithuanian, verbs in nu, plural

;

*Cf.p.996, $.743.
692 VERBS.

na-me, correspond, which, though sparingly, are retained

in roots in au (Mielke,
p. 101, 25.); e.g. gdu-nu,
"I avow,"
plural gdu-na-me, preterite yawau, future yausu. Compare
GREEK. OLD SCLAV. LITHUAN. LATIN. SANSKRIT.
1 2
gyb-nu-n, gdu-nu, ster-rw- stri-nd-mi.

gyb-ne-shi, gdu-n-i, ster-ni-s, stri-nd-fsi.

gyb-ne-fy, gdu-na- ster-ni-t t stri-n&-ti.

gyb-ne-va, gdu-na-wa, stri-ni-vas*

gyb-ne-ta, gdu-na-ta, stri-ni-thas.

/, gyb-ne-ta, gdu-na-' stri-m-ta$.

,
gyb-ne*m, gdu-na-mc, ster-ni-mus, stri-yt-mus.
gyb-ne-te, gdu-na-te, 9 sfcr-ni-tis, slri-ni-tha.
]

gau-na- slcr-nu-nt, stri-Tia-nti.

gyb-nu-ty,
1
Hence an entirely legitimate division is impossible, since the personal
termination has likewise a share 111 the u of derivation, its nasal being
1

2 See 030 G.
contained in it : see . 255. g. p. ed.

497. The affix re, TO (ri/7r-To-jiiei>, TW-re-re), appears pe-

culiar to Greek :
however, except in TreKTto, T/KTO>, it occurs

[G. Ed. p. 719.] only after labials. Its T is, perhaps, a

corruption of i/, as elsewhere, also, we have seen mutes

proceed from nasals of corresponding organ e.

g. ;

from jupordj; in Lithuanian and Sclavonic dewyni,

devwity (.317.), from newyni, nevyaty ; and (which comes
tolerably near to the case in question) the Greek suffix /zar,
used in the formation of words, corresponds to a formation
in n in the kindred languages ; e. g. o-i/o/xar answers to the
Sanskrit ndman, Latin numen, to the Gothic narnd, namin-s,
and Sclavonic HMA imya,
MMEUE imen-e (. 269.). In
genitive
Sanskrit, also, we must remark that the n is replaced by
" to
the tenuis of its organ, since, for instance, from han,

slay," comes the causal ghdt-ayd-mi for hdn-ayd-mi. If,

then, the T of Ti/rr-To-juei/, *pi;7r-70-/*ei/f Sec., stands in this

manner for i/, then these verbs, just as those in i/o-/iev,
 DIVISION OF CONJUGATIONS. 693
s
(. 109 . 5.), lead back to the Sanskrit ninth class. But if
the T is organic, which is less probable, then, according to
the principle laid down in 495., the syllable re, TO, leads to
.

the pronominal base TO =

Sanskrit H ta (. 343.).
498. In Lithuanian there are some verbs which re-
semble Greek verbs like TUTTTCO in this point, that
they insert
between the root and the personal termination an affix
beginning with i and terminating with a vowel, though
they reject it again in the preterite, which answers to
the Greek imperfect, and in which otherwise the class

syllables are still retained. Thus klys-tu, (euphonic for

klyd-tu, compare .
457.), plural Iclys-ta-me, preterite klyd-au,
future kly-su, as epe/-crco for epe/5-(rco ; plus-tu (for pl&d-tu),
"
I swim" (compare plu, p. 114), plural pl&s-ta-mc, preterite

pltid-au; I6sz-tu, "I am

petulant," plural I6sz-ta-me, prete-
"I
rite Idszau ; mirsz-tu, forget,"* plural [G. Ed. p. 7*20.]
"
mirsz-ta-me, preterite mirsz-au ; plysz-tu, I tear to pieces,"

plural plysz-ta-me, preterite plysz-au. Some verbs prefix to

the t a non-radical s also, for which the way is perhaps pre-

pared by cases in which a sibilant, or a d which changes

into s, already in the root, or because st is in general
is
"
a favourite termination (compare . 94.) as, rim-stu, I am ;

quiet" (Sanskrit vi-ram, "to rest"), plural rim-sla-me, pre-

terite rimm-au, future rim-su.
499. I believe a pronominal origin must be ascribed,
also, to the e, o, of verbs like Tep7r-o-/zei/ TepTr-e-Te, which is
f

usually called a conjunctive vowel for the ^r a, which an- ;

swers to it in Sanskrit, is deducible from a pronominal

base more easily than any other conjugational affix, and
it proceeds, in fact, from the base from which we have
above seen a-smdi, "to this," a-smdt, "from this," a-sya,
" of this" and "
in this," proceed. For a mere
a-smm,
conjunctive vowel, a, as the heaviest of the three primary

"
Compare the Sanskrit smar (smri)^ to 104.
*

remember," Vocalismus, p.
694 VERBS.

vowels, appears to me least of all adapted; and I think

that the origin of conjunctive vowels, which are inserted
between two consonants to facilitate pronunciation, belongs
to a later period of the language than that to which the
coincidences of the Sanskrit with European cognate its

languages conduct us back. The TO a in question, how-

ever, coincides with the Gothic a which is interchanged
with f, with the Greek e interchangeable with o, Old Scla-
a
vonic E e, Lithuanian a, and Latin i (. 109 1.); e.g. in the ,

second person dual, 3RT*R^ vah-a-thas, answering to the

Gothic viy-a-ts, Greek e^-e-roi/, Old Sclavonic BE^ETA veg-e-ta,
Lithuanian wez a-ta; second person plural vah-a-tha, ^u
answering to the Greek e^-e-re, Old Sclavonic BEDETE
ve-e-t(*, Lithuanian wez-a-td, Latin veh-i-tis, Gothic viy-i-th.
The case is different with the lightest of the primary
vowels, i, with which we shall hereafter become acquainted
in considering the Sanskrit auxiliary future. analogous No
vowel can be assigned to this i in the kindred languages,
and we must therefore fix its origin in the period succeeding
[G. Ed. p. 721.] the division of languages. In Zend, we
see some conjunctive vowels arise, as it were, under our
eyes, i. e. vowels which enter between two consonants that
were formerly combined this never occurs, however, with
:

an a, but with the inorganic c (. 30.), for which i is

"
sometimes found e.g. us-e-kista, stand up," in which an i is
;

inserted between the preposition and the verb, which

never happens in Sanskrit.
500. The affixes of the fourth and tenth classes, if ya
and wi aya, must, I believe, be regarded as auxiliary
verbs : q ya is, at the same time, the character of the
passive, and we shall recur to it in treating of that voice.
In Gothic, we have already found a representative of the
Sanskrit fourth class (. 109 a .
2.): in Latin, verbs in io, of
the third These, in disad-
conjugation, correspond to it.

vantageous comparison with the Gothic, have permitted the

 DIVISION OF CONJUGATIONS. 695

vowel of the syllable ya to disappear almost everywhere ,

e.g.
in all the cases in which the a of the first and sixth

class has been weakened to i, before rtoe; hence, spec-io,

spec-i-unt, answering
the Sanskrit pcus-yti-mi, pas-ya-nti,
to

but spcc-i-fi, spec-i-t, spec-i-mus, spec-i-tis, contrasted with

In the participle
pas-ya-sii pas-ya-ti, pcts-yd-mas, pas-ya-fha.
present, the a of the syllable ya has been retained under
the protection of two consonants hence, spw-ip-ns, spec-ie-
;

ntem, answering to paa-ycnn, pas-ya-ntam. Facio, according

to its origin, should follow the fourth conjugation, as it is
" I make
based on the Sanskrit causal form, bltAvaydmi,
to be" (. 19.): on account, however, of the trifling difference
in form between -ydmi and -aydmi, it cannot surprise us
that the said Latin verb has deserted its original class, and

migrated to that next adjoining. Thus, vice versa, cupio

*=kup-yd-mi, "I am angry," has partly changed into the
fourth conjugation, which corresponds to the Sanskrit tenth

class,and to which belong cupivi, cupitum, [G. Ed. p. 722.]

while the present has remained in the class to which this

verb originally belongs. In Lithuanian, verbs in in, of
yu,
Mielke's first conjugation (p. 96, &c.) correspond e.g. liepyu, ;

"
I order," which, like similar verbs with a labial ter-
mination to the root, rejects indeed the before the i of
y
the second person, but otherwise retains the class syllable
inviolate throughout the whole present. In Sclavonic,

Dobrowsky's conjugation belongs to this class, which,

first

in the present, with the exception of the first person sin-

gular, and third person plural, exhibits the syllable tf ya

in the form of tc but only after vowels after consonants, :
ye,
only the e of the ic
ye
as in other parts, also, of gram-
is left,

mar E e is very frequently the remnant of the syllable K ye,

as the euphonic product of (. 255. w. and 258.). In the
yo
firstperson singular and third person plural, we find, both
after vowels and consonants,
yuty,
from j/o-m, yo-n1y,
y&>
(. 255. g.), and, in the gerund (participial) present f
696 VERBS.

feminine to the Sanskrit yan, yanfi.

answering
y&shchi,
"I
Examples are :
pi-y&, drink,"* second person pi-ye-shi"^
"
third person
pi-ye-ty ;
na-yd,
I know" (Sanskrit jnfi,
"to
11
know ) na-ye-shi 9
na-ye-ty ; or-yd,
"I plough," or-e-shi,

or-e-ty. Compare
SANSKRIT. LITII. OLD SCLAV. GOTHIC, LATIN.
l 2 3 9
lubh-y<l-m? 9
llep-yn, ?ia-yti, haf-ya- cap-io-
hibh-ya-sit liep-i, na-ye-shi 9 haf-yi-s, cap-i-s.

htbh-ya-ti, liep~ya- na-ye-iy 9

haf-yi-th, cap-i-t.

& lubh-ya-vas, liep-ya-wn, na-ye-va, haf-y6-s*

*
Iubh-ya-thas t
liep-ya-ta, na-ye-ta, hnf-ya-ts
^ lubli-ya-tas> liep-ya- na-ye-ta?

lubh-yd-mas, liep-ya-vne, na-ye-m, haf-ya-m, cap-i-must.

lubh-ya-thn> liep-ya-te, na-ye-te, haf-yi-th, cap-i-tis.

lubh-ya-nti, liep-ya- na-yu-1y? hnf-ya-nd, cap-iu-nt.

1 " I desire/' Gothic Hubs, "dear." 2
Sce
compare lubct, libet,

p. 69-2, Note
'
. The Gothic haf-ya, German heben, " to raise," is
3

radically identical with the Latin capio, the law of transposition being
followed ($.87.). 4 A completely legitimate division is impossible in
this word (see. 255. g.).

501. As the Lithuanian readily assimilates the semi-vowel

to a stronger consonant preceding it
(compare 369 G.
y p. ed.),
it need not surprise us if this occasionally occurs also in the
class of verbs under discussion. To this we refer verbs in
mmu (according to Mielke, p. 101, 23.), which, in the prete-
rite, again restore their second to the y whence it arose, m t

* The Sanskrit root pi is used only in the middle, but belongs, in like

manner, to the fourth class ; hence, pl-yG* pl-yas$% &c.

t Dobrowsky " to
writes, p. 321, Heihi, liety^ from the root M, cut";
but Kopitar, whom I follow, gives &c. If the first reading were
biyeshi,
correct, it must be assumed that after i the of the class-syllable would
y
be dropped before e.
 DIVISION OF CONJUGATIONS. 697

but, in the future and infinitive, according to the old princi-

"
ple, entirely withdraw the class syllable ;
as immu, I take,"
" I am
preterite timyau, future imsu, infinitive imti. Gemmu,
born," has, in the preterite, together with gimyau also the

assimilated form gimmau. The

root gim answers to the
Sanskrit in the sense of "to be born," is like-
*F^jan, which,
wise included in the fourth class, but which irregularly sup-

presses the n before the character q ya, and, in compensation,

"
lengthens the vowel. As, however, jan, nasci" is used

only in the middle, and the passive, on account of its cha-

racter ya, is identical with the middle of the fourth class,
"
nothing prevents us from regarding *ri% jdy$, nascor," as

passive, and thus recognising in the Lithuanian gemma

a remnant of the Sanskrit passive, only [G. Ed. p. 724.]
with the loss of the middle terminations. We should also
remark the admirable agreement between the Lithuanian
"
luppu, I peel," " I skin," which is based on assimilation,

and the Sanskrit lup-yd-mi, from the root lap, " to cleave/'
1
"to destroy," "to trouble.' Hence the transition is very
close to Greek verbs with double consonants, in the special
tenses ; for the form a\\os, as contrasted with the Gothic

ALIfA, has furnished us with the first proof, that, in Greek,

the semi-vowel y still exists in the form of a retroacting
assimilation,* for comparatives like icpe/crorcoi/, eAacrcrcoi/, are
traced back to this principle (. 300.), to which, also, verbs
with <r or \ doubled in the special tenses are subjected ;

thus A/O-O-O/ZCM from as KpeiWcoi/ from Kpetryuv or

Krryopau,
Kparyw, $/o/<j<ra) from QptKyu, as y\vcr(T<*)v from yAvKyuv
(y\VKicov); TTTucrcro) from as Tracrcrcov from Tra^yon'
trrvxyw,
(TTO^/COV). According to this principle, 7 also becomes <r;
e.g. racro-co
from to which the comparatives do not
rayy**,
supply any analogy, as might have been expected in /je^a?.
As, however, /ue/coi/ is used for /xe^y/wv from /xe^j/wi/,
so also

* Demonstrative Bases, p. 20.

/ z
698 VERBS.

in the f of some verbs the retroactive influence of an earlier

y might be conjectured ; thus afo> (with ayio$ = Sanskrit

11 1

yqj, "to adore, "to sacrifice, ') from eryt/w; <f>pa<*> from
<# ; fo> from i$w ; /3pdfa> with /3pdcr<ra) from
or
/Spa^co.
502. Most verbs in crcra> are denominatives ;
and it is here

important to remark, that, in Sanskrit also, the syllable if ya

forms denominatives, as chirA-yA-mi, "I hesitate," from chira
"slow"; sahdA-yA-mi, "I sound," from sabdn, "sound"; asti-
" " "I
yA-mi, I curse," from asu, life"; namas-yA-mi, adore,"
"
[G. Ed. p. 725.] from namas, adoration." Thus, in Greek,
C

amongst others, afyui(nra> from ai/xari/a) from AIM AT KO- ;

pvcrffa) from Kopvdya from KOPY0 ; Tapdcrcra) from rapa^w

from TAPAXH ; TrTepucrorojutaf from Ttrepvyuofjiai from ILTE-
PYF ; from Kypvyyu from KHPYF. The numerous
icrjpi/wto
denominatives, also, in aC<*> and io> might be referred to
*
this class, the semi-vowel
^
y being represented by
The question is, whether the a and of forms like /

belong to the primitive noun, or to the verbal

co,

derivative. It must be considered an important argu-

ment in favour of the former view, that ctfco, in that kind of
denominatives, for the most part occurs only where an a or rj
is already contained in the base noun, but q according to its

origin =A
(. 4.). If, therefore, &fcao> comes from &/o; (5/*a),
then the final vowel of the base word has only been weakened
in the most natural manner, and it would therefore be also only
a weakening of the vowel, if o, springing from short a, should
become i (. 6.), and e.g. 7roAe/x/-fo> should stand for 7ro\e/xo-o>.
And it need not surprise us if q (a) were at times weakened a
stage further than to a, viz. to /, and, e.g., at5A/-fb/xa/ were
derived from av\YJ 9
by changing the YJ
into /. Bases ending

* See From Greek

. 19. this interchange an affinity of the i,
1
to the Sanskrit be deduced; thus,
^yava, "barley/ may fea, for f
 DIVISION OF CONJUGATIONS. 699

with a consonant observe,if this opinion be just, adouble course

of procedure: either the final consonant is suppressed, or an i
added to it as a conjunctive vowel. The former occurs princi-
pally in words which have already become accustomed, through
the nominative (accusative), to the loss of their final conso-
nant the latter principally in those words that retain their
;

final consonant, or the former of two in the nominative; hence,

X ei/xafr> from XEIMAT; 6/o/*afa> from 'ONOMAT; Wfa>
from IIAIA ; dvm'&iJLai, from 'A2IHA but ; [G. Ed. p. 726.]

a\oK-/-a>. Deviations from the prevailing principle are

-i'-fa>, 7roS-/-fa> ; and, on the other hand, /*a<rn'-co, (ra\7n-fa>,

<rt/|0/-6>, of words like retype

for fca<rny-/-co, &c. The 2
belongs, indeed, as has been before shewn (. 128.), to the
base ; notwithstanding, no derivations exist like re/^ecr-/-fa),
since, at the time when these verbs originated, it was already
forgotten that the 2, which had been dislodged from the
oblique cases, belonged to the base.
503. If we start from the view, that the a and of denomi- t

natives in o> and /"<*>

belong to the verbal derivative, then
a
they correspond to the Sanskrit tenth class (. I09 . 6.),
which likewise forms denominatives and thus, in the second ;

person plural, afe-re would = Sanskrit aya-tha. The i of

ifcowould consequently be, in TroAe/z/fa), not the weakening of
the o of IIOAEMO, and in yacrrplfa, fca/ca/o/fa), eu5a//ioi//fa>,
and others, not a conjunctive vowel, but the weakened form
of the old a of wnfa ayd-mi, Wfftf aya-si, &c. ; but the
vowels of the nominal bases would be rejected, as in San-
skrit in which language, in polysyllabic bases, not only the

final v&wels are withdrawn, but final consonants also, toge-

ther with the vowel preceding them ;

e.
g. prft-a-ydmi from
prili,"joy,
11

varm-aydmi from varman, "armour." We

might consider in this light the isolated word detcaCo/xevo; in
Greek, arid, moreover, forms like oi>o/iaCa>* acTTr/fco ; thus pro-
z z 2
700 VERBS.

perly, aeK(oi/r)-ao/zei/of, d<nr(f$)-i'a>, 6vo/x(aT)afa> : on

other hand, the majority of bases terminating with a conso-
nant, in advantageous contrast with the Sanskrit, preserve
the primary word unabbreviated, or only so weakened, as
before the oblique case-terminations thus, yao-rp-l^ like :

yaoT/o-df. If this second view of the matter is, as I am

much inclined to think it is, the correct one, then the oppo-
sition between forms like a^op'-afco, 5//c'-aa>, je//z-afco, on
[G. Ed. p. 727.] the one hand, and such as 7ro?V.e/xVfco, d<t>p'-

-/fco, d5eA0'-/fa>, a?7Va>,* w\Jr'-/a>, on the other, is to be settled

thus, that the a of derivation

preserved by a or r\ (=a) of
is

the primitive word, in order that the base and derivative part

may not experience too much weakening. Moreover, in bases

in o too, the forms in ao>, and without i preceding, are not

rare, though they are kept in the back-ground by the over-

whelming majority of those in /o>; as ?7T7r-aa>,

(Ttfovcor-afa), (together with <TKOT-IU>) erf K-

-aa>, To-afo/xoM. Add to this, the form in /a> is not en-

tirely foreign to the a declension (\vpta> from \vpd) and ;

what is of more importance, both da> and /o> occur be-

yond the nominal formations, as pnrr-dfo from p/Trrco, crrev-
-cxfco from crTei/co,f as Ja/xafco together with $a/xccco, a*ya7raa>

with dyaTrdu, 7tpoi<a\ito with KaAea), a/r/fco with a/rea),

a>0/i^a) with cofleco. Such forms are certainly connected with
the character wr aya of the tenth class.
504. To this class I refer, also, verbs in otto and eco,t whose

* Not from the nominative drjdrjs, but from the base 'AHAE2 (compare
p.327G.ed.).
t 'EpTr-vfo) from pna> appears to have been formed by weakening the a
to v.

J Of course with the exception of those the c or a of which is radical.

Denominatives inoo>, likewise, probahly belong to this class, though the o

has the appearance of
belonging to the primitive noun. The question
appears
 DIVISION OF CONJUGATIONS. 701

relation to the Sanskrit aya must be this, that (as in the

Latin first conjugation and the Gothic second weak form),
after dropping the semi-vowel, the two a of wn aya have
combined into a corresponding long vowel (a or rj). This
shews itself elsewhere besides in the special tenses, e. gr-
in 0*\-)j-<ro, Tre<f>l\-Yj-Kay
with which the [G. Ed. p. 728.]

>Eolic present 0/A-?/-/*/ agrees whence, by adding the con-

;

junctive vowel of the w conjugation, through which the r\ is

abbreviated, come 0*Aeo>, 0/\eo/xei/. The case is exactly
similar to the formation of Tt0eo>, for TiQqpit from the
root 0H.* For
i//Kao> we
should expect vnc-a-/zt, and such
forms must have formerly existed the i//*c-);-/x/,f however, :

which has been transmitted to us, like v/K-^-cra) for v/K-a-<ro>,

need not surprise us, as y, according to its origin, stands

everywhere and even the Doric, disposed as it is to

for a,

adopt the a, has not preserved every a from being corrupted

to YI.
The Prakrit, as has been already observed, has, for
the most part, contracted the character aya into & by sup-

pressing the final a, vocalizing the y to i, and combining

it, according to rule, with the preceding a to ej and thus it

appears to have one issue with that, whether the a or i of afw, i(w, belong
to the verbal derivative or to the nominal base.
* From the
point of view of the Greek it might appear doubtful whe-
ther Zcrra/u, TI%U, fttda/u, should be regarded as lengthened forms, or

tcrrapcv, rifopcv, diopv, as shortened ones. But the history of language

is in favor of the latter opinion (compare J. 481.).
tformerly thought it probable, that in i/iKao> the Sanskrit preposition
I

ni might be concealed, then *a would be the root, and might be compared

with '^ptffajay-d-mi) "I conquer," fromji, Cl. 1., the medial being irre-

gularly raised to a tenuis. But if, which 1 now prefer, i/7/c is regarded as
the root, and a&> = aydmi, is the class character ; then w/cao> leads us to
the Sanskrit causal nd$-ayd-mi, " to annihilate," "to slay." The rela-
tion of j/T/c to nds resembles that of kri-ni-mas to hri-nd-mi, in Sanskrit

(. 485.). Then the conquering would take its name from the annihilation
of the foe combined with it, and j/tK<ia> would also be akin to i>eW, vwp6s.

J Compare Vocalismus, p. 202.

702 VERBS.

answers to the Latin second, and Gothic third conjugation

of the weak form (p. 110, passim). But in Prakrit the y of
aya may also be abandoned, asjan-aa-di = Sanskrit jan-aya-ti 9

[G. Ed. p. 729.] which serves as countertype to the Latin

firstand Gothic second weak conjugation (with 6 for d, ac-
cording to 69.), and to Greek verbs with the derivative
.

*l or .

505. The relation of the Latin i of the fourth conjuga-

tion to the Sanskrit aya is to be viewed thus, that the first a has
been weakened to i, and has then combined with the y dis-
solved to i, which follows, into and this i before a vowel fol-

lowing-sound is again subjected to abbreviation. The final a of

^R aya has been lost or preserved under the same circum-
stances as those under which the syllable IT ya of the fourth
class ; e. g. in capio ; is retained or lost (compare 500.). Thus .

the io, iunt, of audio, audiunt,- correspond with the Sanskrit

" steal"
ayd-mi, aya-nti; e.g. in ch6r-ayd-mi, I (compare
furo, according to .
14.), chdr-aya~nti', the ies, ids, of audits,
"
audids,with the Sanskrit wfr^ ayes in chor-ay$-s, thou
mayest steal"; on the other hand, the is> It, imus, itis, of
audts, audit, audimus,auditis, answer to the
aya-si, aya-ti, ayd-
-mas, aya-tha, of chdr-aya-si, &c. In *Sclavonic, Dobrowsky's
third conjugation is to be referred to this place, which,
a
in the present, contrasts
y& (from yo-m, . 255 . g.), ya-ty,
with the Sanskrit ayd-mi, aya-nti, and Latin io, iu-id, but
in the other persons has preserved only the semi-vowel of
the Sanskrit aya, resolved to i. Exclusive of the special tenses,
these verbs separate into two classes (E and F, according
to Dobrowsky), since the Sanskrit
^n^ ay,f
shews itself

either in the form of * or as The former, according

i.
ye,
to . 255. e, corresponds exactly with the Prakrit ^ &, and

* Cf. $ 741. p. 992.

t The final a of ^nT aya remains only in the special tenses ($. 109. rt.)
 DIVISION OF CONJUGATIONS. 703

therefore with the Latin 8 of the second conjugation, and with

the Gothic at, Old High German , of the third weak con-
"to see,"*
jugation (p. 120, passim); e.g. BHA*TH vid-ye-ti,
answering to the Prakrit vhl-e-tun (v$d-3- [G. Ed. p. 730.]
-TW), Latin vid-$-re, Sanskrit vtd-ay-i-tum (ySd-aijA-mi). On
the other hand, btid-i-ti, " to waken," in analogy with bdd-i-shi,
"
thou wakenest," &c.
606. In Lithuanian we recognise the Sanskrit tenth
class, and therefore the German weak conjugation, in
Mielke'st second and third conjugation. The second, with

regard to the present, distributes itself into two classes, of

which the one, and the more numerous, has preserved
only one a of the character aya probably the latter, and
hence appears identical with the first, which corresponds
to the Sanskrit first or sixth class; e.
y. s/en-a-me, "we
"
groan," ,vien~a-fc, ye groan "=Sanskrit stan-ayd-mas,$
stan-nya-tha, as vez-a-m&, vez-a-te~vah-d-mas, vah-a-tha.
The other, and less numerous class, has, like Dobrowsky's
third conjugation, an in the present, as a remnant of the
i

Sanskrit aya, e. " we love." In the preterite

g. myl-i-me,
both classes have fajo throughout
the dual and plural;
thus, (j.
second
e.
person plural, sten-eyo-te, myl-faio-te, an-
swering to the Sanskrit astan-aya-ta. The singular has,
in the first from second
person, tiyau, dya-m (.438.);
person, tyei from Sya-si; third person, 6yo, without an ex-
pression for the person. Thus we see here the class
character wq aya retained more exactly than in any other

* In Sclavonic and Latin the causal in "

question has the meaning to
see/' which is a means of making to know of a particular kind, as, in

Sanskrit, the eye, as the organ of guiding, is termed n&-tra and nay-ana.
t Mielke's 4th conjugation, too, helongs to the
Sanskrit 10th cl., see

$. 698. Note.

I The Sanskrit verb expresses a loader groaning than the Lithuanian,

" to thunder " Greek oreiw
and ; compare tonare and
signifies in the sense

of the roaring of the waves of the ten.

704 VERBS.

European cognate language. The e?,* answering to the

tl a, isperhaps produced by the re-active influence of the
while in Zend, that semi-vowel, by its assimilative force,
y,
changes into $ the following a sound ; e. g. srdv-ay$-mi, srdv-
" I n 11

ay&-shi, srdv-ay$i-ti, speak (" make to hear )

&c. There
are some verbs in Lithuanian which, in the present also,

[G. Ed. p. 731.] have preserved the character

"
aya in w
the most perfect form; e.g. I wander about,"
klyd-eyu,-\-
plural klyd-0ya-me, preterite singular klyd-fyau. Verbs, also,
in and fur-
oyu, vyu, iya plural oya-me, uya-me, iya-me
nish an exact counterpart to the Sanskrit tenth class, or cau-
sal form "
; e.
g. dum-oyu, I think," plural dum-oya-me, pre-
terite " I
dum-oyau; wazuyu, drive," plural wa-uya-mc=
the Sanskrit causal vdh-ayd-mas. Verbs in iyu are, as it
"
appears, all denominatives ; J e.g. ddwadiyu, I bring into
order," from dawddas, "order." Mielke's third conju-

gation, like the preponderating class of the second conju-

gation, has, in the present, preserved only the last vowel
of the character aya, ^aro and that in the form of an o,

with the exception of the first and second person singular,

"
in which the old a remains. I nourish," Compare penit,
of the second conjugation, with laikau (laik-a-u)> " I stop,'*
of the third.

* The Lithuanian with a circumflex,

grammarians do not write the e

but with a different mark to denote the length of quantity.

t Lithuanian y =$ ; and thus from the root of this verb comes the sub-
stantive klaidunas, false believer/' with Vriddhi (. 26.), for Lithuanian

= di, the "

ai i being slightly pronounced ;
so baimd, fear," answering to the

Sanskrit root bhi,

" to whence bhima, " and hence the deri*
fear," fearful/'

vative bhdima. The derivative suffix urw, in klai-d&na-s, corresponds to

the Sanskrit middle participial suffix ana (compare 255. h.).

t Mielke refers verbs in 6yu9 oyu^ &yu, andzj/w, to his first conjugation,

which is
altogether composed of very heterogeneous parts.
 DIVISION OF CONJUGATIONS. 705

SINGULAR. 1>UAL.

pen-u, laik-a-u. pen-a-wa, laik-o- wa.

pen-} laik-a-i, pen-a-ta, laik-o-ta.

pen-a, laik-o. pen-a, laik-o.

PLURAL.

pen-a-me, laik-o-me,

pJn-a-te, laik-o-te,

pen-a, laik-o.

he two plural numbers, and in the third [G. Ed. p. 732.]

ion singular of the preterite, laikau has lost the syllable
>f the which, in the second conjugation, corresponds
$yo,
he Sanskrit aya, and, in the and second person
first

;ular, it has lost the : it uses iau for eyau, and

tor
&yei.
Hence we see clearly enough that this con-
ition, though more corrupted, likewise belongs to the

skrit tenth class. Compare

SINGULAR. DUAL.

pen-gya-u, laik-ia-u, pen-eyo-wa, laik-$-wa,

pen-8w-i, laik-ie-i. laik-8-ta,

pen-$yo-ta,

PLURAL.

ias been already observed with regard to the Sanskrit

:h class, that its characteristic ^ni aya is not restricted
;he special tenses (. 109*. 6.), but that, with few excep-
LS, it extends to all the other formations of the root,
r laying aside the final a of aya. Thus, in Lithuanian,
art of the corresponding &/o,
iyo,
&c., is transferred to

general tenses and the other formations of the word.

the 3 remains; of i\ and of oya 9 uya, 6: the
$yot iyo,
d conjugation, however, uses y (=i); e.g. future jpen-
u, da-wad-i-su, wa-d-su> laik-y-su.
706 VERBS.

FORMATION OF THE TENSES.

[G. Ed. p. 733.] PRESENT.

507. The Present requires no formal designation, but

is sufficiently pointed out by this, that no other relation

The following Note formed the Preface to the Fourth Part of the German
Edition, and) brhiy too important to be omitted, is inserted in the present

form, in order to avoid an interruption of the text.

THIS Part contains a section of the Comparative Grammar, the most

important fundamental principles of which were puhlishcd twenty-

six years ago inmy Conjugation System of the Sanskrit, Greek, Latin,
Persian, and German, and have, since then, been almost universally ac-
knowledged as just. No one, perhaps, now doubts any longer regarding
the original identity of the abovementioned languages, with which, in the

present work, are associated also the Lithuanian and Sclavonic while, ;

since the appearance of the Third Part, I have devoted a distinct Treatise

to the Celtic language,* and have endeavoured, in a Work which has re-
cently appeared, to prove an original relationship between the Malay- Po-
lynesian idioms, also, and the Sanskrit stem. But even so early as in
my System of Conjugation, the establishment of a connection of languages
was not so much a final object with me, as the means of penetrating
into the secrets of lingual development, since languages, which were origi-

nally one, but during thousands of years have been guided by their own
individual destiny, mutually clear up and complete one another, inasmuch
as one in this place, another in that, has preserved the original organiza-

tion in a more healthy and sound condition. A principal result of the

inquiry instituted in my Conjugation System was the following: that

many grammatical forms, in the system of conjugation, are explained

by
auxiliary verbs, which are supposed to have attached themselves to
them, and which, in some measure, give to the individual languages
a peculiar appearance, and seem to confirm the idea, that new gram-
matical forms were developed, in the later periods of the history
of languages, from newly-created matter ; while, on closer inspection,

* In the Transactions of the Phil. Historical Cl. of the

Academy of Belles Lettres for
the year 1836. The separate Edition of my Treatise is out of print, and a new Edition
will be struck off hereafter, to complete this Comparative Grammar,
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 707

of time, past or future, has a sonant representative.

Hence, in Sanskrit and its cognate languages, there occurs,

we find nothing in their possession but what they had from the
first, though at times its application is new. Thus the Latin, in com-
parison with the Greek, which is so closely allied to it, shews, in the
forms of its tenses and moods in bam, and rim^ an aspect which
60, vi9 rem,
is completely strange. These terminations, however, as has been long
since shewn, are nothing else than the primitive roots of the verb " to be/*

common to all the members of the Indo-European family of languages,

and of which one has for its radical consonant a labial, the other a sibilant

which is easily converted into r: it is, therefore, not surprising, that bam
presents a great resemblance to the Sanskrit abhavam and Lithuanian
" I was "
buwau, (see $. 5*22.) ; while forms like amabo, through their final
portion, stand in remarkable agreement with the Anglo-Saxon Z>eo, and
Carniolan bom, "I shall be" (see .662., &c.), and border on the Irish
dialect of the Celtic in this respect, that here also the labial root of
" to

be" forms an elementary part of verbs implying futurity (see $. 256.).

In the Latin subjunctives, as amem, aines, and futures, as kgam, leg&s,
I have already, through the medium of the Sanskrit, perceived an analogy

with the Greek optatives and German subjunctives, and designated, as ex-

ponent of the relation of mood or time, an auxiliary verb, which signifies

" to which here,
wish," "to will," and the root of which is, in Sanskrit, ?,

as in Latinand Old High German, is contracted with a preceding a to <2,

but in Greek, with the a which is corrupted to o, forms the diphthong ot.
Thus we meet with the Sanskrit bhards, the Old High German beres, the

L&titiferfo, the Gothic bairais, the Zend barois, and the Greek <e'poiy, as

forms radically and inflexionally connected, which excite real surprise by

the wonderful fidelity with which the original type has been preserved in
so many languages which have been, from time immemorial, distinct from
one another. On the whole, the mood, which, in . 672. 713., I have

largely discussed, may be regarded as one of the lustrous points of the com-
mon grammar of the members of the Indo-European languages. All the
idioms of this giant family of languages, as far as they are collected in this

book, share therein under different names. In Sclavonic, Lithuanian, Let-

tish, and Old Prussian, it is the imperative in which we re-discover the

mood called, in Sanskrit grammar, the potential and prccative ; and it is

most remarkable how

closely the Carniolan, as spoken at this day, ap-

proximates, in this point, to the Sanskrit, which has so long been a dead
708 VERBS.

in the present, only the combination of the personal termina-

tions, and, indeed, of the primary ones, with the root, or,

language. In order to set this in a clear point of view, I have, at .711.

(last example), contrasted two verbs of the same signification in the two
languages, and in them written the Sanskrit diphthong & from di accord-
ing to its etymological value.
Where differences exist in the languages here discussed, they frequently

rest on universal euphonic laws, and therefore cease to be differences.

Thus, in the paradigm just mentioned, the Carniolan has lost, in the three
persons singular of the imperative, the personal termination, while the
dual and plural stand in the most perfect accordance with the Sanskrit.
The abbreviation in the singular, however, rests on the euphonic law
which has compelled the Sclavonic languages, at least in polysyllabic

words, to drop all

original final consonants (see . 255. 1). According to
this principle, in Carniolan, thrice repeated, corresponds to
ddj (=ddi) 9

the Latin dem, dds, det (from daim^ dais^ dait), while in the present dam is

more full than do, and dash as full as das, because, that is to say, in the

present the pronominal consonants originally had an * after them.*

The German languages have renounced the association of the roots of
the verb "to be." They are wanting in futures like the Sanskrit dd-

syami, Greek &-(ra>, and Lithuanian d&-su, and also in those with the
labial root of
" to be," which furnish the Latin ddbo, and Irish futures like
meal-fa-mar, "we will deceive," and Lithuanian subjunctives as diitum-

-bime, darenius (see .

685.). German is wanting, too, in preterites like the
Sanskrit adik-sham, Greek cfoiK-o-a, and Latin die-si (see .
555.) ; to which
" u we
belong the Sclavonic tenses like da-ch, I
gave," dachom, gave," the
guttural of which we have derived from a sibihmt.f On the other hand,
the German " to
idioms, by annexing an auxiliary verb signifying do,"
have gained the appearance of a new inflexion. In this sense I have already,
in my System of Conjugation, taken the Gothic plurals like sokid&dum
and subjunctives as sokidddyau (" I would do seek") ; and subsequently,
in agreement with J. Grimm, I have extended the
auxiliary verb just
mentioned also to the singular indicative sokida, and our forms like
suchte. (See . 620. &c.) I
think, too, I have discovered the same auxiliary
in the Sclavonic future Mdu, "I will be" ("I do be"), and in the

* Sanskrit
daddmi, daddsi, daddtlt on which the Carniolan ddm (for dadm), dd-sh t
dd, is based, see p. 673.
f See . 255. m. t &c.
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 709

itead of the root, such an extension of it, as, in the

scial tenses, falls to the class of conjugation, to which

>erative bMi (properly

1

"do be" ); moreover, in idu, "I go"

lo go," see .
633.) ; and finally, in the Greek passive aorists in Orjv
5 .
630.) ;
for the auxiliary verb to which our thun answers, which
,
been treated of minutely at $.428, &c., signifies, both in Sanskrit
I Zend, "to place," and "to make"; and the Old Saxon dSda, "I
I," resembles surprisingly the Zend reduplicated preterite dadha (see
539.). It is, however, remarkable, that those Sanskrit classes of verbs,

which, as I think, I have proved our weak conjugation answers, always

aphrase that preterite which is the foundation of our German tense
" to
e reduplicated or perfect), either by an auxiliary verb signifying
"
"to make," or by a verb substantive. Here, therefore, as in so
Jiy other things, the apparently peculiar direction which the German
iguages have taken, was in a great measure pointed out to them by
>ir old Asiatic sister.
I cannot, however, express myself with sufficient strength in
guarding
ainst the misapprehension of supposing that I wish to accord to the
nskrit universally the distinction of having preserved its original charac-
P: I have, on the contrary, often noticed, in the earlier portions of this

>rk, and also in my System of Conjugation, and in the Annals of Orien-

L Literature for the year 1820, that the Sanskrit has, in many points,

perienced alterations where one or other of the .European sister idioms

6 more truly transmitted to us the original form. Thus it is undoubt-

ly in accordance with a true retention of the original condition of the

"
aguage that the Lithuanian diewas, God," and all similar forms, keep
eir nominative sign before all following initial letters, while the Sanskrit
,v

\vas 9 which answers to the abovementioned diewas, becomes either devah^

ddvo, or ddva^ according to the initial sound which follows, or a pause ;
id this phenomenon occurs in all other forms in as. The modern Lithu-
nan is, moreover, more primitive and perfect than the Sanskrit in this
" thou
>int also, that in its essi^ art," it has, in common with the Doric

r<r/, preserved the necessary double s, of which one belongs to the root, the
her to the personal termination, while the Sanskrit ad has lost one also :

.this point, that the forms esme "we are," este, "ye are," in common

ith the Greek cV/icv, c'cnrc, have retained the radical vowel, which has been

popped in the Sanskrit smast sthas (see . 480.),

The Latin erant and bant,
the Sanskrit dsan and "
tamabant, &c., surpass abhavan, they were," as
.so the Greek rja-av and ec^uoy, by retaining the t, which belongs to the
710 VERBS.

a
the root belongs (. 109 .
Compare, for the first
493, &c.).

conjugation (. 493. )> the Sanskrit ^rfo vahdmi, "I drive,"

third person ; andferens

and the Zend barans are in advance of the San-
skrit bharan and Greek fapcw, by their keeping the nominative sign as ;

also the Lithuanian wezaus (wezas\ in common with the Zend vazam and

Latin veliens> put to shame, in this respect, the Sanskrit vuhan. It is, in
fact, remarkable that several languages, which are still spoken, retain
here and there the forms of the primitive world of languages, which seve-
have lost thousands of years ago. The superiority
ral of their older sisters

of the Carniolan dam to the Latin do has been mentioned before ; but all
other Carniolan verbs have the same superiority over all other Latin verbs,
with the exception of sum and inquam, as also over the Greek verbs, as
the Carniolan, and, in common with it, the Irish, have in all forms of the

present preserved the chief element of the original termination mi. It is,

too, a phenomenon in the history of languages, which should be specially

noticed, that among the Indian daughters of the Sanskrit, as in general

among its living Asiatic and Polynesian one language can,

relations, not
in respect of grammatical Sanskrit analogies, compare with the more per-
fect idioms of our quarter of the globe. The Persian has, indeed, retained
the old personal terminations with tolerable accuracy, but, in disadvan-

tageous comparison with the Lithuanian and Carniolan, has lost the dual,
and preserved scarce any thing of the ancient manner of formation of the
tenses and moods ; and the old case terminations, which remain almost

entire in the Lithuanian, and of which the Classical and German lan-
guages retain a great part, the Celtic somewhat, have completely vanished
in Persian, only that its plurals in an, bear the same resemblance to the

Sanskrit plural accusatives, that the Spanish in os and as do to the Latin ;

and also the neuter plurals in hd, as I believe I have shewn, stand con-
nected with the old system of declension (see .
241.). And in the correct

retention of individual words the Persian is often far behind the Eu-
ropean sisters of the Sanskrit ;
for while in expressing the number
"three" the European languages, as far as they belong to the Sanskrit,
have all preserved both the T
sound (as t, th^ or d) and also the r, the
Persian sih is farther removed from the ancient form than the Tahitic
torn (euphonic for tru). The Persian chehdr or " is in-
chdr, four," also,
ferior to the Lithuanian keturi, Russian cltetyre, Gothic fidvdr, Welch
pedwar, and even to the e-fatrd of Madagascar.
No one will dispute the relation of the Bengali to the Sanskrit ;
but it
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 7U
"I
carry," with the verbs which correspond to it in the
cognate idioms. (Regarding e^co, and the Lithuanian
4
see . 442. Note 8 and .).

has completely altered the grammatical system, and thus, in this

respect,
resembles the Sanskrit infinitely less than the
majority of European lan-
guages. And as
regards the lexicon, too, the Bengali resembles the above-
mentioned language far less than its European sisters, in such
words, for
instance, as have gone through the process of fermentation in a language
which has newly arisen from the ruins of an old one, and have not been
re-drawn from the Sanskrit at a
comparatively recent period, without the
slightest alteration, or only with a trifling modification in their pronunci-
ation. We an example the word Schwester^ " sister ': this
will take as 1

German word resembles the Sanskrit swasdr* far more than the
Bengali
bohinirf Bruder, also, is more like the Sanskrit bhrdtar than the effemi-
nate Bengali bhCti; and Tochter is infinitely closer to the Sanskrit duhitar
than the Bengali jhi. The German words Voter and Mutter correspond
far better to the Sanskrit pitar
(from patar} and mdtar than the Bengali
bap or bahat and md. The German numerals drei, acht^ and newt, are more
similar to the Sanskrit tri, ashtdn (from aktdn), navan, than the Bengali
tin, at, nay. And while sieben has retained only the labial of the pt of the
Sanskrit saptan ; the Bengali sat has only the T sound, and has dropped
entirely the termination an. In general it
appears that, in warm regions, lan-
guages, when they have once burst the old grammatical chain, hasten to
their downfall with a far more rapid step than under our milder European
sun. But if the Bengdli and other new Indian idioms have really laid
aside their old grammatical dress, and partly put ou a new one, and in
their forms of words experienced mutilation almost
everywhere, in the
beginning, or in the middle, or at the end, no one need object if I.assert
the same of the Malay-Polynesian languages, and refer them to the San-

* and not swasri, is the true theme ; the nominative is swa&d, the accusative
Tftis,

swasdram. This word, as Pott also conjectures, has lost, after the second s, a /, which
has been retained in several European languages.
t The initial s is rejected, and the second corrupted to h. The Sanskrit v is, in Ben-
gali, regularly pronounced as 6, and a like o. As regards the termination ini, 1 look
as an interposed
upon the i conjunctive vowel, and the n as a corruption of r, as in the
numeral t mt
" three."
Properly speaking, bohml presupposes a Sanskrit swasri (from
swa-strt).
I In my opinion, a reduplication of the initial syllable pa.
 712 VERBS.

SINGULAR.
SANSKRIT. ZEND. GREEK. LATIN. GOTHIC. LITII. oro SCLAV.
9 2
vah-d-mi,* vaz-d-mi, e\-<*>-\ veh-o-, vig-a- , wez-ii? w{-M-ri.
l ~s ve-e-shi
vah-a-si, vaz-a-hi, fX" 9* veh-i-8,* vig-i-s^ wez-if
4 1

vah-a-tiy vaz-ai-ti, X-C-(T)I, vek-i-t y wg-i-tli, wez-a-, vc-e-ty.

DUAL.
vah-&-vasJ ..... ......... vig-osf wez-a-wa, vo$-e-va.
vah-a-thaii, vaz-a-thu? fx-c-iw,
7
..... vig-a-ts, wez-a-ta, ve-e-ta.

vah-a-tas, vaz-a-to, e^-e-To^,

7
............. 8
w-e-ta.

PLU11AL.
9
vah-d-masj vax-d-nuM, cx-a-pes, veh-i-mus^ vig-a-m, wez-a-me^ ve-o-me.
~
vah-a-tha, vaz-a-tha, ex" e rf veh-i-tisf vig-i-tkf wez-a-te, ve%-e-te.
8
vaz-c-nti, e^-o-in-i, vek-u-nt, vig-a-nd^ . . . .
vef-u-nty.

skrit family, because Ihave found in them a pervading relationship in

numerals and pronouns, and, moreover, in a considerable number of other
common words.*
Philology would ill perform its office if it accorded an original identity
which the mutual points of resemblance appear
only to those idioms in
everywhere palpable and striking, as, for instance, between the Sanskrit

daddmi, the Greek &do>/zt, Lithuanian dumi, and Old Sclavonic damy.
Most European languages, in fact, do not need proof of their relationship
to the Sanskrit; for
they themselves shew it by their forms,
which, in
part, are but very little changed. But that which remained for
philology to do, and which I have endeavoured to the utmost of my
ability to effect, was to trace, on one hand, the resemblances into the most
retired corner of the construction of language, and, on the other hand, as
far as possible, to refer the greater or less discrepancies to laws
through
which they became possible or necessary. It is, however, of itself evident,
that there may exist languages which, in the interval of thousands of

years in which they have been separated from the sources whence they
arose, have, in a great measure, so altered the forms of words, that it is no

longer practicable to refer them to the mother dialect, if it be still existing

and known. Such languages may be regarded as independent, and the
people who speak them may be considered Autochthones. But where, in
two languages, or families of languages, resemblances, which are perfectly

* "
See my Pamphlet On the Connection of the Malay-Polynesian Languages with th<>

Indo-European ; as also my own notice of the same in the Ann. of Lit. Grit. (March
1842); and compare A. Dietenbach's judicious review, 1. c. May 1842.
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 713

Respecting the lengthening of the class vowel [G. Ed. p. 734.]

1

2
see . 434.from wez-o-m for wez-a-m, as in Old Sclavonic BE D*
Wessti

ve-u from ve-o-m: see 235. g. and 436. The fall Lithuanian termi-
.

nation mi, and the Old Sclavonic my (. 436.)

is 3
See 448. 4
In .

Latin the weakening of the a of the middle syllable to t prevails nearly

throughout; but, in Gothic, occurs only before s and th final see 7. : ,

5
109 *. 1. JT<?^'-?, for vez-a-i from vez-a-si, compare es-si", "thou
art": see where we should read wez-ai, wez-ate, for wez-ei, wez-ete.
$. 448.,
The Old Prussian has everywhere retained the sibilant, and employs se
or seiy and 01",
as the personal termination; as druw-e-se, "thou belie vest"
" "thou givest,"
(compare Sanskrit dhruva, "firm/' certain"), da-se^
"thou kno west/ giw-a-ssi
' " thou
wai(d)-sei, (for giw-a-si), livest,"= Sans.
jlv-CL-si.
6
From vig-a-vas, see $.
441. 7 From c^e-roy, see jj. 97.
9
8
by the singular.
Is supplied Vazdmahi is founded on the Veda-
form vahdmasi, see $. 439.
10
See .458. n From
vex-o-nty^
see .255. <jr.

evident, or may be recognised through the known laws by which corrup-

tions arise, crowd together into the narrow and con lined space of particular
classes of words, as is the case in the Malay- Polynesian languages in
relation to the Indo-European, in the numerals and pronouns ; and where,

moreover, we find, in all spheres of ideas, words which resemble one

another in the degree that the Madagascar sakai^ "friends," does the
Sanskrit sakhdi; the Madagasc. mica, "cloud," the Sanskrit mtyha; the
New Zealand rdkau, "tree," the Prakrit rukkha; the New Zealand pdkau,
fc

"wing," the Sanskrit paksha ; the Tagalia paa, *foot," the Sanskrit
pdda; the Tahitian ruy, "night," the Prakrit rai; the Tongian aho,

"day," the Sanskrit ah6; the Tongian valca, "ship," the Sanskrit pldvaka;
the Tongian feldu, "to sail in a ship," the Sanskrit plava, "ship"; the

Tongian/w/a/w, "to wash," the Sanskrit plu (dplu)] the Tongian hamo,
"wish," the Sanskrit kdma ; the Malay p&tih, and Madagasc. futsi^
"
"white," the Sanskrit pitta, pure";* there, certainly, we have ground
for being convinced of a historical connection between the two families
of languages.
If it were desired, in settling the relation of languages, to start from
a negative point of view, and to declare such languages, or groups of lan-
not related, which, when compared with one another, present a
guages,

* Observe the with the German

frequent coincidence in Madagasc. and Tongian
laws of euphony, of which more is to be found in my Pamphlet on the Malay-Polynesian

Languages, p. 5 andRem. 13.

3 A
714 VERBS.

508. In the Sanskrit first conjugation the verb

" 11
finnfif tishthdmi, I stand,* deserves particular notice. It

proceeds from the root slhu, and belongs properly to the

a
third class, which receives reduplication (. 109 .
3.) ;
but
is
distinguished from it by this anomalous character, that
it shortens its radical a in the special tenses,* and also

* Whereupon, naturally, in the first person, this shortened a is, ac-

cording to .
434., again lengthened.

large number of words and forms, which appear to be peculiar, then

we must not only detach the Malay- Polynesian languages from the
Sanskrit stem, but also separate them from one another the Mada-
gascar and South-Sea languages from the acknowledged affinity with
the Tagalia, Malay, and Javanese, which has been so methodically
and skilfully demonstrated by W. von Ilumboldt; and in like manner
divide the Latin from the Greek and Sanskrit ; and the Greek, German,
Sclavonic, Lettish, Lithuanian, Celtic, must be allowed to be so many
independent, unconnected potentates of the lingual world ; and the coin-
cidences, which the many members of the Indo-European lingual chain

mutually offer, must be declared to have originated casually or by subse-

quent commixture.
I believe, however, that the apparent verbal resemblances of kindred
idioms, exclusive of the influences of strange languages, arise either
from this, that each individual member, or each more confined circle of a
great stem of languages, has, from the period of identity, preserved words
and forms which have been lost by the others ; or from this, that where,
in a word, both form and signification have undergone considerable
alteration, a sureagreement with the sister words of the kindred lan-
guages is no longer possible. That, however, the signification, as
well as the form, alters in the course of time, we learn even from the

comparison of the new German with the earlier conditions of our mother-
language. Why should not far more considerable changes in idea have
arisen in the far longer period of time which divides the European lan-
guages from the Sanskrit ? I believe that ev< ry genuine radical word,
whether German, Greek, or Roman, proceeds from the original matrix
although the threads by which it is retraced are found by us at times cut
off or invisible. For instance, in the so-called strong conjugation of the
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 715

in the syllable of reduplication, where a short a should

stand, it weakens this, the gravest of the vowels, to that

which is the lightest, i ; hence, e.
g.,
in the second and third

person singular, tishtha-si, tiyhtha-ti, for tasthd-si, tasthd-ti,

as might be expected according to the analogy of dadd-si,
dadd-ti. As the shortened a of slhd is treated in the conju-

gation exactly like the class vowel of the first conjugation,

tliis verb, therefore, and ghr<l, "to smell," which follows
its
analogy, is included by the native grammarians in the

German one would expect nothing exclusively German, but only what
has been handeddown and transmitted from the primitive source. We
are able, however, to connect with certainty but very few roots of the

strong verbs with the Indian. While, e.g., the Sanskrit, Zend, Greek,
Latin, Lithuanian, Lettish, and Sclavonic, agree in the idea of "giving"
in a root, of which the original form, preserved in the Sanskrit and Zend,

is dd) the German gab throws us into perplexity as regards its comparison
with its sisters. But if we would assume that this verb originally
" to
signified take," and has received the causal meaning (" to make to

take," "to give"), as the Sanskrit tishthami, and Zend histdmi,

i.e.

Greek has arrived, from the meaning of "standing," at that of

icrnjfu,

"taking": wo might then trace gab to the Veda grraM, and assume that
the r has been lost, although this root has remained in German also, in a
truer form and meaning, only that the a has been weakened to i
(Gothic
grdpa, graip, gripmri).
I have altered the plan proposed in the Preface to the First Part

(p. xviL), of devoting a separate work to the formation of words and

com-
parison of them, and to refer thither also the participles, conjunctions,
and prepositions, for this reason, that I intend to treat in the present work,
with all possible conciseness, the comparative doctrine of the formation of
words, and will also discuss the coincidences of the various members of the
Indo-European stem of languages, which appear in the conjunctions and
prepositions. For this object a Fifth Number will be requisite. The
present Fourth Number will conclude the formation of
the tenses and
moods ; but a little remains to be added regarding the mood which is called
L6t in the Zend and Veda-dialects, as also the imperative, which, for the

rest, is distinguished only by its personal terminations, which have been

already discussed in the Third Part.
3 A 2
716 VERBS.

first class; so that, according to them, we should have to

divide tishth-a-vi, thhth-a-ti, and regard tishth as a substitute
for stha. I consider the double weakening, which the roots
sthd and ghrd undergo in the syllable of repetition and of

[G. Ed. p. 735.] the base, to be caused by the two com-

bined consonants, which produce in the syllable of repetition a

length by position for which reason, in order that the whole

;

should not appear too unwieldy, the vowel weight of the syl-
lable of reduplication is lessened, and the length of the base

syllable is shortened. The Zend histahi, "thou standest,"

histati, "he stands," &c., follow the same principle; and
it
important to remark, that the Latin sistis, sistit, sis-
is

timus, sistitis, on account of the root being incumbered

with the syllable of reduplication, have weakened the
radical A of st&-re to i, and apparently introduced the
verb into the third
conjugation. I say apparently,
because the essence of the third conjugation consists in

this, that an ?, which is not radical, is inserted between

the root and the personal termination ;
but the i of sisti-s,

&c., like the a of the Sanskrit tishta-si> belongs to the

root The Gi'eek for^-jui has so far maintained itself upon
an older footing, that it has not given to the syllable of

reduplication, or to its consonantal combination, an in-

fluence on the long vowel of the radical syllable, but
admits of the shortening of this vowel only through the
influence of the weight
personal terminations; of the
thus, before the
grave terminations of the plural numbers,
and of the entire middle, according to the analogy of
d/ftu/u, &c. (see .
480.). With respect to the kind of

reduplication which occurs in the Sanskrit tishthdmi, and

of which more hereafter, I must notice
preliminarily the
Latin testis, which is the reverse case of steti t if, as I be-

lieve, testis is to be regarded as one who stands for any

thing.
509. The Sanskrit, and all its cognate dialects, have two
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 717

roots for the verb substantive, of which the one, which is,

in Sanskrit, vbhu, in Zend, ^j bit, belongs to the first con-

jugation, and, indeed, to
the first class, and assumes, therefore,
in the special tenses, a class-vowel a, and [G. Ed. p.73C.]

augments the radical vowel by Gunu ;

while the other, viz.

W&x <z.?, falls to the second conjugation, and, in fact, to the

second class. These two roots, in all the Indo-European

languages, except in the Greek, where *Y has entirely lost

the signification " to be," are so far mutually complete,
that bhu, have remained perfect in the Sanskrit and
bd,
Zend (as far as the latter can be quoted) but as, on the ;

is used
contrary, in its isolated condition, only in the
special tenses. In Lithuanian, the root which answers
to as is only used present indicative, and in the
in the

participle present; just as in the Sclavonic, where the

present of the gerund is, according to its origin, identical

with the participle present. The Gothic forms from as,
the a of which it weakens to i, its whole present indica-
tive and subjunctive, only that there is attached to it a

further apparent root SIY> which, however, in like manner,

proceeds from ^BT^ as. The root bhu, in Gothic, does not
" "
refer at all to the idea of to be but from it proceeds, ;

" "
I have no doubt, the causal verb baua, I build
(second
person bauais), which I derive, like the Latin facto, from
"
WTOlftr bhdvaydmi, I make to be" (. 19.). The High
German has also preserved remains of the root 6//tJ in
"
the sense of " to be hence .proceed, in the Old High
:

German, the first and second person of the singular and

plural, while the third persons ist and sint (which
latter

form is now, in the shape of sind, erroneously transferred

to the first person) answer to ^rfer asfi, *rfar santi. Fur-
ther, from 5H^ as proceeds also the subjunctive si
"
Sanskrit ^pn^ sydm, I may be"X an<* the infinitive sin.

Moreover, also, the Sanskrit root vas, "to dwell," has

raised itself, in German, to the dignity of the verb sub-
718 VERBS.

stantive, since, indeed, in Gothic, the present visa (weak-

"
ened from vasa, see . 109*. 1.) signifies only " to remain ; but
the preterite vas, and its subjunctive vtsyau (German war,

it-are), the
infinitive visan, and the participle present visands,

[G. Ed. replace the forms which have been, from

p. 737.]
" to be."
ancient time, lost by the roots expressing the idea
It maybe proper to mention here, that in Sanskrit, the root
" to
sthd, stand," occasionally receives the abstract meaning
"
to be," and so, as it were, has served as an example to
the Roman languages, which, for their verb substantive,
employ, besides the Latin roots, ES and FU, also STA.
"
As, too, to sit," occurs in Sanskrit, in the sense of the verb
substantive ; c.
g. Nal. 16. 30. JfiWST ^ff *?fr gatasrtttwA(s)
*'
ivA" salg, like senseless are they;" Hitop. 44, 11.
WOT^
"
AstAm mdnasatushtayd sukritinAm, let it

be (your good behaviour) to gratify the spirit of the vir-

tuous;" Urv. 92. 8. S>SNH<R WSTT* ^5TO* ayushman AstAm
"
ayam, long-lived may this man be." It is not improbable
that the verb substantive is only an abbreviation of the root
"
as,and that generally the abstract notion of " being is in
no language the original idea of any verb whatever. The
abbreviation of As to as, and from that to a simple ,?, before

heavy terminations (see 480), . is explained, however, in

the verb substantive, very easily ;
as the consequence of its

being worn out by the extremely frequent use made of it,

and from the necessity for a verb, which is so much em-
ployed, arid universally introduced, obtaining a light and
facile build. Frequent use may, however, have a double
influence on the form of a verb; in the first place, to

wear it out and simplify it as much as possible; and,

secondly, to maintain in constant recollection its primi-

by calling them perpetually into
tive forms of inflexion,

remembrance, and thus secure them from destruction.

Both these results are seen in the verb substantive for
in Latin, sum, the only verbs,
together with inquam, are
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 719

which have preserved the old personal sign in the present :

in the Gothic and English of the present day, im and am

are the only forms of this kind; and in our New German,
bin (from him) and aind are the sole forms [G. Ed. p. 738.]
which have preserved the character of the first person sin-
gular and third person plural.
As the Sanskrit root bhu belongs to the first conju-
510.

gation, we shall next examine its conjugation in the

present. As belonging to the first class, it requires Guna
and the insertion of the class vowel a between the root
a
and the personal termination (. 109 .
1.) This insertion
of the a occasions the bho (=bhau)> for euphonic reasons,
to become bhav, in which form the root appears in all the
persons of the special tenses. By this bhav, in Zend bar,
the Old High German bir (or pir), in the plural bir-u-mfa,

bir-u-t, obtains very satisfactory explanation, since, as

remarked at . 20., and as has since been confirmed, in

the case before us, by Graff (II. 325.), the semi-vowels are
often interchanged; and, for example, v readily becomes
r or /.* The n of bir-u-m$s> bir-u-t, is a weakening of the
old n (Vocalismus, p. 227. 16.); and the i of the radical
syllable bir rests on the weakening of that vowel, which
occurs very often elsewhere (. 6.). The singular should,
according to the analogy of the plural, be birum, birus,
birutj but has rejected the second syllable; so that bim
has nearly the same relation to the Sanskrit blwvdmi, that,
in Latin, malo has to the mavolo, which was to have been
looked for. The obsolete
subjunctive-forms fuam, fuas,
fuaty faanty presuppose an indicative fuo, fuis, fait, &c.,
which has certainly at one time existed, and, in essentials,
has the same relation to the Sanskrit bhavdmi, bhavasi,
bhavati, that veho, vehis, vehit, have to vahdmi, vahaxi, vahati.

* 409. Note and 447. Note 6

See, also, .
f, }. .
720 VERBS.

The obsolete form fuvi of the perfect, which is found with

the common fui, leads us from fuo to fuvo, in as far as the

syllable vi of fuvi is not declared (to which I assent) iden-

[G. Ed. p. 739.] tical with the vi of amavi, but its v regarded
as developed from u, just as, in the Sanskrit reduplicated

preterite V|^ babhuva, in the aorist WJ5^ abhwvam, and

in the Lithuanian preterite buwau.
The full conjugation of the present of the root under
discussion, in Sanskrit, Zend*, Old High German, and Greek,
is as follows :

SINGULAR.
SANSKRIT. ZEND. OLD HIGH GERMAN. GREEK.
bhav-d-mi, bav-d-mi, bi-m,
bhav-a-si, bav-a-hi, bi-s,*

bhav-a-ti> bav-ai-ti, ....

DUAL.
bhav-d-vas
bhav-a-thas, bav-a-th6?
bhav-a-tas, bav-a-td, <t>v-e-rov.

PLURAL.
bhav-d-mas, bav-d-mahi, bir-u-m$s,
bhav-a-tha, bav-a-tha, bir-u-t, <j>v-e-T.
bhav-a-nti, bav-ai-nti, . . *
f <f>v-o-\m.

511. I hold it to be unnecessary to further annex an ex-

ample of the second conjugation (that in pi in Greek), for seve-
[G. Ed. p. 740.] ral examples have been given already, in the

* Also bist.

t The forms birint, birent, birnt, and bint^ which occur in Notker in
the second person plural, I consider as inorganic intruders from the third

person, where lirint would answer admirably to bhavanti. The form

bint
corresponds in its abbreviation to the singular him, bis. With re-
gard to the mutation of the person, notice the German sind of the first
person.
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 721

paragraphs, which treat of the influence of the gravity of

personal terminations on the preceding radical or class
syllable, to which we here refer the reader (. 480.). We
will only adduce from the Gothic the verb substantive (as
it the only one which belongs to this conjugation), and
is

contrast its present with the Sanskrit and Zend (compare

p. 695 G. ed.):

" Remark evident that the plural forms

1. It is
siy-u-m,
if
strictly taken, do not belong to this place, as
sty-u-th,
the personal terminations are not conjoined direct with the

root; but by means of a u, which might be expected,

also, in the second dual person, if it occurred, and
siy-u-ts,
in which respect these forms follow the analogy of the

preterite. dual person which actually occurs is

The first

siy
A.* As regards the syllable siy, on which, as root, all
these forms, as well as the subjunctive &e.,
sly-ais, siy-au,
are based, I do not think, that, according to its origin, it

is to be distinguished from im (of which the radical s has

been lost) and sind. To sind answers
siy,
in so far as it

likewise has lost the radical vowel, and commences with

the sibilant, which in Zend, according to .
53., has
become h. With regard to the
iy,
which is added, I think
that stands connected with the Sanskrit potential sydm,
siy
so that to the semi-vowel there has been further pre-
fixed its corresponding vowel i\ for the Gothic, as it ap-

pears, does not admit of a after an initial consonant;

y
hence siyau
for
syau
= WP* sydm, according to the principle

*
Regarding the derivation of this form from siy-u-va, and the ground
of my giving the long u, see . 441.
722 VERBS.

" comes the

by which, from the numeral base thri, three,"

genitive for thri/$ (.310.). If, therefore, in the

thriyt
form siy, properly only the a is radical, and the
iy expresses
[G.Ed. p. 741.] a mood-relation, still the language, in its

present no longer conscious of this, and erroneously

state, is

treating the whole siy as root, adds to it, in the subjunctive,

the class vowel a (. 109*. 1.), (with which a new i is united
as the representative of the mood-relation,) and, in the in-
dicative, the vowel u, which otherwise, in the preterite,

regularly enters between the root and the personal termina-

tion."
"
Remark 2. That in the Roman
languages, also, the
weight of the personal terminations exerts an influence on
the preceding radical syllable and that e. g. in French, the
; 9

relation of tenons to liens rests on the same principle on which,

in Greek, that of 5/o^ev to 5/5o>/xi does, has been already
elsewhere remarked.* The third person plural, in re-

spect to the form of the radical vowel, ranks with the sin-
gular, since it, like the latter, has a lighter termination than
the and second person plural, and indeed, as pronounced
first

in French, none at all hence tienneni contrasted with frrzons,

; y

tenez. Diez, however, differing from my view of the Ro-

man terminating sound (Ablaut], has, in his Grammar of the
Roman languages (I. p. 168), based the vowel difference be-
tween tiens and tenons on the difference of the accent which
exists, in Latin, between t&neo and tmemus. But it is not
to be overlooked, that, in the third conjugation also,
although quaro and quarimus have the same accent,
dtill, in Spanish, cjuerimos is used, opposed to quiero, and,
in French, acquerons, opposed to acquiers, as has been

already remarked by Fuchs, in his very valuable pamphlet,

"Contributions to the Examination of the Roman Lau-

* Berlin Ann., Feb.

1827, p. 261. Vocalismus, p. Ifi.
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 723

guages," p. 18. It may be, that the i of the French sais,

is identical with the i of the Latin sapio even then,
; but,
the dislodgcment of this i in savons rests on the same law

as that which dislodged, in tenons, the i

prefixed in tiens ;
as, e.g., in Sanskrit, the root vas rejects, in the same
places, its radical a, where regular verbs of the same class

lay aside the Guna vowel which is introduced into the

"
root before light terminations ; thus, 7J|mrN itsmas, we
" 11
will," opposed to ^fipr vasmi, I will, as, in French, savons
to .va/'s."

"
Remark 3. I cannot ascribe to the Guna in the conjuga-
tion of the Sanskrit and its cognate languages a grammatical

meaning, but explain it as proceeding sim- [G. Ed. p. 742.]

ply from a disposition to fulness of form, which occasions

the strengthening of the lighter vowels i and w, by, as it were,

taking them under the arm by prefixing an a, while the a

itself, as it is the heaviest vowel, does not require extra-
neous help. If it were desired, with Pott (Etym. Inq. I. 60.),
to find, in the Guna
of the present and imperfect, an expres-
sion of the continuance of an action, we should be placed in
the same difficulty with him, by the circumstance that the
Guna is not restricted to these two tenses, but, in verbs with
the lighter base- vowels i and u> accompanies the root through

nearly all the tenses and moods, not only in Sanskrit, but also
in its European cognate languages, in as far as these have in

general preserved this kind of diphthongization; as the Greek

Ae/Tro) and Qevyu cannot any more be divested of the e taken

into the rootsAIU, $Yr, only that the e in \e\otna is re-

placed by o;* and that the aorists eXfiroi/, eipwyov, exhibit
the pure root, which I cannot attribute to the signification of
this aorist (as the second aorist has the same meaning as the

first, but the latter firmly retains the Guna, if it is especially

the property of the verb), but to the circumstance that the

* E and o, never a are, with the vowel t, the representatives of the San-
skrit Guna vowel a, see Vocalismus, pp. 7, 193, passim.
724 VERBS.

second aorist is for the most part prone to retain the original
form of the root, and hence at one time exhibits a lighter vo-
calization than the other tenses, at another, a heavier one; as

erpomov compared with erpetya and erpenov. In this dispo-

sition, therefore, of the second aorist to retain the true state
of the root, the difference between forms like e\nrov, e<}>vyov,

ervxpv, and the imperfects of the corresponding verbs,

cannot
be sought in the circumstance, that the action in the aorist is
not represented as one of duration and that, on the con-
;

trary, in the imperfect and present the continuance is sym-

bolically represented by the Guna. On the whole, I do not
think that the language feels a necessity to express formally
the continuance of an action, because it is self-evident that

every action and every sort of repose requires time, and that
it is not the business of a moment, if I say that any one eats

or drinks, sleeps or sits, or that he ate or drank, slept or sat,

at the time that this or that action occurred regarding which
I affirm the past time. I cannot, therefore, assume, with
Pott, that the circumstance that the class-characteristics oc-

[G. Ed. p. 743.] cur only in the special tenses (i.

e. in the

present and imperfect indicative, and in the moods thereto

belonging), is to be thence explained, that here a continuance
is to be expressed. Why should the Sanskrit have invented
nine different forms as symbols of continuance, and, among
a
its ten classes of
conjugations (see. 109 .), exhibit one, also,
which is devoid of all foreign addition? I believe, rather,
that the class affixes originally extended over all tenses, but

subsequently, yet still before the separation of languages, were

dislodged from certain tenses, the build of which induced
their being laid aside. This inducement occurred in the
aorist (the first, which is most frequently used) and future,

owing to the annexation of the verb substantive; where-

fore, (Idsydmi and Jcocrco were used for daddsydmi and
SiSoxrco; and in the perfect, owing to the reduplication cha-

racterising this tense, whence, in Greek, the form Se-

must have gained the preference over the
 FORMATION OF TENSES.

which may have existed. Observe that, in Sanskrit, the

loading the root, by reduplication, in the tenses mentioned,

has occasioned, even in the second person plural active,
the loss of the personal sign so that dadrisa corre- ;
^$T
sponds to the Greek SeJJopK-a-re."
512. For the description of the present middle, which, in
the Greek, appears also as the passive, and in Gothic as

passive alone, it is sufficient to refer back to the disquisition

on the middle terminations given at 466. &c. It might, .

however, not be superfluous once more to contrast here, as an

example of the first conjugation, the Sanskrit bharb (for

bhar-d-mfy with the corresponding forms of the cognate lan-
guages and, for the second conjugation, to annex the forms of
;

the Sanskrit tan-w-& (from tan-u-m$, from tan, Cl. 8.,

*'
to
11
extend, see . 109*. 4.), and Greek

SINGULAR.
SANSKRIT. ZEND. GREEK. GOTHIC.
2
bhar-$ (from bhar-d-mff), bair-e, ^>e|0-o-/za/,
. . . .*

4
bhar-a-sd, bar-a-h& 9
(ipep-e-crai),
6azr-a-.ra.

bhar-a-te, r bar-ai-t$,*
r tbep-e-rat,
I
bair-a-da.*

DUAL. ^
bhar-d-vuli4, .... M
J ' ^ 6 P-
bhar-ithtf

bhar-ithtf

PLURAL.
bh ar-a-mah$? bar-d-maidh&,
bhar-a-dhwc? bar-a-dhw$ &
bhar-a-nt$9 bar-ai-nt$ t
^ejO-o-i/Tai, bair-a-nda*

See }.4G7.473. 2
Regarding the ai of the root, see .41.; and
1

3
as to the Gothic ai ofbairaza, &c., see .82. This is
replaced

by the third person. 4 The terminations, za, da> nda, are abbre-
viations of zaij dai 9 ndai, see . 466.
Observe, in buir-a-za, balr-a-da^
that the conjunctive vowel is preserved in its original form (see 466. .

s
conclusion). Bharfahe and bharetd, from bhar-a-dth^ bhar-a-dt6,
whence bharathd, bhardfy would be regular ; but in this place, throughout
the whole first conjugation, the d has been weakened to 6 (=a + i), or
72G VERBS.

the d of the termination has become i or 19 and been molted down with
the class vowel a to e.
Regarding the terminations dthv, dt$> as conjec-
6
tural abbreviations of tdtM, tdtu, or sdtlid, sate, see . 474. 475. See
. 474. 475. 7
From bhar-*-madh69 see . 47'2. To the Zend termina-
tion maidhd the Irish termination maoid remarkably corresponds e.g. in ;

dagh-a-maoid, "wo burn" = Sanskrit dah-d-mah^ from dah-d-madhv.

8 9
Probably from lhar-a-ddhwd, see .474. 475. The termination
dftw& may be deduced with tolerable certainty from the secondary form

dhwem; see Burnoufs Ya^na, Notes, p. xxxviii.

SINGULAR.
SANSKRIT. GREEK.

tan-w-$ (from tan-u-mty, rav-v-pou.

tan-u-sh$9 rav-v-aat.

tan-u-t$, rav-v-rai.
r"? DUAL.
^ tan-u-vahe,

^ ttm-w-fith&,
w tftn-w-dl(! 9
O PLURAL.

fan-u-mnM from tan-u-madh$ 9

iari-u-dh w(\ rav-v-crde.

ian-tv-at$ from ian-w-anl$* rav-v-vrat.

"Remark. In Zend, we expect, if tan is here employed,

according to the same class of conjugation, for the second
and third person singular, and first and second person
plural, the forms tan-fii-sl 6 (see 41. 52.), tan-fli-tt. .

'

(according to the kere-nfii-tf, he makes,' which actually

occurs), tan-u-maidh@ 9 tan-u-dhwi. The third person
plural might be tan-w-ail6, or tan-w-aint<i 9 according as the
nasal is
rejected or not; for that the Zend, also, admits
of the rejection of the nasal in places where this is the
case in Sanskrit, is proved by the forms
jpjAj^gjj
' 1
senhaiti, they teach, middle HJAW^JJ senhaiti, corre-

* See .458.459. See an example of the active of the corresponding

class of
conjugation, or one nearly akin to it, at p. 706 G. ed.
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 727

spending to the Sanskrit $jrafff sdsali, $rr$ft xAstUt (Burnouf,

Ya^na, p. 480). In the Sanskrit, also, we sometimes find
the nasal retained in the middle of the second conjugation,
e.
g., achinwanta
for the more common aclunwata. In the first

person singular, form tan-uy-$ with euphonic y,

thie 9 is formed,
in Zend, as appears from 43. .

THE PRETERITE.
513. The Sanskrit has for the expression of past time the

forms of the Greek imperfect, aorist, and perfect, without,

however, like the Greek, connecting with these different
forms degrees of meaning. They are, in Sanskrit, all, with-
out distinction, used in the sense of the [G. Ed. p. 746.]
Greek aorist or imperfect; but the reduplicated preterite,
which corresponds in form to the Greek perfect, most fre-

quently represents the aorist. entirely The Sanskrit is

deficient in a tense exclusively intended to express the com-

pletion of an action none of the three forms mentioned is

:

used chiefly for this object; and I do not remember that I

have anywhere found the reduplicated preterite as represen-

tative of the perfect. When the completion of an action is
to be expressed, we most commonly find the active expres-

sion changed into a passive one ; and, in fact, so that a par-

ticiple which, in form and signification, corresponds to the

Latin in tus 9 is combined with the present of the verb sub-
stantive, or the latter is to be supplied, as in general the verb

substantive, in Sanskrit, is omitted almost everywhere,

where it can possibly be done. Some examples may appear
not improperly annexed here. In the episode of the Savitri*
"
it should be said V.I 9. So far as was to go, hast thou gone,"
where the last words are expressed by gatan twayd (gatan

* I have published it ill a collection of episodes entitled "Diluvium/'

&c., in the original text, and in the German translation under the title
;;
Siindflut." (Bcrlin ; P. Duminlcr.)
728 VERBS.

" "
euphonic for gatam), gone by thee in the Nalus XII. 29., :

" "
for Hast thou seen Nala ? we read in the original kachchit
drishtas twayd Nal6, i. e. "anvi.ms a te Nalus" ? in Kalida-
"
sa's Urvasi (ed. Lenz, p. 66) Hast thou stolen her step"? is

expressed by gatir asyds twayd hritd (" the way of her taken
by thee "). It happens, too, not unfrequently, that the com-
pletion of an action is denoted in such a manner that he who
[G. Ed. p. 747.] has performed an action is designated as
the possessor of what has been done since e. g.
TEWT*^ 'Wfiw ;

uktavdn asmi, literally "dido praditus sum" signifies "dic-

tum habeo" " I have said." Thus in Urvasi (1. c. p. 73) the
" Hast thou seen
question, my beloved "? is
expressed by api
"
dmhtavfin asi mama priydm, i. e. art thou having seen
m. b."?* The modern mode, therefore, of expressing the

completion of an action was, in a measure, prepared by the

Sanskrit for the suffix vat (in the strong cases vant) forms
;

possessives; and I consider it superfluous to assume, with

the Indian grammarians, a primitive suffix tavat for active

perfect participles. It admits of no doubt whatever, that

" 11 " 11

TSET^ uktavat having said, has arisen from ukta said, in

" *' 11
the same way as VrRrT dhanavat, having riches," rich,
" The form in
proceeds from dhann, riches."t tavat,

* The fourth act of Urvasi affords very frequent occasion for the use

King Pururavas on all sides directs the question

of the perfect, as the
whether any one has seen his beloved ? This question, however, is never
put hy using an augmented or even a reduplicated preterite, but always by
the passive participle, or the formation in vat derived from it. So, also,
in Nalus, when Damayanti asks if any one has seen her spouse ?

t The Latin divit may be regarded as identical with dhanavat, the mid-
dle syllable being dropped and compensated for by lengthening the pre-
ceding vowel. A similar rejection of a syllable has again occurred in

ditior, ditissimuSy just as in malo, from mavolo, from magisvolo. Pott, on

the contrary, divides thus, div-it, and thus brings " the rich" to the Indian
"
heaven/' div9 to which also Varro's derivation of divus in a certain
degree alludes, as divus and deus are akin to the Sanskrit deva, "God' ;

and the latter, like div, " heaven," springs from rf?, ** to shine."
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 729

although apparently created expressly for the perfect, occurs

sometimes, also, as expressing an action in transition. On
the other hand, in neuter verbs the San- [G Ed. p. 748.]

skrit has the advantage of

being able to use the participles
in ta 9 which are properly passive, with active, and, indeed,
with a perfect meaning; and this power is very often em-

ployed, while the passive signification in the said participle

of verbs neuter limited, as in the above example, to the
is

singular neuter in the impersonal constructions. As ex-

ample of the active perfect meaning, the following may

serve, Nalus XII. 13.: kwa nu rdjan gatfi 'si (euphonic for
"
galas asi), quone, rex !
profectus es ?"
514. The Sanskrit is entirely devoid of a form for the

plusquam perfect, and it employs, where that tense might

be expected, either a gerund expressive of the relation,
"after"* which, where allusion is made to a future time,
stands, also, for the future absolute f or the locative

absolute, in sentences like apakrdnfS nal$ rdjan damayanti

.... abudhyala, " after Nalas had departed, king (pro- O !

fecto Nalo) Damayanti awoke."

515. But if it is asked, whether the Sanskrit has, from the
oldest antiquity,employed its three past tenses without syn-
tacticaldistinction, and uselessly expended its formative

power in producing them or whether the usage of the lan-

;

guage dropped the finer degrees

has, in the course of time,
of signification,
by which they might, as in Greek, have been
originally distinguished I think I must decide for the
;
latter

opinion for as the forms of language gradually

: wear out
anil become abraded, so, also, are meanings [G. Ed. p. 740.]

subjected to corruption and mutilation. Thus, the San-

NaL XI. 20. : dkrandamdnuin sansrutya jav6nd 'bhisasdra, "Jlentem

audivenit (' after hearing the weep'ng') cum telocitate advenit"
tNaI.X.22.: katham buddhwd bhavi?hyoti,"liow will she feel in

spirit, after she has been awakened (after awaking) ?'

3 li
730 VERBS.

skrit has an immense number of verbs, which signify " to

go," the employment of which must have been originally
distinguished by the difference in the kind of motion which
each was intended to express, and which are still, in part, so

distinguished, I have already noticed elsewhere, that the

Sanskrit sarpdmi, " I go, must have had the same meaning
11

as serpo and ep7ro>, because the Indians, like the Romans,

"
name the snake from this verb
(^^ sarpa-s serpens").*
If, then, the nicer significations of each one of the three
forms by which, in Sanskrit, the past is expressed, gradually,
through the misuse of language, became one, so that each
merely expressed time past, I am of opinion, that it was ori-

ginally the function of the reduplicated preterite, like its

cognate form in Greek, to express an action completed.
The syllable of reduplication only implies an intensity of the
idea, and gives the root an emphasis, which is regarded by
the spirit of the language as the type of that which is done,
completed, in contradistinction to that which is conceived
to be inbeing, and which has not yet arrived at an end.
Both in sound and in meaning the perfect is connected with
[G. Ed. p. 750.] the Sanskrit intensive, which likewise has
a reduplication, that here, for greater emphasis, further re-
ceives a vowel augment by Guna.
According to significa-
tion, the Sanskrit intensive is, as it were, a superlative
of the verbal idea; for, e.y. ddctfpya-mdna means "very
shining." In respect of form, this intensive is important

* I believe I include here the German

may root slip, slif (schldfen) ;

Old High German slifu, sleif, slifum^s; English "I We should

slip."
expect in Gothic sleipa, slaip t slipum, preserving the old tenuis, as in sWpa
= swapimiy "I
sleep." The form slip is founded on a transposition of swp
to srap. The transition of r into /, and the weakening of the a to i, cannot
surprise us. Considering the very usual exchange of semi-vowels with one
another, and the by no means unusual phenomenon, that a root is divided
into several,
by different corruptions of form, we may include here, too,
the root swip, swif
(schweiferi}; Middle High German swife, sweif, noifen.
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 731

for comparison with the European cognate languages, be-

cause the moods which spring from its present indicative
afford, as it were, the prototype of the imperative and
the optative of the Greek perfect, and of the German sub-

junctive of the preterite; compare preliminarily bdban-

dhyam, "I much wish to bind," with the Gothic bandy an
"
(from I
might bind," and the imperative vdvay-
baibundyati),
dhi (from vach, " to speak"), with the Greek KeKpayJ&i, which
is connected with it in formation, though not radically. The

first augmented preterite of this intensive comes, in respect

to form, very close to the Greek plusquam perfect ;
compare
atdtdpam, plural atotupma, with ereTtHpew, ererv^etfjiev. As
every completed action is also past, the transition of the

vocal symbol of completion to that of the past is very

easy, and the gradual withdrawal of the primary mean-
ing not surprising, as we must, in German also, pa-
is

raphrase the completion of an action in a manner already

pointed out by the Sanskrit, while our simple preterite, which
is akin to the Greek perfect, and wljich, in Gothic also, in a

certain number of verbs, has preserved the reduplication,

corresponds in meaning to the Greek imperfect and aorist.

516. As regards the two augmented preterites, which

appear, in Greek, as imperfect and aorist, there is no occa-

sion, in the form by which they are distinguished from one

another, to assume a primitive intention in the language to

apply them to different objects, unless such [G. Ed. p. 751.]

aorists as in Greek, e\/7roi>, e$o>i>, contrasted with e\e/7roi/,

eS/&a>i/, in Sanskrit, alipamj* addm, opposed to alimpam,

adaddm are considered original, and, in their brevity and
succinctness, contrasted with the cumbersomeness of the

* The Sanskrit root lip is not connected with the Greek Ain, but means
" to
smear," and to it belong the Greek AtVcs, aXet^o). But alipam stands
go far in the same relation to alimpam that cKiirov does to eXf ITTOI/, that it
has divested itself of the inserted nasal, as \nroi> has of the Guna vowel.
3B2
732 VERBS.

imperfect, a hint be found, that through them the language

is desirous of expressing such actions or conditions of the

past, asappear to us momentary, from their ranking, when

recounted, with other events, or for other reasons. It might

then be said that the language unburthens itself in the aorist

of the Guna and other class characteristics, only because, in the

press of the circumstances to be announced, it has no time to

utter them just as, in Sanskrit, in the second person sin-
;

gular imperative, the lighter verbal form is employed, on

account of the haste with which the command is expressed,
11 "
and, e.y., vid-dhi, "know, yuny-dhi, bind," stand opposed to
11
the firstperson vidAni, "let me know, yunajAni, "let me
bind." But the kind of aorist just mentioned is, both in
Sanskrit and in Greek, proportionably rarer, and the with-

drawing of the class characteristics extends, in both lan-

guages, not to the aorist alone, and in both this tense
appears, for the most part, in a form more full in sound than
the imperfect Compare, in Sanskrit, adiksham =eJeia
with the imperfect adiyhmn, which bears the complete form
of the aorist above mentioned. In the sibilant of the first

aorist, however, I cannot recognise that element of sound,

[G. Ed.p. 752.] which might have given to this tense its

peculiar meaning; for this sibilant, as will be shewn here-

after, belongs to the verb substantive, which might be ex-

pected in all tenses, and actually occurs in several, that, in

their signification, present no point of coincidence. But if,

notwithstanding, in Sanskrit, or at the time of the identity

of the Sanskrit with cognate languages, a difference of
its

meaning existed between the two augmented preterites, we

are compelled to adopt the opinion, that the language began

very early to employ, for different ends, two forms which, at

the period of formation, had the same signification, and to
attach finer degrees of meaning to trifling, immaterial diffe-

rences of form. It is requisite to observe hdre, that, in the

history of languages, the case not unfrequenlly occurs, that
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 733

one and the same form is, in the lapse of time, split into

several, and then the different forms are applied by the spirit
of the language to different ends. Thus, in Sanskrit, dAtA,
from the base dAlAr (. 144.), means both "the giver" and
"he about to give"; but, in Latin, this one form, bearing
two different meanings, has been parted into two of which ;

the one, which is modern in form, and has arisen from the old
by the addition of an it
(Jaturus), has assumed to itself alone
the task of representing a future participle; while the other,
which has remained more true to the original type, appears,
like the kindred Greek doryp, only as a noun of agency.

THE IMPERFECT.
517. We
proceed to a more particular [G. Ed. p. 753.]

description of the different kinds of expression for past time,

and consider next the tense, which I call in Sanskrit, accord-
ing to its form, the monoform augmented preterite, in con-
tradistinction to that which corresponds in form to the Greek
aorist, and which I term the multiform preterite, since in it
seven different formations be perceived, of which four
may
correspond, more or less, to the Greek first aorist, and three

to the second. Here, for the sake of brevity and uniformity,

the appellations imperfect and aorist may be retained for the
Sanskrit although both tenses may in Sanskrit, with
also,

equal propriety, be named imperfect and aorist, since they

both in common, and together with the reduplicated prete-
rite, represent at one time the aorist, at another the imper-
fect. That, which answers in form to the Greek imperfect,
receives, like the aorist, the prefix of an a to express the past :

the class characteristics are retained, and the personal termi-

nations are the more obtuse or secondary (.430.), probably
on account of the root being loaded with the augment This
exponent of the past, which is easily recognised in the Greek e,
may bear the name of augment in Sanskrit also. Thus, in the
"
first
conjugation, we may compare atarp-a-m, I delighted,"
734 VERBS.
1
with ereptrov] in the second, adadd-m, "I gave,* with
"
astn-nav-am (see 437. Rem.), I strewed," with
.

"
u-v and akri-nd-m,
;
I bought," with e7rep-i/a-i>. As
the conjugation of the imperfect of the three last-mentioned
verbs has been already given (.481. 485. 488.), where the

weight of the personal terminations is considered, I shall

only annex here the complete one of aarp-a-w and \

rn SINGULAR. DUAL.
SANSKRIT. GREEK. SANSKRIT. GREEK.

-i>,
atarp-d-va
atarp-a-s, erepTr-e-f, atarp-a-tam,
O atarp-a-t, Tep7r-e(T),f atarp-a-tdm,

PLURAL.
SANSKRIT. GREEK.

atarp-d-ma,
<itarp-a-fa,

cttarp-fi-n,^

"Remark, In the Veda dialect the

which, according t,

to 461., has been lost in atarpan for atarpant, has been re-
.

tained under the protection of an s, which begins the following

word ; thus, in the Rig-Veda (Rosen, p. 99), iBwft "^ VH*q^
"
^ftrfi?^ abhi "m avanwant swabishtim, ilium colebant fauste

aggredientem" According to the same principle, in the

accusative plural, instead of the ns, to be expected in ac-
cordance with . 236. 239., of which, according to a uni-
versal law of sound, only n has remained, we find in the
Veda dialect nt, in case the word following begins with s ;
"
g. WR\*1{ IX THI **($& asmdnt su tatra chddaya, nos bene ibi
e.

dirige" (Rosen. 1. c. p. 13). I do not hesitate to consider

the t of asmdnt as the euphonic mutation of an s, as also,
under other circumstances, one $ before another s, in order
to make itself more perceptible in pronunciation, becomes

See .
437.
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 735
"
t; as e.g. from vas, to dwell," comes the future vat-sydmi
and the aorist avdt-sam. The original accusative termina-
tion in ns appears in the Vedas also as nr> and indeed in bases

in i and u, in case the word following begins with a vowel

or general, a final s, after vowels other than a, A
y, as, in
becomes r before all sonant letters. Examples of plural
accusatives in nr (for n must become Anuswara before r, as
before s) are W*T^^TR0m;ir achuchyavitana, "nubes exci-
fxpft*^
tate" (1. c. p. 72); FRv W^ ^tfj. ^? ^"JT wf^WT TiT IHTT twam I

ayni vasdilr iha rudrdn Adit y An uia yajA, " ta Agnis ! Vti-
\

"
mes hie, JRudras atque Aditis filios sacris cole (1.
c. p. 85).
Bases in a have lost the r in the accusative plural. The
circumstance, however, that they replace the n of the com-
mon accusative terminations with Anuswara (n\ as in ^f
rudrAn, wrf^wt AdityAn, just mentioned, appears to me to
evince that they likewise terminated origi- [G. Ed. p. 755.]

nally in nr : the r has been dropped, but its effect^ the change
of n into n has remained. At least it is not the practice in the

Rig Veda, particularly after a long A, to replace a final n with

"
Auuswara ;
for we read, 1. c. .
210., ftrarr^
vidwAn skilful,"

not ftryt vidwAA, although a v follows, before which, accord-

ing to Panini, as before r, and vowels, in the Veda dialect,
;//,

the termination An should be replaced by An (compare Rosen,

p. IV. 2.) a rule which is probably taken too universally,

;

and should properly be limited to the accusative plural

(the principal case where An occurs), where the Zend also

employs an n, and not n The accusative termi-

($. 239.).

nation nr for ns is, however, explained in a manner but

little satisfactory, by Rosen, in very valuable edition
his

of a part of the Rig-Veda, p. XXXIX, 5. and the t men-

;

tioned above considered by the Indian grammarians as

is

an euphonic insertion (Smaller Sanskrit Grammar, . 82*.

b
92 Rem.).. If, however, an initial s, from a disposition
towards a /
preceding, has such influence as to annex that
letter, it appears to me far more natural for it to have had
736 VERBS.

the power to preserve a which actually exists in the pri-

t,

mitive grammar, or to change an s into that letter.

518. The Zend, as found in the Zend Avesta, appears to
have almost entirely given up the augment, at least with the
exception of the aorist mentioned in $. 469., and which is re-
markable in more than one respect, A3j^><o>7j>7> urtirudhusha*
"
thou didst grow," and the form mentioned by Burnouf, AOAN
&, "he was," /mu^gus donhdt, "if he were";*!" I have
[G. Ed. p. 75G.] found no instances, which can be relied

upon, of its retention, unless, perhaps, fimsdudxapathayen,].

"they went" (Vend, S. p. 43, 1, 4.), must pass as such;

and we are not to read, as might be conjectured, in place
of it
ygaaju(3A5Q>Att Apathayen,
and the initial vowel is the
preposition d, which, perhaps, is contained in some other
forms also, which might be explained by the augment.
Thus, perhaps, in the first Fargard of the Vendidad, the

frequently- recur ring forms ^gjj^^csAMoA frAthwwesem (or

" 1 " 1'
I formed, and
frdthwarcsem), I made/ iA5^^jg^Aw04/rd-
"
kereniat, he made," may be distributed into fra and athwe-
resem and akerentat. I, however, now think it more probable
that their first syllable is compounded of the prepositions fra

* The initial u appears to have been formed from a by the assimila-

ting influence of the & of the second syllable. I shall recur to this aorist
hereafter.

t Burnouf (Yafna, p. 434) proposes to read jajw as for JUJAM ds. But
this form, also, has something uncommon, since the Vedic^TO ds (of
which hereafter) would lead us to expect, in Zend, do, as a final Sanskrit
w *, with a preceding <?, regularly becomes do ; but ^ra as becomes 6 (see
$.56
h
.).
Without the augment we find, in the Zend Avesta, both the read-
ing 4JA* as and JUO.M as, provided this form actually belongs to the verb

substantive.

Thus we should read instead of

J JC^AS<JASQ)AJ apathaten; compare the
Sanskrit "
apanthayan, they went," with an inserted nasal. 'ETrareov

corresponds in Greek. But should we read dpathayen for apathayen the

long d would not be the augment, but the preposition d.
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 737

and A. The combination of these two prepositions is

very
generally used in the Zend ; as, A5^A5^jusu$ frddaya,
"value" (Vend. S.
AWjmmyw y^&$AMO^ frdmann
p. 124),
hunvanha, "praise me" (Vend S. p. 39), where the prepo-
sitions are separated from the verb/ as in the
passage
AM jA [G. Ed. p. 757.]
/^WAO<#> Ai7A57>
AXJOA
y^OASo) Y^-Ny
"
fr& vayopatannfra urvara ucsyaim, aves vuknt arbores cres-

om"f (Vend S. p. 257), and in

AW^jui^AjyjJ A3>jaAS( AMU*
" "
frd zasta snayanuha, wash the hands (1. c. p. 457).

A form which, if the lithographed codex of the Vend

S. is correct, might appear best adapted to testify to
the existence of the augment in Zend, is
A^VJJI^A^AS^
"
usazayanha, thou wast born," a word which is remarkable in
other respects also (see 469.). But as long as the correct-
.

ness of the reading is not confirmed by other MSS., or gene-

rally as long as the augment is not more fully established

in Zend, I am
disposed to consider the vowel which stands
between the preposition and the root as simply a means of
conjunction ;
and for a I should prefer reading i or e> just
as in us-i-hista, "stand up" (Vend. S. p. 458), us-i-histata,
" " " he 1
stand ye up (1.
c.
p. 459), us-e-histaiti, stands up/

* The comparison of other MSS. must decide whether the accusative

of the pronoun is rightly conjoined with this. Anquetil renders this im-
perative with the word following, H3P)AsK5 kkareted, "on account of
the eating, of the nourishing," strangely enough
" me mange en
by qui

minvoquant avec ardeur* as he also translates the following words,

*&>?$& jyA3Ai^A5^JJ 9^9 -5^AJ aoivi (
= ^rfH obhi) mahrn
stadmafoi (staomaini?) stuidhi^ "extol me in praise," by "qui m adrcsse
humbkment sa priere. The form hunvanha is the imperative middle,
where, as often occurs, the character of the first class is added to that of

the fifth.

t Patahn, "voknt," and ucsyarin, "crewmtt" with which the Greek

TrcYofuu and our Fedcr and wachsm are to be compared,
are imperfects of

the subjunctive mood, which, with tins tense, always combines ft

present

signification.
738 VERBS.

But a also occurs in this verb, inserted as a conjunctive

vowel between the preposition and the root; for, p. 456,

18., we read us-a-histata, I would there-

'
1. stand ye up."

fore, if the reading us-a-za-yanha, "thou wast born," should

prove itself from the majority of MSS.

to be genuine, prefer,

nevertheless, regarding the a as a conjunctive vowel, rather

than as the augment
519. The
following examples may throw sufficient light
on the conjugation, for the first class, of the Zend imper-
fect active, which admits of tolerably copious citation:
uzbar-e-m> "I brought forward" (Vend. S. p, 493);
11
tf<jwd& frdthwares-e-m or frdthwereZ-e-m "I created t

[G Ed.
p. 758.] (I.e. 117, &c.); $wxuw^Juhlfrdda3sa.3m,
"I shewed," from frddati-aye-m = Sanskrit Iffi^ra* prddd's-
-aya-m, "I caused to shew" (see .42.); frada$s-ay6, "thou
11 11
shewedst c. kere-nvd, "thou didst make
(1. p. 123);
"
/?% 11
;*

>AJ^f7jQ> perti-a-l,
he asked, aprichchh-a-t (1. c.
===wraa^
p. 123); /AS^JJ bav-a-t,
"
he was,
11
abhav-a-t, (p. 125)= wr^ ;

rttjujJAj^y^-a-^,
"
he came," WT*Sf^ agachchh-a-t,
="
he
went;
11

A^AUfeVja/jj J^ASQ) paiti ,ianh-&-ma, "we spoke ^

(pp. 493, 494, repeatedly)
= H^^i^Tf
pratyasam&ma ; y^j^
anhen,
"
they were
11
(p. 103 erroneously anhin) ^T^[ Asan. =
I am not able to quote the second person plural, but there can

be no uncertainty regarding its form, and from vsihistata,

"stand ye up," we may infer, also, us'histata, "ye stood
up," since, in Sanskrit as in Greek, the imperative in the
second person plural is only distinguished from the im-

perfect by the omission of the augment. Examples of

" 11
the second conjugation are,
11
9^(g^ dadhan-m, I placed,
"I made (Vend. S. p. 116) =-3^1? adadhA-m, er/ify-v;

* For kerenafis : there that

is, is to say, as often happens, the character
of the first class added to the class character, which was already present;
as though, in Greek, c'dcue-w-c-* were said for tfa

t Anquetil renders this, "je viens de wus purler.

 FORMATION ON TENSES. 739
4- "
7$ mraom* I spoke" (p. 123); *&*?$ thou
mrad-s,
"
spokest" (p. 226), t*ku?$ mra6t;\ he spoke," occurs very
"
often he made" In the
;
^^/J% Kere-nad-t, (p. 135).

plural I conjecture the forms amru-ma, amrii-fa=Sanskrit

abru-ma> abru-ta; and Aere-nu-ma, kere-nu-ta, like such Greek
forms as <TTop-vv-p.ev, evrop-vv-re =
San- [G. Ed. p. 759.]
krit astri-nu-ma, astri-nu-ta.The third person plural does
not admit of being traced with the same certainty.
520. With respect to the use of the imperfect it deserves
to be remarked, that, in Zend, this tense is very frequently

employed as the subjunctive of the present, and that the

reduplicated preterite also occasionally occurs in the same
sense. In such cases, the past appears to be regarded from its
negative side as denying the actual present, and to be thus
adapted to denote the subjunctive, which is likewise devoid
of reality.Here we must class the phenomenon, that, in Zend,
the subjunctive, even where it is actually formally ex-

pressed, far more frequently expresses the present by the

imperfect than by the present; and that, in Sanskrit, the
conditional is furnished with the augment; and that, also,
in German and Latin, the conditional relation is expressed

by past tenses. Examples of the Zend imperfect indica-

tive with the
sense of the present subjunctive are, AI^AJO^

ftVjufyfracha kerenten
u
they may cut to pieces," San- =
skrit akrintan (Vend. S. p. 233)
^repin^ ;
yj v>)jy As7.vy
AMV? AS$
"
juu(? dva vd nara anhen pancha vd, there may be
JU^^JJUQ)
11
either two persons or five AUA)^JUI ;

* This form is based on the Sanskrit abravam, for which abruvam ; the

contraction in Zend is similar to that of T^flf yavam, "oryzam" to

$iuj,^
yaom. Kegarding the exchange of b with m in mraom see . 63.

f These two persons pie-suppose, in Sanskrit, abro-s, abr6~t, for which,

with irregular insertion of a conjunctive vowel?, abrav-i-s, abrav-i-t, are
used.
740 VERBS,

anhat Athravd, "if it is a priest";

-1
" if it
y&zi anhat rathaSstAo, is a warrior (lit., stander in a car) ;

"
YAA^tefoW? MAWj*' J$x>JCL^ yfai anhat udstryti,
if it is a
cultivator"; AWQ)^ MAW^A* ^jCL, y6zi anhat SpA, "if it is a

dog" (1.
c.
p. 230, 231); 9^5 AS^AJ^A^A^ yj^A5^ ^^
[G. Ed. p. 76 ).]
Q^bbMQbu/ y$zi vasen mazdayasna zanm
"
if the worshippers of Ormuzd wish to cul-
raddhayanm,^
tivate the earth (make to grow)" (p. 198). It is clear, that
in most of the examples the conjunction y&zi has introduced
the imperfect in the sense of a subjunctive present, for this con-

junction loves to use a mood which is not indicative, whether

itbe the potential, the subjunctive, or, as in the passages
quoted, the imperfect of the indicative, as the representative
of the subjunctive present. However, the indicative present
often occurs after ySzi .(Vend. S. pp. 263, &c. y$zi paiti-
where, however, the reduplicated preterite stands
ja$aiti)i
beside this conditional particle, there it is clear that the

past regarded, as in the imperfect, as the symbol of

is

non-actuality, and invested with a modal application. Thus

we read in the second Fargard of the Vendidad (ed. Ols-

hauson,
ndit
p. 12),
viviM
><tt^^(?
" if
thou,
^^/
Yima
**$jj^ ^ ^^
me
V^ m
not and
^1

yima !
obeyest ";
"
in the sixth Fargard, A3A5$>^fl>
J^wj^ y ezl tutava if he
can," or "if they can," "if it is possible" according to
Anquetil, "si on k peut"', Vend. S. p. 12, juuorfb
-*$>.CL
"
ytei thu'd didvafca, if he hates thee," according
ASA^^A)^^
to Anquetil " si rhomme vous irrite."

521. If we now turn to the European cognate languages,

it is remarkable that the Lithuanian, Sclavonic, and German,
which appear, as it were, as three children born at one birth

*
Regarding the termination of anhat more will be said hereafter,
t Thus I read for for which, p. 170, occurs,
^^^^j^?ra6d/ii/anm^
with two other faults, ^Aj^AJ? ratidayen*
 FORMATION OF TENSF.S. 741

in the great family of languages, which occupies our atten-

tion, diverge from one another in respect to the past, and

have so divided the store of Sanskrit-Zend post forms, that
that of the imperfect has fallen to the lot of [G. Ed. p. 701.]

the Lithuanian, and the Sclavonic IMS taken the aorist, and,
in fact, the first aorist, while the German has received the
form of the Greek perfect. The augment, however, has
been dropped by the Lithuanian and Sclavonic, and the
Gothic has retained the reduplication only in a small number
of verbs, while in German it lies concealed in forms like
hiess, liff, fiel, of which hereafter.
522. As the imperfect now engages our we
attention,
must, for the present, leave the Sclavonic and German
unnoticed, and first bestow our notice on that Lithuanian

preterite, which by Ruhig, the perfect.

is called, It

might, with equal propriety, be termed imperfect* or

aorist, as it, at the same time, simultaneously represents
these two tenses; and its use as a perfect is properly a
misuse ; as, also, in the Lettish, which is so nearly allied,
this tense is actually called the imperfect, and the perfect
is denoted by a participle perfect, with the present of
the verb substantive; e.g. es "I did know," essinnnyu,
esmu sinnayis, " I have known (been having known)." That
the Lithuanian preterite in form answers to the imperfect
and not to the second aorist, is clear from this, that it

retains the class characteristics given up by the aorist;

" I " 11

answers
for buwau, was," or have been,* to the

Sanskrit WT^m abhavam and Greek etyvov, and, in the

plural, buw-o-me, to the Zend bav-d-ma, Sanskrit abhav-d-mn,

Greek e'<^-o-/xei/, not to the aorist wro abhu-ma, e<v-/xei/ ;

although, if necessary, the first person singular buwutt

might be compared with Wf^ abhiivam, to which, on

account of the u of the first syllable, it appears to approach

Cf.$.790. Rem.
 742 VERBS.

more closely than to the imperfect abhavam. 1 believe,

however, that the Lithuanian u of buwaA is a weakening

of a; and form one of the fairest and
I
recognise in this
[G. Ed. p. 762.] truest transmissions from the mythic age
of our history of languages for which reason it may be ;

proper to annex the full conjugation of this tense of the verb

substantive, and to contrast with the corresponding forms it

of the cognate languages, to which I also add the Latin 6am,

as I consider forms like amabam, docebam, &c., as com-

pounded, and their 6am to be identical with the Sanskrit

abhavam, to which it has just the relation which malo has
"
to mavolo, or that the Old High German him, I am," has
to its plural birumfo, from bivumds (see 20.). .

SINGULAR.
SANSKRIT. ZEND. LITH. LATIN. GREEK.
2
e-w? 6utu-a~u,' -6fi-m,

ablwLV-a-s, bav-d? buw-a-l -64-.v,

abhav-a-t, bav-a-t, bnw-o, -6a-f, ec/w-e-(r).

DUAL.
abhav'd-vn, .... buw-o-wa . . . ...
ablwv-a-tam, bav-a-tem ? buw-o-ta, . , .
e<pv-e-ro\>.

abhai'-a-idm, bav-a-taiim ? like Sing. . . .

etyv-c-Ttjv.

PLURAL.
abhav-d-ma, bav-d-ma, bdw-o-me, -ba-mus,k<f>v-o-pGv.
abhav-a-tha, bav-a-ta, buw-o-te, -64-/z.s% etfrv-e-Te.
abhav-a-n, .... like Sing. -&a-wf,

2
1
From buw-a-m : see . 438. See . 526. s
Bavat-cha,
"ertisque."

523. For the regular verb, compare, further, kirtau, "I

"
cut" (kirtau szenan, "
1'
*'
struck, I I mowed," literally, 1 cut
"
"), with the Sanskrit
V^qn^ akrintam, I cleft,* Zend

* The root is krit,

properly kart, and belongs to those roots of the sixth
class which, in the special
tenses, receive a nasal. To the same cla^s
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 743

3 kerentem, and Greek e*e/poi/, [G. Ed. p. 763. J

which has lost the t of the root.

SINGULAR.
>
SANSKRIT. ZEND. LITHUANIAN. GKEEK.

akrint-a-m, kerent-e-m, kirt-a-u (see .

138.), en

akrint-a-St kerent-d, kirt-a-i (see .

419.),

akrint-a-t, kerent-a-t, kirt-o-

DUAL,
akrint-d-va, kiri-o-wa

akrint-a-tam, keretU-a-tem ? kirt-o-ta, Ktp--TOV.

akrint-a-tdm, kerent-a-tantn ? like Sing.

PLURAL.
akrint-d-ma, kerent-d-ma, kirt-o-me,

akrint-a-ta, kerent-a-ta, kirt-o-te,

akrint-a-n, kerent-e-n, like Sing. e/ce/p-o-r.

524. Lithuanian verbs, which follow, in the present,

Many
the analogy of the Sanskrit of the first class, [G. Ed. p. 7C4.]

change, in the preterite, into the tenth, and, in fact, so that

they terminate in the first person singular, in ia-u (= San-
skrit aya-m), but, in the other persons, instead of ia employ
an #, which unites with i of the second person singular to ei.

'*
belongs also, among to besmear/' whence Kmpdmi, alimpam
others, lip,

(second aorist allpam), with which the Lithuanian limpu^ "I paste on"

(preterite lippau, future lipsu, infinitive lipti), appears to be connected.

Pott acutely compares the Gothic salbo so that sa would be an obscured

preposition grown up with the root. The present of kiriau is kertu, and
there are several verbs in Lithuanian which contrast an e in the present
with the i of the preterite, future, and infinitive. This e either springs
direct from the original a of the root kart as, among others, the perma-
burn, "= Sanskrit dahdmi
"
nent e videguy I -or the original a has first

been weakened to i, and this has been corrupted, in the present, to e ; so

that kertu would have nearly the same relation to the preterite kirtau,
future kir-su (for kirt-su), and infinitive kirs-ti (from kirt-ti), as, in Old
" we
High German, the plural ksamtis, read," GO the Gothic /warn, and
its own singular Hsu.
744 VERBS.

" "
This analogy by wetiau,
is followed, I led," sekiau, I

followed," whence wezri, sckei wei% seke ; 9 ; we.ivtva, sekewa ;

weteta, seketa ; wczeme, sektme ; wecte, sekcte. Observe the

analogy with Mielke's third conjugation (see .
506.), and
506.
compare the preterite laikiau, .

525. In the Lithuanian tense which is called the habitual

we find dawau ; as suk-dawau t " I am wont to

imperfect,
turn/* which is easily recognised as an appended auxi-
liary verb. It answers tolerably well to
1
dawyau (from
" have from which
'
it is distin-
du-mi), I gave, given,

guished only in this point, that it is inflected like buwau

and kirtau, while the simple dawuau, dawei, dawe, dnicPica
&c., follows the conjugation of weziau, sekiau, which has

just (. 524,) been presented, with this single trifling point

of difference, that, in the person singular, instead of i,
first

it employs a y\ thus,
dawyau for dawiau. As in Sanskrit,
"
together with dd, to give," on which is based the Lithu-
1
anian dunti, a root VT dltfl, "to place' (with the preposition
f%vi, "to make") occurs, which is
similarly represented
in Lithuanian, and is written in the present detui (" I
5

place '); so might also the auxiliary verb which is con-

tained in suk-duwau, be ascribed to this root, although the

simple preterite of demi (from dami Sanskrit dadltAmi,

Greek r/dq/Lu), is not or dawiau, but deyau. But
dawyau >

according to its origin, demi has the same claim as dumi

upon the vowel a, and the addition of an inorganic w in

the preterite, and the appending of the auxiliary verb in

suk-dawau might proceed from a period when dumi, " I give,"
and dcmi " I place/ agreed as exactly in their conjugation
1

[G.Ed. p. 765.] as the corresponding old Indian forms

daddmi and dadhdmi, which are distinguished from one
another only by the aspirate, \\hich is abandoned by the
Lithuanian. As dudh&nii, through the preposition vi, ob-
tains the
meaning "to make," and, in Zend, the simple
verb also signifies " to make/' demi would, in this sense, be
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 745

more proper as an auxiliary verb to enter into combination

and then suk-dawau, " I
with other verbs ;
was wont to
1

turn/ would, in its finalportion, coincide with that of the

" I "
Gothic s6k-i-da> sought/' s6k-i-d$dum, we sought/'
which last I have already, in my
System of Conjugation,
explained in the sense of " we did seek," and compared
with d&ds, " deed." I shall return hereafter to the Gothic
sdk-i-da, sdk-i-dedum. It may, however, be here further
remarked, that, exclusive of the Sanskrit, the Lithuanian
dawau of suk-dawau
might also be contrasted with the
" "
Gothic
tauya,
I do (with which the German thun is no way
connected) but then the Lithuanian auxiliary verb would
;

" "
belong rather to the root of to give," than to that of to
" "
place/' to make for the Gothic requires tenues for primi-
;

tive medials, but not for such as the Lithuanian, which pos-

sesses no aspirates, contrasts with the Sanskrit aspirated

medials, which, in Gothic, appear likewise
as medials.
" 1
But if the Gothic I do/ proceeds from the San-
tauya,
" 1
skrit root, dd, to give/ it then furnishes the only ex-
ample I know of, where the Gothic au corresponds with a

Sanskrit d ;
but in Sanskrit itself, du for a is found in the
first and third person singular of the reduplicated pre-
" " " 1

terite, where e.g. ^T dadau, I or he gave/ is used for

dadd (from dadd-a). The relation, however, of tan to dd
(and this appears to me better) might be thus regarded,
that the d has been weakened to u, and an unradical a pre-
fixed to the latter letter ;
for that which [G. Ed. p. 766J
takes place regularly before A and r (see .
82.) may also for

once have occurred without such an occasion.

526. The idea that the Latin imperfects in barn, as also
the futures in bo, contain the verb substantive, and, in fact,
the root, from which arise fui, fore, and the obsolete sub-

junctive/warn, has been expressed for the first time in my

System of Conjugation. If it is in general admitted, that
grammatical forms may possibly arise through composi-
3c
 746 VERBS.

tion, then certainly nothing is more natural than, in the

conjugation of attributive verbs, to expect the Introduction

of the verb substantive, in order to
express the copula, or
the conjunction of the subject which is expressed by the

personal sign with the predicate which is represented by

the root. While the Sanskrit and Greek, in that past
tense which we term aorist, conjoin the other root of the
verb substantive, viz. stS, ES, with the attributive roots,
the Latin betakes itself, so early as the imperfect, to the
root FU ; and I was glad to find, what I was not aware
of on my first attempt at bam and
explaining the forms in
bo,that this root also plays an important part in
gram-
mar in another kindred branch of language, viz. in Celtic,
and exhibits to us, in the Irish dialect of the Gaelic, forms
like meal-fa-m, or meal-fa-mar, or " we will
meal-fa-moid,
deceive," meal-fai-dhe, or meal-fa-bar, "ye will deceive,"
" "
meal-fai-d, they will deceive," meal-fa-dh me, I will
"
deceive," (literally, there will deceive I "), meal-fai-r,
"thou wilt deceive," mcal-fai-dh, "he will deceive." The
abbreviated form fam of the first person plural, as it is want-
ing in the plural affix, answers remarkably to the Latin bam,
while the full form fa-mar (r for .v)
comes very near the
plural ba-mus. The circumstance, that the Latin bam has a
[G. Ed. past meaning, while that of the Irish fam
p. 7G7.]

is future, need not hinder us from considering the two forms,

in respect to their origin, as identical,
especially as bam, since
it has lost the bears in itself no formal
augment, expres-
sion of the past, fam any nor
formal of the future.
sign
The Irish form should be properly written fiam or biam,
for by itself biad me signifies "I will be" (properly, " there
"
will be I "), biodh-maod, we will be," where the cha-
racter of the third person
singular has grown up with the
"
root, while the conditional expression ma bldom, if I shall

be," is free from

incumbrance. In these forms, the
this

exponent of the future relation is the i, with which, there-

 FORMATION OF TENSES. 747

fore, the Latin i of ama-bis, ama-bit, &c., and that of eris,

erit, &c., is to be compared. This characteristic i is, how-

ever, dislodged in composition, in order to lessen the weight
of the whole form, and at the same time the b is weakened
to /; so that, while in Latin, according to the form of the
isolated fui, fore, fuam, in the compound formations, /am, /o,
might be expected, but in the Irish 6am, the relation is
exactly reversed. The reason is, however, in the Roman lan-
guage, also an euphonic one for it has been before remarked
;

(. 18.), that the Latin, in the interior (Inlauf) of a word, pre-

fers the labial medial to the aspirate; so that, while the San-
skrit 6 h, in the corresponding Latin forms, always appears as/
in the initial sound, in the interior (Inlaut), b is almost as

constantly found : hence, ti-bi for

TW\ tu-bhyam ; ovi-bus,
for ^rfenfT
avl'bhyas; ambo for Greek a/x^co, Sanskrit wt
uWi&u; nubes for rR^ nabhas, ve<os; rabies from T*N rabh,
whence w&x "enraged,'" "furious"; lubet for
saiirabdha,

grwrfk lubhyati, "he wishes'"; ruber for epvdpos, with which

it has been already rightly compared by Voss, the labial

being exchanged for a labial, and the e dropped, which letter

evinces itself, from the kindred languages, [G. Ed. p. 768.]

to be an inorganic prefix. The Sanskrit furnishes for com-

"
parison rudhira, blood," and, with respect to the root, also
rdhita for r6dhita, "red."In rufus, on the contrary, the

aspirate has remained; and if this had also been the case
in the auxiliary verb under discussion, perhaps then, in
the final portion of ama-fam, ama-fo, derivatives from the
root,whence proceed fui, fuam, fore, fio, fado, &c., would
have been recognised without the aid of the light thrown
upon the subject by the kindred languages. From the
Gaelic dialects I will here further cite the form ba, "he
was," which wants only the personal sign to be the same as
the Latin and, like the latter, ranks under the Sanskjit-
bat,

Zend imperfect abhavat, bavat. The Gaelic ba is, however,

deficient in the other persons and in order to * I
;
say
748 VERBS

was," for which, in Irish, bann might be expected, ba me

is used, i.e. "it was I."
527. The length of the class-vowel in the Latin third

conjugation is surprising, e.g. in ley-g-bam, for the third con-

jugation, is based, as has been remarked (. 109*. 1.) on the
Sanskrit first or sixth class, the short a of which it has

corrupted to ?, before r to c.
Ag. Denary believes this

length must be explained by the concretion of the class-

vowel with the augment.* It would, in fact, be very well,
if, in this manner, the augment could be attributed to the

Latin as the expression of the past. I cannot, however, so

decidedly assent to this opinion, as have before done,f

I

[G. Ed. p. 769.] particularly as the Zend also, to which

I then appealed, as having occasionally preserved the aug-
ment only under the protection of preceding prepositions,
has since appeared to me in a different light (. 518.).
There are, it cannot be denied, in the languages, inorganic
or inflexive lengthenings or diphthongizations of vowels,

originally short; as, in Sanskrit, the class-vowel just under

discussion is
lengthened before m and v, if a vowel follows
next (vah-d-mi, vah-u-vas, vafi-d-mas) and as the Gothic ;

does not admit a simple i and u before r and h, but

prefixes to them, in this position, an a. The Latin

lengthens the short final vowel (which corresponds to
the Sanskrit a, and Greek o) of the base- words of the
second declension before the termination rum of the genitive

plural (lupd-rum), just as before bus in amb6-bus, du6-bus;

and it might be said that the auxiliary verb 6am also

felt the necessity of being supported by a long vowel, and

* It being there stated that the

System of Latin sounds, p. 20.
coincidence of the Latinbam with the Sanskrit abhavam had not as-yet
been noticed, I must remark that this had been done in my Conjugational

System, p. i)7.

t Berlin Jahrb., January 1838. p 13.

 FORMATION OF TENSES. 749

that, therefore, leg-e-bam, not leg-e-bam, or leg-i-bam, is

employed.
528. In the fourth conjugation, the 6 of audidbam corre-

sponds to the final a of the Sanskrit character of the tenth

class, aya, which a has been dropped in the Latin present,
with the exception of the first person singular and third

person plural; but in the subjunctive and in the future,

which, according to its origin, is likewise to be regarded as
a subjunctive (audiam, audids, audies), has been retained in
concretion with the modal exponent (see 505.). As the .

Latin e frequently coincides with the Sanskrit diphthong $,

(=a + /), and, e.g.,
the future tundfa, tund&mm, tundelis, cor-

responds to the Sanskrit potential tndfa, tudtma, tud&ta

(from tuduk, &c.), so might also the of tund-$-bnm, aud-it-

-bam, be divided into the elements a + i : thus tund$bam

might be explained from tundtiibam, where the a would be

the class-vowel, which, in the present, as remarked above

(. 109*. L), has been weakened to i; so [G. Ed. p. 770.]

that tund-i-s, tund-i-t, answer to the Sanskrit tud-a-si,
tud-a-fi. The i contained in the & of tund-$-bam would then
be regarded as the conjunctive vowel for uniting the auxiliary
verb; thus, tundebum would be to be divided into tunda-i-bam.
This view of the matter might appear the more satis-

factory, as the Sanskrit also much favors the practice f

uniting the verb substantive in certain tenses with the

principal verb, by means of an i, arid, indeed, not only in
roots ending in a consonant, where the i
might be regarded
as ameans of facilitating the conjunction of opposite sounds,
but also in roots which terminate in a vowel, and have no
need at all of any such means; e.g. dhav-i-shydmi, "I will

move" and adhdv-i-sham, "I moved";

(also dhd-shydmi),

though adhdu-sham would not be inconvenient to pronounce.

529. In fpvor of the opinion that the augment is con-
tained in the & of audi&bam, the obsolete futures of the
fourth conjugation in ibo might be adduced (expedibo, scibo
750 VERBS.

aperibo,and others in Plautus), and the want of a preceding

in these forms might be explained by the circumstance,
that the future has no augment. But imperfects in ibam
also occur, and thence it is clear, that both the i of -ibo,
and that of -ibam, should be regarded as a contraction of
i& and that the difference between the future and imper-
t

fect is only in this, that in the latter the full form (iS) has

prevailed, but in the former has been utterly lost. In

the common dialect $bam, ibo, from eo, answer to those

obsolete imperfects and futures, only that here the i is

radical. From the third person plural eunt (for innt}, and
from the subjunctive earn (for iam), one would expect an

imperfect itbam.
[G. Ed. p. 771.] Let us now consider the temporal
530.

augment, in which the Sanskrit agrees with the Greek, just

as it does in the syllabic augment. It is an universal prin-

when two vowels come together they

ciple in Sanskrit, that
melt into one. When, therefore, the augment stands before
a root beginning with a, from the two short a a long a is
formed, as in Greek, from e, by prefixing the augment for
the most part, an v\
is formed. In this manner, from the

root of the verb substantive ^sra as, E2, arise ^TO as, H2,
whence, in the clearest accordance, the third person plural
dsan, rj<rav ; the second W5T dsta, fare ; the first

dsma, wev, the latter for ^(r/xei/, as might be expected

from the present eoyxei/. In the dual, T/OTOI/, ^orjyi/, answer

admirably to SHUtfHx ds-tam, ^n^TTr ds-tdm. The first per-

son singular is, in Sanskrit, dsam, for which, in Greek,
tytrai' might be expected, to which we are also directed by
the? third
person plural, which generally is the same as the
first person singular (where, however, v stands for VT). The
form has passed over a whole syllable, and is exceeded by
TIV

the Latin eram (from esam, see .22.) in true preservation

of the
original form, as in general the Latin has, in the
verb substantive, nowhere permitted itself to be robbed of
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 751

the radical consonant, with the exception of the second

person present, but, according to its usual inclination, has

weakened the original s between two vowels to r. It is
highly probable that eram was originally tram with the
augment The abandonment of the augment rests, there-
fore, simply on the shortening of the initial vowel.

and third person singular the Sanskrit in-

531. In the second

troduces between the root and the personal sign s and t an i as

the conjunctive vowel ; hence dns, dsit. Without this auxiliary
vowel these two persons would necessarily have lost their cha-
racteristic, as two consonants are not admissible at the end of

a word, as also in the Veda-dialect, in the [G. Ed. p. 772.]

third person, there really exists a form with which

^ro^ &s,
the Doric q$ agrees very well. But the Doric ^, also, might,
with Kiihner (p. 234),
be deduced from ??T, so that $ would be
the character of the third person, the original r of which, as
itcannot stand at the end of a word, would have been changed
into the cognate which is admissible for the termination.
,

According to this principle, I have deduced neuters like

rerv<J>6$, repa$ from render,

t repair, as 7rpo$ from irpori
Sanskrit prati (see . 152. conch). If j}$ has arisen in a similar
manner from 777,form would be the more remarkable,
this

because it would then be a solitary example of the retention

of the sign of the third person in secondary forms. Be this

how it may, still the form rj$ is important for this reason, as
it
explains to us the common form rjv,
the external identity of
which with the ^i/ of the person must appear surprising.
first

In this person i}v stands for r^j. (middle ^v); but in

the third, %v has the same relation to the Doric fo that

rvirro/jLev has to rvirro^e^ or that, in the dual, repirerov,

TepTreroi/, have to the Sanskrit tarpathas, tarpatas ( 97.);

and I doubt not, also, that the v of ^i/, "he was," is a

corruption of s .
" Remark. In Sanskrit it is a rule, that roots in when
s,
752 VERBS.

they belong, like a class of conjugation which, in the

as, to

special tenses, interposes no middle syllable between the root

and personal termination, change the radical s iii the third
person into /; and at will in the second person also, where,

nevertheless, the placing an s and its euphonic permutations

is prevalent ^see my smaller Sanskrit Grammar, .
291.): thus
" 11

^flTO sds, to govern, forms, in the third person, solely

asdt; in the second asds (^n: nsdh\ or likewise asdt. As
regards the third person ami, I believe that it is better to
consider its t as the character of the third person than as a

permutation of the radical For why else should the t

,9.

have been retained principally in the third person, while

the second person prefers the form asds? At the period
when the Sanskrit, like languages, still admitted
its sister

two consonants at the end of a word, the third person will

[G. Ed, p. 773.] have been asds-t, and the second asdt-s, as

s before another s freely passes into t (see . 517. Rem.): in

the present state of the language, however, the last letter but
one ofa$d$-t has been lost, and asdt-s has, at will, either in

like manner dropped the last but one, which it has generally
done hence, asd(t)s or the last, hence asdt(s).^

532. With wnA^dtf-t, "thou wast," W*\\ &si-t, "he

11
was, the forms dsas, dsat, may also have existed, as several
other verbs of the same class, in the persons mentioned, assume
at will a or i as conjunctive vowel as arddis, " thou
; arfidit,

didst weep," "he did weep"; or from rvd (the

ar&das, arddat,
11
Old High German riuzu, I
tl
weep, pre-supposes the Gothic
riuta, Latin rudo). I believe that the forms in as, at, are the

elder, and that the forms in &, It, have found their way from
the aorist (third formation), where the long iofab6dhis,ab6dhit,
is to be explained as a
compensation for the sibilant which has
been dropped, which, in the other persons, is united with the
root by a short i (ub6dh-i-sham, abddh-i-?hwa, ab6dh-i-shma).
The pre-supposed forms dsas, dsat, are confirmed by the Zend,
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 753

where, in the third person, the form tnuwyj anhat *

also,
occurs, with suppression of the augment [G. Ed. p. 774.]

(otherwise it would be donhat) and the insertion of a nasal,

a
according to . 56 . I am
not able to quote the second per-
son, but it admits of no doubt that it is rmhd (with cha, " and,"

anhas-cha). The originality of the conjunctive vowel a is

confirmed also by the Latin, which nevertheless lengthens
the same inorganically (but again, through the influence of a
final wi and f, shortens it),
and which extends that letter,

also, to those persons in which the Sanskrit and Greek,

and probably, also, the Zend, although wanting in the
examples which could be desired, unite the terminations
to the root direct.
Compare

SINGULAR.
SANSKRIT. GREEK. LATIN.

dsam, ^i/, eram.

dsts 77$, erds.

dstt (Zend anhat, ds, t Vedic ds), %$, ^i/, erat.

DUAL,
dswa . . . . ...
dstam,
dstdm,

* I cannot, with Burnouf (Ya9na, Notes, p.CXIV.), explain this

anhat, and its plural anhen, as a subjunctive (LH) or as an aorist for a ;

L$t always requires a long conjunctive vowel, and, in the third person

plural, ahn for dn. And Burnouf actually introduces as Let the form
donhat (Ya9na, CXVIII.), which is superior to anhat in that it retains
p.
the augment. But it need not surprise us, from what has heen remarked
in {.520., that anhat and anhcn occur with a subjunctive signification.
And Burnouf gives to the form nipdrayanta, mentioned in . 536. Rem.,

a subjunctive meaning, without recognising in a formal subjunctive.

it

The difference of the Zend anJiat from the Sanskrit d&t, with regard to the
conjunctive vowel, should surprise us the less, as the Zend not unfrequently
differs from the Sanskrit in more important points, as in the preservation

of the nominative sign in bases ending with a consonant (dfs, drucs, see

$.138.) t See $.518.

754 VERBS.

PLURAL.
SANSKRIT. GREEK. LATIN.

dsma, ^(cr)/xei/,
erdmus.
dsfa, jyore, erdtis.

dsan, ycrav, erant.

*
Remark. The analogy with bam, bds, may have occa-
sioned the lengthening inorganically of the conjunctive vowel
in Latin, where the length of quantity appears as an uncon-
scious result of contraction, since, as has been shewn above
[G. Ed. p, 775.] (see .
526), bam, bds, &c,, correspond to
the Sanskrit a-bhavam, a-bhavas. After dropping the v, the
two short vowels coalesced and melted down into a long one,
in a similar manner to that in which, in the Latin first con-

jugation, the Sanskrit character aya( of the tenth class), after

rejecting the y has become d (. 504.); and hence, GW/.V, amd-
tis,correspond to the Sanskrit kdmayasi, "thou lovest,"
"
kdmayatha, ye love." The necessity of adjusting with the
utmost nicety the forms eram, erds, &c., to those in bam, bds,
and of placing throughout a long d, where the final conso-
nant does not exert its shortening influence, must appear so
much the greater, as in the future, also, eris, erit, erimus, eritis,

stand in the fullest agreement with bis, bit, bimus, bitis ; and
for the practical use of the language the difference of the two
tenses rests on the difference of the vowel preceding the per-
sonal termination. A contrast so strong as that between the

length of the gravest and the shortness of the lightest vowel

could therefore be found here only through the fullest rea-
sons for wishing its appearance. That the i of the future is
not simply a conjunctive vowel, but an actual expression of
the future, and that answers to the Sanskrit ya of -yasi,
it

-yaii, &c. ; or, reversing the case, that the d of the imperfect
issimply a vowel of conjunction, arid has nothing to do with
the expression of the relation of time, this can be felt no

longer from the particular point of view of the Latin.

533. In roots which begin with i, i, u, u, or ri, the
Sanskrit augment does not follow the common rules of
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 755

sound, according to which a with i or i is contracted into

(*(=;d-f?), and with

u or l to 6 (=a+u), and with ri

(from ar) becomes 0r,but ^ di is employed for <*; for du, ^

TS$\6; and ^TR dr for ar: W
so from c/J/, "to wish" (as
"
substitute of ilk), comes dichham, I wished"; from uksh,
" to "
sprinkle," comes duksham, I sprinkled." It can-
not be ascertained with certainty what the reason for this
deviation from the common path is. Perhaps the higher
augment of the vowel is to be ascribed to the importance of
the augment for the modification of the relation of time, and
to the endeavor to make the augment more perceptible to

the ear, in roots beginning with a vowel, than it would

be if it were contracted with i> i, to or with u, u, to 6, <?,

thereby giving up its

individuality. [G. Ed. p. 776.]

Perhaps, too, the preponderating example of the roots of

the first class, which require Guna before simple radical
consonants, has upon the roots which possess
operated
no Guna, so that dichham and duksham would be* to be
regarded as regular contractions of a-&chham t
a-dkyham,
although, owing to ichh belonging to the sixth class, and the
vowel of the uksh class being long by position no other Guna
is admitted by them.

534. In rootswhich begin with a, the augment and redupli-

cation produce, in Sanskrit, an effect exactly the same as if to

the root <3PH as ("to be") a was prefixed as the augment or

the syllable of reduplication ;
so in both cases from a-o.v only as

* As & consists of a + 1, and 6 of a + w, so the first element of these

diphthongs naturally melts down with a preceding a to d, and the product

of the whole is di, du. In roots which begin with ri, we might regard
the form dr9 which arises through the augment, as proceeding originally
not from rt, but from the original ar, of which ri is an abbreviation, as,
also, the reduplication syllable oflriftharmi has been developed notfromft/jn,
which the grammarians assume as the but from the proper jootbhar
root,

(see Vocalismus, p. 168, &u.), by weakening

the a to i, while in the redu-
plicated preterite this weakening ceases, and bdbhara or babhdra means " I

bore."
 756 VERBS.

can arise, and usa is the first and third person of the perfect.
In roots, however, which begin with i or u the operations of
the augment and of reduplication are different; for ish, "to
wish," and ush, "to burn" (Latin wo), form, through the aug-
ment, dish,* dush, and, by reduplication, ish, mh, as the regu-
lar contraction of M.v/i, n-uxh. In the persons of the singular,
however, which take Guna, the i arid u of the reduplication-
syllable pass into iy and uv before the vowel of the root, which
extended by Guna "
[G. Ed. p. 777.] is hence, iy-6sha,
; I
"
wished," uv-6sha, I burned," corresponding to the plural

ishima, tishima, without Guna.

535.In roots beginning with a vowel the tenses which
have the augment or reduplication are placed, by the Greek,
exactly on the same footing. The reduplication, however,
cannot be so much
disregarded, as to be overlooked where it
is as evidently present as in the just-mentioned (. 534.)

Sanskrit tshima, dshima (=i-ishhna, u-ushima). When from

an originally short / and v a long I and v arise, as in 7*e-
revov, iKerevKa, v/3ptov, D/3/o/cr/xou, I regard this, as I have

already done elsewhere,f as the effect of the reduplication,

* Aorist dishisham; the

imperfect is formed from the substitute ichh.
t Annals of Oriental Literature (London, 18-20. p. 41). When, therefore,

Kriiger (Crit. Gramm. .

99.) makes the temporal augment consist in this,
c

that the vowel of the verb is doubled, this corresponds in regard to iKtVevoi/,

~/3pifbi/, ujfytoTfuu, cb/LiiXeoi/, o)/iiX^fca,with the opinion expressed, 1. c., by me ;

but M. Kriiger's explanation of the matter seems to me too general,
in that, according to it, verbs beginning with a vowel never had an aug-
ment ; and that therefore, while the Sanskrit dsan, "they were," is com-
pounded of a-ascm, i. e. of the augment and the root, the Greek rjarav
would indeed have been melted down from c-ecrav, but the first * would not
only be to the root a foreign element accidentally agreeing with its initial
sound, but the repetition or reduplication of the radical vowel. Then
rjo-av, in spite of its exact agreement with the Sanskrit dsan, would not
have
to be regarded as one of the most remarkable transmissions from the pii-
initive period of the
language, but the agreement would be mainly fortui-
tous, as dsan would contain the augment, rjcrav, however, a syllable of redu-
plication
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 757

and look upon the long vowel as proceeding from the repeti-
tion of the short one, as, in the Sanskrit hhlma, dshimn.
For why should an 7 or v arise out of e + 1
[G. Ed. p. 778.]
or v t
when this contraction occurs nowhere else, and besides
when ei is so favourite a diphthong in Greek, that even e + e,
although of rare occurrence in the augment, is rather con-
tracted to ei than to r\,
and the diphthong ev also accords well
with that language ? As to o becoming o> in the augmented
tenses, one might, if required, recognise therein the aug-

ment, since e and o are originally one, and both are cor-
ruptions from a. Nevertheless, I prefer seeing in wopa^ov
the reduplication, rather than the augment, since we else-
where find e-f o always contracted to ot/, not to o>, although,
in dialects, the o> occurs as a compensation for ov (Doric
TCO I'D/ICO, T(0 v6p.0)$).

536. The
middle, the imperfect of which is distinguished
from the regular active only by the personal terminations,
described in 468. &c., exhibits only in the third person
.

singular and plural a resemblance between the Sanskrit, Zend,

and Greek, which strikes the eye at the first glance compare :

e^e/o-e-ro, e^ep-o-i/ro, with the Sanskrit abhar-a-ta, abhor-n-

-nla, and the Zend bar-a-ta, bar-a-nta. In the second person

singular, forms like etietK-vv-cro answer very well to the Zend,

like hu-nu-xha,"thou didst praise" (.469.); while in the first

conjugation the agreement of the Greek and Zend is some-

what disturbed, in that the Zend, according to a universal
law of sound, has changed the original termination sa after
a preceding a to ha (see 56*.), and attached to it a nasal
.

sound (n), but the Greek has contracted e-o-o to ou; thus,

e<J>epov from e$ep-e-cro, answering to the Zend bar-an-ha, for

which, in Sanskrit, a-bhar-a-thds (see .
469.). In the first

plication. I should certainly, however, prefer recognising, in all Greek

verbs beginning with a vowel, the reduplication alone rather than the

augment alone ; and from the Greek point of view, without reference to
the Sanskrit, this view would appear more correct.
758 VERBS.

person singular WRa6/mr from abhar-a-i for abhar-a-ma

(see .471.), appears very disadvantageously compared with
tyep-o-wv. In the first person plural, e<ep-o'-/*e0a answers,
in respect to the personal termination, better to the Zend
bar-d-maidhd than to the Sanskrit abhar-d-mahi, the ending
[G. Ed. p. 779.] of which, mahi, is clearly abbreviated from

madhi (see In the second person plural, e<pep-e-<rde*

.
472.).

corresponds to the Sanskrit abhar-a-dhwam* arid Zend bar-

-a-dhtwm:* in the dual, for the Greek eQep-e-crdov, e^e/o-e-
-trdrjv (from etyep-e-rrov, efap-e-rrrjv, (see .
474.), stand, in
Sanskrit, abhardthdm, abhardldm, from abhar-a-dthdm, abhara-
-d-tum (according to the third class abibhr-dthdm, abibhr-

-dtdm), and this, according to the conjecture expressed above

(.474.), from abhar-a-thdthdm, abhar~a~tdtdm.
"Remark. I can quote in Zend only the third person

singular and plural, the latter instanced in nipdrayanta,

which occurs in the Vend. S. p. 484 in the sense of a sub-
'

junctive presentf dpem, transgrediantur

(nipdrayanta
aquam') which, according to what has been remarked at
.
520., need not surprise us. The third person singular
can be copiously cited. I will here notice only the fre-
f

quently recurring As^odtfiuj a6cta> he spoke,' Aj^cS^iAsj^jAio)

paiti-aocta,
l
he answered/ the a of which
do not regard I

as the augment, as in general the augment has almost dis-

appeared in Zend (see 518.), but as the phonetic prefix

.

mentioned in 28. But how is the remaining 6cta re-

.

lated to the Sanskrit ?

the middle; but
The root
if it
vach is not used in
were, it
^
would, in the third person

* From
e0cp--TTe, abhar-a~ddhwam, bhar-a-ddhwem? see .474.
t Compare Burnouf, Ya9na, p. 518. In Sanskrit the verb pdraydrni,
mid pdray&j corresponds, which I do not derive with the Indian gram-
marians from the root tr pn, "to
but regard as the denominative
fulfil,'*

otpfoa, "the farther shore": this pdra, however, is best derived from
vara, "the other."
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 759

singular of the imperfect, form avakta, without the

augment vakta; and hence, by changing va to a -ha (for

a -ft?), the Zend Asptfw oda might be deduced, with the
regular contraction of the a + u to c>.* As, in Sanskrit, the
root vach, in many irregular forms, has laid aside a, and vo-
calized the v to w,f we might, also, for a-vaktu, [G. Ed. p. 780.]

* On the value of ^ as long 6 see . 447. Note.

t As regards my explanation of the u which takes the place of va in the

root vachy and many others, in certain forms devoid of Guna, Professor
Hofer (Contributions to Etymology, p. 384), finds it remarkable that we
so often overlook what is just at hand, and thinks that in the case under

discussion the u is not to be deduced from the v of va, but that from va
vu has been formed; and of this, after rejecting the v, only the u has re-
mained. In this, however, M. Hofer has, on his part, overlooked, that
the derivation of u from vu cannot be separated from the phenomena
which run parallel thereto, according to which i
proceeds from ya and ri

from ra. It is impossible to deduce grihyatG, " capitur," for yrahyate,

in such a manner as to derive rri from ra, as vu from v, and thus pre-

suppose for grihyate a grrihyate, and hence drop the r. But what is
more natural than that the semi-vowels should at times reject the vowel
which accompanies them, as they themselves can become a vowel ? Is

not the relation of the Old High German >,

" to the Gothic
yc," yu$
founded on this ? and even that of the Gothic genitive i-zvara to the to-

-he-expected yu-zvara ? Or must from yus be next formed i/ir, and

hence ir by rejecting the y ? Can it be that the Gothic nominative thius,
" the theme which
servant," has arisen from the thiva, not, is the readiest

way of deriving it, by the v becoming

u after the a has been rejected,
but by forming from thiva first thivu, and then, by dropping the v,
in the nominative thins, and in the accusative thiul I fully acknow-
ledge M. Hofer's valuable labours with regard to the Prakrit, but believe
that, in the case before us, he has suffered himself to be misled by this in-

teresting and instructive dialect. It is true that the Prakrit is more fre-

quently founded on forms older than those which come before us in classic
Sanskrit. I have shewn this, among other places, in the instrumental

plural (. 220.), where, however, as usual,

the Prakrit, in spite of having

an older form before it, has nevertheless been guilty of admitting, at the
same time, a strong corruption. This is the case with the Prakrit

vuchchadi, "dicttur" I willingly concede to M. Hofer, that this form is

based
760 VERBS.

suppose a form a-ukta (without the euphonic contraction),

and hence, in Zend, deduce, according to the common con-
[G. Ed. p. 781.] traction, the form &cta, to which 6cta then,

according to .
28., an a would be further prefixed so that ;

in Ajfl>(J&,M aocta an augment would in reality lie concealed,

without being contained in the initial This special .

case is here, however, of no great importance to us but ;

this alone is so, that adcta, in its termination, is identical

witli the Sanskrit, and comes very near the Greek TO of

e^e/o-e-ro, etieiK-w-ro. To the latter answers the often re-

curring hu-nu-ta, 'he praised* (compare Greek u-/xi/os), with
an inorganic -lengthening of the u. From the latter may,
with certainty, be derived the above-mentioned second

person hu-nu-sha, after the analogy of the aorist

ur&rudhusha (see . In
person plural I
469.}. the first

have contrasted the form bar-a-maidh$, which is not dis-

tinguishable from the present, with the Greek e-<jkp-o'/xe0a ;
for it is clear, from the abovementioned (.472.) potential

^GiN$-4^G*Ji buidhy6imaidh&, that the secondary forms

are not distinguished, in the first person plural, from the

primary ones: after dropping the augment, therefore, no

difference from the present can exist. The form bar-a-
-dhwem of the second person plural follows from the im-
perative quoted by Burnouf (Ya$na, Notes, p. XXXVIIL)*
' 1
as ^oxfcoAjW-MS zayadhwem, live ye, and the precative
*
"*
[email protected] dayadhwem, may ye give/

based on some other older one than the present Sanskrit uchyatd, but I do
not thence deduce a vucJtyat^ but merely vachyatd, for which the Prakrit
is not at all required. The Prakrit, like many other languages, has, in

very many places, weakened an original a to u (see p. 364 Note *) :

why,
then, should it not have occasionally done so after the v, which is homo-
geneous to the u, as the Zend, according to Burnouf 's conjecture, has
sometimes, through the influence of a v, changed a following a to 6 ?
* In
my opinion, this form (of which more hereafter) must be taken
for a precative, not for an imperative.
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 761

ORIGIN OF THE AUGMENT.

537. I hold the augment to be identical in its origin with

the a privative, and regard it, therefore, as the expression

of the negation of the present This opinion, which has
been already brought forward in the " Annals of Oriental
Literature," has, since then, been supported by Ag. Denary*
and Hartung (Greek Particles, 11.110.), but opposed by
Lassen. As, however, Professor Lassen will allow of no ex-

planation whatever of grammatical forms by annexation, and

bestows no credit on the verb substantive, clearly as it mani-
fests itself in Sanskrit in many tenses of [G. Ed. p. 78-2.]

attributive verbs, treating it like the old "everywhere" and

* 11
nowhere, I am not surprised that he sees, in the explana-
tion of the augment just given, the culminating point of the
agglutination system, and is astonished that the first ances-
tors of the human race, instead of saying " I saw, should be
1 '

" 11

supposed to have said I see not. This, however, they did

not do, since, by the negative particle, they did not wish to
remove the action itself, but only the present time of the
same. The Sanskrit, in general, uses its negative particles in
certain compounds in a way which, at the first glance and
without knowing the true object of the language, appears
"
very extraordinary. Thus, uttama-s, the highest," does not
lose its signification by having the negative particle a pre-
fixed to it (which, as in Greek before vowels, receives the
addition of a nasal): an-uttamas is not "the not highest,"
or " the low," but in like manner "
the highest," nay,
" "
even emphatically the highest," or the highest of all."
And yet cannot be denied that, in anuttama-s, the par-
it

ticle an has really its negative force, but anuttama-s is a

possessive compound, and as, e. g., abala-s (from a and bald),
" not 11
"
having strength, means, therefore, weak;" so anutta-
"
ma-s signifies properly qai altissimum non habet" and

* Berlin
Jahrb., July 1833, pp. 36, be.
3 o
762 ORIGIN (TF TUB AUGMENT.
"
hence, quo nemo allior est." It might be expected, that every
superlative or comparative would be used similarly, that, e. y. 9
"
apunyatama-s or apunyatara-s would signify the purest**,
but the language makes no further use of this capability it ;

does not second time repeat this jest, if we would so call

ci

it;
at least I am unacquainted with any other examples of
this kind. But what comes much nearer this use of the
[G. Ed. p. 783.] augment, as a negative particle, than
the just cited an of anuttama, is this, that $ka, " one," by
the prefixing negative particles, just as little receives
" " "
the meaning not one" (ovSei's), none," as ^ftr v&d-mi, I
"
know," through the a of a-v$d-am, gets that of I know

not." By the negative power of the augment, v&dmi loses

only a portion ofits meaning, a secondary idea, that of pre-

sent time, and thus $ka-s, " one/ by the prefix an or na

1

(anSka, ndika), does not lose its existence or its personality

(for Ska is properly a pronoun, see 308.), nor even the .

"
idea of unity, inasmuch as in 6, 7, 8, &c., the idea of "one
is also contained, but only the limitation to unity, as it

were the secondary idea, " simply.

1'
It would not be sur-
"
prising if an$ka and naika expressed, in the dual, two,"
" 11
or any other higher number,
or, in the plural, three,
or also " a few," " some"; but it
signifies, such is the decision
of the use of language, " *
[G. Ed. p. 784.] many." It

cannot, therefore, be matter of astonishment, that avddam,

M
through its negative receives the signification " I knew,
,

* When Vorliind^r, in his Treatise, which I have just seen, entitled

u Basis of an
organic acquaintance with the human soul," p. 317, says,
" of is not he is in the but it
Negation present yet past time," right ; may
be said with equal right, " negation of one is not yet plurality" (it might,
u "
in fact, he two-ness, three-ness, or nothing), and yet the idea many is
clearly expressed by the negation of unity, or limitation to unity; and in
defence of the language it may be said, that though the negation of pre-

sent time not yet past time, and that of unity not plurality, still the past
is

is really a
negation of the present, plurality a negation, an overleaping of
unity ; and hence both ideas are adapted to be expressed with the aid of

negative
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 763

and not that of "I shall know." For the rest, the

past, which is
irrevocably more decided
lost, forms a far

contrast to the present, than the future does, to which we

approach in the very ,same proportion as we depart further

from the past. And in form, too, the future is often no way
distinguished from the present.
538. From
the circumstance that the proper a privative,
which clearly manifests a negative force, assumes, both in
Sanskrit and Greek, an euphonic n before a vowel initial-
sound, while the a of the augment, in both languages, is con-
densed with the following vowel (. 530.), we cannot infer a
different origin for the two particles. Observe, that e.g.
"
swddu, sweet," as feminine, forms, in the instrumental,
swddw-d, while in the masculine and neuter it avoids the
hiatus, notby changing u into v, but by the insertion of an
euphonic n (compare 158.). . And the augment and the
common a privative are distinguished in [G-. Ed. p. 785.]

the same way, since they both apply different means to avoid

negative particles. Vice versd, in certain cases negation can also be ex-

pressed by a phrase for the past :

"Bescn, Besen,
Seid's gewesen /"
where gewesen means the same as " now no more/' Language never ex-
presses any thing perfectly, but
everywhere only brings forward the most
conspicuous point, or that which appears so. To discover this point is
the business of etymology. A "tooth-haver" is not yet an "elephant,"
a "hair-haver" does not fully express a "lion"; and yet the Sanskrit calls
the elephant dantin, the lion kesin. If, then, a tooth, danta, is derived

froma^, "to eat" (dropping the ), or from dans, "to bite" (dropping

the sibilant), we may " an eater or biter is not exclusively a

again say,
tooth (it might also be a dog or a mouth);" and thus the language re-
volves in a circle of incomplete expressions, and denotes things imperfectly,

by any one quality whatever, which is itself imperfectly pointed out. It

is, however, certain, that the most prominent quality of the past is what
may be termed the "non-present," by which the former is denoted more
" tooth-haver."
correctly than the elephant is expressed by
3 D 2
764 ORIGIN OF THE AUGMENT.

the hiatus. The division may have arisen at a period when,

though early (so early, in fact, as when Greek and Sanskrit

were one), the augment was no longer conscious of its
negative power, and was no more than the exponent
of

past time; but

the reason why? was forgotten, as, in
of words which express grammatical
general, the portions
relations then first become grammatical forms, when the
reason of their becoming so is no longer felt, and, e. g., the s,
which expresses the nominative, would pass as the exponent
of a certain case relation only when the perception of its

identity with the pronominal base sa

was extinguished.
539. From the Latin privative prefix in, and our Ger-
man HTI, I should not infer even if, as is highly probable,

they are connected with the a privative that the nasal

originally belonged to the word; for here three witnesses
three languages in fact which, in most respects, exceed
the Latin and German in the true preservation of their

original state, speak in favour of the common opinion,

that the nasal, in the negative particle under discussion, in
Sanskrit, Zend, and Greek, is not a radical. It cannot,
however, surprise us, if a sound, which is very often intro-
duced for the sake of euphony, has remained fixed in one or
more of the cognate dialects, since the language has, by
degrees, become so accustomed to it could no longer
that it

dispense with it. We may observe, moreover, as regards the

German languages, the great disposition of these languages,
even without euphonic occasion, to introduce an inorganic w,
whereby so many words have been transplanted from
the vowel declension into one terminating with a consonant,

[G. Ed. p. 786.] viz. into that in n, or, as Grimm terms it,

into the weak declension; and e.g., the Sanskrit vidharA,

" Sclavonic vdova once theme
widow," Latin vidua, (at
and nominative), is in Gothic, in the theme, viduvfin

(genitive viduvfin-s), whence is formed, in the nominative,

according to . 140., by rejecting the w, viduvfi. If an was,
 FORMATION OP TENSES. 765

in Sanskrit, the original form of the prefix under discus-

sion, itsn would still be dropped, not only before conso-
nants, but also before vowels; for it is a general rule in

Sanskrit, that sound at the beginning

words in n drop this
11
of compounds; hence, rdjan, "king, forms, with putra,

rdja-putra, "king's son," and, with indra, "prince," rd-

"
jdndra, prince of kings," since the a of rdjan, after drop-
ping the n, is contracted with a following i to & (=a + i).
The inseparable however, in respect to the laws
prefixes,
of sound, follow the same principles as the words which
occur also in an isolated state. If an, therefore, were the
originalform of the above negative particle, and of the
augment identical with it, then the two would have become
separated in the course of time, for this reason, that the
latter, following strictly the universal fundamental law,

would have rejected its n before vowels as before conso-

nants the former only before consonants.
;

540. In .371. we have deduced the Sanskrit negative

particles a and na from the demonstrative bases of the same

" 11
sound, since the latter, when taken in the sense of that, are

very well adapted for denoting the absence of a thing or qua-

lity or the removing it to a distance. If an were the original

form of the a privative and of the augment, then the demon-

strative base ^f tj ana, whence the Lithuanian ana-s or an-s,
"
and the Sclavonic on, that," would aid in its explanation.
The identity augment with the privative a might, how-
of the

ever, be also explained, which, indeed, in essentials would be

the same, by assuming that the language, [G. Ed. p. 787.]
an a to the verbs, did not intend the a negative,
in prefixing

nor to deny the presence of the action, but, under the a,

11
meant the actual pronoun in the sense of "that, and thereby
wished to transfer the action to the other side, to the distant

time already past; and that it therefore only orice more

repeated the same course of ideas as it followed in the

creation of negative expressions. According to this expla-
766 ORIGIN OF THE AUGMENT.

nation, the the a privative would rather stand

augment and
in a fraternal relation than in that of offspring and progenitor.
The way to both would lead directly from the pronoun, while
in the first method of explanation we arrive, from the remote
demonstrative, first to the negation, and thence to the expres-

sion of past time, as contrary to present. According to the

last exposition, the designation of the past through the aug-

ment would be in principle identical with that in which,

through the isolated particle TO sma, the present receives

a past signification. I hold, that is to
say, this sma for
a pronoun of the third person, which occurs declined only
in certain cases in composition with other pronouns of the
third person (.165. &c.), and in the plural of the two first
persons, where am& means (in the Veda-dialect) properly
1
"I and she' ("this, that woman"), yu-shm$, "thou and she"
(. 333.).* As an
expression of past time, sma, which also
often occurs without a perceptible meaning, must be taken
in the sense of "that person," "that side," "there," as
W. von Hunaboldt regards the Tagalish and Tongian ex-
pression for past time na, which I have compared with
[G. Ed. p. 788.] the Sanskrit demonstrative base na, and
thus indirectly with the negative particle na ;f where I will
further remark that I have endeavoured to carry back the

expression for the future also, in Tongian and Madagas-

carian, to demonstrative bases; viz. the Tongian te to the

Sanskrit base w ta (which the languages of New Zealand and

Tahiti use in the form te as article), and the Madagascar
ho to the base sa (. 345.), which appears in the Tongian
*r

he, as in the Greek o, as the article. }

* To the derivation of sma, given at p. 464, Notet, it may be further

added, that it may also be identified with the pronominal base swa (see
.
341), either by considering its m
as a hardened form of v (corap. p. 1 14),
or vice versd the v of swa a weakening of the m of sma.
t See " On the Connection of the Malay- Polynesian Lan-
my Treatise

guages with the Indo-European," pp. 100, &c.

jL.c.pp.101,104.
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 767

511. No one would consider the circumstance that, in

Greek, the augment appears in the form e, but the ne-
gative particle in the form a, which is identical with the
Sanskrit, as a valid objection against the original identity
of relationship of the two particles; for it is extremely
common in Greek for one and the same a to maintain itself
in one and be corrupted in another to
place, as rervtya ;

rerv(f) both lead to the Sanskrit tufdpa, which stands both

and in the third person, as the true personal
in the first
termination has been lost, and only the conjunctive vowel
has remained which in Greek, except in the third person
;

singular, appears everywhere else as a. It is, however, cer-

tain, that, from the point of view of the Greek, we should

hardly have supposed the augment and the a privative to be

related, as the spiritual points of contact of the two prefixes
lie much too concealed. Buttmann derives the augment
from the reduplication, so that ervTrrov would be an abbrevi-
ation of rervrrrov. To this, however, the Sanskrit opposes
the most forcible objection, in that it contrasts with the im-

perfect ervxTov its at6pam, but with the [G. Ed. p. 789.]

really reduplicated rerv^a its tutdpa. The

Sanskrit aug-
mented tenses have not the smallest connection with the re-
duplicated perfect, which, in the repeated syllable, always
receives the radical vowel (shortened, if
long), while the aug-
ment pays no regard and always uses a. If i were
to the root,
the vowel of the augment, then in the want of a more satis-

factory explanation, we might

recognise in it a syllable
of

reduplication, because the syllables of reduplication have a

tendency to weakening, to a lightening of their weight; and i,

as the lightest vowel, is adapted to supply the place of the
heaviest a, and does, also, actually represent this, as well as its

long vowel, in the reduplication-syllable of desideratives,* and,

* Hence plpds^ "to wish to drink/' for papds or pdpd^ from pd,
" to wish to from put; so, also, bibharmi,
pipatish, cleave," for papatish,
**
1 carry,''
768 ORIGIN OF THE AUGMENT.

in a certain case, supplies the place of the vowel u too, which

is of
middling weight, viz. where, in the second aorist in
verbs beginning with a vowel, the whole root is twice given ;

"
e g. ^fr(iH duninam for
^Dtj*T^ dununam, from un> to di-

minish." cannot, however, see the slightest probability in

I

Pott's opinion (Etym. Forsch. II. 73.), that the a of the aug-

ment may be regarded as a vowel absolutely, and as the re-

presentative of all vowels, and thus as a variety of the redu-

plication. This explanation would be highly suitable for
such verbs as have weakened a radical a to u or and of ?',

which it might be said, that their augment descends from the

time when their radical vowel was not as yet u or ?, but a.
But if, at all hazards, the Sanskrit augment should be consi-
[G. Ed. dered to be the reduplication, I should pre-
p. 790.]

fer saying that a radical z, u, ft has received Guna in the syl-

lable of repetition, but the Guna vowel alone has remained and ;

thus avSdam for $vedarn(~aivaidam), and this from vdvtdam;

abddham for 6b6dham (=aubaudham), and this from b6budham.
"
Remark. According to a conjecture expressed by Hofer
(Contributions, p. 388), the augment would be a preposition
expressing with/ and so far identical with our ge of parti-
'

ciples like gesagt, gemacht, as the German preposition, which,

in Gothic, sounds ga and signifies
t
'

according to with,' is,

Grimm's hypothesis, connected with the Sanskrit *r sa, *nj

8am (Greek <rvv9 Latin cum). Of the two forms *r sa, *m saw,
the latter occurs only in combination with verbs, the former

only with substantives.* In order, therefore, to arrive from

sam to the augment a, we must assume that, from the earliest

"I "
carry," for babharmi, from bhar (bhri) ; tishthdmi, I stand," for

tastdmi, see .608.; in Greek, &'8o>/Ai for b68a>p,t (Sanskrit dadami); and
others.
* This seems to require qualification. Sam is found constantly in
combination with substantives, as in ^3TCTC> tffwfrT, WFff, &c. In
some cases the form may be considered as derived through a compound
verb, but not in all, as in the instance of samanta Translator.
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 769

period, that of the identity of the Sanskrit and Greek, the

said preposition, where used to express past time, laid aside its

initialand terminating sound, like its body, and only pre-

served the soul, that is, the vowel ; while, in the common
combinations with verbs, the s and m of sam have lived as long
as the language itself; and while, in German, we make no
formal distinction between the ge which, merely by an error,
attaches itself to our passive particles, and that which accom-

panies the whole verb and its derivatives, as in gebaren, Ge-

burt, genieswn, Genuss. If, for the explanation of the aug-

ment, so a similarity of form is satisfactory, as that

trifling
between a and sam, then other inseparable prepositions pre-
st'iit themselves which have
equal or greater claim to be
identified with the expression of past time; for instance,
1
^rq apa, 'from, 'away,' and vr aua, 'from,' 'down/
1
oil ; ^fif oil, 'over' (atikram, 'to go over, also 'to

pass/
'
to elapse/ used of time). We
might also refer to
the particle w sma 9
mentioned above, which gives past
meaning and assume the rejection of its
to the present,

double consonant It is certain, however, that that expla-

nation is most to the purpose, by which the past prefix has
suffered either no loss at all, or, if an is assumed to be the
originalform of the negative particle, only such as, accord-
ing to what has been remarked above (. 539.), takes place
regularly at the beginning of compounds. It is also certain

that the past stands much nearer to the idea of negation than

to that of combination, particularly as the [G. Ed. p. 701.]

augmented preterites in Greek stand so far in contrast to

the perfect, as their original destination is, to point to past

time, and not to express the completion of an action. We

will not here decide how far, in Gothic and Old High Ger-
man, an especial preference for the use of the particle ga, go,
is to be ascribed to the preterite but J. Grimm, who was the
;

first to refer this circumstance to the language (11. 843. 814.),

adds to the examples given this remark :

'
A number of
770 THE AORIST.

passages in Gothic, Old High German, and Middle High

German, under discussion) as
will exhibit it (the preposition

well before the present as wanting before the preterite, even

where the action might be taken as perfect. I maintain only
a remarkable predilection of the particle for the preterite,
and for the rest I believe that, for the oldest state of the
language, as in New High German, the ge became inde-
pendent of temporal differences. It had then still its more
subtle meaning, which could not be separated from any tense/
This observation says little in favour of Hofer's opinion,

according to which, so early as the period of lingual identity,

we should recognise in the expression of the past the prepo-
sition saw, which ishypothetically akin to our preposition ge.
Here we have to remark, also, that though, in Gothic and Old

High German, a predominant inclination for the use of the

preposition ga, ge, must be ascribed to the preterite, it never

possessed per se the power of expressing past time alone ;
1
for in gavasida, 'he dressed, gavasid&lun, 'they dressed*
(did dress), the relation of time is expressed in the

appended auxiliary verb, and the preposition ga, if not here,

as I think it is, entirely without meaning, and a mechanical

accompaniment or prop of the root, which, through constant

use, has become inseparable, can only at most give an

emphasis to the idea of the verb. At all events, in gavasida

the signification which the preposition originally had, and
which, however, in verbal combinations appears but seldom
1

(as in ga-qviman, 'to come together ), can no longer be

thought of."

THE AORIST.
542. The second Sanskrit augmented-preterite, which, on
account of its seven different formations, I term the multi-
form, corresponds in form to the Greek aorist, in such wise,
that four formations coincide more or less exactly with the

TO. Ed. p. 792.3 first aorist, and three with the second. The
forms which coincide with the first aorist all add s to the root,
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 771

either directly, or by means of a conjunctive vowel i. I recog-

nise in this s, which, under certain conditions, becomes ^ sh
a
(see .21. and Sanskrit Grammar, .10 l .),
the verb substantive,
with the imperfect of which the first formation agrees quite

exactly, only that the d of d.vam, &c,, is lost, and in the third
person plural the termination us stands for an, thus sus for
dsan. The loss of the d need not surprise us, for in it the aug-
ment is contained, which, in the compound tense under dis-

cussion, is prefixed to the root of the principal verb: the

short a which remains after stripping off the augment might
be dropped on account of the incumbrance caused by com-

position, so much the easier, as in the present, also, in its

isolated state before the heavy terminations of the dual and
plural, it is suppressed (see p. 695 G. ed.). Thus the sma of
akxhdip-sma, "we did cast," is distinguished from smas,
" we by the weakened termination of the secon-
are," only

dary forms belonging to the aorist. In the third person

plural, us stands for an, because us passes for a lighter ter-
mination than an ; and hence, in the imperfect also, in the
roots encumbered with reduplication, it regularly takes the
"
place of an ; hence, abibhr-us, they bore," for abihhr-an ;

and, according to the same principle, akshdip~sus for akshAip-

-san, on account of the encumbering of the root of the verb
substantive by the preceding attributive root.
543. Before the personal terminations beginning with t,th,

and dh, roots which end with a consonant other than n,

reject the s of the verb substantive in order to avoid the harsh

"
combination of three consonants hence, akshdip-ta, ye did
;

cast," for akshdip-sta, as in Greek, from a similar euphonic

reason, the roots terminating with a consonant abbreviate, in

the perfect passive, the terminations crdov, [G. Ed. p. 703.]
ade, to dov, 6e rervfyQe, Tera%0e,
;
for revv^a-Be, rera^de and :

"
in Sanskrit, from a similar reason, the root sthd, to stand,"
loses its sibilant, if it would come directly in contact with
"
the prefix ut ;
hence ut-thita, up-stood," for ut-sthita.
 772 THE AOR1ST.

544. For a view of the middle voice, we here give the

imperfect middle of the 'verb substantive, which is scarcely

to be found in isolated use

SINGULAR. DUAL. PLURAL.

Axi, Aswahi, AsmahL

AsthAs, AsAthum, Addhwam or Adhwam.

Asia, As&tAm, usata.

545. As an example of the aorist formation under dis-

cussion, we select, for roots terminating with a vowel,

fft ni "to lead"; and, for roots ending with a consonant,
t

" 11
f to cast, The radical vowel receives, in the
p^ kship,

former, in the active, Vriddhi; in the middle, only Guna,

on account of the personal terminations being, on the ave-

rage, heavier ;
in the latter, in the active, in like manner,

Vriddhi; in the middle, no increase at all,

ACTIVE,

SINGULAR. DUAL. PLURAL.

uiitli*ham 9 akth&ipwm, anAishwa, akshAipsw, anahhma, ahhaipsma.

1 1
uiiAishfa, ahhAipsk, anAishtam, akshAiptnm, anAishla, aksliAipta.
1
unAishit, akskAipsit, anAishlAm, ahlutiptAm, andishus t
ukshAipsus.

MIDDLE.

shi,* akslripsi, (int.*hwahi, ahhipswahi, an&shmahi, afahipmahi.

1 1
JithAs, akshipthAs, (wfahAthAm ahhipsAtham aniddhwam? ukshihdlwam. t t

1
anfahfa, afahipta, anfahAtAm, akshipsAtAm, anfahata* uhhipsatu**

2
[G Ed..
p. 794.]
i

Regarding the loss of the s, sec $. 543. Sh for

3
,
see J.
21. Or amdhwam, also anftdhwam, for * before the dh of
the personal terminations either passes into of,
or is
rejected ;
and for dhvHiin,
in this and the third formation, dhwam also may be used, probably from
4
the earlier ddwam, for shdwam. Regarding the loss of the H,

which belongs to the personal termination, see

}.
459.

5 16, The similarity of the middle akshipsi

to Latin per-

fects like
scri/ui is
very surprising ;
for only the aug-
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 773

ment wanting to complete a perfect countertype of the

is

Sanskrit form. The third person scripsit answers better

to the active form akshdipstt, which, without Vriddhi,
would sound akshipsit : the Latin vexit (vec-sit) answers to
the Sanskrit ^BRT^fhf avdkshzt of the same import; and

again, vexi corresponds to the middle avakshi. The two

languages have, from a regard to euphony, changed their
h before the s of the verb substantive into the guttural
tenuis, and k requires, in Sanskrit, tf sh for *f s (see p. 2l).
The comparison of vexi with avakshi may appear the
better substantiated, as the second person also vexisti may
be traced back to a middle termination; viz. to thds of

akship-thds (for afahipsthds) ;

so that the final s would have
been dropped, and d have been weakened to i. I now
prefer this explanati6n to that according to which I have
formerly identified the termination sti with the Sanskrit
perfect termination tha; and in general I consider the
Latin perfect, wliich* according to its meaning, might just
as well have been called aorist, entirely independent of
the Greek and Sanskrit perfect, in order that, in all its
forms, I may refer it to the aorist. In this no great
obstacles stand in our way; for while perfects in si, at
the first glance, shew themselves to be aorists, although not
so readily by comparison with the Greek as with the
Sanskrit, even cucurri, momordi, cecini, and similar forms,
in spite of their reduplication, do not oppugn the theory
of the aorist formation, and very well [(* Ed. p. 795.]

admit of being placed beside forms like achuchuram, middle

"
ach&churS (from ach&chura'i), from char, to steal," and

Greek forms, as eTre^/oaSov, eiretyvov, of which more here-

after. They would, therefore, like the imperfect and the

aorists, as scripsi, vexi, mansi, have merely lost the aug-

ment, and have thus been associated with tjie Sanskrit and
Greek perfect.
547. Perfects like scdbi, vidi, ttyi, /#</?. fddi, exclusive of
the lengthening of their vowel, might be compared with
774 THE AORIST.

Sanskrit aorists ^fgren alipain, middle allpS (from

like

alipa'i), and Greek as e\nrov. On account of the length-

ening of the vowel, however, this comparison appears

inadmissible; and I believe that, in their origin, they

agree with forms like scripsi, vexi, or with such as cucurri,

tutudi. In the first case, the lengthening of the vowel
must pass as compensation for the s of the verb substan-
tive, which has been dropped, on the same principle as
that on which divfai from dividsi, on account of the loss

of the d, has lengthened its short radical vowel, or as in

Greek, forms like fjie\a$9 foraf, SetKvvs, $i<$6v$, Trr6v$ 9 rtdei$9

in compensation for the loss of a consonant, have received
an indemnification in the preceding vowel. Still closer

lies the comparison with aorists like e<f>yva, etyq\a, ev-

<}>pava, evretXa, e/ie/i/a. It is certain that the liquids,

also, must, in the aorist, have originally admitted the com-

bination with (r, and that forms like e<j>av<Ta (as in Sanskrit,

amansi, in Latin, mansi), e\lsa\<ra, ecrre\(ra, have existed, and

that in these aorists the length of the vowel is in conse-

quence of the suppression of the Latin perfects

o\ But if

like Ugi, fdgi, according to their origin, should fall to the

Sanskrit seventh aorist formation (achdchuram, asisilam,

or asisilam from they then contain a concealed redupli-
nl),
cation, as, according to Grimm, do our preterites, as kiefs,
Old High German hiaz (=Gothic haihait), and Ugi, scdbi,

f&gi> f6di would consequently be contractions from

9
le-egi,

[G. Ed. p. 796.] sca-abi, fu-ugi, fo-odi, for lelegi, scacabi, &c.,

with suppression of the consonant of the second syllable,

by which that of the first loses the appearance of a con-
sonant affixed by reduplication, as is the case in the Greek

yivofiai from 7ryi/o/xai (for Y*-7ei/-o-/4ai), where, after re-

moving the y of the base syllable, the syllable *y7i> receives
the appearance of a radical syllable, while in fact only the v

represents the root.*

* A. Benary, Roman
also (System of Sounds, pp.41,&c.), explains
forms
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 775

548. I must decidedly pronounce forms like c$pt, frtyi,

fed, to be reduplicated, and I have already done this, when

I further recognised in them true perfects.* As perfects,

they would be analogous to Sanskrit forms like wftw

"
tflpimn, we atoned/' of which hereafter. As aorists,
"
they have ^nr$pr anSsam I was ruined," for their proto-

type, which I deduce from ananisam, by dropping the n of

the second syllable; and I refer it to the seventh aorist

formation, while the Indian grammarians regard it as an

anomaly of the sixth. Therefore, like ^31* anfisam from

ana(ri)tiam, I regard c$pi as a contraction of cacipi, as the
Latin as a colliquidation of a + i frequently answers to the
Sanskrit ; corresponding to the Sanskrit d&var
e.g. in Uvir,

(dfori). With regard to the second syllable of the pre-sup-

posed forms like cacipi, fafici, we may com- [G.Ed. p. 797.]

pare such perfects as cecini, tetigi, which in like manner, on

account of the root being loaded with the reduplication,
have weakened the radical a to i. The forms cfpi, flci, &e.,
must, however, have arisen at a period when the law had
not as yet been prescribed to the syllables of reduplication
of replacing the heaviest vowel a by (?, but when as yet
the weakening of the radical vowel in the syllable of the base
was sufficient. But if the previous existence of forms
like cacipi, fnfici, is not admitted, and cecipi, frfid, are
made to precede the present c6pi, ftci,
we must then

forms from reduplication, but assumes the dropping of the

like/otfo,/u<fi,

syllable of reduplication and the lengthening of the radical syllable in

compensation for its loss, against which I have expressed my opinion in

the Berlin Jahrb. (Jan. 1838, p. 10) ; since this explanation, unlike the
re-active effect of a suppression,by compensation in the preceding sylla-
ble, has no other analogous case to corroborate it.
* In
my Review of Benary's System of Roman Sounds (Berlin Jahrb.
1. c.
p. 10). Since then, Pott, also, in his Review of the same book (in the
Hall. Jahrb.) has noticed this case, but declared himself, without suffi-

cient grounds in my opinion, against my view of the matter.

776 THE AORIST.

deduce c$pi from c(npi> ffai from feici, in such wise that the
first vowel absorbs the second, and thereby becomes long,

just asI have already, in

my System of Conjugation, de-
duced subjunctives like legds, legdmus, from legdis, legn'imus.
The form tyi has this advantage over other perfects of the
kind, that it has not lost a consonant between the two ele*
ments of which its is composed, i. e. between the syllable of

repetition and that of the base it is the contraction of a-i(ji

:

or e-igi, and therefore, together with edi, $mi, if the latter

are likewise regarded as reduplicated forms (from e-cdi,

e-emi) deserves particular notice.

9 As we ascribe an aoristic
origin to the Latin perfects, we might also see in $yi, 3di,

emi, a remnant of the augment.

549. I return to the second person singular in sti. If in

ti 9 of
serpivti, vexisti, cucurristi, ctipisti,
we recognise the San-
skrit middle termination thas, and in the whole an aorist
then does not answer so exactly to akxhipthAs for
serpsisti
to the fourth aorist formation, which, indeed,
akshipstds as
is not used in the middle, and in roots ending with a conso-

nant, not in the active also, but which originally can scarcely

[G. Ed. p. 798.] have had so confined a use as in the pre-

sent statfe of the language; and, together with the active
"
aydsisham (from yd> to go "), we might expect the previous
existence of a middle, whence the second person would be

ayA-sixhthAs, in which forms like serp-suti are, as it were,

reflected. The Sanskrit ^ srip (from sarp), would,

were used in the middle, pro-
ac-

cording to this formation, if it

duce amp-rishfhAs. We may notice, also, with regard to

the s which precedes the t in the forms serpsisti, serpsisli,s<

which, in .454., has been explained as an euphonic addi-

tion, that the Sanskrit precative, which in the middle like-

wise unites the s of the verb substantive with the root

(either directly, or through a conjunctive vowel i), pre-

fixe^ another s, which is, perhaps, merely euphonic, to the
personal terminations beginning with t or th, which $7
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 777

through the influence of the preceding i, becomes sh. The

second person singular of the root srip, if it were used in
the middle, would be sripskhthds, to which the Latin

serpsistiapproaches closely, where, however, it is to be

observed, that the t of the Latin serp-s-i-sti is only a con-

junctive vowel, while the i of snpsishthas expresses

Tysrftera
the relation of mood. The third person singular is

sripsishta,the second and third person dual, sripsiydsthdm,

sripsiydstdm ; but the second sibilant does not extend

farther; e.g. the first person plural is no more sripsish-
mahi, than, in Latin, serpsismus, but sripstmahi, like serp-
simus. Yet the Sanskrit readily admits the combination

shm; for it uses, according to the third aorist formation,

ab6dhishma 9 "we knew," middle, abddhixhmahi.
550. In support of the opinion, that, in the second

person singular of the Latin aorists, which are called

perfects, a middle termination is contained, which, however,
has lost sight of this origin, and passes as a common
active, I will call attention to the fact, that even in Greek,
in spite of possessing a perfect middle
its [G. Ed. p. 799.]

voice, an original middle form has, in a particular case,

taken its position in the active voice; for, in the third

person plural imperative, corresponds almost as

repTroi/Tcov

exactly as possible to the Sanskrit middle tarpantdm. In

languages in which the middle, as a voice, is wanting, indi-
vidual formal remnants of that voice can have been only

maintained, where they fill up the place of any hiatus, which

has arisen in the active, or stand beside an active termi-
nation, which has been likewise retained, bearing the same
meaning as it does, and being, as it were, a variation of
it; as in Irish, in the first person plural, together with the
form mar (=Sanskrit mas, Latin mus, Greek /xes), a maoid
exists, which at will assumes its place, and which I have

already elsewhere compared with the Zend maidh$ 9 and

3E
 78 TI1E AORIST.

Greek peda, for which the Sanskrit gives mnh$ 9 as an abbre-

viation ofmadhS (. 472.).
551. As regards person singular in si,
the Latin first

in spite of the striking resemblance of forms like vexi, mansi,

to the Sanskrit like avakshi, amansi, the coincidence may

so far be said to be accidental, as their i

may be explained
to be a weakening of a, so that the termination si of
Latin perfects would correspond to the Greek croc of e\v-cra,
ervx-cra. I am really of opinion, that the Latin forms
in si do not correspond to the Sanskrit first aorist formation,

but, at least for the majority of persons, to the second,

which, like the Greek first aorist, inserts an a between

the s of the verb substantive and the personal terminations.
This a is treated nearly as, in the special tenses, the a of the
a
first and sixth classes (see . 109 ,
I.), viz. lengthened, in
the first person dual and plural, before va and ma. As,
then, the a ofvah-a-si, vah-a-ti> vah-a-tha, appears in the
Latin veh-i-x, veh-i-t, veh-i-tis, as i,manner the a of
in like

vah-d-mus appears as i in veh-i-mus; so that we soon arrive

at the conjecture that the i of dic-si-sti, dic-sirt, dh-si-mus,
dic-si-stis, is a weakening of a, and that therefore si cor-

[G. Ed. p. 800.] responds to the Greek era, the Sanskrit ,v, sd

(euphonic sha 9 sM)\ thus, dic-si-musssseSetK-a-a-pev, adik-shd-

-wa; dic-si-stisedeiK-va-Te, adik-sha-ta. The connection,
therefore, between vec-si-t and the Sanskrit avdk-M-t would
not be so close, as I before assumed, and for av&k-shi-t we
should have to imagine a form of the second formation thus
avak-sha-t in order to compare with it vec-si-t, as die -si~t

actually answers to adik-sha-t (Greek eSeiK-cre from edeifc-

-aa-T, compare eSe/K-o-a-ro). In the second person, die-

-si-sti answers to the Sanskrit middle adik-sha-thds, "thou
shewedst," if the s, only of a euphonic
which precedes the t, is

nature, and introduced by the inclination of the t to a

s.
preceding
 FORMATION OF TENSF.S. 779

552. But even the Latin perfect forms in si are

if

allotted to the Sanskrit second and Greek first aorist forma-

tion, still itremains most highly probable that the first

person singular belongs to the middle voice for the vowel a ;

of the aorist formation under discussion is rejected in San-

skrit before the termination i of the first person middle; and
while, according to the analogy of the imperfect, adikshS

(=adik-sha-i) might be expected, instead of it is found adik-

-shi in most exact accordance with the Latin die-si. From
the active form adiksham it is a difficult step to the Latin
dixi ; for although, in Greek, a final m is sometimes entirely
and, for example, eHeiga corresponds to the Sanskrit adik-
lost,

sham, and, in the accusative singular of bases ending with a

consonant, a answers to the Sanskrit am (7r<55, padam, pedem),
yet, in Latin, the final m of the Sanskrit has, in similar cases,
always been retained for example, in the first person the
;

blunt termination of the secondary forms has been, without

exception, maintained, in preference to the more full mi of

the primary forms thus, dicebam, dicam, dicerem, dixerim .
;

and so highly probable that, in the perfect also, dixim

it is

would be said, if the first person was based on the Sanskrit

active adiksham, and not on the middle. [G. Ed. p. 801.]

It is certain that, at the period of the unity of language,

the abbreviated form adikshi could not as yet have existed,
but for it, perhaps, adikshama or adikshamdm (=e5e/a/ic?;i>,.
see .
471.). But even these forms conduct us more readily
than ridilcsham to the Latin dixi,* since the person sin-
first

gular in Latin has lost its termination exactly where another

vowel stood after the m.
553. In the third person rlural, the Latin dix&runt ap-

parently corresponds to the Sanskrit and Greek adikshan,

eSeigav. It scarcely admits of any doubt, that the r has pro-

ceeded from s (as is common between two vowels), and

that, therefore, in dic-storunt for die-shunt (as eram, ero, for

*Cf.p.l227G.ed.Notet.
3 E 2
780 THE AORIST.

esam, eso\ the auxilary verb is twice contained, or is

reduplicated, whether this form belongs to the Sanskrit

fourth formation, where e. g. a-yd-sishus has proceeded from

a-yd-sishant, or, as is more probable, the third person, first on

Roman ground, and after the aim and origin of the s of die-si

had been forgotten, felt the necessity for being clearly

invested with the verb substantive. This distinctness, how-
ever, subsequently became indistinct. As regards this su-

periority of the third person plural to the other persons, it is

in accordance with the phenomenon, that, in Greek, eride -

-<ra-v, eOe-cra-v, are used, but not eri0e-cra-/*ei>, eri^e-croc-re;

not e0e-cra-/zei/, efle-cra-re. The short termination not form-

ing a syllable may have favored the annexation of the aux-
iliary verb this reason, however, did not exist in the middle-
:

passive; hence, e-nfle-i/ro, not er/fle-ora-i/ro. The Prakrit

regularly annexes, in the first person plural of the present
and imperative, the verb substantive, without extending it to
the second and third person, as, Tra*? yachchhamha (mlia
"
from w sma) we go."*
[G. Ed. p. 802.] 554. To return to the Latin dixfount, we
might, instead of it, expect dixerunt, with short e, as i before
r is readily replaced by e : the long e, however, is just as

* See p. 110, . 109 a .

(6) ; aiidcomp. Lassen Institutumes Ling. Prdcr.,
pp. 192, 335 1 Essai sur le Pali, p. 181 ; Hofer De Pracr. Dial., p. 184.
As Professor Lnssen has, in this place, recognised the verb substantive,
and been the first to although it is in like manner represented
remark it,

only by a single to conceive why he prefers to recog-

letter, it is difficult

nise in the $, which, in several Sanskrit, Greek, and Latin tenses, extends
to all the persons of the three numbers, rather the old "everywhere and

nowhere," than the verb substantive (Ind. Biblioth. III. p. 78). Such
contradiction must appear to me more flattering than to hear that the
verb substantive was so palpable in the places mentioned, especially in
Sanskrit, that it could not escape even the most short-sighted eye. I must

certainly considerit honorable to me to have perceived so long ago as

the year 1816 that which astonishes Professor Lassen in 18-*K>, whose
acuteness has been so abundantly testified in other departments of San-
skrit philology.
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 781

for dic-i-bam; and it may be

surprising as that of dic-$-bam
added to what was remarked in 527., that the 8 of leg$-bam
.

and that oflegli-runt probably rest on the same principle,

that in both forms the originally short vowel has been

lengthened, that the whole might gain more power, to

bear the appended auxiliary verb. From this principle
may be explained the Vriddhi increase of ^tfaw
also

dkshdipsam, which does not prevent the assumption, that

on account of the preponderating weight of the middle
terminations, this vowel increase has been withdrawn, in
order not to make
the whole too unwieldy. Remark the
case already mentioned, that the imperative termination

ftr dhi has preserved its full form only under the pro-
tection of a preceding consonant and in the Gothic pre-
;

terite all have a long vowel or diphthong

verbs which
in the root, and a part of those with a before a doubled

consonant, on account of this powerful build can bear the syl-

lable of reduplication* But
only powerful [G. Ed. p. 803.]
if

forms can bear certain burthens, it need not surprise us,

if the
language, in order to extend to its vocables the re-
quisite capacity, introduces a lengthening of vowels, or

diphthongizations, which have this object alone. It is

probable that, in Sanskrit, a middle also, with ai for i, cor-

responded to the above-mentioned aksh&ipsam (. 544.), and

the abbreviation may have commenced, through the re-

acting influence of the personal terminations of the middle,

which were heavy at the time when no abbreviation existed
at a period the language was no longer conscious
when
that the great vowel fulness of akshdipsam was caused

precisely in order to afford a more powerful support for

the burthen of the auxiliary verb.
555. The formation of the aorist under discussion, in

spite of its wide diffusion in Greek and Latin, is, in San-

of but very limited use, and has been retained only
skrit,

in roots in s, sh, and ft, without, however, necessarily

 782 THE AORIST.

or extending to all roots with

belonging to those letters,

these terminations, as before 9 they all pass into k. On

account of the .2L, the s of the auxiliary
k, according to
vei*b is
changed into sh; and thus ksh ofadiksham, adikslu,
"
I shewed," corresponds to the Greek and Latin x (=#,v)
of eo*e/ a, annex a general view of the complete
dixl* I

conjugation of the two active forms

SINGULAR.
SANSKRIT. GREEK. LATIN.
ACTIVE. MIDDLE. ACTIVE. MIDDLE.

adik-sha-m, efle/K-cra, dic-sti

adik-shi,

adik-$ha-s, adik-sha-tMs, dic-xi-sti.

adik-sha-t, adik-sha-ta,

DUAL.

adik-$h&-va, adik-shci-vahi,
1
adik-sha-tam, adik-shd-tham,
" *
e5e/fc-(ra-Toi/, e5e/K-<ra-(r9oi/ ....

, adik-shA-tam?
1
PLURAL.

adik-$h&-ma, adik-shd-mahi, eJe//c-(ra-/zei/, e5e/K-(ra-jue0a, dic-vi-mus.

adik-sha-tu, adik-sha-dhwam, e^e/AC-cra-re, eJe/K-(ra-(r5e, dic-si-stis.

adik-sha-n 9 adik-sha-nta, e5e/K-cra-i/, eSeiK-cra-vTo, dic-si-runt

2
\ Prom adik-sha*dthdm. From adik-sJut-dtdm.

556. As the Sanskrit, in its periphrastic formation of

(he reduplicated preterite, of which we will speak more in
detail hereafter, together with kri, "to make," applies the

two roots of " to be," since e.g. chtiraydm-dsa, like chdray&m-

babhtiva, signifies "I" and "he stole;" so the Latin, also,

for its aorist perfects, has called in the aid both of ES

and FU. From FU I have already, in my System of
Conjugation, derived the syllable w, ui, of ama-vi, audi-vi,

and mow-wi. I think, however, I have been wrong in com-

* The connection of dico with is unacknowledged: remark the

mode of expression dicis causa.
 FORMATION OP TENSES. 783

with the
paring the v and u of vi t ui, / of fui It
appears
better, instead of rejecting the u of fui, to assume that the

/ has been dropped ; just as the d of duo has been lost in

vtyinti, bis,
bi (bi-pes), or as, in Tongian, ua corresponds to

the New Zealand dua, "two" (= Sanskrit dwa).

557. The u of (f)ui, according to the prevailing principle,
has been changed between two vowels into v9 but with a con-
sonant preceding it is retained hence amavi, audivi, con- ;

trasted with monui. Fui found occasion for [G. Ed. p. 806.]
abbreviation in the incumbrance of the preceding principal
verb, according to the same principle as that by which the
first syllable of the Latin decem, decim (undecim, duodecim),
has escaped the French contractions like douze, treize, or as
"
the d of the number ten," in several Asiatic and European-
Sanskrit dialects, is weakened to r or I*
558. The most convincing proof that in amavi, audivi,

monui, the verb substantive is contained, is furnished by

potui ; for this form belongs to a verb, throughout which the

combination with the verb substantive prevails. The tenses
from ES9 which are in use, select this root thus, pos-sum ;

(from pot-sum), pot-eram, pot-ero, pos-sim, pos-sem ; but the

perfect must betake itself to FU, fui / hence pot-ui, for pot-
fui, which would be inadmissible. Pof-fui might have been
expected, but the language preferred abandoning one of the
irreconcileable consonants ;
and it would be difficult for any
one, on account of the loss of the/, to declare the form potui,

contrary to the analogy of all the other tenses, to be simple.

But if pot-ui is compounded, then the application of this un-
mistakeable hint of the with regard to mon-ui, ama-
language,
vi, audi-vi, s$-vi, si-vi, wo-vi, is apparent of itself. We may
observe, that this w, also, just osbam and runt (ley$-bam, lcg&

* P. 447. Gr. ed., &c. To the same class belong the Mai. and Javan.
las and Maldivian los of forms like d&a-b-las (Mai.), ro-las (Jav.), ro-fas

(Maldiv.), "twelve."
784 THE AORIST.

runt, scripsS-runf), feels the necessity of

being supported by
a long vowel; and hence, in place of the short vowel of sero,
satum, smo, situm, moveo, motum, exhibits a long one (com-

pare . 527. 554.)

559. In order that the perfects in ui, vi, may, from their
origin, appear as aorists, we must carry back the simple /ui

[G. Ed. p. 806.] itself to an aorist, and this is easily done.

It is only necessary to observe the close connection between

fulland the Sanskrit and Greek aorist a-6Adf, $\>(T). On ac-
count of its personal sign t,fuit answers less to babhtiva, Tre^t/Ke,
if the loss of the syllable of reduplication is admitted as readily
as that of the augment. I shall return hereafter to this subject.

The third Sanskrit aorist formation is distinguished

560.
from the second in this, that the auxiliary verb is connected
with the root of the. attributive verb by means of a conjunc-
tive vowel L Through the influence of this i the s is changed
into sh, but is, at the same time, preserved from suppression
in those cases where the first formation, to avoid the accu-
mulation of three consonants, drops the sibilant (see 543.). .

While, e. g. kship, in the second person plural, exhibits ak-

9

"
sh&ipta for akshdipsta, from budh, to know," comes, in the

same person ab6dh-i-xhta. On the other hand, in the third

formation in the second and third person singular active, the
and the conjunctive vowel is lengthened in
sibilant is lost,

compensation, as it appears to me, for this loss ; hence, ah6dh-

"
-i-s, thou knewest," abddh-i-t, " he knew," in contrast with
ab6dh-i-sham, and all the other persons. I believe I per-

ceive the ground of this solat on in this, that, as the second

and third person singular have a simple s and t for their ter-

minations, the retention of the sibilant would occasion the

forms abddhiksh (euphonic for abodhish-s), abddhisht; whence,

according to a universal law of sound (see 94.), the

last .

consonant would have to be rejected. In the case before us,

however, the language preferred, for the sake of perspicuity,

rather to give up the auxiliary verb than the personal sign.
 FORMATION OF T.ENSES. 785

although, in the imperfect, the case frequently occurs that the

second and third person singular are of the same sound, be-
cause they have lost their distinguishing mark; hence,
"
ubibhar, avak, signify both thou didst carry," [G. Ed. p. 807.]
"
" thou didst
speak," he did carry," " he did speak"; in
and
the first case for abibhar-sh, avak-sh (s after r and k becomes

j/i),
in the second for abibhar-t, avak-t. I annex the full

formation of abodh-i-sham and its middle, with the remark,

that the radical vowel in roots ending with a consonant
receives Guna in the two active forms ;
while roots ending
with a vowel, as in the first formation, have, in the active,
Vriddhi, in the middle, Guna; e.g. andvisham, anavishi,
from un "
9 to praise."

ACTIVE.

MIDDLE.
abddh-i-xhi, ab6dh-i-shwahi9 ab(Wi-i-shmahi.
1

ubodh-i-vhthds, abAdh-i-shAthAm, abfidh-i'ddhwam.

2
ab6dh-i-f*hatam, abddh-i-fihata.

2
According to the law of sound for abodisdhwam.
1
Regarding the
rejection of w, see 450., and.
compare Ionic forms like TmraiWai.

561. The contrast of abodlris, abodlnt, with abfidhi*ham

and all other forms combined with the verb substantive, is

very remarkably in accordance with the phenomenon, that

the Old Sclavonic preterite, in which we have recognised
the Indo-Greek aorist (see . 255. w.), has likewise, in the

second and third person singular, dropped the verb substan-

tive, but retained it in all the other persons. But from forms
like the final consonant
wftfta^ abddhfo, wfftftlf abddhit,
also, in Sclavonic, must be dropped, because the Sclavonic
generally, according to the conjecture expressed in . 255. /.,
786 THE AORIST.

[G. Ed. p. 808.] has lost all the original final consonants;
hence B*AH budi, "thou didst wake," answers
to
55R^\ft^
" "
ab&dh-i-s, thou didst know," or didst awake," E*AH budi,
" " "
he did awake," to ^nftv^ abodhit, he did know," he did
and "
awake"; the other on hand, E&AHCTE biid-i-sle, ye did
" "
awake," to ^f^rfw ab&dh-i-shta, ye did know," ye did
awake." I annex the whole for
comparison, in which,
however, the remarks of the following paragraphs are not
to be overlooked.

SINGULAR. DUAL.
SANSKRIT. OLD SCLAV. SANSKRIT. OLD SCLAV.
2
abddh-i-sham, bud-ich* abddh-i-shwa, bud-i-chov<i .

abddh-i-St btid-i-\ ab6dh-i-shfam, b&d-i-stn.

ab6dh4-t, bud-i-. ubildh-i-shtfan, bM-i-ssta.

PLURAL.
SANSKRIT. OLD SCLAVONIC.

bud-i-chom\
bdd-i-ste.

abodh-i-shm, bfal-l-shan.
2
1
See . 255. m. See . 255. m. 563.

562. The preceding comparison furnishes one of the

fairest parallels which can be anywhere drawn between
the Sanskrit and its European sister idioms. The agree-
ment of the two languages, however, if we go back to their

original forms, is not quite so perfect as might be at first

glance believed. The i of the Sclavonic bud-i-ch is, for

instance, in its derivation, different from the i of the Sanskrit

" to
abddh-i-sham for ; bdd-i-ti, wake," does not correspond
to the Sanskrit primitive verbs, whence ab6dh-i-sham pro-
"
ceeds, but to the causal b6dhaydmi, I make to know,

[G. Ed. p. 809.] bring to consciousness, wake"; on which

account we have above compared (. 447. p. 648 G. ed.) the
second person present btid-i-$h-i with bodh-aya-si, and iu 9

.505. identified the middle i of bud-i-ti with the character

 FORMATION OF TENSES. 787

aya of the Sanskrit tenth class, with which the causal forms

agree. In spite of this, the circumstance that the Sclavonic

verbs in general retain their class syllables in the tense
under discussion, produces, in the preterite, a remarkable
similarity between such verbs as have i as the derivation-
vowel and the Sanskrit third formation of the aorist, although,
in fact, the Sclavonic preterite belongs to the first Sanskrit
aorist formation. Compare AA% da^h "I 9
gave," AACTE,
"
da-ste, ye gave," with Sanskrit forms like andi-sham, andi-
"
-shta :
^T dd, to give, follows the fourth formation, but
would form addsam, addsta, according to the first.
563. In the first person dual and plural the Old Sclavonic
inserts between the auxiliary verb and the personal character
an 0, as a conjunctive vowel, so that in this respect da-ch-o-vai

da-ch-o-m, agree more with the Sanskrit second and Greek

formation (adiksh-d-va, adiksh-d-ma, e5e/-a-/xei>)
first aorist

than with andishwa, andihma; but the o is not an old heredi-

tary possession brought from the East, but a subsequent in-

sertion to avoid the combination chv, chm. The Servian, also,
which has in its preterites (in the imperfect and in the so-
called simple preterite) left the sibilant of the verb substan-
tive has not been entirely dropped) in
(where it its original
form, has kept free from the conjunctive vowel ; as, iyrasmo,
" we For the most Old Scla-
played." part, the aorist, in

by the gutturalization of the sibilant in

vonic, is corrupted
the first person of the three numbers. The relation to
the Sanskrit in this manner becomes similar to that of the

plural locative in ch to the Sanskrit in su or shu, as in

" "
vdova-ch = f%W*C vidhavd-$u,
\9
in the widows ; snocha-ch
= ^HFRsnushd-su, "in the daughters-in-law" ; [G. Ed. p. 810.]

also similar to that of the pronominal plural genitives in ch

to the Sanskrit in sdm or shdm, so that Tt^ ty
e c ^ ^ as ^le
same relation to in respect of its mutation and
w^ t&-shu,
abbreviation, as IM-i-ch has to ab6dh-i-sham.
564. In the third person plural, in Old Sclavonic, instead
788 THE AOR1ST.

of sha, chd also is used, but only in the case where the pre-

ceding vowel is an a or * and then both sha and chti (re-

ye,
garding $ from on see 463.) are used at pleasure e. g.
, ;

or
ma^asha, MA^A^S ma^achil, "they anointed";
or BtuiA byesha, " they were/'*
and third person singular, according to
565. In the second

Dobrowsky, instead of the forms without termination, ending

with tfie class or root-vowel, those in UIE she also occur

He from ylayo-
gives, indeed, in his first conjugation (p. 524)
"
Inch, I spoke,"
glagola as second and third person but from ;

" 1

MA^AX ma&ch, I anointed," he gives MA^AUIE ma^ashe as

second and third person, for which, in both persons, we find

in Kopitar
MAJ^A
man. From the special point of view of
the Sclavonic we might easily fancy we saw the personal
"
sign in the UIE she of ma^ashe, thou didst anoint,"
MA^AUIE
"
compared with the present MA&EIIIU mascheshi, thou
anointest," with the slight alteration of shi to she and then ;

assume an inorganic transfer from the second to the third per-

[G. Ed. p. fell.] son, as our German sind has made its way,
from its proper place, into the first person, or, as in Old and An-

glo-Saxon, the termination of the second person plural has been

imparted both to the first and third, and in the Gothic passive
the third person plural has replaced both the second and first.
But if, in the Old Sclavonic preterite, we have recognised the
Sanskrit aorist and the euphonic law, which has destroyed all

original final consonants (.255. /.), we easily perceive that

" thou didst 1 '
the she of
MA^AIIJE ma^axhe, anoint, stands for
"
shes, and that of MA^AIIIE maashe, he anointed," for shet; and

* The difference of writing the third person plural between Kopitar

and Dobrowsky had escaped me in , 463. and 465. ; the former (Glago-

lita, pp.61, 62) writes III A xty-/,

the latter, whom I have followed, UIA
sfia. Though Kopitar, as I doubt not, is right, still the form 'sha, if it
never even occurs, or very rarely, is so far the elder, as the y of shya is to

ho considered tin inorganic .prefix, as in many other forms

 FORMATION OF TENSES. 789

that this she(st), she(t), of the second and third person rests on
the Sans, sis, sit, of the above-mentioned ak*M,ips&,
uksjidipsit

(. 545.). I do not say on shas, shat, of adik-shas, adik-shat

=eJe/K-<ra, ee/K-<re, (p. 782); for although the termination
of rvi A>AIUE maa-she is nearly identical with that of e5e/fc-cre,

the second person plural

MA:JACTE ma^aste (not MADAIIIETE
still

ma^ashete) teaches us that the Sclavonic aorist formation be-

longs to the Sanskrit first, not to the second (= Greek first).

566. I believe, too, that forms like the above-mentioned

"
bddi, thou didst wake," " he did wake," originally had ano-
ther syllable she after it; thus b&di from bddishe ; nese,
"thou didst bear," "he bore," from neseshe; as in Servian
all imperfects in the second and third person singular
actually
terminate in she. But in the said dialect the Sanskrit
aorist has split into two tenses, of which one is called in
"
Wuk's Grammar (translated by J. Grimm) imperfect," the
other "simple preterite." The former carries the sibilant

of the verb substantive, in the form of m sh or c s, through

allthe persons, with the exception of the first person singular
and third plural the latter has entirely lost it in the sin-
;

gular, but exhibits it in the plural also, in the third person.

I annex for comparison the two tenses of HrpSM }gram,

I play," in full.

IMPERFECT. SIMPLE PRETERITE.^

SINGULAR. PLURAL. SING. PLURAL. ^
zV/rv/.vwo, lyru, iyrusmo, ^
tgrashc, ujrasle, lyrfi, tyraste. 2
-*
iyrashe, \gr?iu> ?yrd, tyrashe.

567. The Bohemian has a remnant of the preterite

* The sign * "in which the

occurs, according to Wufc, in syllables
tone terminates roundly." Romark that in the iirst person singular and
second person plural the simple preterite is distinguished from the imper-
fect simply by the absence of this accent.
790 THE AORIST.

corresponding to the Sanskrit aorist, in the tense desig-

nated by Dobrowsky as the imperfect of the optative, in
which bych, which is distinguished from the Old Sclavonic
" I
Efcy byech, was," only by a different form of the
radical vowel, in combination with the past participle byl,
"I "
(thus byl-bych) expresses the idea, were," or would
be." If the participle preterite follow a second time this

byl-bijch, this
forms the pluperfect of this nrood, and bylbych
"
byl signifies if I had been," or " I would have been." Ccm-
pare the conjugation of byl-bych (feminine byla-bych, neuter
bylo-bych), or rather that of bych alone, with that of the
"
Old Sclavonic 6t I was."
byech.

BOHEMIAN. OLD SCLAVONIC.

SING. PLURAL. SING. PLURAL.

bych, bydiom, byech, bycchum.

bys, byste, bye, byeste.

by, by, bye, byesha (byeshya).

"Remark. The second person

singular bys has the
advantage over the Old Sclavonic bye of retaining the
sibilant of the auxiliary verb, while in the third person

[G.Ed. p. 813.] plural, &t,iiiA has, in this respect,

byesha,
the advantage over by. From the Bohemian, as our point
of view, the s of bys can only mark a personal termination,

particularly as s in Bohemian actually expresses the second

person. According to however, which was previously
that,

remarked regarding the she which occurs in Servian, and

occasionally, also, in Old Sclavonic, in the second and third
person singular, it can admit of no doubt that the s of bys
is identical with that of the second person plural bystr,

and that has preserved the first, and not the second
it

sibilant of the Sanskrit singular persons, like akshdipws,

'

andisjiis, p, 793 G. ed. The root bhu, to be/ according

to the first aorist formation, would, in the second
person
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 791

singular,form abhdushh, and, without Vriddhi, abhfahh, the

middle part of which is contained in the Bohemian bys"
11
668. The Old Sclavonic dach, "I gave,
and analogous
formations, remind us, through their guttural, which takes
the place of a sibilant, of the Greek aorists e&o/ca, edr/na,

rJKa. That which, in Old Sclavonic, has become a rule in the

person of the three numbers, viz. the gutturalization
first

of an original s, may have occasionally taken place in

Greek, but carried throughout all the persons. No con*
jecture lies closer at hand, than that of regarding eJwfca as a
corruption of ecfwcra, whether it be that the <r has with one
step passed into or that a K has placed itself beside the
K,

sibilant of the verb substantive, as in the imperfect eV/coi/,

e<JKe, in the old Latin future escit, and in the imperfects and

aorists in ecrKov, GCTKOJUT;]/, dd/cov, aoTco/tfyi/, as SivevecrKe, KO,\C-

<TKOV, KOL\e<TKeTo, e\curK, SaGOLVKGTo, in which the accession

of the verb substantive is not to be overlooked, which there-
fore is doubly contained in the forms in cra-axoi/, <ra-(TKo/x?;i'.

But in e$a>Ka, edtjKa, fJKa, it

being presupposed that they
were formerly eScocrKoc, &c., only the euphonic
accompani-
ment of the would have remained, and thus an original
cr

e'Joxra would have next become edoxrica and then e&ofcoc.

Perhaps, also, a tc
may have originally been prefixed to the
<rof the to-be-presupposed e'Jeocra, as in tyv from vvv San-
skrit sam, "with"; so that thus edu/ca would be an abbre-

viation of e'Scoa, as perhaps a form xum [G. Ed. p. 814. i

preceded the Latin cum if it is akin to w, vvv, wr snm.

569. The Lithuanian also presents a form which is

akin to the Greek and Sanskrit aorist, in which, as it

appears tome, k assumes the place of an original s; I

mean the imperative, in which I recognise that Sanskrit
mood which agrees with the Greek optative aorist, and
through which, therefore, the k of duk, "give," dukite,
"give ye" (Sanskrit dasidhwam, "may ye give,*' precative
middle), is connected with the K of the Greek ecta/ca. But
792 THE AORIST.

if, then, the K of eftiuca, edrjKa, TJKCL,

has either, as
prefer I

to assume, directly, or through the medium of ox or f,

proceeded from <r,* then there is no difficulty in deducing

also the K of perfects like SeSw/ca from cr, and therefore from
the verb substantive, although the Sanskrit in this sense
refrains from combining with the root as. But funda-
mentally all tenses have an equal claim to this root, to

express the copula, and in

imperfects like
if, Greek,
eftftoy, and aorists like e&w, in the third person plural,
combine with the verb substantive, while the Sanskrit
forms adaddm, addm, remain simple; and if, further, the
Greek dialectically combines the imperfect GCTKOV with the
imperfects of attributive verbs, and the Latin here uses
its bam, while the Sanskrit imperfects nowhere receive

the verb substantive, cannot surprise us if the Greek

it

restores that in the perfect which the Sanskrit has neglected.

The incumbrance of the root, which occurs in the perfect
through reduplication, is not favorable to the reception
of the verb substantive; and the Greek also admits the
addition of the K only there where the least difficulty
exists, viz. after vowels and the lightest consonants, the

[G. Ed. p. 815.] liquids ; thus, $e$o>Ka, indeed, 7re$i\yKa.

e<f)OapKa, eoraTUa, Tre^ayjca,

but not rervitKa, ireirheKKa but, :

in order to avoid the harshness of this combination, the K of

the auxiliary verb is
changed to h, as it were in the spirit of
the German law for the mutation of sound,f and this, with
the preceding tenuis or medial, is
changed to an aspirate ;

* .Regarding the reverse case, the transition of gutturals into cr, see

$,501.
t See . 87. In the Malay-Polynesian languages, also, mutations of
tenues into aspirates occur ;
for example, h for k and / for p. In the

language of Madagascar, also, ts for t, as in German z instead of the aspi-

rateoff; "white/' corresponding to the Malay putih and Sanskrit

as/tefot,

pfi/a, "pure," of the same meaning. See my Treatise on the Connection

of the Malay Polynesian Languages with the Indo-European, Remark 13.
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 793

thus, rerv(j)a for rervTt'a from reruTr-Aca, TreTrAe^a for

from TreTrAeKKa. On the other hand, in T-sounds the lan-

guage has preferred dropping these entirely before K, and

leaving the K in its full right and possession thus, etyeuKa, ;

ireTretKa, for e\lsv<$Ka, 7re7re/0Ka. The passive, on account of

its heavy terminations, is less favorable to the reception of
the auxiliary verb. And as, together with edlSovav, e&xrai>,
no forms e/5o<ravTo, eSoaavTO, exist, so to the active perfects
in KO, no passives in with the original sound
fca/xai (or <ra/xa/,

preserved) correspond. It might, however, be assumed, that

the (r, which has remained in forms like rertAecr/za/, ecrTracr-

/LCI, tyi/uoyxou, especially after short vowels, sometimes also

after long ones ($Kouoy*a/), is not euplionic, but
belongs to the
verb substantive ; assuredly treated precisely like
for it is

the 0- which takes the place of a radical T-sound (e\Jrei>cr-jua/,

7re7re/(r-/za/) and is only dropped before another a (Treirei-
-craj, Y/Kov-a-ai). In verbs in v the v and cr contend to a cer-
9

tain degree for the honor of being retained: 7re<ai>0>ia/

would be an impossibility in the present state of the lan-
guage, but Tretya-a-fjLcu has obtained currency in preference to
7re$aju-/zou (as e?;pa/z/xou and others) while in the third ;

person iretpav-rai has carried off the victory from 7r</>a-0Ta/,

perhaps under the protection of 7re<ai/-<rai, [G. Ed. p, 816.]
which necessarily gained the preference over Tre^a-o-crar,
a form repugnant to all custom, and over 7re</>a-<ra/, in which
the v would have been unnecessarily abandoned. The cir-
cumstance that verbs of this kind exhibit the a also in the
formation of words, before suffixes which begin with /x or T
no argument against the opinion that
(reAeoy-ca, TeAeo"nfc), is
the a- in the perfect passive has more than a euphonic foun-
dation for without deriving such words from the perfect pas-
;

sive, still the custom of writing which have good

07*, err,

foundation in the perfect passive, may have exerted an influ-

ence on such forms, in which the <r before ft and T can only
appear as an idle or euphonic accompaniment.
3 F
794 THE AORIST.

570. That aorist formation, to which, in my Sanskrit

grammar, I have assigned the fourth place, is of less im-

portance for comparison with the European cognate lan-

guages, but deserves notice on this account, that it makes
the verb substantive so broad that it cannot be overlooked ;

"
for in forms like ayd-sisham, I went," it receives the word
in its broadest extent, and exhibits its radical consonants in
a double form and so in the other persons, with the excep-
;

tion of the second and third singular, in which we have

ayd-sis, ayd-stt, for aydsik-s, aydsisht, on the same ground on

which, in the third formation, abtidhis, ab6dfnt, are used, com-
pletely passing over the auxiliary verb (see .
560.). The
full conjugation of nydsisham is as follows:

SINGULAR. DUAL. PLUUAL.

ayd-sixham, ayd-sishwa, ayd-sishma.

ayd-sts, ayd-sishtam 9
ayd-sishta.

uyd-sil, ayd-siqhtdm, ayd-sishus.

[G.Ed. p. 817.] 571. This aorist formation is not used in

the middle, or has fallen into disuse; probably because the

broad form of the auxiliary verb accorded just as little with
the heavier middle terminations, as in Greek the syllable
<ra of eJ/Jo-cra-i/, e5o-<ra-i/, with the passive eftfo-iro, eSo-vro.
The active also, in Sanskrit, avoids this formation in roots
which are encumbered with a final with the
consonant,
exception of three roots in m : ram,
" to
play," naw,
"
to

bend," yam,
"
to restrain." As, however, m before s must
pass into the very weak nasal sound of Anuswara (n) t

which, in comparison with other consonants, is almost

nothing, the forms, therefore, aran-sisham, anan-sisham,
ayan-sisham, come, in respect to the weight of the root, very
near to forms like aydsisham.
"Remark. If it is asked, in what way the language
has arrived at the form sisham, two modes of deriving it

present themselves. Either, as I have before assumed, si

 FORMATION OF TENSES. 795

is a syllable of reduplication, and sham (properly sam, the

s of which, through the influence of a preceding becomes ?',

fth) the principal syllable; or sisham was originally sasam;

sishwa, saswa or sdswa and sishma, sasma or sdsma, &c.
; ;

and these forms have been so developed from the second

aorist formation, corresponding to the Greek first
(see .
555.) ; that to the verb substantive, which already
existed accompanied by a, the same attached itself a second
time, preceding the personal terminations (probably at a
time when the auxiliary verb was no longer recognised as
such) ; just as in Latin third persons plural, like serpserunt
from serpsesunt. From sdva, sdma (adikshdva, adikxhdma, e$el-
f a/zei/), would consequently next be formed sdswa, sdsma; from
satarn, sata (adikshatam, adikshata, e8e/aroi>, e5e/are), would

come saslam, sasta. But subsequently, after the a and a of the

first syllable had, in order to lighten the weight, become i, the

following s necessarily became sh ; thus, dual sishwa, sishtam,

sishtdm,from sdswa, sastam, sastdm and, in the first and ,

second person plural, sishrna, sishta, from sdsma, sasta. The

' 1
root ^ITO sds, to rule, in some persons affords us an excel-
lent prototype or counterpart of this process of corruption. It

weakens, viz. before the heavy personal terminations begin-

ning with mutes (not, however, before the weak v and m) its
d to i, and consequently must also change [G. Ed. p. 818.]

its final s into sh, and a following /, th, into /, th; and
exhibits, therefore, in the dual, sishtam, sishthdm, instead
ofddstam ddsfdm, in the plural, sishtha for sdsta. In the
third person plural the appended auxiliary verb under dis-
cussion exhibits the termination us for an ; thus, aydsishus
for aydsishan, might be expected according to the
as

analogy ofadikshan, e8etav. Tht replacing of the termina-

nation us by an is easily explained by considering that us

passes as a lighter termination than an (. 462.), and that,

on account of the doubling of the auxiliary verb, occasion
arises for lightening the word in every other manner possible.
SF 2
796 THE AORIST.

The root sAs, too, which is so liable to be weakened, selects,

in the third person plural of the imperfect, the termination
m for an ; thus aifa-us, corresponding to the second

person a&i*h-fa. If, then, as I scarce doubt, the aorist

form in shham, &c., has arisen in this way, that the

auxiliary verb has been re-attached to itself, being first

simply combined with the root then this form in principle

;

corresponds with the Ionic aorist-forms like eAatracnce (for

j/\a<re from The dropping
^Aacrar), Jacracr^ero for eJacraro.
of the augment in these aorists and similar imperfects is
clearly occasioned by the new burthen which has been
attached; and we might therefore, in Latin also, ascribe

the dislodgement of the augment to the circumstance (or

find it promoted thereby), that all imperfects and perfects
(aorists) of attributive verbs, according to what has been
before remarked, are or were encumbered with an aux-
iliaryverb (bam, si, tv, ti/'), or a syllable of reduplication, either
visible or concealed by subsequent contraction (cucurri, cfp't).

In the isolated and unsupported cram for Gram wren? dsarn, =

the augment was laid aside by the simple abbreviation of
the vowel/'
572. In Zend, those aorist forms which unite the verb
substantive with the root, are of rare use, but are not entirely

wanting. The only instance which I can cite is, however,

11
the form AS^JLU^ mansta, "he spoke (Vend. S. p. 132), a
middle of the first formation, corresponding to the Sanskrit
" 11
wfcr amansta, he thought, from the root man, which,
in Zend, has assumed the meaning " to speak," and has
" 11
alsoproduced the substantive AJ^G*^ manthra, speech.
"
The frequently-occurring jy^ojJAy daita, he gave/' is not,
as might be imagined, an aorist, but is based as imperfect
[G. Ed. p. 819.] on the Sanskrit TSF^S adatta (from adad-ta
for adaf]d-ta=*e$t<ioTo), since, according to . 102. (end), the
first tmust be changed into
573. We now pass on to those formations of the San-
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 797

skrit aorist, which are known in Greek under the name

f the second. To this class belong, according to the

arrangement of my Sanskrit grammar, the fifth, sixth, and

seventh formations* The fifthannexes the personal termi-
nations direct to the root, and is distinguished from the
imperfect only by the removal of class characteristics;
thus as, in Greek, e$w is distinguished from e&'&oi/; so,
in Sanskrit, addm is distinguished from adaddm (see p. 674) ;

and in Zend, where, too, this kind of aorist formation is in

like manner found,

$^ danm from $^2 dadhaiim (re-
garding dh for d see t .
39.). To the Greek etrrijv, eaT?7$v

G<TTY],
'CRNT^ astham* ^TWTTr asthds, ^^THT^ asthdt, correspond,
in opposition to the
reduplicated, but, in the radical vowel,
irregularly shortened atishtham, athhtJias, atixhlhat (see .
508.).
The relation of the Greek eOqv to ertdrjv corresponds to that
of adhAm to adadhdm (from dM), " to lay," " to place." The
Greek eij>v-v9 e<J>v-s t e<t>v-(r),
have the same relation to
1'

eQv-o-v, fyv-e-ft %>v-e, that the Sanskrit abhuv~am, "I was

(not abhti-m, see . 437. Rem.), abhu-s, abhit-t, have to

abhav-a-m, abhav-a-s, abhav-a-t, since bhu, as belonging to
the first class, assumes, in the special tenses, an a, but with-
draws it in the aorist, as the Greek does its o, e.

574. The Latin fui, which, like all perfects, according

to what I have before remarked (see .546. &c.), I re-

gard as originally an aorist, diverges from the correspond-

ing form of the Sanskrit and Greek, by the assumption of
a conjunctive vowel i, and thus corresponds to the sixth
formation; hence fu-i-sti* for abhd-s, e'-<u-, [G. Ed. p. 820.]
or rather for the Sanskrit middle form a-bhu-thds] for

although the fifth formation is not used in the middle,

and no add-ta, as-thd-ta, adha-ta, correspond to the Greek
e'5o-ro, eora-To, ede-To, still it may be presumed that they
were originally in use. In the third person, /a-K stands for

Respecting the s of/u-i-^<,/u-f-^/tVy see }. 541).

798 THE ACIUST.

abhii-t, cfyw; in the plural, fu-i-miis for a&M-wa,

-i-sfis for abh&4a, e^u-re, If this aorist formation were em-

ployed in Sanskrit in the middle also, the first person

singular would be abhfiv-i,* and, without euphonic per-
mutation of sound, abhd-i. To the former the obsolete

fuvi corresponds ;
to the latter, fu-i. 1 do not, however,

place weight on this surprising accordance

any for ;

although fui is based on a middle form (the m of abhuvam

would probably have been retained, see .431.), still it is
certain that, in Sanskrit, the termination of the first

person singular middle, before the division of languages,

had not yet fallen into the abbreviated condition in which
we now see it ; and, according to the analogy of the pre-

supposed third person, abhd-ta, in place of abh&v-i, abhd-ma,

(from abhuinam or -wdm, see 552.), must have existed.
.

I do not, therefore, regard the i of fu-i as identical with

? of the
the Sanskrit pre-supposed abh&vi, but as identical
with the conjunctive vowel i otfu-i-sti, fu-i-t, &c. Conse-

quently, the form fu-i, just like present forms, e.g. v$h-o =vaA-
-d-mi, is entirely deficient in a personal termination.
575. The sixth Sanskrit aorist formation is distinguished

from the fifth simply by this, that the personal terminations

[G. Ed. p. 821.] are united with the root by a conjunctive

vowel a, and this a is treated in conjugation exactly like
a
the class vowel of the first and sixth class (. 109 .
L). This
aorist, therefore, distinguished from the imperfect of the
is

first class simply by the withdrawal of the Guna e.g. the

im- ;

perfect of risk, "to injure," class 1, is arM-a-w (=araisham) 9

and the aorist amA-o-w. We have, therefore, here the rela-

tion of the Greek eXetir-o-v to the aorist e%7r-o-i>, which is

* The common would require abhuvi (with a short w), but 6M has
rule

this property, that before vowels it becomes Ih&v: hence, in the first per-

son singular, abhuv-am, and in the third plural abfifiu-un / in the first and
third person singular of the reduplicated preterite babhuva stands irregu-

larly for bubhdva.

 FORMATION OF TENSES. 799
"
without Guria. From budh, to know," class 1, conies the

imperfect abddh-a-m (=abaudh-a-m), and the aorist abudh-a-m,

just as, in Greek, from *Yr, efavy-o-v opposed to e^vy-o-v.
576. In the Sanskrit sixth class, which has a as its class-
vowel in common with the first, but does not admit of Guna
in the special tenses, which would have to be withdrawn in
the aorist, the formation under discussion is possible only in
a small number of irregular verbs, which, in the special
tenses (see . 109*. 1.) insert a nasal, and
again reject it in
the aorist, as generally in the common tenses. Thus lip,
which has been repeatedly mentioned, "to smear" (compare
d\et<p(*>), forms, in the imperfect, cdimpam, and in the aorist

alipam. Another form of this kind is alupam, " I did cut

off/' in contradistinction to alumpam (compare the Latin

rumpo, rupi, rupturri). The same is the relation of Greek

aorists like e\afiov (Sanskrit labh, "to obtain"), e^aSov, e\a0oi/,

to their imperfects e\ajji/3avov, eyavSavov, e\oivdavov9 only

that these, besides the inserted nasal, have also another ex-
ternal addition, which is likewise rejected, as, in Sanskrit,
the fifth and ninth classes reject their intermediate syllable
rm, nu. As to the imperfect asak-nav-am and the aorist asak-
"
-a-m, which, in Sanskrit, come from sak, to be able," class

five, these two forms stand in a relation to one another similar

to that in which the Greek passive aorists etyyqv, efjityrjv 9

v, stand to their imperfect actives [G. Ed. p. 822.]

v, e/xryi/w, eirriyvvv and as for the imperfect aklis'-

;

-nd-m, and the aorist aklis-a-m, which come from klis, class
nine, this corresponds exactly to the relation of the Greek

eSap-vri-v to e'&x/x-o-i/. From swid, " to sweat," class four,

come the imperfect aswid-ya-m, and the aorist aswid-a~m:

here the relation is similar to the correspondence of an

aorist in Greek, to the imperfect ejSaMoi/, it being
e'/3a\-o-i/,

pre-supposed that the gemination of jSdATVco* is the conse-

If wo assume iu pd\\a> the mutation of an original tennis to its

medial
800 THE AORIST.

quence of an assimilation (see 501.), and that therefore .

j8a\\w has arisen from j8a\7/o>, as aA\oj from a\yo$.

577. In roots which end with vowels this aorist forma-
tion is, in Sanskrit, little used, and where it occurs the
radical vowel is rejected before the vowel of conjunction,

with the exception of *q ri and ^ri, of which the former

becomes ar, the latter ir\ e.g. r/sar-a-ra, ajir-arm, frou:
"
sri to go,"
jn (properly jar, jir\ a?
^ (originally sar),
"to grow old," asw-a-m, from swi, "to grow." Roots in
u and fl do not occur in this aorist formation otherwise ;

from bhfi, "to be," if it followed this formation, and in

like manner rejected come abham, abhas,
its vowel, would
abhat, which would approach the Latin 6am of ama-bam

very closely ; or, if the ti were not rejected, but, according

to .
574., changed into
according to the general
liu, or,

law of sound, into uv, then, in respect to the conjunctive

vowel, in the third person singular the Latin fu-i-t, and, in
[G, Ed. p. 823.] the first person plural, /ti-i-mu*-, would
have the same relation to abhuv-a-t, abhuv-A-ma, or ahh&v-
-a-t, abh&v-d-ma, that, as above (, 507.), veh-i-t, veh-i-mus,
have to vah-a-ti, vati-d-mas.

578. In Zend
hardly possible to distinguish every-
it is

where with certainty the aorist formation under discus-

sion from the imperfect, at least not in examples of the
kind like the frequently-occurring zanaf, "he struck."
This form may be regarded as an aorist, because the root

?n^ /tan,
to which the Zend zan (for which also jxt^jan)
yAjj

corresponds, belongs to the second class and therefore, in

;

the second and third person singular, the imperfect forms

medial, as, vice versa, in IIYOiurfA, "to know/' a tenuis stands in place

of a medial, then ftdXAo would be referable to the Sanskrit root pad, whence
vady&i "I go" (middle), assuming a causal meaning. As regards the
weakening of the d to I, BAA answers, in this respect,
to the Prakrit pal The

same may be said of TraXXco, where the initial sound presents no difficulty.
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 801

ahan for ahans, ahant> according to .94. In Zend, also,

this root prevails chiefly in the second class. We find in
1
the Vend. S. p. 158. &c. repeatedly jainti, "he beats/ also

zaint& (p. 157, perhaps erroneously for zainti, or it is a

middle); but at p. 177 we find

iymj*5janaili, according
to the first class, and therefore ^w/*J$ zanat also may be
allotted to the first class, and regarded as the imperfect
But although zanat should be explained as belonging to

the class to which this verb is principally referable, it

may be still regarded as the imperfect, and, in fact, as

"
following the analogy of the Sanskrit wfa[7r arddat, he
11

wept," and the Zend IWAWJAJ anhat, "he was (see .532.).
579. The Sanskrit seventh aorist formation is distin-

guished from the sixth by a syllable of reduplication pre-

ceding the root, and therefore answers to the Greek
aorists, as evre^i/oi/, eiretypadov, eKCK\ero 9
and such as have
dropped the augment, as reTVKov, iremdov. We have already
adduced above (. 546) Latin perfects like cucurri, tutudi,
cecini, and remarked, that such as c3pi,frtyi,feci 9 and pro-
bably also such as l&gi, fddi, scdbi, vidi> fuyi, (if in the
latter the length of the vowel is not to be regarded as

compensation for an s, which has been dropped after the

final consonant ef the root,) contain a concealed reduplication

(see. 547, 548). The Sanskrit apaptam, [G. Ed. p. 824.]

"
from " to
I fell'X*), for apapatam, pat, fall," corresponds
exactly to the above-mentioned Greek e-ne^vov in its entire
structure, and therefore, also, in the rejection of the radical
vowel. While the Greek reduplicates this root in the present
and imperfect, and withdraws the reduplication in the aorist,
so that the Doric eirerov (commonly eVeo-oi/) has the same
relation to ewrrTov that e5o>i>, edrjv, ecrrqv, have to e&'Jwi/,

eridriv, urrijv, the Sanskrit, with this verb, adopts the reverse

method, and opposes to the imperfect apatam an aorist

* See my lesser Sanskrit Grammar, {. 3$2., Remark,

802 THE AORIST.

apaptam. The Greek

imperfect, therefore, eTHTrrov, corre-
sponds most surprisingly with this aorist apaptam, arid the
Greek aorist eTreroi/ with the Sanskrit imperfect apatam.
580. In Sanskrit all verbs of the tenth class follow this
seventh aorist formation, and, which is the same thing,
all causal forms, for these are in their formation identical
with the tenth class. And here the rhythmical law is valid,
that either the syllable of reduplication, or the base-syllable,
must be whether by natural length of the vowel or
long,
by position, as in apaptam. Both kinds are often at will
admissible in one and the same root, but in most cases the
use of language has exclusively decided for one or the
other kind, and, infact, most frequently for the length o*

the syllable of reduplication; e.g. from sil, "to make,"

comes asisflam or axUilam; from chur, "to steal," comes
achdchuram.
581. Besides the verbs of the tenth class and causal
forms, as the above-mentioned apaptam, and some others
to be given in the following paragraphs, only four other
"
roots ending with a vowel belong to this class, viz. sri, to

[G.Ed. p. 825.] go," swi, "to grow," "to go,"* dru, "to
run," sru, "to hear," snu, "to flow,"t whence asisriyam,

asiswiyam, adudruvam, atusruvam, asusnuvam.

582.have already remarked (. 548.) that anfo'am,
I

"I went from nas, in my opinion contains a

to ruin,"

concealed syllable of reduplication, and has arisen from

ananisam ananak-a-m) by rejection of the second n:
(for
and, moreover, that Latin perfects like c@pi rest on the
same principle. In
^SRfai^ avfoham, also, "I spoke, I

*
These two roots may be originally identical, as semi- vowels are easily
interchanged (see 20.), and the Latin cres-co may be referred to one or
.

the other.

i This is connected with sru, " to flow," by the affinity of the liquids
compare the Greek yew, Vv-<rop,cu ; p*'o>, pe
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 303

recognise a reduplication, though it appears that the 6 is

only an alteration of the a of the root. The root vach
has, however, a tendency to suppress its radical vowel and
vocalize v
hence, in the participle passive, ukta, and
its :

in the plural of the reduplicated preterite fich-i-ma, from

it-uchima. If, then, it is assumed that in the aorist forma-

tion under discussion the root vach has been contracted to
uch, then v6ch may very satisfactorily be deduced from
va-uch for vavach. The syllable of reduplication, there-

fore, has in this form, with regard to gravity, carried off

the superiority over the base-syllable, as in forms like achfi-

"
churam, I stole." Whether the Zend vadchem, ^tW?
" I
spoke," the third person of which, vaochat, occurs very
frequently, is identical with the Sanskrit avocham, and
therefore, in like manner, reduplicated, cannot be decided
with certainty, for this reason, that, as Burnouf has shewn,
the Zend has a tendency to change an a, through the

influence of a preceding v, into & 6, and thus to make

it more
homogeneous to the nature of the v ; but, accord-
ing to .
28., an a is prefixed the id A present middle,
in Zend and a potential (op-
also, H^iusl? vadch&, occurs *,

tative) mj^fiiiA)^ vaochdit (Vend. S. p. 163), [G. Ed. p. 826.]

which might, however, also be regarded as aorist of the po-
tential.
" "
583. In arandham, also, I injured," I slew," from the
root radh, I think I discover a reduplication,f assuming an

* Vend. 83 tat vacho " Or should

S. p. :
va6M, this speech I speak/'

vadche be considered a reduplicated preterite ? It is certain that Anquetil

is wrong in regarding it as the imperative, and translating the passage by
"
prononwz Men cette parole."
" " to "
t This root may be akin to vadh, to beat," slay (see 20.), to .

which A. Benary has referred the Latin laedo, which, therefore, would be
also connected with radh 9 and stands nearer to the latter, as r and / arc

almost identical.
804 THE AOHIST.

exchange of the liquids thus, arandham for arardham, from

;

araradham, as apaptam from apapatam. With regard to the

exchange of the r for n, it may be proper to advert to the
"
Tongian nima, opposition to rima, lima, of the dia-
five," in

lects near akin. Observe, also, that in the intensive forms

^^K? chanchal and M5JC chanchur* the nasal of the syllable
of reduplication is the representative of the I and r of the

root, just as of the /x of the Greek 7r//z7r?0;/u, TH/iTi-p^/xi, where,

therefore, /x for \ stands in the reverse relation of the Latin

Jlare for the Sanskrit TUT dhm&.^

584. In verbs which begin with a vowel the whole root is,

in Sanskrit, in this aorist formation, twice employed, and the

first time, indeed, uniting the radical vowel with that of the

augment, according to the principle of . 530, in accordance,

therefore, with the Greek aorists with Attic reduplication, as

yyayov, copo/joi/. The Sanskrit, however, requires, in the

second annexation of the root, the lightest vowel of all, i,
[Q. Ed. p. 827.] as the representative of all the rest. Not
only, therefore, are i and the diphthong <?
(a + ?')
shortened to
i9 and,g.,
from idoy (causal from id, " to praise ") dididam
e.

formed, but a and d also are weakened to i, after the

principle of Latin forms like tetigi, contingo, where the
encumbrance of the root by the syllable of reduplication
or the preceding preposition is the occasion of the vowel

being weakened. Hence, in Sanskrit, from atay (causal

of "to go,") comes the aorist Atifam, and from dpay
a/,
" 11

(causal of dp, to obtain, )

dpipam, with which the
Latin adipiscor for adapiscor may be compared, and the

* From chal, char; sec ray lesser Sanskrit Grammar, . 506.607-

tPott (Etym. Forsch. II.G90.) properly derives the Lett, dunduris,
" " to stick "
hornet/* from dur-t, ;
it has, therefore, in the repeated sylla-
ble likewisean exchange of liquids thus, also, the Greek fcvtipov is to be
:

derived from ftcpfyov, and is akin to fyvs and the Sanskrit dritma,
"
tree,"

(compare Pott, 11.235.).

 FORMATION OF TENSES. 805

Greek reduplicated forms ar/T<x\\co, Avlwuu, oTrnrrevu, for

aTaraMxi), 6i/oi//*/, ^TroTrreww (compare Pott, II. 690.,. And
gr w, also, and
ei, and the diphthongs in which u is con-
gi

tained, are changed into i\ hence dundidam from unduy

"
(caus. to make wet," compare Latin
of und, undo),
duninam from un, class ten, " to abate." It was first from
these formations, and the analogous forms of desideratives,
that perceived that the weight of the u is borne less
I

readily by the language than that of the i for otherwise ;

it would not be replaced by i in syllables, where the whole

attention of the language is directed to make them as

light as possible. But in the whole of Sanskrit Grammar

no other case exists where u, to lighten the syllabic weight,
becomes i : for while in roots beginning with a consonant

desideratives in the syllable of reduplication weaken a

radical atoi from " to u remains
(e.g. pipatish pat, cleave"),
unaltered (yuyuts, from yudh, "to fight,"), which serves
as a proof that u is lighter than a, because, were it hea-
vier than a, it would have a better right to be changed
into i.

585. In roots which end with two consonants, of which the

a liquid, this is rejected, in order the more to relieve
first is

the weight in the base syllable, but it is retained in the syl-

lable of repetition ; hence above (. 581.), [G. Ed. p. 828.]

dundidam for dundundam; so, also, drjijam for drjarjam, from

arj, class ten,

"to earn." According to this principle, in Latin
also, purtgo, if encumbered by reduplication, loses its nasal;
thus, pupugi, not pupungi. The loss of the nasal in tetigi, tutudi,

surprises us less, because in these verbs it in general belongs

less strictly to the root, dropped and is also in the supine

and analogous formations. But if, in Sanskrit, the first of

two final consonants is a mute, and the second a sibilant, then
the syllable of repetition receives only the first of the two
consonants, and thfe base syllable retains them both as from ;

fkxhay (causal of iksh, "to see"), comes dichiksham, for

806 THE AORIST.

Aikikxham or Aifahiksham* This principle is followed by

the Greek aha\Kov 9 for which, according to the principle of

the above-mentioned Aundidam, a\Ka.Kov or, with the aug- t

ment, YI\KOLKQV would be used.

586. In the few verbal bases which, exclusive of the cau-
sative affix ay, contain more than one syllable, the Sanskrit

receives, in the syllable of repetition, only as much as can be

contained in one syllable; as from avadhir, class ten, "to

despise,"f comes dv-avadhiram. The Greek follows the sime

principle in forms like aA-^A/^a, ay-yyepKa, op-copt^a.
587. The Zend supplies us with an excellent aorist-form
of the seventh formation, which has been already several
times mentioned, and which was brought to light by
first

Burnouf, viz.
Ajj^)>5>^> ururudusha,
"thou didst grow" (see
.
469.), from the root rudh, "to grow," which, in the Sanskrit

^ ruh, has preserved of the dh only the aspiration. With

[G. Ed. respect to the length of the syllable of re-
p. 8-29.]

duplication this form answers to those in Sanskrit like

achuchuram (see 580.). The initial u of uqyyJfi uru-
.

rudusha is regarded above (.518.) as the representative of

the a of the augment, through the assimilating influence of
the tl of the following syllable. But it now appears to me more
correct to recognise, in the initial vowel of the form spoken of,

only the original accompaniment of the augment, which has

been dropped, and that, therefore, from ardrudhusha, by the
retro-active influence of the A of the second syllable, next arose
aururudhusha, as, in 46., I have endeavored to derive As7>Aw
.

haurva from the Sanskrit sarva, through the euphonic influence

of the v and as the base word Alharvan, "priest," in the weak
9

cases, in which the final syllable van is contracted to un, adds,

* Gutturals in the
syllables of repetition are always replaced by pa.
latals.

1 1 explain &va as the preposition which has grown up with the base,
and regard the termination as akin to dhydi,
" to " 1
think," dh\ra> sage/
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 807

through the influence of the u of this syllable, a u to the pre-

ceding a, thus athaurun* from which, by dislodging the a, is
formed the more common athurunfi as for [G. Ed. p. 830.]
"
the Sanskrit taruna, young," we find in Zend both iauruna
and turuna. The u of the penultimate of urdrudh-u-sha cor-

responds to the conjunctive vowel a of Sanskrit forms like

achfichur-a-s, ach&chur-a-thds, proceeded from a and may have
by an assimilating influence of the u of the preceding syl-
lable. If the older a had been retained, we should then find
a
(according to . 56 .),
ur&rudhanha.

THE PERFECT.
588. It has been already remarked, that that Sanskrit

preterite which agrees in form with the Greek perfect is,

according to its signification, not a perfect, but is most fre-

quently used in the sense of the Greek aorist (. 513,).

* I find the initial a of the strong cases abbreviated in the examples I

have before me of the weak cases. The strong cases change the proper
theme dtharvan to dthravan; hence the nominative dthrava (Vend S.

p. 65). Without transposition, an , or some other auxiliary vowel, must

have been inserted between the r and v, because r can neither stand at the
end, nor in combination with a consonant.
t Thus Vend. S. p. 65, the genitive athuruno, and, p. 234 twice, the

dative athurunS : on the other hand, p. 65, 1. 13, the accusative plural
athaurunans-cha. The view I now take of the phenomenon under dis-
cussion differs from that in . 46. in this, that I there represented the u of
the second syllable of atlmrun as proceeding directly from the a of the

original form, in consequence of an assimilation, while 1 now regard it as

a remnant of aw, and look upon the a no longer as a prefixed vowel, but
as the original one, by the side of which a u has been placed through th^
influence of the u of the following syllable ; as frequently happens with an
i, through
the influence of a following f ory (see .41.) I
fully agree
in this point with the opinion expressed by Burnouf in his review of thy
IJ
First Part of this boo\ ( Journal Savans, Irf , in the sep irate impres-
dies -

"
the Zend aurvaf, horse," is in this way compared
sion, p. 8), where, also,

with the S i. is! rit //? '

an.
808 THE AORIST.

Our German unparaphrased preterite, which, in its origin,

coincides with the Greek perfect and Sanskrit reduplicated
preterite, renounced the perfect meaning,
has likewise
but in Gothic represents both the Greek imperfect and
the aorist, as well as the perfect, and, in the earliest Old

High German authorities, besides these tenses, the plu-

perfect. In the ninth, and, as Grimm remarks, perhaps

so early as the eighth century, begin the circumlocutory
forms of the perfect by the passive participle with the
auxiliary verb haben, and, in neuter verbs, with the verb
substantive, in which respect we must advert to the practice
of the Sanskrit language, in expressions like gat d 'srni (for

galas asmi), "ich bin geyangen" "I am having gone"

(see .
513.); as also to the circumstance, that, in the forms
in freTT tavat (tavant), the idea of possession is contained,
and that uktav&n andi, "dixi? properly means, "I am gifted
with having said" (therefore "having said") (see .
513.).

[G.Ed. p. 831.] The Old High German uses, beside the

verb corresponding to our haben, also eigan, which has the
same import, for its paraphrase of the perfect; in the

indicative, only in the plural; but, in the subjunctive, in

the singular also (see Grimm, IV. 149).
589. As regards the formation of the German unpara-
phrased preterite, the Gothic has, in the strong conjuga-
tion, under certain circumstances, regularly preserved the

reduplication, which, from the earliest period, belongs to

this tense; viz. first, in all verbs (their number is, it must
be allowed, but small) which have a long vowel in the
root (not, perhaps, merely in consequence of a Guna in
the present, and the forms thereto belonging); secondly,
in those verbs which exhibit unchanged, in the present,
an a long by position as, from the roots Mp " to sleep,
11

; 9

vo, "to blow" (Sanskrit vd), halt, "to be called," auk, "to

increase," fald, "to fold" (present fafda\ the first and

third person are vaivti, haihttit, aiauk.
singular saiztfp,
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 809

faifalth (forfaifcM, see . 93 H.) The form saizUp (regarding

s for s, see . 86. (5.)) stands so far isolated, as all other

verbs, which exhibit an & in the present, replace this

in the preterite by They are the following: ttka,
o.
" I " " "
touch," tait6k, 1 touched grita, I weep (Sanskrit ;

krand, "to weep"), gaigrdt, "I wept"; Uta, "I leave,"

lailot "I " I lament" (Latin plango), faifltik,
left";/<?Ara,
"I lamented"; r$da 9 "I advise," mirdth, "I advised."
This change of the vowel cannot surprise us, as and 6
are the common representatives of the original long d
(see . in Greek, e and o are the usual representa-
69.), as,

tives of the short a taittik, therefore, has the same relation

:

to t&ka, that, in Greek, rerpo^a has to r/oe^co, \e\onra to

Ae/7rco, Trenotda to ire/dco ; or, more strictly, that eppwya has

to p^yvvfjLi ;
for in Greek, too,>/
and are representatives of o>

the long a. I believe that the reason of this exchange of

vowels in both languages is to be found in [G. Ed. p. 832.]

this, that the quality of is heavier than that of JS and that 9

the tense under discussion, on account of being encum-

its

bered with reduplication, feels a necessity to appear heavier

in its root than the unencumbered present; as also, in
Gothic, the reduplication has in general maintained itself

only in roots of strong build.*

" " "
590. Vahsya 9 I grow (Zend juc(tf> ucs, to grow ),

from the root vahs, with the character of the Sanskrit

a
fourth class (see . 109 . 2.), and standa, "I stand," are the

only verbs which, notwithstanding that they exhibit in

the present an a long by position, have nevertheless per-
mitted the reduplication to disappear. They form, in the
first and third person singular preterite vdhs, stdth. The
dropping of the class syllable ya of vahsya is regular, as
this syllable belongs only to the special tenses (see 109 a.). .

* I hereby retract the* conjecture 1 formerly made that the a which

follows the root of the Greek perfects exercises an influence in changing
*
the of the root (Vocalismus, p. 40).

30
810 THE PERFECT.

In this respect, therefore, vfihs has the same relation to

in Sanskrit, nand'sa has to nasydm?, " I go to

vahsya> that,
w
ruin ; and the 6 of v6hs and stoth corresponds as the

regular long vowel of the a (see 69.) to the Sanskrit d of ,

forms like nandsa. While the Old High German con-

trasts with its present stantu a preterite stuont (see
. 109 b . 1.
p. 112) stdfh, which has abandoned the inorganic
nasal of standa, presents, moreover, the irregularity that
the th, which, according to . 93 a., has assumed the place
of the rf, is preserved also in the terminations which are
annexed ; thus, first person plural, sthdthum for stodum, as
the analogy of bauth, budum, from the root bud, would lead
us to expect.
59 L The difficulty that, in Gothic, there are two verbs
[G. Ed. with a radical a in the present, which, in
p. 833.]

spite of their length by position, have nevertheless lost the

reduplication of the preterite, is again, in a certain degree,
obviated the existence of two preterites, which have pre-
by
served the reduplication without their vowels being long
" "
naturally or by position ; viz. haihah, I hanged, faifah, I
"
seized (present hafia, faha). But if it is considered that
these verbs, in the other German dialects, have really length

by position, and probably originally had it in Gothic also,

the violation of the proposition expressed above, that the

reduplication is borne in Gothic only by roots with long

syllables, appears, through this consideration, less im-
portant.*

* In Old High German the preterite is hiang, fiang (hianc,fianc) 9 which

would lead us to expect a present hangu 9 fangu^ for which, however, occur
hdhu,fdhu, infinitive hdtiariyfdhan. Graff gives only to the former along

a, to the lattera short one; but the quoted examples confirm also the
length of the former, not by circumflex or doubling of the a. It is highly

prohable, however, that the same quantity belongs to both verbs r thus

they are either hahan and/ufozw, or hdhan and /ate. As they have no
preterite, if the length of the a is not proved, it cannot be decided from the

point
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 811

592. J. Griinm acutely remarked, that the other

first

German dialects, in those classes of verbs which in Gothic

clearly exhibit the reduplication, continue it in like manner,

although scarcely perceptibly. The syllables of reduplication
lose the appearance of a syllable of redupli- [G. Ed. p. 834.]
cation, when the following syllable is either quite passed
over, or only loses its consonant, and unites its vowel with
that of the syllable of reduplication. The former is the case
in some Sanskrit desiderative forms, as lips, pits (Lesser
Sanskrit Grammar, .
490.), for which, according to rule, we
should have lilaps, pipats;* wherefore it appears to me
far more proper to assume the suppression of the second
syllable, than that of reduplication, together with the

change of a into i, for which no reason at all could exist,

because the form would have been already sufficiently
weakened by the suppression of the syllable of reduplica-
tion. A simple consonant is suppressed in the Greek
yivojjiat from yi-yvoiJLai, which is, however, itself an abbrevi-
ation of yiyevopou :
moreover, in the Sanskrit aorist,

an$$am (=anaisam) from anantiam, and, in the Latin

perfects analogous with it, as c$pi (see . 548.) finally, in

:

the Old High German preterites, as hialt (our Melt) from

hihalt, for which, in Gothic, haihald.
593. It must, perhaps, be regarded as a dialectic peculia-

rity in Gothic, that the syllable of reduplication has always

ai. It was the custom, perhaps, at the time when all Ger-

point of view of the Old High German, whether they are to be allotted to
Gripim's fourth class (with long d in the present), or to the seventh (with
short a in the present). The Middle High German kdhe, vdhe, hahest,
vcehest, preterite hie, vie (for hieh, vieh), speak in favour of the fourth
class, to which they are ascribed by Grimm also, who writes hdhu, fdhu
In Gothic, then, instead of the existing haha faha, we should expect Mha,
9

feha y as sUpa, Uta, answering to the Old High German sldfu, Idzu.
* I consider, also, dhifah,
" to kindle," which is held to be a primitive

root, as a desiderative of this kind, and I derive it from di(dha)ksh from

3 G 2
812 THE PERFECT.

man languages were still one, that the heaviest vowel, , was
weakened in the syllable of repetition to the lightest, i9
as is the case in Sanskrit in the syllable of repetition of
"
desideratives, where, e.
y. 9 from dah, to burn," comes di-

dhaksh, not dadhakxh\ and as in Latin reduplicated forms

like cecini, the a in the syllable of repetition becomes e, and
in the basei, while a radical o and u in both places remain

unchanged (momordi, tutudi). For the diphthong ai, e.g., of

HAIT, " to be called," i would be, in the syllable of repe-
[G. Ed. p. 835.] tition, quite as much in its place ; for, in

Sanskrit, only the last element of the diphthong * ( a + i\ =

and of diphthongs generally enters the syllable of reduplica-
tion; wherefore, e. g., the reduplicated preterite of Mt (=kaify,
"
to invite," is chikdta (first and third person singular). If an

infringement of the law for the mutation of sounds, by pre-

serving the old tenuis in the final sound (as in s/^a ^ftrfo
"
swapimi, be assumed, it might be said that the
I sleep"),

Gothic HAIT would correspond to this Sanskrit k$t, and

therefore haihait (for hihait) to the above-mentioned fsRJnr
chiktta. But though an also is, in Gothic syllables of redu-
"
plication, represented by ai, as ai-auk, I increased," while,
in Sanskrit, d^a + u) becomes u as, puprotha, from
9
pruth,
"
to satisfy ;" still the i may be regarded as a
of this ai

weakening of u9 as we have seen above, in Sanskrit, the re-

duplicated aorist Aundidam for dundudam proceed from

^
as a
und (. 584.).
weakening of
We might also regard the i of ai-auk
the a of the base-syllable, which, how-

ever, appears to me less probable, as in diphthongs the

second element always has the etymological preponde-
rance, and the a mere phonetic prefix; on which
first is

account I prefer recognising in the syllable of repetition

of the Latin cei&K, of cado (==caic?o), the second element
of the
diphthong ce, rather than the first, although a in
the Latin syllables of repetition is regularly replaced by e.
Be this, however, as it may, I consider this as certain,
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 813

that the ai in Gothic syllables of reduplication was for-

merly a simple i, and that this ai is a dialectic peculiarity

limited to the Gothic, like that which, according to . 82.,

the Gothic employs instead of a simple i before h and r;

which latter, in the other dialects also, is alone repre-
sented. We miss, therefore, in the Old High German
hialt for Gothic haihald (from hihald), only the h of the
second syllable ;
and in the Old Northern itik, " I " or " he
increased," nothing is wanting of the Gothic [G. Ed. p. 836.]
ai-auk, as far as the latter is an inorganic extension of i-auk;
but au has, according to the Sanskrit principle, been con-
tracted to 6, while in the participle passive aukinn it has
remained open, and in the present, by a doubled Umlaut,*
become ey.
594. The Old Northern reduplicated preterites of verbs
with a radical a (Grimm's first conjugation) appear to me to
stand upon a different footing from the Gothic like hai-hald,
in so far as the latter have weakened the a in the syllable of

repetition to i, and have prefixed to it an a, while the former

(the Old Northern), quite in accordance with the Sanskrit

principle, have left the a of the syllable of reduplication
un-
altered and without addition, but, on the other hand (like the
Latin perfects tetigi, cecini),
have weakened the a of the base
to and, in agreement with the Sanskrit law of sound, have
i,

contracted the latter with the a of the syllable of repetition

to 8. In this way only, in my opinion, can we explain it,

that as, in Old Northern, from the root HALD, "to hold,"

(whence the present is, by the Umlaut, held, and the participle

passive haldinri), comes the preterite helt (the tenuis for the
medial at the end of the word, as in Middle High German,
see 93*.), plural h&ldum;
. therefore httt from hahilt for

hahalt, as the reverse case of the Old High German hi-alt

from hihalt for hahalt. So also in roots with a long d, for

*
By the Umlaut, the a becomes fl~tf, and the a, it = i'==y Translator.
814 THE PERFECT.

which the Gothic uses & (. 69.); e.g. from GRAT, "to weep,"
"
and BLAS, to blow," come gr$t, b!6s, as the contraction of

gra(gr)it, Uu(bl)is>* in contradistinction to the Old High

German blias (hlies) from bliblas. The Old Saxon stands on
the same ground as the Old Northern ; hence, from fallu 9
"I "
[G. Ed. p. 837.] fa!]," fill, I fell," from fafill ;
and from
slapu, "I sleep," sttp,
"I slept," from sldslip; just as, in
Sanskrit, plurals likenGmima, from nanimima, correspond
" I bent
to singulars like nandma, myself," of which more
hereafter.
Verbs which, in Gothic, have the diphthong ai as the
595.
radical vowel, lay aside, in Old High German, in the base-

syllable, the last element of the said diphthong, and retain

only the first, either unaltered, or corrupted to e, which,
indeed, happens in most of the received authorities ; hence,
to the Gothic preterite haihait, "I was called," in Otfrid hiaz

(for hihaz from hihaiz), in the other authorities quo.ted by

Graff, hiez, corresponds; which latter, in respect to its e,

answers better to the present heizu ( = Gothic haitcH), where,

however, the ie is not yet to be regarded as one sound ( = ),
as in our New German hiess. Of the Gothic diphthong au,
we find, according as authorities vary, either the first or
the second element preserved, and the former, indeed,
either unaltered or changed to e, and also the latter either
unchanged or corrupted to o (see .77.); e.g. from hlaupa
comes, in Gothic, the preterite haihlaup (see 598.), for .

which, in* Old High German, we find in Graff the forms

liaf(from lilaffor hlihlauf), lief, liuf, liof.
596. In Sanskrit the syllable of reduplication always
has the radical vowel, only shortened, if long; and, as has
been already remarked, of diphthongs only the last ele-

* Present, with the

Umlaut, greet, llces, participle passive grdtinn,
bldsinn. With respect to the rejection of a double consonant in the re-
duplicated preterite, compare the relation of the Old High German vior,
"
four," for
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 815
ment (see .
593) ; hence, 'babandh,* from bandh, " to bind ";

babhds, from
"to shine"; bibhid, from bhid, "to
bhds,

cleave"; didip, bom dip, "to shine"; tutud, from fad, "to
beat, push"; pupdr, from ptlr, "to fill." If for the vowel
rithe syllable of reduplication receives an a, this
proceeds
from the primitive form ar
e.g. mamarda, [G.
; Ed. p. 838.]
"
and he crushed,"t comes not from mrid, but from mard,
I

which in the dual and plural is contracted to mrid; hence

first person
plural mamridima. Roots which begin with
vowels we have already discussed (see
534.); only this may .

be here further mentioned, that roots which

begin with a
and end with two consonants proceed in a
very peculiar
and remarkable way, since they first contract the vowel of
repetition with that of the root to a long a, then add an
euphonic w, and then annex the whole root a second time, so
that thus the radical vowel occurs three times ; as,
d-n-un;
from aa-n-anj, from anj, " to anoint M (Latin ungo).
597. The Greek pays no regard, in its
syllables of redu-
plication in roots beginning with a vowel, to the vowel of
the base, but always replaces it by e, which the Latin does
in its perfects (which are reduplicated and carried back to
the Sanskrit seventh aorist formation), only in the case, in
which the root exhibits the heaviest of all vowels, viz. a,

which appears too heavy for the syllable of reduplication,

as, in Sanskrit, it is found inadmissible in the syllables of re-

duplication of desideratives, and is replaced by the lightest

vowel, j. Thus in Greek the
perfect Tera<pa corresponds
to the Sanskrit tatapa or tat&pa, " I burned," just as reru^a
to the Sanskrit tutdpa (pi. tutupima^Tertyanev) "I beat,

* I give the theme without any personal termination whatever.

f Compare the Latin mornordi^ although this is based on the aorist of

the seventh formation, where amamardam* middle amarfiardS, might have

been expected.
816 THE PERFECT.

wounded, slew," TrefyiKriKa* to the Sanskrit pipraya or pi*

" "
pr&ya, from pri,
to rejoice, to love (compare the Gothic
" It is certain, that origi-
[G. Ed. p. 839.] friyh I love ").

nally the Greek, also, must, in the syllable of reduplication,

have .had regard to the radical vowel ; that, however, in the

course of time, all vowels in this place were weakened to e,

as is the case in New German in the final syllables of poly-

syllabic words; as, e.g., we contrast binde, salbe, gaben, with

the Gothic binda, salb6, gabum, and Gaste, Glisten, with the
Gothic gasteis, gastim. A similar weakness or vitiation to
that which has overtaken our final syllables might easily
fiave befallen a Greek initial syllable not belonging to the
base itself.

598. As regards the laws to which the consonants in

the syllables of reduplication are subjected, the Sanskrit

replaces the gutturals by corresponding palatals, and, in

agreement with the Greek, the aspirated consonants by

corresponding non-aspirates; e.g. chakds, from kfo, "to

give light ";f jagam, from gam," to go"; dadhA, from dhd,
1
"to set, lay '; as, in Greek, redy, from the corresponding
root 0H. Of two consonants combined in the initial sound
in Sanskrit, the first is usually repeated ; hence chakrand,
from krand, "to weep"; chikship, from kship, "to cast."

The Gothic follows the same principle, if the second of the

combined consonants a liquid hence gaigrdt, " I wept,"
is ;

corresponds to the Sanskrit word of the same import, cAa-

" I
kranda and saizlty (see
; 86.(5.)), slept," to the San-
.

skrit swhitijpa.t We might hence infer that the preterite

*
Regarding the origin of the k and the aspirate of rcrw^a, see .568. &c.
t I refer the Gothic haiza, "torch" (z a softened s, see .86. (6.)) to
this root.

jThe root swap is irregular in this, that it is contracted before the

heavy terminations into sup (shup) ; and on this form is founded the syl-
lable of
reduplication, through the u of which the s following becomes sh.
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 817

which nowhere occurs, of hlaupa not htaihlaup.

is haihlaup,

But if, in Gothic, the second of the combined consonants is

a mute, this finds its way into the syllable [G. Ed. p. 840.]

of reduplication also; hence skaiskaith, "I separated," the

third person plural of which, skaiskaidun, occurs in Luke ix. 33:

hence might be deduced, also, staitaut, from STAUT.

The other German dialects have, unrestrictedly, left two
combined consonants together in the syllable of repetition ;

hence, in Old High German, sliaf, "I slept," spialt, "I

cleft," from slislaf, spispalt; unless in the second syllable
one of the two consonants would be rejected, as in the Latin
spopondi, steti, for spospondi, stesti. But the Gothic skai-
skaith speaks against the latter.

599. remains to be remarked, with respect to the

It

Sanskrit syllables of reduplication, that if a root begins

with a sibilant before a mute, the syllable of repetition,

according to the general law, does not contain the first

consonant but the second, respect being had to the rules
of sound before mentioned; e.g. from sthd comes tasthdu,
"I, he stood;" from(xpar)\ pasparsa, "I or he
spris
touched," in opposition to the Latin steti, spopondi. The
Zend, closely as it is allied to the Sanskrit, does not

recognise this rule. I cannot, indeed, quote the perfect

of Aw^en) std, nor any other perfect of roots with an initial
sibilant before a mute, but as sthd in Sanskrit has a syl-
lable of reduplication in the special tenses also, and forms,
in the present, tishthdmi 9 we see, from the Zend J$JM$JVM>
hist&mit that the law of reduplication under discussion, at
the time of the identity of the Zend with the Sanskrit,
was not yet in force, or at least not in its full extent.

Of the Latin it deserves further to be remarked, that in its

sislo, which is properly the counterpart of the Sanskrit

tishthdmi, Gr. urn;/*/, and Zend histdmi (see 508.), it follows

.

the general law for syllables of reduplication, while analo-

gously with steti a present stito might

have been expected.
818 THE PERFECT.

[G. Ed. p. 841.] 600. With respect to the Greek, as soon as

we recognise in the I of urn/jtu, as in the Zend hi of histdmi,
a syllable of reduplication, to which we are compelled, by
its analogy with S/So)/*/, T/%U, /S/'/fy/*/, &c., and by the cir-

cumstance that 0- in the initial sound is easily weakened to

the rough breathing, we must allow, that in the perfect

eorqica, also, the rough breathing stands for <r, and that,
therefore, we have in this form a more perfect syllable of
reduplication than is usually the case in roots which have in
the initial sound a heavier consonant combination than that
of a mute before a liquid. We cannot place ecrn/Ka on the
same footing with efytctjora/,
which we would suffer to rest on
itself; for the latter has just as much right to the rough
breathing as the Latin sisto to its s : and when Buttman says
(Gr. . 83. Rem. 6.), "The
often-occurring d<eoTa7Ua (pre-
supposing earaTOca) in the Milesian inscription given by
Chisbull, p. 67, furnishes a proof that the rough breathing
instead of the reduplication of the perfect went further in
the old dialects than the two cases to be met with in the
current language (eor^/ca, eipapTai)? it is important to ob-
serve, that here, also, the root begins with <r, which has been

preserved in the syllable of repetition as the rough breathing.

In evrrjKa this phenomenon has been preserved in the lan-

guage as commonly used, because, in my opinion, the analogy

of the present and imperfect has protected the
breathing
which belongs to the reduplication of the perfect.
601. Moreover, if, in other consonantal combinations than
that of dfcmute before a liquid, the syllable of repetition has

usually dropped the consonant to be repeated, this clearly hap-

pened because a greater weight of sound in the base syllable
rendered a lightening of the syllable of repetition desirable ;
hence, e.g. etyaAfca, eQdopa, from irfyaAKot, me^Qopa. In these
and similar forms the coincidence of the initial syllable with
[G. Ed, p. 842.] the augment is only casual ; and if in the e
a remnant of a syllable of reduplication is recognised, we are
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 819

not thereby compelled to explain the e of etyaKhov, e<f>8etpov

also, as the syllable of reduplication, since in the imperfect and

aorist (and this appears from the Sanskrit) a simple vowel,

independent of the root, has just as much a primitive founda-
tion, as in the perfect, in roots beginning with a consonant, a

syllable beginning with the radical consonant or its represen-

tative has. It cannot, however, be denied, that in some cases,

through an error in the use of language, the example of the

augmented preterites has operated on the perfect. It may
be, that the e of e'aya, eovpyKa, is just as much the augment
as that of eaa,* eovpovv : but
admits of being re-
it also

garded in the perfect as the reduplication, since e and o are

originally identical with a, and have proceeded from it by
corruption (see .
3.) ;
and since both a and o easily become
e as, e.g., the final e of ee/e (
= ^f?^frT adikshat, see p. 803,
G. ed.) is, according to its origin, identical with the a of

e5e/ a, ee/a-, &c., and the e of vocatives, like \VKC ( = spff

only a weakening of the o concluding the base-word,
vrika), is
and corrupted from the older a (see 204*). .

602. To pass over, then, to the alterations, to which the

radical vowel in the Sanskrit reduplicated preterite is sub-

jected, we will consider first the roots with a. This is

lengthened before a simple consonant in the third person

singular active, and at pleasure, also, in the first; hence,
from char, "to go," to which the Gothic root FAR, "to wan-
der," corresponds, come chachdra or chachara, "I went,"
chachdra, "he went. This analogy is [G. Ed. p. 843.]
followed by those Gothic verbs which have preserved a
radical a before simple consonants in the present, but re-

place it in the preterite with o; as farp, the preterite of

which, f6r, in respect to its vowel, corresponds as exactly as

possible to the Sanskrit chdr of chachdra, for 6 is, in Gothic,

* The digamma belonging to this verb, which rests on the Sanskrit bh

" to
of bhanj, break," leads us to expect an aorist, e/ua, and in the most
ancient time a perfect fi'/fcya for the Sanskrit babhatya.
820 THE PERFECT.

the regular representative of the long A, and takes the place

of the short a, where the latter is to be lengthened, as, vice
versd, 6, in case of abbreviation, becomes a; on which account
feminine bases in 6 (=Sanskrit d) exhibit in the uninflected
nominative an a, since long vowels at the end of a word are
the easiest subjected to abbreviation (see 137.). The rela-.

tion, therefore, of for tofara is based originally not on an

alteration of quality, but only on that of quantity ; and the
vowel difference has here just as little influence in the de-

signation of the relation of time, as, in the noun, on that of

the case-relation. As, however, in for the true expression
of past time, viz. the reduplication, has disappeared, and/Jr
stands torfaifdr, the function performed by the difference of
the vowel of the root, in common with that of the personal
terminations (or of the absence of terminations, as infdr as
first and third person singular), is, for the practical use of

language, the designation of time. Thus, in our German sub-

junctive preterite in the plural, the Umlaut is the only sign by
which we recognise the relation of mood, and which, there-
fore, is to be held as the exponent of the modal relation, since
the true expression of the same, viz. the vowel e (e.y. ofwaren,
wciret), which was formerly an i (Old High German wdrtmfe,
wdrit), and, as such, has produced the Umlaut by its assi-
milative power, is no longer, in its corrupted form, distin-

guishable from the termination of the indicative.

[G. Ed. p. 844.] 603. The Gothic for is distinguished from

the Sanskrit char of chachdra by this, that

retains its long
it

vowel through all persons and numbers, while in Sanskrit it

is necessary only in the third person singular, and is found or
not, at will, in the first person singular. To the Gothic, how-
ever, the Greek second perfect corresponds in the case where
a radical a is lengthened to d, or its representative, rj.
The
relation of Kjoccfco (e/cpayoi/) to jceKpaycc, of 0<J\\o> (0a\o>) to

re0>7\a, corresponds exactly to the relation of the Sanskrit cha-

rdmi and Gothic fara to chachdra, /(Jr. In Greek verbs which
have changed a radical cc, in the present, to e, the change of
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 821

this e into the heavier o is substitute for the

lengthening
(see .
589.).
which end with two consonants the length-
604. In roots

ening of the a to d is, in Sanskrit, quite omitted, and so, in

" I
Gothic, that of a to 6 ; as, in Sanskrit, mamantha, or he
shook," mamanthima, "we shook/' from man/A; so, in Go-
"
thic, vaivald, I or he ruled," vaivaldum, "we ruled," from
vald. Those Gothic verbs which weaken, in the present, a
radical a before a double consonant to i (see p. 116 G. ed.),

replace the same in the plural numbers of the preterite, and

in the whole subjunctive preterite, by u hence, BAND, " to ;

"
bind (from which the present binda), forms in the singular
of the preterite band, bans-t (see .
102.), band, answering to
the Sanskrit babandha, babandh-i-tha, babandha : in the se-
cond person dual, however, bund-u-ts for Sanskrit baband-a~
-thus; and in the plural, bund-u-m, bund-u-t, bund-u-n, for
Sanskrit babandh-i-ma, babandh-a-(tha), babandh-us. The
subjunctive is
bundyau,
&c. The Old High German, which
has for its termination in the second person singular in-
stead of the Gothic t an i, which, in my opinion, corresponds to
the Sanskrit conjunctive vowel i, exhibits, before this i, also
the alteration of the a to u ; hence, in the first arid third per-
son singular bant corresponding to the Sanskrit babandha and
Gothic band; but in the second person [G. Ed. p. 845.]
bunt-i, answering to the Sanskrit babandh-i-tha and Gothic
bans-t. Hence we perceive that the change of the a into u
depends on the extent of the word, since only the monosyllabic
forms have preserved the original a. We perceive further,
that the weight of the u appears to the German idioms lighter
than that of the a, otherwise the u would not relieve the a
in the same way as we saw above ai and au replaced by i

in the polysyllabic forms, or before heavy terminations (see

p. 707 G. ed.) ;
and as, in Latin, the a of calco and salsus,
under the encumbrance of a preceding preposition, is repre-
sented by u (conculcOj insulsus).
822 THE PERFECT.

605. Where, in Gothic, a radical a is weakened before

simple consonants, in the present, to i, but retained in the

singular of the preterite, we find instead of it, in both the

plural numbers and in the whole subjunctive

preterite, in all
the polysyllabic past forms, therefore, an and for that in the
Old and Middle High German an &, which here, however,
occurs as soon as in the second person
singular indicative,
because it is polysyllabic: in Middle High German, how-
The present of the "
ever, it is changed to os. root LAS, to
1*
read, is, in Gothic, lisa, in Old High German lisu, in Middle

High German Use; the preterite in Gothic is las, las-t, las,

I6sum, ISsut, l&sun; subjunctive Usyau, &c. : in Old High

German las, Idsi, las, Idsumfo, Idsut, lAmn ; subjunctive last,

&c. : in Middle High German las, lase, las, Idsen, Idset, Idseu ;

subjunctive lase. This phenomenon stands in contradiction

to other strong verbs, because here the
polysyllabic forms
all

have a heavier vowel than the monosyllabic but the reverse ;

naturally appears everywhere else. Even in the Sanskrit

we find this apparent contradiction to the law of gravity, and
the surprising, although, perhaps, accidental, coincidence
with the Gothic, that in both languages in similar
places
[G. Ed. p. 846.] viz. before the
he^vy terminations of the
dual and plural a radical a
changed into 3, in both Ian-
is

guages only in roots which terminate in a simple consonant ;

to which is further added, in Sanskrit, the limitation, that the

initial consonant, also, must as a rule be simple, and cannot

be v or the like, which, in the syllable of repetition, according
to , 598., experiences a change. The syllable of repetition,
however, suppressed in the cases in which the a is changed
is

into 6. This is the practical view of the rule, which we shall

subsequently endeavour to elucidate theoretically. Let the

root tan, " to extend/ serve as
1

example.
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 823

ACTIVE.
SINGULAR. DUAL. PLURAL.

tatAna or tatana, tfaiva for tataniva, tinima for tatanima.

tatantha,
ylinathus for tatanathus, Una for tatana.
or ttnitka for tdanitha,
mho, ) <

tddna> tinatus for tdanatus, thus for tatanus.

MIDDLE.
t6ni for tatanS, tinivahi for tatanivaht, t&nimahS for tatanimahl.

ttnisM for tatanhU, tin&tM for tetan&thti, ttnidhwt for tatanidhwe

tini for fafan& tfndtf for tatanAtt, tfniri for tatanirt.

It appears, therefore, from this

paradigm, that the form fn
used for fa/an, though far the most common, is
adopted
only before heavy terminations, or in such persons as, in

their full form, would appear to consist of four syllables; for

although, in the second person plural, tina stands for tatana,

and in the third person plural, tfnwt for tetanus, still us in this

place is an abbreviation of anti (compare .

462.), and a is

clearly only the remnant of an original termination atha:

the a of tina, for t6n-a-tha, corresponds [G. Ed. p. 847.]

merely to the conjunctive vowel of the Greek rerty-a-Te and

of the Gothic vaivald-u-th,fur-u-th, lfa-u-th* The reason of

* have already, and in the Annals of

I in my System of Conjugation,
Oriental Literature (London, 1820), called attention to the fact, that the

Sanskrit tutupa in the second person plural is an abbreviated form, and in

the former parts of this book the fact has often been alluded to, that the

Sanskrit, in particular cases, appears in disadvantageous contrast with its

European sister idioms. It has therefore surprised me that Professor Hofer,

rt
in his Treatise Contributions," &c,, p. 40, has made so general an asser-
w
tion, that recent investigators have not been desirous
of keeping per-

fectly free from the unfortunate error of believing in the imaginary invio-

lability and pristine and perfection of the Sanskrit." For my part

fidelity

1 have never conceded to the Sanskrit such pristine fidelity ; and it has

always given me pleasure to notice the cases in which the European sister

languages surpass it, as the Lithuanian does at this day, in everywhere

824 THE PERFECT.

the abbreviation is clearly apparent in the second person

singular ; for if here the termination t ha is joined directly to
the root, the reduplication remains
full ; but if the number of

syllables is increased by a conjunctive vowel, theft tSn is used

for tatan ; thus tdnitha (from tatanitha) answering to tatantha.
I recognise, as has been already observed (see .
548.), in forms
like ttn a concealed reduplication ;
thus t&n from tatin (as in
Latin cecini for cacani), and this from tatan, whence, by re-

jecting the second t, tdn (for ta-an) may have been formed, and
so, in earlier times, have been used for ten', and I think that

the Gothic $, in forms like Usum, is not found there because the

Sanskrit, in analogous forms, has an , but for this reason, that

the Sanskrit 8 was formerly an A, but the Gothic & represents
the d (. 69.). The Old High German has preserved the ori-

ginal sound, and exhibits lammh (from lalasumts), which, in

contrast with the Gothic Usumfo, appears like a Doric form

[G. Ed. p. 848.] contrasted with an Ionic one.* While, in

the second person singular, the Gothic las-t, on account of its

monosyllabic nature, is based on Sanskrit forms like tatantha,

the Old High German last answers to the contracted form /e?-
nitha. It must be assumed that the Gothic las, last, was for-

merly 1ailas ladast;

t
and then, too, the plural Usum stood in
the proper relation to lattas (lalas), i.e. in the relation of
the weaker to the stronger radical form. give, for a We
complete general view of the analogies existing between
the Sanskrit and the German in the case before us, the

" who ? 1f
expressing the idea by has, while the Sanskrit has, according to

fixed laws of sound, becomes at one time kah, at another L6, at another

ka, and appears in its original form only before t and th.

* Regarding the Latin forms here

like c6pi, see . 548. It may be
further remarked, that Ag. Benary,also (Doctrine of Latin Sounds, p. 276,

&c.), traces back the Latin perfect in all its formations to the Sanskrit

aorist.
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 825

reduplicated preterite of ^
the
sac?,

Gothic
"
to sit,"
and
"
to place one-
Old
self," corresponding to sat
High
German " connected with form
saz, I sate," it in and
sense.

SINGULAR,
SANSKKIT. GOTHIC. OLD HIGH GERMAN 1
.

sasdd-a or sasad-a, (sat)sat, (si)saz.

sasat-tha or sid-i-tlia, (sai)sas-t, sdz-i-*

sasdd-a* (sai)sat 9 (si)saz.

DUAL.

sed-a-thits, sPt-u-ts

s$d-a-tus

PLURAL.

sdz-u-mts.
set-u-th, sfa-u-t,

dd-us, set-u-n, s<lz-u-n.

"Remark 1. Tliat in the example here [G. Ed. p. 849.]

given, as generally in Grimm's tenth, eleventh, and twelfth

conjugations, the a of the preterite is the real radical vowel

that in the present it is weakened to z, and that the i of the

present has not, vice versd, been strengthened in the preterite

to a I infer, not only because the Sanskrit, where it admits

of comparison, everywhere exhibits a as the unmistakeable

radical vowel, but especially from the circumstance that
the Gothic causal verb, where any such corresponds to the

primitive verb, everywhere uses the a in the present

even, while the primitive verb has it merely in the prete-

rite; for instance, from SAT 9 "to sit," comes the causal
set"= Sanskrit s&dayami. If it were merely the
satyn,"!
object of the language to gain in the causal a vowel con-
nected with the primitive verb, but strengthened, then if

3 II
826 THE PERFECT.

SIT were the root, from itwould perhaps have proceeded

or and in reality the verbs, to which
seitya (=*sftya) saitya ;
I ascribe i as the radical vowel, exhibit, in the causal, at, as

those with a radical u employ the diphthong au in exact agree- ;

ment with the Sanskrit, where i and u receive Guna in the causal
i. e. prefix a. Thus in Gothic, from ur-RIS, *
to stand up,'

(ur-reisa, ur-rais, ur-risum) comes ur-raisya,

'I raise up';

from DRUS, 'to fall' (driuso, draus, drusurn),

ga-drausya,
'
to know
'
as, in Sanskrit, from vid and budh,
'
I plunge ';

'
I
v&daydmi (=vaidaydmi), b6dhaydmi (=baudhay6,mi),
make to know.' The circumstance, that Sanskrit verbs
'
with a radical a correspond to the Gothic sat, I sate,' band,
'I bound/ would not alone furnish any sufficient ground
for assuming that the said and analogous Gothic verbs
exhibit the root in the singular of the preterite for it ;

might certainly be allowed that binda proceeds from the

Sanskrit bandh, sita from sad, and that an original a
has here been corrupted to i; but it might still be main-
tained that the a of the preterite band, sat, is not a trans-
mission from the period of identity with the Sanskrit,
but that it has been newly developed from the i of the

present, because the change of sound of i to a is the

symbol of past time. I object to this view, however, first,

because not only does sat answer to sasada or sasdda, but

also the plural sStum from sdtum, Old High German sdzumes,

to sddima from sddima (sa(s)adima), and it is impossible to con-

sider this double and surprising coincidence as fortuitous ;

secondly, because, as has been above remarked, the causals

too recognise the a of the verbs under discussion as a radi-
cal vowel ; thirdly, because substantives also, like the German
Sand, Satz, which have nothing to do with the expres-
sion of past time, or any other temporal relation, conform

[G. Ed. p. 850.] to the vowel of the preterite; fourthly,

because generally, in the whole Indo-*European family of

languages, no case occurs of grammatical relations being

 FORMATION OF TENSES. 827

expressed by the change of the radical vowel; fifthly,

because the reduplication, which is the real expression of
the past, is still clearly retained in Gothic, in the verbs
mentioned above, and istherefore adequate ground for

assuming that sat is an abbreviation of misat, but that

s$tum for sdtum is a contraction of sa($)a-<um."
" Remark 2. The Sanskrit roots which begin with a
consonant which must be replaced by another cognate
one, refrain from the contraction described above; for if
the g of the base syllable of jagam dropped out, and the
two a were melted down to 6, then j6m would assume an
appearance too much estranged from the root; and this
is certainly the reason why the contraction is avoided. It
is omitted, also, in roots which begin with two consonants,
and, indeed, for the same reason ;
for if, e.g., the st of the
second syllable of tastan was dropped, the contracted form
would be t$n, in which the root stan would no longer be
recognised. There are, however, a few exceptions from
b(Ahaj from bhaj,
*
the restriction specified ; as, to pay

homage/ is always contracted to Jta bMj, as far as is yet

known, though ^
Mj might be expected but the aspi-
ration of the base-consonant, which has been dropped, has
;

been carried back to the syllable of repetition, according

to the principle of the above-mentioned fir dhiksh for
didhaksh, from dah, 'to burn* (see .593.). It is more
account for the fact of some roots, which begin
difficult to

with two consonants having permitted themselves to be

contracted, and having retained both consonants in the
syllable of repetition, since, e.g.,
to the reduplicated perfect-

theme tatras a contracted form Ms corresponds, while

from tatras, by rejecting the tr of the second syllable,
should come its. Either, then, in irfa the r, which is
sup-
pressed in the full reduplicated form (tatras for tratras), is
again restored, in order to comply with the requirement
that the form of the root be not too much disfigured, or
3H2
823 THE PERFECT.

the forms like proceed from a period when the syl-

tres

lable of repetition still combined the two consonants, as in

the Latin spopondi, steti, and in the Gothic skaiskaith ; or,

lastly, andmost probable, forms like fr& proceed

this is

from a period when the language had completely forgotten the

ground of their origin in contraction, and when in forms
[G. Ed. p. 851.] s6dima reduplication was- no longer
like

perceived, but only

the change of a radical a into 8, and it
was believed that the true exponent of the relation of time
was therein recognised. Thus, in a measure, the Gothic
fr8hum 'we asked' (Sanskrit paprichchhima, not prfahhima,
9

from prachh, was prepared by Sanskrit forms

'to ask'),

like trtsima, we trembled,' bhr$mima, we wandered,' and

' '

some similar ones. The Sanskrit and German in this agree

most admirably, that roots which end with two consonants
have not permitted the contraction to make way; cer- its

tainly because, through their stronger structure, they had

more power to bear the full reduplication (compare .
589.),
which has at last disappeared in Gothic in those verbs with
a radical a, which weaken that vowel, in the present, to i ,
so that band, bundum, correspond to the Sanskrit babandha,
babandhima. To a Gothic present banda a preterite balband
would correspond."
606. It is not requisite to assume that forms like
"
^ftpr Mima, we which has been compared above
sate,"

(p. 825) to the Gothic sttum and Old High German sdzum,
existed so early as the period of the unity of language.
I rather hold the Sanskrit s&dima and Gothic s$tum, besides

being identical inbe connected only iu

their root, to

this point, that they both, independently of each other,

have, in consequence of a contraction, lost the semblance

of a reduplicated form; that in both the e stands for an
older a, which is preserved in the Old High German

sdzumis-, that the Sanskrit s&d for sty has sprung from

sasad, as the Gothic & for sett from sasat, the latter natu-
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 829

rally at a time, when the syllable of repetition was still

faithful to the radical syllable as regards the vowel. The
contraction of polysyllabic forms into monosyllabic, by re-

jecting the consonant of the second syllable, or the consonant

together with its vowel (as above in lips for lilops, .
592.),
isso natural, that different languages may easily chance to
coincide in this point; but such an omission might most

easily occur in reduplicated forms, because [G. Ed. p. 852.]

the expression of the same syllable twice running might

be fatiguing, and therefore there would be a direct occa-
sion for the suppression of the second syllable or its con-
sonant. In verbs with a radical a the occasion is the more
urgent, because a is the heaviest vowel, and hence there
is the more reason to seek for a diminution in weight.
Latin forms like ietuji (compared with such as
cecini,

tutudi, momordi), comply with the requirement to be weak-

ened by reducing the a to i in the base-syllable, and
to e in the syllable of repetition, while perfects (aorists)
like cflpi, flci, in their process of diminishing the weight,
coincide with the Sanskrit sSdima and Gothic sStum, which
does not prevent the assumption that each of the three
languages has arrived at the contracted form in its own
way, as the Persian em and English am ( em), "I am," =
approach so closely, because they both, but quite inde-
pendently of each other, have abbreviated the primitive
form asmi in the same way, while in the third person
the Persian and Latin est coincide, through a similar cor-

ruption of the old form asti ; or as the Old High German

for, vior, stand in the same relation to the Gothic Jidv&r that
the Latin quar of quar-tus does to the to-be-presupposed

quatuor-tus. In conclusion, I shall further observe that the

Gothic man, " I mean," though, according to form, a pre-
terite, and based on the Sanskrit mamana or mamdna,* still

* The root man, rt

to think," is indeed, in the present condition of the

language, used only in the middle (thus mend, " I, he thought"), which,

however,
 830 THE PERFECT.

in the plural forms not

m$num, after the analogy of minima,
but mwnum, which leads us to conjecture an older maimunum
for mamunum, as bundum for baibundum, babundum. Simi-
" we 1'
[Q. Ed. p. 853.] larly, skuliim, not skdlum (sin-
should,
From " comes magum, without weak-
gular skat). mag, I can,"
ening the a to u. In respect to this and similar verbs it may,
"
however, be observed, that in the Sanskrit vi da, I know,"
and Greek o?8a (=Gothic vait, see p. 7 1 1 G. ed.), the redu-
plication is lost, and perhaps, also, all German verbs, which
associate the sense of the present with the terminations of
the preterite, have never had reduplication, on which account
there would be no reason to expect a mdnum for mdnum from
mamanum.
607. Verbs with a radical i or u before a simple final conso-
nant have Guna, in Sanskrit, before the light terminations of
the reduplicated preterite, and, therefore, only in the singular
of the active. .This Guna is the insertion of an a before the ra-

(Grimm's eighth and ninth con-

dical vowel, just as in Gothic

jugations). As, however, with the exception of the few verbs

a
which belong to the Sanskrit fourth class (see 109 . 2.), all .

strong verbs belong only to the Sanskrit first class, which, in

the special tenses, has Guna pervading it; so also, in the Ger-
man verbs with a radical i and u, Guna must be looked for in
the present and the moods dependent thereon. The Guna
vowel a however, in the present, been weakened to i, and
has,
is only retained as a in the monosyllabic preterite singular.

While, therefore, the Sanskrit root budh, cl. 1, "toknow," forms,

in the present, b&dhdmi, pi. b&dhdmas (baudhdmi, baudhd*

mas), and, in the reduplicated preterite, bub6dha(=bubaudha),

plural bubudhima, the corresponding Gothic root (" to BUD
1

offer," "to order," ) forms, in the present, biuda* plural

however, does not prevent the assumption that ^originally an active alflo
has existed.
* Graff, who lias in of the
general supported with his assent my theory
German Ablaut (change of sound), which I first submitted in my Review of
Grimm's
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 831

biudam, and in the preterite bauth (see 93 a .), plural budum. .

In verbs with a radical i the Guna vowel [G. Ed. p, 854.]

i is melted down in German with the radical vowel to a
long
which, in Gothic, is written ei ;* hence the Gothic root
1'
BIT, "to bite, forms, in the present, beita (=6fla, Old High
German bizu), and in the singular of the preterite bait, plural
to the Sanskrit bibhdda " I
bitum,answering (from bibhaida),
"
and he cleft," bibhidima, we cleft" present fa^ In the
belonged to the first class, would form bMddmi, to
bhid, if it
which the Gothic beita (from biitd) has the same relation as
above biuda to bddhdmi. The relation of the Gothic beita
from biita to the Sanskrit bhdddmi from bhaiddmi, is like that
of the plural nominative fadei-s (from the base FAD I) to the
Sanskrit patay-as from pati, " lord," only that inpatay-as the
,s=a-f i is resolved into ay
t
on account of the following vowel.
608. We give here, once more, the Gothic bait, *' I bit,"
and bang, 4< 1 bowed/' over against the corresponding San-
skrit forms, but so that, varying from . 489. and our usual

method, we express the Sanskrit diphthongs ^ & and ^ft 6,

according to their etymological value, by ai and au, in order

Grimm's German Grammar, differs in this point from the view above taken,
that he does not recognise in the i of Kudu and in the first i of beita (=6ifo,
from biita) the weakening of the Sanskrit Guna vowel a, but endeavours in
three different ways to gain from the radical i and M, in the present i

(written ei and iu (Old High German Thesaurus I. pp. 21,22),

in Gothic)

of which modes, however, none is so near and concise as that, according

to which the t of biudu is the weakening of the a of the Sanskrit baudhdmi

(contracted, Mdhduii), to which Kudu has the same relation that the Old
" to the has to the Gothic sunau and
High German dative junto, son,"
Sanskrit sitnav-6, from the base *&nu, the final u of which receives Gnna
in the dative singular and nominative plural.
In the former place the
Gothic has retained the old Guna a ;
and it is not till several centuries

later that we first see this in Old High German weakened to i: in the

latter place (in the Gothic even has admitted the

nominative plural) the
weakening to i, but changed it to ; hence sunyu-s for Sanskrit sunav-as.
y
* See Remark
$.70., and Vocalismus, 224, 13.
p.
 832 THE PERFECT.

to make the really astonishing agreement of the two Ian-

[G. Ed. p. 865.] guages more apparent. We also annex

the Old High German, which replaces the Gothic diphthong ai

by ei, and au by ou (before T sounds, s and h by 6). In the

Old High German it is especially important to remark, that it

replacesby the pure vowel of the root the diphthong in the se-
cond person singular, on account of the dissyllabic form, which
here corresponds to the Gothic monosyllabic one, as a clear

proof that the vowel opposition

between singular and plural

depends on the extent of the word or the weight of the ter-

minations, as we have already perceived by the opposition
between a in monosyllabic and the lighter u in polysyllabic
forms (bant, bunti, buntumfa, see .
604.).

Sanskrit. Gothic. 0. H Germ. Sanskrit. Gothic. Q.H.Germ*

ROOT.

bhid, bit, biz, bhuj, bug, buy,

11 11 1

"to "to bite," "id. "to bend, "id." "id/

split,"

SINGULAR.

bibhaid-a, bait, beiz. bubhauj-a,

bibhaid-i-tka, bais-t, biz-i* bubhauj-ltha,

bibhaid-a, bait, beiz. bubhauj-a,

DUAL.

bibhid-i-va, bit-u, .... bubhuj-i-w 9

bibhid-a-thuS) bit-u-is, .... bubhuj-a-thus,

bibhid-a-tus .... bubhuj-a-ius

PLURAL.

bibhid-i-ma, bit-u-m, biz-u-mHs. bubhuj-i-ma, buy-u-m, bug>u-m$s.

bibhid-a- bit-u-th, biz>u t.
bubhuj-a-\ bug-u-th,
9
bug-u-t.

biblud-us, bit-u-n, biz-u-n. bubhuj-us, bug-u-n, bug-u-n.

2
i
Sec}. 102. See .441.

[G. Ed. p. 856.] 609. The Greek second perfects like

7re7To<0a, \e\onra, eoma,

nefavya, in respect to their Guna
answer to the Sanskrit just discussed, Mbhaida (bibMda\

babhauja (bubhfija), and Gothic bait, baug. The circum-

 FORMATION OF TENSES. 833

stance, however, that the Greek retains the Guna in the

dual and plural, and uses not 7re7r/0a/*ei/, 7re06ya/zei/, but
Treirolda^evt irefavyafMev, raises a suspicion against the origi-

nality of the principle followed by the Sanskrit and German.

We will therefore leave it undecided whether the Greek has
extended inorganically to the plural numbers the Guna,
which was created only for the singular, or whether the
vowel strengthening of the reduplicated preterite were origi-

nally intended for the three numbers of the active ;

and the
coincidence of the Sanskrit and German in this point be only

accidental, that they have, in the tense under discussion,

accorded to the weight of the terminations, or extent of the
word, an influence in shortening the base-syllable. This in-
fluence is so natural, that need not surprise us if two
it

languages, in the course of time, had admitted it inde-

pendently of each other, and then, in the operation of this
influence, coincided ; as, on one the Gothic bitum, bugum,
side,

answering to bait, bauy, and, on the other side, the^ Sanskrit

bibhidima, bubhujima, answering to bibhaida, bubhauja. The
German obtains a separate individuality in that the Old
High German, in the second person singular, employs bizi,
buyi, and not beizi, bouyi, on account of their being dissyl-
labic; while the Sanskrit, in spite of their being of three
syllables, uses bibhaiditha, bubhaujltha. It is certain that the

Sanskrit, in its present state, has given to the weight of the

personal terminations a far greater influence than could have

existed at the period of the unity of language and that, e. g., ;

the Greek 5e5ojOKa/iev, with reference to the singular SeSopica,

stands nearer to the primitive condition of the language than
the Sanskrit dadrisima, which has abbreviated the syllable ar
of the singular dadaria to ri. Observe, [G. Ed. p. 857.]

also, what has been remarked above regarding the retention

of the Gothic 6 and Greek a or Y) in the dual and plural, while

the Sanskrit exhibits the lengthening of a radical a to A only
in the first and third persons singular (. 603.).
834 THE PERFECT.

610. As to the personal terminations of the reduplicated

preterite, they deserve especial consideration, since they do

not answer exactly to the primary endings, nor to the secon-

dary. The ground of their varying from the primary termi-

nations, to which they most incline (in Greek more clearly
than in Sanskrit), lies palpably in the root being incumbered
with the syllable of reduplication, which in various places has
produced an abbreviation or entire extinction of the personal
terminations. The first and third person singular have the
same sound in Sanskrit, and terminate with the vowel, which
should properly be only the bearer of the personal termi-
nation* The Gothic has lost even this vowel hence, above, ;

baug, bait, answering to bubhauja (bubhdja), bibhaida (bibhtda).

The Greek, however, has, in the third person, corrupted the

old a to e, just as in the aorist, where we saw e'5e/e answer
to the Sanskrit adikshat. In the same way, in the perfect,

rerv(f)e9 SeSopjce, &c. answer

to the Sanskrit tutdpa (=tutaupa)9

dadarsa; while in the first person, rerv(f>a SeSopKa, stand on

9

the same footing with the Sanskrit tut6pa, dadarsa (from

dadarka). As three languages, the Sanskrit, Greek, and

Gothic, and a fourth, the Zend (where dadarsa appears in

the form AJJJ with one another in this,

$**j<uj dadaresa), agree
that in the first and third person of the tense under discus-
sion they have lost the personal designation, it might be
inferred that this loss occurred as early as the period of the

unity of language. But this inference is not necessary for ;

in theincumbrance of the root by the syllable of reduplication

there lies so natural an occasion for weakening the termi-

[G. Ed. p. 858.] nation, that the different cognate languages

might well have followed this impulse independently of each

other. And the three languages (the Zend, whose long sojourn
with the Sanskrit is evident, unnoticed) do not
may remain
stand quite on the same footing with respect to the disturbing
influence which they have to 1;he syllable of redu-
permitted
plication : the Sanskrit has yielded more to this influence than
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 835

its Greek and German sisters ; and our forms like ihr bisset,

"ye bit," ihr boget, "ye bent," are more perfect in their
termination at this day than what we can draw from the
Sanskrit, to compare with them, from the oldest period of
its literature. The Sanskrit reduplicated preterite has, for
instance, lost the termination of the second person plural
from the and this person is therefore either com-
oldest time ;

pletely the same with the first and third person singular, or

distinguished from it only by the removal of the Guna, or

by an abbreviation in the interior of the root from which the
singular has remained free; e.g. the first and third person sin-
"
gular and second person plural of krand, to weep," are cha-

kranda: in the two former places the Gothic gaigrdt corre-

sponds to it, and, indeed, shews to disadvantage through its
loss of the final vowel in the second person plural, however,
:

gaiyr6t-u-th surpasses the Sanskrit chakrand-a, which has

evidently been preceded by a form chakrand-a-tha or c/m-
krand-a-ta. To reru^-a-re, SeSojOK-a-re, in Greek, tutup-a,
dadm-a, for tutup-a-tha, dadris-a-tha, correspond
in Sanskrit

611. The
Sanskrit reduplicated preterite stands in disad-

vantageous comparison with the G^eek perfect in this point

also, that in the middle and passive it has not only, like the pre-

sent, lost the m of the first person, but also the t of the third ;

thus, tutupd stands for tutup-me and tutup-tf, and in the former
case is surpassed by Teru/i-/xa/, in the latter by TeruTrrai, as

respects the correct preservation of the ter- [G. Ed. p. 859.]

mination. From reru/x-jita/, rewir-rat, it may be inferred that

the active was formerly reTVTTafJLt t rerinrart or Terv<f>afju TTIKJ>-
9 9

-OC-T/, and in Sanskrit iutfip-a-mi (or tutdp-d-mi, see ,

434.),

tul6p-a-ti.
The conjunctive vowel is suppressed in Greek be-
fore the weightier terminations of the middle passive, accord-

ing to the principle by

which the >/ of the optative, and the

corresponding d of the Sanskrit potential, is dropped in the

middle, and, e.
y., S/So/jueflce,
dadimahi, correspond to the active

v, dadydma. The Sanskrit, in the middle and the

836 THE PERFECT.

passive, which in this tense is fully identical with the middle,

prefixes to the personal terminations beginning

with a con-
sonant for the most part a conjunctive vowel i (see 605. .

p. 846 G. ed.); hence tnhip-i-sh& answering to the Greek

reTvn-ffai. Yet in the Veda-dialect the form tutup-se might
be expected, as this dialect often suppresses the conjunctive
vowel of the common language, and, e.g., in the Rig Veda
(XXXII. 4.), from vid, class 6, "to find," the form vivit-s&,

"thou didst find," occurs for the common vivid-i-sht.

612. The third person plural of the middle passive exhibits

in Sanskrit the termination r$, which, in the common lan-

guage, always preceded by the conjunctive vowel i, which,

is

however, may be withdrawn in the Veda-dialect, where,

e.g., daflri&-rt, "they were seen," occurs for dadrisiri (Rig

Veda, XXIV. hardly possible to give a satisfactory

10.). It is

explanation of this termination. I have elsewhere (Lesser

Sanskrit Grammar, 372. Rem. 4.) remarked, that its r is
.

perhaps a corruption of an original which otherwise, in s,

Sanskrit, occurs only in the terminating sound, and regu-

larly, indeed, before sonant letters,

in case a vowel other than

a or A precedes the s. Tin* being the case, this r would belong

to the verb substantive; and we should remark, that in Greek,

also, this verb, in certain tenses, is found only in the third

[G. Ed. p. 860.] person plural, while the rest are simple
(eS/focrav, efcxrai/).
The Sanskrit intended probably, in the
case before us the r really stands for s by this change to
if

as occurs in the Old High German, where,

lighten the sound,
in all roots in is and us, and in part of the roots in as, the
radical sibilant in the preterite is retained only in the mono-
syllabic forms,
but in the polysyllabic is weakened to r\

hence, from R1S, "to fair* (Sanskrit bhrans), reis, rm, reis,

rirumes, &c. from LUS, "to lose," 16s, luri (see 608.), los,
;
.

1'

lurumts, &c. from was, "I was," "he.* was, comes the
;

second person wdri, the plural wdrum&s, &c.

613. With the r of the Sanskrit termination r& is
 FOBMATION OF TENSES. 837

clearly connected that of the termination ran of the third

person plural, middle, of the potential and precative, where
ran, in my opinion, is an abbreviation of ran to ; and also the r 9

which the root si, "to lie" (Greek

ice?/xa/), inserts, in the

third person plural of all special tenses (s$rat&, " they lie,"
aMrata " they lay," tirat&m, " let them lie "). The root vid,
" 1'
to know, class 2, in combination with the preposition sam,

admits at will the addition of such an r in the present, im-

perfect, and imperative; hence, sanvidrat$ or sanvidatf,
" "
they know (Panini VII. 1. 7.). The Veda-dialect gives to
the addition of this enigmatical r, in the middle and passive,
a still wider extension (Panini VII. 1. 8.), and exhibits aduhra,
"
they milked," for aduhrata, instead of the common aduhata.
Remarkable, also, are the forms W^5T adrisran and Wjtf
asriyran,* from W^T^T adri'sranta, igUJUil [G.Ed. p. 861.]
asrigranla, for adrisanta, asrijanta. The Arwswara of this
Vedic termination ran, which may have been formerly rans

(with s from /, compare p. 754 G. ed.), passes into m before

vowels :
hence, Rig Veda IX. 4, ^wu*^ ^5 ^ fhrt asrigram
Indra t& (jirali "ejfusi sunt, Indra! tibi hymni" ; L. 3.

^n^BF^ ''Wr ^ITrsrt f% T^nft ^nrt

^R adrivram asya kelav6 vi
"
rasmayA jandii ami conspiciuntur ejus collustrantes radii
inter homines.'^

614. The conjunctive vowel i, which the middle uses in

* The former is an aorist of the sixth formation, from the root drii,

which not used in the special tenses ; but asrigraii, in which the reten-
is

tion of the original guttural instead of the palatal of the common language

is to be noticed, docs not, in my opinion, admit of being explained as an

aorist, as Westergaard makes it, but appears to me to be an imperfect; as

the roots of the sixth class, when they do
not insert a nasal in the special

tenses, are incapable of the sixth aorist formation, because they would not
be distinguishable from the imperfect. Why
should not the imperfect, as
well as the aorist, be capable of replacing the termination anta by ran ?

f Compare Westergaard, Radices, p. 269. Bosen takes adrisran ac-

tively, and, in the

firsl passage, asrigram, as the first person singular ac-
tive, which, however, will not do. Preterites with a present signification
are very common in the Yedas.
838 THE PERFECT.

almost all persons, may formerly have been an a ;

and it

is still more probable that the active everywhere had, as

in Greek, an a as conjunctive vowel; that therefore the
form tutup-i-ma was preceded by a form tutup-a-ma
(or tutup-d-ma, see analogous to the Greek
.
434.), as

Tert5<-a-/xei/ an opinion which is also corroborated by the

;

"
Gothic w-w, as in yaigrdt-u-m, we wept," which leads us
to expect a Sanskrit chakrand-a-ma or d-ma for chakrand-i-

ma, since the Gothic u very often occurs as the weakening

of an original a, but not as the increase of an ori-

ginal L
615. In the secondand third person dual the Sanskrit
has firmly retained the old conjunctive vowel a; but the
a of the primary terminations thas, tas, has been weakened
to u, probably on account of the root being encumbered by
the syllable of reduplication hence, tutup-a-thus, tutup-a-tus,
:

correspond to the Greek rervQ-a-rov, re-rt^-a-Toi/ from -TOJ,

"
TO?, see .
97.) ; and chakrand-a-thus, ye two wept," to the
[G. Ed. p. 862.] Gothic gaiyr6t-u-ts of the same import* The
V a of these dual forms is never suppressed, and hence is

regarded by grammarians as belonging to the termination

itself, while the terminations va and ma of the first person

dual and plural occasionally occur, also in direct combination

with the root ; as from sidh, " to stop," come both sishidhiva,
sishidhima, and sishidhwa, sishidhma. Thus we find in Greek,
also, the a occasionally suppressed before the heavier ter-
minations of the dual and plural. To this class belong, be-
sides, icr/iev for oi<$ap.ev (see .491. p. 711 G. ed.), eotypev,
etKTov, ai>o>y/Liei>, Jefyuei/. But on these forms no special
relationship be based, but only a coincidence of prin-
is to

ciple; for in the operation of the law of gravity it is so

natural that two languages should, independently of one
another, free themselves before heavy terminations of an

auxiliary vowel, not indispensable for the idea to be conveyed,

that it is quite assume here an old trans-
unnecessary to
mission.
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 839

616. With regard to the termination ^ tha of the second

person singular, we refer to , 453. It may be here addi-
tionally remarked, that if the Greek q<r-da which is there
referred to wftrq ds-i-tha, for which would stand, without
the vowel of conjunction, ds-tha is not a remnant of the

perfect, but actually belongs to the imperfect, the Sanskrit

middle imperfect WOT* dsthds would admit of comparison
with it. But I prefer referring this fada to the perfect, and
placing it on the same footing with o?<r-0a, which, with re-
spect to its termination, corresponds so well with ^ri*J vtt-tha
and the Gothic vais-f. The Old High German also, which,
in its
strong preterites, has preserved only the conjunctive
vowel of the Sanskrit i-lha, and hence opposes to the San-

skrit bubhauj-i-tha (bubh6j-i-thci) and Gothic bauy-t, "thou

didst bow," the form bug-i, has in preterites, which, like
the Sanskrit v$da, Greek olSa, and Gothic have present
vait,

signification, retained the old t in direct combination with the

root; as, w is-t (euphonic for weiz-t) corresponds to the

Gothic vais-t, Greek our-0a, and Sanskrit vtt-tha (vait-tha).
We must likewise class here muos-t, "thou must," t6h-t,
" "
thou art fit,"* mah-t, "thou canst," scal-t, thou shouldst,"
an-s-t, "thou art inclined," "dost not grudge" (with euphonic
s, see .9 5.: the form cannot be cited, but is indubitable),
" thou 1 "
thou knowest," " thou
chan-s-t, canst,' getars-t,
" thou
venturest,"t darf-4, requirest."
617. It deserves further to be remarked with respect to
the Gothic, that the roots terminating with a vowel prefix an
,sto the t of the second person : at least the second person

* Does not occur, but can be

safely deduced from the third person touk
and the preterite toh-ta.
f The s is not, as I formerly assumed, euphonic (. 94.), but belongs
to the root, which, before vowels, assimilates its s to the preceding r (as

Greek 0iip/5os, tfappco)) rejected when in the terminating sound, but preserved
before t : and third person singular ge-tar, third person
hence, in the first

plural ge-turrun, ge-turren.

In Sanskrit dharsh (dhrish), "to venture," in

Lithuanian, drys-ti, "idem "corr spond comp. Pott, 1. 270, Graff, V. 441.
,
 840 THE PERFECT.

of saisd, "I sowed," is sais6-st, (Luke xix. 21.); from which

we may also infer vaiv6-st, from the root VO, "to blow"
" As
(Sanskrit vd), and lailti-st, from LO, to laugh." to the

relation of the ai of the present (vaia, laia, saia) to the $ of

the preterite and of the root, it resembles that of binda*
"I
bind," to ;
BAND
i. e. as the a of this and similar roots
has weakened itself in the present to i, the same has been

clone by the latter half of the d=d, or a + a. In the same

way, in Sanskrit, a long A is sometimes weakened to 6=ai ;

e.g. in the vocative of the feminine bases in A (see 205.). .

But to return to the Gothic rootSO, I am not inclined to

inferfrom the third person present which actually
saiy~i-th,
occurs (Mark iv. 14,), a first person but believe, that
saiya,
only before i a is added to the diphthong ai, and that the
y
[G. Ed. p. 864.] third person singular and second person
plural of vaia and laia also must be
vaiyith, laiyith,
and the
second person singular
vajyis, laiyis.
But if the root SO had,
in the person singular, formed saiya, then the third
first

person plural would certainly have been saiyand, the infi-

nitive
saiyan,
and the present participle on the saiyands',
other hand, at Matth.* occurs saiand, "they sow"-
iv. 26.
"
1. c. 4, 5, saiands, the sower," and saian, " to sow."
618. The Sanskrit roots in d (the analogy of which is fol-
lowed by those also with a final diphthong, which are, for
the most part, dealt with in the
general tenses as if they
ended with a) employ in the first and third
persons du for d
or a, for the d of the root should be melted down with the a
of the termination to d, or be
dropped as before the other
terminations beginning with a vowel. Instead of this, how-
ever, du is used; e.g. ^ daddu, "I gave," "he gave,* from
dd; JF&tasthdu, "I stood," "he stood," from MA. If du
was found only in the first person, I should not hesitate

* So in the German but as there are not 26

; verses in the 4th chap, of
Matth., the reference is probably to chap, vi 26., and the next reference
should be Mark iv. 3.
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 841

recognising in the u the vocalization of the personal character

"
m, as in the Gothic siyau, I may be," answering to the

Sanskrit wr* sydm, and in Lithuanian forms in au (. 438.).

This view of the matted, however, appears less satisfactory,
if we are compelled to assume that the termination du, after

its meaning had been forgotten, and the language had lost

sight of its derivation, had found its way inorganically into

the third person, though such changes of person are not
unheard of in the history of language as, in the Gothic ;

passive, where the first and third persons have likewise the
same termination, but reversed through the transposition of
the ending of the third person to the first, and, in the plural,
also into the second (. 466.). But if the termination du of
"
duddu, dedi, dedit," stands with the same right in the third
person that it does in the and no personal ending is
first,

contained in it, then the u of the diphthong da may be re-

garded as the weakening of the common [G, Ed. p. 865.]

termination, or conjunctive vowel a so that the u, accord- ;

ing to the principle of Vriddhi, would have united with

the preceding d into du (see 29.) while in the ordinary
.
;

contractions an d is shortened before its combination with

u or i to a, and then, with u, becomes 6=au, and with i,

619. The Sanskrit verbs of the tenth class, and all deri-
vative verbs, periphrastically express the reduplicated pre-
"
terite by one of the auxiliary verbs kri to make," as
" "
and /;/jd, to be the reduplicated preterites of which are
referable to the accusative of an abstract substantive in
4 which is not used in the other cases, before which the
character dy of the tenth class and of the causal forms is
retained; e.
g. chdraydnchakdra (euphonic for ch6rydm-ch-) 9

4<
he made stealing," or chdraydmdsa, or ch&raydmbabhdvQ,*
" "
he was to steal f
The opinion expressed in the first

* The root bhti irregularly contains in the 'syllable of repetition an

a instead of the shortened radical vowel, omits in the first and third
3 i
 842 THE PERFECT.

edition of my Sanskrit Grammar, that the form in dm

must be regarded as the accusative of an abstract sub-
stantive, I have since found
supported by the Zend, where
is

the corresponding form occurs as an infinitive in the ac-

cusative relation, as I have already shewn by citing the
following lucid passage (Vend. S. p. 198.) :
>JJAS(? .wo^*
$^jAj<tMku7 $^jj AjydJAs^^Aj^A$9 yezi
vasen mazdayasna zanm
"
raddhayanm* If the worshippers of Mazda wish to make
1
[G. Ed. p. 866.] the earth grow (cultivate); The San-
"
skrit, instead of kn, to make," occasionally uses another

verb of similar import, to paraphrase the reduplicated pre-

terite. Thus we read in the Mahabharat (1.1809.):
vapushtfimdrtham varaydm prachafcramnfi,
1

"they solicited Vapushtamaf literally, "they made soli-

"
citation on account of Vapushtama," or they went to a
nn "
solicitation for pra-kram means, properly, to but
;
go ;"

verbs of motion frequently take the place of those of mak-

ing, since the completion of an action is represented as

the going to it

person singular the Guna or Vriddhi augment, and changes irregularly its

H before vowels into uv instead of uv.

* Thus I read for the 1. c. occurring ratidhyanm, for which,
p. 299,

raddhayen occurs the two forms guided me in restoring the right reading,
:

which has since been confirmed by Burnouf, by comparing MSS. Anque-

til translates thus, "lorsqueles Mazdtmnans veufont creuserdes ruisseaux

dedans et autour d'une terre;" in accordance with which I before rendered

" It
the expression raddhayahm by perforare" is, however, probably the
" to "
causal form of raodh, (compare Burnouf s Ya$na, Notes,
grow
which is based on the Sanskrit ruh from rudh (see 23.), and .
p. xxxv.),
u to u man"
with which the Gothic LUD, grow," fauths, laudis, (our
is connected. It is possible that this causal form may have as*
Leute),
"
sumed, in Zend, the meaning to bury," as one of the means of growth.
This, however, is of not much importance
to us here : it suffices to know,

what is very important, that ra&dhayanm suppfies the place of an infini-

tive, has an accusative termination, and confirms my explanation
of the

Sanskrit form under discussion.

 FORMATION OF TENSES. 843

620. very important to observe, that it is the

It is

verbs of the tenth class, causal forms, and other derivative

verbs, which particularly employ this periphrastic forma-
and do not admit the
tion of the reduplicated preterite,

simple formation; for hereby the way is, in a manner,

prepared for the German idioms, which, without excep-
tion, paraphrase their auxiliary verb
preterite by an
"
signifying to do," precisely in that conjugation in which

we have recognised the Sanskrit tenth class in three

a
different forms (see . I09 . 6. 504.). I have asserted this,

as regards the Gothic, already in my System of Conjuga-

tion (pp. 151, &c.), have where
shewn, in plurals like
I
" we
sokidddum, sought," (did seek), and in the subjunc-
"
tive in the singular also I would do seek ")
(sokidedyau,
an auxiliary verb signifying " to do," and [G. Ed. p. 867.]
a word related to dtths, "the act,"* (theme d&di). Since
then, Grimm, with whom I fully coincide, has extended
the existence of the auxiliary verb also to the singular
sdkida, and therefore to the other dialects ; for if in sdkida
the verb "to do" is contained, it is self-evident that it

exists also in our suchte. I had before derived the sin-

gular sdkida from the passive participle sokiths (theme

sokida). But since I now recognise the verb (/Aim)
"to do" also in sukida, "I sought," I believe in which I
differ from Grimm that we must, in respect to their

origin, fully separate from one another the passive parti-

ciple and the indicative preterite,f great as the agreement
of the two forms is, which, in Gothic, amounts to complete
" 1

identity ;
for the theme of the sought,' is sdkida
sdkiths,
11

(see .
135.), thus fully the same as s6kida, "I sought;
and salbdda, the theme of salbdths, "the anointed," is in

* "
It is preserved only in missa-d^ths, misdeed," but is
etymologically
identical with the German That, Old High German tat, Old Saxon ddd.
t Compare my Vocalismus, pp.51, &c.
3 I 2
844 THE PERFECT.
5
form identical with salboda, "I anointed.' This circum-
stance, too, was likely to mislead, that participles in da
(nominative ths) occur only in verbs which form their
preterites in da, while in strong verbs the passive parti-
ciple terminates in na (nominative and, e.g., bug-a-ns,
ns),

"bent" (theme bug-a-na), corresponds to the Sanskrit

bhug-na-s. In Sanskrit, however, passive participles in na
are comparatively rare, and the vast majority of verbs form
them by the suffix ta>* on which the Latin tu-s, Greek ro$
[G. Ed. p. 868.] (TrAeKTo'?, TroDfTcfr), Lith. ta-s (suk-ta-s,

"turned"), are based. This suffix has, however, nothing in

common with the verb thun, " to do," under discussion and ;

therefore, also, the Gothic suffix da of SOK-I-DA, sSkiths,

can have nothing to do with the da of stildda, " I sought,"

provided that this da signifies "I did," just as d&dum in

" 11 "
sdkid@dum means we did, and d$-tlis, the deed."
621. The just-mentioned dd-ths,^ to which the Old
-Saxon ddd and Old High German tdt correspond, is, in
the theme, dedi, the i of which is suppressed in the nomi-
native (see .
135.) : the genitive is d3dai-s, the accusative

plural d$di-ns. The

syllable of the base d$di corre-
final

sponds to the Sanskrit suffix ti, which forms abstract sub-

stantives, and, in Gothic, occurs under the form of ti,

thi> or di according to the measure of the letter preceding

9

* " "
Compare made," bri-ta-s, borne."
tydk-ta-s, "forsaken," kri-ta-s,
I remark, en passant, that the Latin la-tus might become connected with

britas, from bhartas, in the same way as latusy "broad," with prithu-8,
ir\aTvs :
thus, the labial being lost, r being exchanged with /,
and al trans-
posed to &z=ra, as, in Greek, cdpanov for cftapKov.

1 1 write the non-occurring nominative d6ths9 not d6ds9 since d after

vowels, before a final , and at the end of words, generally becomes th ;
hence, also, sokiths, "sought," from the ba&esfikida, and mannasQths,
" "to
world," literally "human-seed," from the base *#-diand the root so,

ow " (saia, saiso, see .

617.). S&K has the same relation to s6, in regard
"I
to its radical vowel, that Uka, touch," has to the preterite tattdk.
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 845

it (see .
91.). There remains, therefore, d$, in Old Saxon
dd, in Old High German td, as the root, and this
regularly
" 11
corresponds to the Sanskrit-Zend VT dhd, JMJ dd, to set,
"to make" (see p. 112); from which might be expected an
j^-ipAjy dd-ti-s, which
abstract substantive
vrfif^ dhd-ti-s,
would answer to the Greek (from fler/s). It is a ques-
6e<rts

tion, then, whether, in the Gothic dtdum of s6kid$dum, the

first syllable is fully identical with that of DE-DI, "the

deed"? I think it is not; and consider dSdum, and the
subjunctive deJyau, plural dddcima, as reduplicated forms;
so that thus the second syllable of dddum, would
didyau,
"
be to be compared with the first of DEDI, deed.
11
The
d& of dedum, " "I
11
we did,
d$-dyau,
would [G. Ed. p. 809.]

do," considered as the syllable of reduplication, is dis-

tinguished from the common reduplicated preterites like

" 11 " 11
vai-v6-um, we blew, sai-s6-um, we sowed, taitdkum,
"
we touched," by its e! for ai. It may be, then, that this e,

which has proceeded from ai, is the contraction of a + i to

a mixed sound, according to the Sanskrit principle (see 2.}; .

or that, according to an older principle of reduplication,

" 1
the 6 of d&-dum, just like that of DEDI, deed/ represents
the original long d of the Sanskrit root dhd (see 69.), which .

is retained
unchanged in the Old High German tdj, and
Old Saxon ddd. In the last syllable of dS-dum, d$-dyau, we
miss the radical vowel :
according to the analogy of vai-
v6-um, sai-so-um, we should expect d&dd-um. The abbre-
viation may be a consequence of the incunibrance owing
to composition with the principal verb: however, it occurs

in Sanskrit, even in the simple word ; since, iii the redupli-

11
cated preterite, da-dh-i-ma, "we did set, da-dh-us, "they
11
did set, are correctly used for da-dhd-i-ma, dadhd-vs (see

p. 846 G, ed.). Even in the present, the root dhd, which,

as a verb of the third class, has reduplication in the special
" 11
tenses also, with d&, class 3, to give, irregularly reject the

radical vowel before the heavy terminations of the dual and

846 THE PERFECT.

plural ; dadh-mas for dadhd-mas ; just so, in the

thus,
whole potential mood, where dadh-ydm (for dadhd-ydm),
*'

ponam," answers remarkably to the Gothic (from d$d-ijau

"
sdkid$d-yau, would do," for d&do-yau.
I

6-22. The singular of s&kidMum, s6kid$duth, s6kid$dun, is

sdkida, sdkidfa sokida, with the loss of ,the syllable of

reduplication. Yet d6s is perhaps an abbreviation of c?ekt,

as, in the preterite, f, answering to the Sanskrit ^ tlm, is

properly the character of the second person (see .

453.),
before which a radical T-sound passes, according to .
102,,

into s; as, bais-t, bans-t t

for bait-t> band-L So, also, dfe

[G. Ed. p. 870.] might have proceeded from d$s-t, and this

from d$d-t. In the simple state, the auxiliary verb under

discussion is wanting in Gothic at least, it does not occur in
;

Ulfilas; but in Old Saxon dW-m, d6-s, d6-t (or do-d), cor-

respond admirably to the Sanskrit dadhd-mi, dadhd-si,

dadhd-ti, with 6 for a, according to the Gothic principle (see
.
69.), and with the suppression of the syllable of redupli-

cation, which, as has been already remarked, the Sanskrit

verb, according to the principle of the third class, exhibits,
like the Greek 7/69/41, in the present also. The preterite in
Old Saxon, as in all the other German dialects, has pre-
served the reduplication, and is, deda, dedo-s, deda, plural
dddun* properly the third person, which, in
dedun, also
the Old Saxon preterite, as in the Gothic passive (. 466.),

represents both the first and second person. In this

ded-u-n or ddd-u-n, therefore, the radical vowel, as in the

Gothic s6kid$dun (for s61dd&d&-u-n), dropped before the
is

conjunctive vowel. The e of deda, &c., has arisen from

i, which has been actually retained in Anglo-Saxon. Here
the preterite under discussion has dide, didest, dide, plural
didon, in the three persons. These forms, therefore, in
respect to their reduplication syllable, answer to the pre-

* See Schmeller's Glossarium Saxonicum, p. 25.

 FORMATION OF TENSES. 847

terites with concealed reduplication, as Old High German

hi-alt for hihalt (see .
592.). The Old Saxon dadun, which
occurs in the plural, together with dedun, as also in the se-
cond person singular dddi is found together with dedA-s (see
Schmeller's Gloss.), inorganic, and follows the analogy of
is

Grimm's tenth and eleventh conjugations ; i. e. it is produced

in the feeling, as if dad were the root and first and third

person of the singular preterite, and the present were didu.

Thus, also, in the subjunctive, with dedi the form dddi exists.
In Old High German, also, the forms which have a long A
in the conjugations named, employ this [_G. Ed. p. 871.]

letter in the auxiliary verb under discussion, and, indeed,

without a dissentient authority,* without, however, in a single
one, the first and third person singular being tat, as might
have been expected from the second person tdti (like sdzi

answering to sax, see the second table in .

605.). I annex
the preterite in full, according to Grimm; teta, tdti, teta;

t&lumfo, tdtut, tdlun; subjunctive tAti, t&iis, tail; tdlimcs.

tdltt, tdtin. The present is tuo-m, tuo-s, tuo-t, tuo-mfo, tuo-t,

tuo-nt; which, in its way, answers to the Sanskrit da-dhdmi,

just as well as the Old Saxon d6-m, &c.; since wo, in Old High
German, is the most common representative of the Gothic
and Old Saxon 6, and therefore of the Sanskrit d ; as, in

fuor, answering to the Gothic for and Sanskrit chdr, from

c/mcMra, "I went/ "he went. The Middle High Ger-
man is, in the present, tuo-n, tuo-st, tuo-t ; tuo-n, tuo-t, tuo-nt :

in the preterite, tete, tate, tete:^ plural, t&ten, t&tet, tdten:

subjunctive tafe, &c. Our German that, thtite, follow ex-

actly the analogy of forms like trat, triite, las, Icise (Grimm's
tenth conjugation), and would lead us to expect a present

* See Graff, V, 287., where, however, remark that very few authorities

distinguish graphically the long a from the short.

t Also tct and fete, the latter inorganic, and as if the first e had not been
produced from i, but, by Umlaut, from a. See Grimm, I. p. 965.
 848 THE PERFECT.

thete from thite; the recollection of a reduplication which is

contained in that completely destroyed, but just as much

is

so the possibility of connection with the weak preterites like

suchte, to which recourse must be had, if we wish to reject

the opinion first given by Grimm (I. p. 1042), but not firmly
held by him, that the Old Saxon deda, Anglo-Saxon dide,
Old High German tela 9 Middle High German tele, rest on
reduplication.* The passive participle gi-td-n$r, ge-tha-ncr,
[G. Ed. p. 872.] answers to the Sanskrit like mld-na>
"withered," from mldi (mid), or dd-na, "gift" (properly
" that from which the common
given "), dd, of participle is
datta (from dnddta), the reduplication being irregularly re-
tained. The Sanskrit tenth class agrees with the German
weak conjugation (the prototype of which it is) in this

point, that it never forms its passive participles in na, but

always in ta; on which is based the Gothic da of SOKIDA,
"
nominative masculine s&kiths, sought."
" "
623. To return to the Gothic sdkida, I sought," did
"
seek," after in the of s6kya I seek,"
acknowledging ya 9

the character of the Sanskrit tenth class wf aya, and in

" 1

suki-da, I did seek/ a copy of the Sanskrit choraydn-

-chakara (or chalcara), "I did steal," we now consider the
i of sdkida as the contraction of the
syllable ya, in which we

agree with Grimm. The i of sokida, therefore, represents the

Sanskrit aydm of choraydn-chakdra (^ n euphonic for m),
"I did steal"; or, in order to select kindred verbs, the i

of the Gothic salt of sati-da, "I did place," corresponds to

* The substantive dA-ths (theme dS-di\ td-t^ cannot stand in our way,
since its formation has nought to do with the reduplication, nor with the
weak conjugation; but here d$, td, arc the root, and di, tf, the derivation-
suffix mentioned in . 91. Nor can the participle gi-td-n6r^ ki-td-n&r, ge-

tha-ner, induce us to look for passive participles in the weak conjugations

like gi-salbd-tdner instead of gi-$alb6i6r, ge-salbter,
because we make this
participle independent of the auxiliary verb thun (compare Vocalismus,
P- 77).
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 849

the Sanskrit aydrn (or rather, only its y) of sddaydn-chakdra,

" 1 " 1'
I made to sit '; the Gothic thani of thani-da, I extended,
"
corresponds to the Sanskrit tdnaydm of tdnaydn-chakdra, I
11
did make to extend the Gothic vast, of vasi-da, "I did
;

11
clothe, corresponds to the Sanskrit vdsaydm of vdsaydn-
" " "
-chakdra, I did cause to be clothed I cause
(vdsaydmi,
as causal of vas, " to clothe").
1'
to clothe, It might be con-
jectured that the first member of the Gothic [G. Ed. p. 873.]

compounds under discussion originally, in like manner, carried

an accusative-termination, just as in idea it is 'an accusative.
As, that is to say, in the present state of the
language, Gothic
substantives have entirely lost the accusative sign, it would
not surprise us to find it wanting in these compounds also.
At an earlier period of the language, satin-da, thanin-da,

vasin-da, may have corresponded to the Sanskrit sddaydm-,

tdnuydm-, vdsaydm-, the m of which before the ch of the aux-

iliary verb must become s? n. The selection of another aux-

iliary verb in German, but which has the same meaning,

cannot surprise us, as the Sanskrit also, occasionally, as has
been already shewn, employs another verb for the idea of
11

"doing (see p. 866 G. ed.), or uses in its place the verb

substantive as or bhu.
624. Grimm's second conjugation of the weak form, of
which mlbu given as example, has, as has already been ob-
is

served, cast out, like the Latin first conjugation, the semi-
vowel which holds the middle place in the Sanskrit aya of the
tenth class, and the two short a then touching one another

coalesce, in Gothic, into 6 = a + a, as, in Latin, into d. Hence,

11
in the preterite, Gothic forms like salbd-da, "I did anoint,
"
correspond to the Sanskrit like chdraydn-chakdra, I did

steal"; as laigd, from Iaig6-da, "I did lick/' answers to the

"
Sanskrit Mhaydm (
= laihay&m} from tthaydn-chakara, I did
cause to lick." It must not be forgotten that the Sanskrit

tenth class is at the "same time the form of causal verbs,

which admit .of being formed from all roots ; hence, also, in
850 THE PERFECT.

Grimm's third class of the weak conjugation (which has pre-

served the two first letters of the Gothic ay a in the form of

ai, in accordance with the Latin & of the second conjugation,

[G. Ed. p. 874.] and the analogous Prakrit forms*), the

Gothic preterites munai-da, " I thought," banal-da, " I built,"
ga-yukai-da, "I subjected to the yoke," correspond to the
" I did make to
Sanskrit causal preterites mdnaydn-chakdra,
1
"
I did make to be,"
"I
think,' bhdvaydn-chakdra, produced,
created."f
625. In Sanskrit, besides the tenth class and derivative
verbs, there are verbs which paraphrase the reduplicate
preterite by forming directly from the root an abstract sub-
stantive in a, and combining with its accusative one of the
above-mentioned auxiliary verbs. All roots, for instance, do
this, which begin with vowels which are long either natu-

rally or by position, with the exception of an a long by po-

sition, and the root dp, "to obtain," as isdn-chakdra,
"I did
"
rule," from isf to rule." Compare with this the Gothic brah-ta,
"1 brought," answering to the strong present brigya (bringa).

Compare, moreover, the paraphrased preterites, to which,

instead of the present, a simple preterite with present mean-
ing corresponds (see .
616.), and which, in the preterite, just
like brah-ta, combine the auxiliary verb thun direct with the
root, in which junction its T sound is governed by the final
consonants of the principal verb and in Gothic appears at one;

time as t, at another as th, at another as d (compare .91.),

and after the t of FIT, "to know," as s (see .
102.): hence,
" "
mos-ta, I must," (preterite) (mdt, must," (present)) mun-
I ;

tha, "I meant" (man, "I mean"); skul-da, "I should" (skal,
" " I " "I
I should," (present)) ; vis-sa, for vis-ta, knew (vait,

* See
p. 110.

t The Gothic verb, also, is, according to it* meaning, a causal from a
lost primitive,
which, in Old High German, in the first person present, is

&w, see $.610.

 FORMATION OF TENSES. 851

know," see .
491). A few weak verbs, also, with the deri-
vative ya, suppress representative i, and annex the auxili-
its

ary verb direct to the root They are, in [G. Ed. p. 875.]
"
Gothic, but four, viz. thah-ta, I thought'* (present, thagkya)\
" I
bauh-ta, bought" (with au for u, according to .
82, pre-
" I "
sent
bugya) ; vaurh-ta, made (present vaurkya) ; thuh-ta,
" "
it appeared" (thugk, it appears"). The Old' High Ger-
man, however, usually suppresses the derivative i after a
long radical syllable, and with the cause disappears also the
effect, viz. the Umlaut produced by the i (see .
73.), in as far
" I
as the original vowel is an a :
hence, wan-fa,* named ";
1

wan-taj "I turned"; answering to the

Ur-ta, "I taught- ;

Gothic namni-da, vandi-da, lam-da. These, and similar verbs,

have also, in the present and the forms depending on it, lost
the
y or i of the derivative w,{ but have preserved the Um-
laut, whence it is clear, that the y or i must have here

adhered much longer than in the preterite (nennu, wendu, Uru).

626. The passive participle in Gothic, with respect to the

suppression or retention of the derivative i, and with regard

to the euphonic change of the final consonant of the root,

always keeps equal pace with the preterite active. We may

therefore infer from the Gothic 6h-ta " I feared," a participial t

base of a similar sound, 6h-ta, "feared," nominative ohts>

though this participle cannot be cited as [G. Ed. p. 87G.]

* For
nann-ta^ see 102. .

t For wand-ta, see 102. . I consider this verb as identical with the
"
Sanskrit vart " to
(vrit), be " (with the preposition ni,
go,"
" to to re-

turn "), and the Latin verto, with exchange of the liquids r and n. This
does not prevent the German werden being referred to the root vart, as it
often happens that a root separates into different forms with distinct mean-
ings.

t As the Old High German does not distinguish the y from t it cannot
be known whether the neriu, neriam&s^ which correspond to the Gothic
"I
nasya, save," nasyam, "we save," should be pronounced neryu, ner-
was certainly
yamds or neriu, neriamjis, though at the oldest period y
the pronunciation.
852 THE PERFECT.
" 1'
from
occurring. Together with vaurh-ta, I made, vaurkya,
a participle vaurhts, "made" (theme vaurhta), Mark xiv. 58.
exists and with fra-bauh-ta, " I sold," from frabugya is
;

found fra-bauhts, " sold," John xii. 5. From such euphonic

coincidences, however, we cannot deduce an historical de-
scent of the passive participle from the preterite active,
or vice versd just as little as it could be said, that, in Latin,
;

the participles in tus and turns, and the nouns of agency in tor.

really proceed from the supine, because from doctum, monitum,

may be inferred doctus, monitus, docturus, moniturus, doctor,
monitor. It is natural that suffixes, which begin with one

and the same letter, even if they have nothing in common

in their origin, should still, in external analogy, approach
one another, and combine similarly with the root. In Ger-
man, indeed, the auxiliary verb thun, and the suffix of the
passive participle, if we recur to their origin, have different
initial sounds, as the former rests on the Sanskrit \n dhd,
the latter on the suffix K ta : but inasmuch as the latter,
in Gothic, instead of becoming tha, according to the law for
the permutation of sounds, has, with the preceding derivative
vowel, assumed the form do, it is placed on the same footing
with the auxiliary verb, which * regularly commences with d,
and consequently subject to the same fate. The same is
is

the case with the suffix of abstract substantives, which is, in

Sanskrit, ti, but in Gothic, after vowels, di, and after conso-
nants, according to their nature, either ti, tin, or di; and thus
" 11

may also, from the preterite mah-ta, I could, be deduced a

11
substantive mah-ts (theme mah-t'i), "might, without the
latter proceeding from the former.

[G. Ed. p. 877.] 627. We must therefore reject the opinion,

" 11
that, in the Gothic s&kida, I sought, and sfikiths (theme sdki-
"
the sought/' sdkida (theme s6kid6), " the sought (fern.)
"
),

* The Sanskrit dh leads us to expect the Greek 6 and Gothic d.

 FORMATION OF TENSES. 853

stand to one another in the relation of descent ;

and I still

persist in my assertion, already made in my System of Con-

jugation, and in my Review of Grimm's German Grammar
(Vocalismus, p. 72), that, in Persian, preterites like bur-dam,
" "I "
1 bore," bas-tam, bound," purs-i-dam, I asked," are

derived from their corresponding participles, which have

both a passive and an active signification. While, in San-
skrit, bri-ta(nominative masculine britas) has merely a
passive meaning, and only neuter verbs use the forms in
ta with an active signification,* in Persian, bur-dah means
" "
both " borne and, actively, " having borne and the perfect ;

is expressed in Persian by using the verb substantive with

"
the participle just mentioned ;
thus burdah am,f I have
"
borne," or, literally, I am
having borne," I consider, how-
ever, the aorist burdam as a contraction of burdah am,

which need not surprise us, as the Persian very generally

combines its verb substantive with both substantives and

adjectives; e.g. mardam, "I am a man," buzurgam, "I am

great." In the third person singular burd, or burdah, stands
without the addition of the auxiliary verb, as, in Sanskrit,
bha?td,"laturus" is used in the sense of laturus, a, um, est;
while the and second persons of the three numbers com-
first

bine the singular nominative masculine with the verb sub-

"
stantive, bhart&smi, I shall carry," &c. If we do not choose
to recognise the verb substantive in the Persian aorist burdam,

because in the present, with the exception of the third person

ast, it is so much compressed that it is nowise distinguished

from the terminations of other verbs,J [G. Ed. p. 878.]

we must conclude that the simple annexation of the personal

* Comp. gata-89 "quiivit"; wbh&ta-s, "the having been" (masculine).

f In the original, berdeh em, but according to the English system these
vowels would be given as above.

Compare am, "I aip," t, "thou art," tm, "we are," id, "ye are,"
I
" To
and, they are," with baram (" 1 bear"), bari, barim, band, barand.
and corresponds the Doric eW for orcm ; to am the English am (=em).
854 THE PERFECT.

terminations to the participle, which is robbed of its end-

ing ah forms the tense under discussion. This, however, is

not opinion and it seerns to me far more natural to ex-
my
plain burd'-am as literally meaning "having borne am P,
than to raise burd to the rank of a secondary verbal root, and,
as such, to invest it with the personal terminations, as they

appear in the present.

628. The Sclavonic languages, with the exception of the
Old Sclavonic and Servian (see . 561. &c.), present, in the
formation or paraphrasing of the preterite, a remarkable
coincidence with the Persian. The participle, which, in Per-
sian, terminates in dah or tah, and in Sanskrit, in the masculine
and neuter theme, in ta, in the feminine, in td ends, in t Old
Sclavonic, in the masculine-neuter base, in lo, in the feminine,
in la ;
and I consider the I of this participial suffix as a weak-

ening of d; as, in Latin, lacryma, levir, from dacryma, devir

(see .
17.), and, in Lithuanian, lika, "ten," at the end of com-

pounds, for dika (see . 319. Rem. p. 449 G. ed.). And I am

hence of opinion, that, both with reference to their root and
"
their formation, byl, byla, bylo, having been" (masculine,
feminine, and neuter), may be compared with the Sanskrit
words of the same import, bhuta-s, bhutd, bhdta-m, and Persian
" " 11
budah. In Polish, byt means he was," byta, she was,
" 1' "
* without the addi- 11
it was,
byfo, they were,
byti, byty,
tion of an auxiliary verb, or a personal termination: and

[G. Ed. p. 879.]as in general the forms in i, fa, fo, It, ty,
do not occur at as proper participles, but only represent
all

the preterite indicative, they have assumed the complete

character of personal terminations.f They resemble, there-
fore, only with the advantage of the distinction of gender

like nouns, the Latin amamini, amabimini, in which words the

* The masculine form byti belongs only to the masculine persons : to all
other substantives of the three genders the feminme form byty belongs.
t And no notice taken in Grammars, that, according to the gender
is

alluded to, they are the nominatives of a former participle.

 FORMATION OF TENSES. 855

language no longer conscious that they are masculine plural

is

nominatives, (see 478.). Still more do the above Polish forms

.

resemble the persons of the Sanskrit participial future, which

employs for all genders the masculine nominatives of the
three numbers of a participle corresponding to the Latin in

turns; so that bhavitd, "futurus" stands instead offuturus,

a, urn, est, and bhavitdras, "futuri" instead offuturi, a, a, sunt.
"
But byt, he was," corresponds most exactly to the Persian
word of the same meaning, bud or bMah, "having been/'
"
in the sense of he was." In the first person singular mas-

culine, bytem (by-iem) answers admirably to the Persian bddam,

which I render in Sanskrit by bhdt& 'smi (euphonic for
bhutas asmi) i.e. "the man having been am I." In the
feminine and neuter, the Polish bytam (byia-m) corresponds
to the Sanskrit bhdtd 'ami, "the woman having been am
I," and in the neuter, bytum, (byto-m) to the Sanskrit bhutam
asmi, "the thing having been am I." In the second per-

son, the three genders, the Polish bytes (byt-es) corre-

in

sponds to the Sanskrit masculine bh&td-si (for bhdtas em);

bytas (byta-s), to the Sanskrit feminine bhuta 'si; bytos (byto-L)
to the Sanskrit neuter bhutam asL In the plural, the mas-
culine byti-smy> and feminine byty-smy,* [G. Ed. p. 880.]

correspond to the Sanskrit feminine and masculine bhlUas

smas; and so, in the second person, bytys cie9 bytys cie,f to
the Sanskrit bhutds stha.
" em
Remark 1. I have no doubt that the syllable of

the Polish by-fam, and the simple m of the feminine byta-m

and neuter byto-m, belong to the verb substantive, which,

therefore, in byta-m> byfo-m, and so in the feminine and

neuter second person bytd-s, byto-6, has left merely its

* See p. 864, Note*.

t The Polish c is like our #, and has the same etymological value as tj
for instance, in the second person plural the termination cle corresponds

to the Old Slavonic TE te; and, in the infinitive, the termination e to

the Old Sclavonic TH li.

856 THE PERFECT.

personal termination, just as in the German contractions. im 9

zum, am> beim, from in dem, &c., the article is represented

only by its case-termination. In the first and second person

plural,however, the radical consonant has remained; so
that smy, scie, are but little different from the Sanskrit

smas, stha, and Latin sumus (for smus). But if 6my 9 scie,

be compared with the form exhibited by the Polish verb

substantive in its isolated state, some scruple might, per-
haps, arise in assenting to the opinion, that the present ot
'
the verb substantive is contained in byt-em, I (a man) was/
byti-smy,
*
we (men) were,' or in czytat-em,
'
I read/ czytati-
'

smy,
'
we read '; for
'
I am is
ycslem*
and '
we are/ yes-
tes my. It would, in fact, be a violent mutilation, if we
assumed that byt-em, bytt-smy, have proceeded from byt-
yestem, my. I do not, however, believe this to
byt-yestes
'
be the case, but maintain that I am,' yrstesmy,
'yestcm,
*we are/ 'thou art/ and ye are/ have
4

yeste's, yestes cie,

been developed from the third person singular For
yest.
this yest* answers to its nearest cognates, the Old
Sclavonic
yesfy,
Russian
esty,
Bohemian gest (j/=v), Car-
niolian the st has been lost), as, to the old
ye (where
sister languages, the Sanskrit asti, Greek eor/, Lithuanian

esti, and Latin cst. - But &c., do not

ycstem, yestesmy,
admit of an organic comparison with the corresponding
forms of the languages more or less nearly connected.
On the other hand, the last portion of
yeste* my,
'
we are/
answers exactly to the Russian esmy; and it must be
assumed, that the concluding part of yest-em, 'I am,' has
lost an s before the m, just as the m of byt-em, 'the

having been am I/ It cannot be surprising that the

superfluous yest is not conjointly introduced in the com-

pound with the participle. At the period of the origin of

this periphrastic preterite it did not, perhaps, exist in the

Regarding the initial see . 255.

j/,
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 857

isolated present, or the language may still [G. Ed. p. 881.]

have been conscious of the meaning of the yest

of vest-em, and
' '
that the whole properly expressed, it is I,'Thus, c'est moi!
in Irish-Gaelic, is me (
I am,* according to O'Reilly, properly
means '
it is I,' and ba me or budli me is literally
*
it was
was,' = Sanskrit
9
I (budh, 'he abhdt, see .573., ba, 'he
was
'
= abhavat, .522)' and in the future, in
my opinion,
the character of the third person regularly enters into the
first person, and, in the verb substantive, may also grow-

up with the theme in such a manner that the terminations

of the other persons may at ach themselves to it.* More-
' ' '
over, the Irish fuilim, I am/ fuilir, thou art/ fuil, he is/

fu&rnid,
'
we
are/ &c., deserve especial remark. Here, in
my opinion, the third person has again become a theme for

the others but the I of fuil, he is/ appears to me to be

'
;

a weakening of an '
original d, like that of the Polish byt, he
was': the difference of'the two forms is, however, that the I
of the Irish form is a personal termination, and that of the
Polish a participial suffix ; and therefore byt-em signifies,
not 'it was I/ as fuilim, 'it is but clearly 'the person
I/

having been am I/ But from the procedure of the Irish

language this objection arises, that the Persian fitW,
'
he
was/ just like the previously-mentioned Irish budh, might
be identified with the Sanskrit aorist abhut; and it might
be assumed that this third person has been raised into
a theme for the rest, and has thus produced bddam, 'I
was/ b&di '
thou wast/ &c., like the Irish fuilim, '
I am/
fuilir, 'thou art' But this view of the matter is op-
posed by the circumstance, that together with bdd the
full participial form btiduh also exists, which serves,
as a guide to the understanding of the former form. If
it were wished to d he
'

regard the of burd, bore/ as the

* Biador beid, " I shall be," " thou wilt

biadhair or beidhir, be,
" he will be "; btim or bcidh-mur or beidh-niid or biodh-maold, " we shall
be." See my Treatise " On the Celtic Languages/' pp. 44, 40.

3 K
858 THE PERFECT.

sign of the person, the whole would be to be referred to

the Sanskrit imperfect abharat. But in very many cases
objections arise to the referring of the Persian aorist to the
Sanskrit imperfect, or first augmented preterite, since the
latter has always a common theme with the present, while,
e.
g., the Persian kunad, '
he makes," which is based on the
Vedic krindli (from karndti, with loss of the r\ does not

answer to the theme of kard, he made/ On the other '

hand, this kard, like the participle kardah, admits very

[G. Ed. p. 882.] easily of being compared with krita-s (from
karta-s), 'made/ Just so bast, bastah, 'he bound,' bastah,
'
bound/ and having bound/ does not answer to the present
1

'
bandad, he binds/ but to the Zend passive participle basta,
'bound'; for which the Sanskrit is baddha, euphonic for
badh-ta, the dh of which, in Zend and Persian, has be-
n
come s (see .
102.)/
"
Remark 2. In Persian there together with am,
exists,
'
I am/ a verb hastam of the same signification, which exhi-
a surprising resemblance to the Polish yestem, as the third
bits

person CA~*> hast does to the Persian If it were

yest.*
wished to assume that the third person C*~fr hast is akin
to OUM\ ast, and has arisen from it by prefixing an h, as
the of the Polish and Old Sclavonic is only
y yest yesty,
an inorganic addition (see 255. n.), I should then derive
.

the Persian hastam, hasti, &c., also, just as the Polish yestem,

yestes,
from the third person. With regard to the prefixed h,
we may consider as another instance the term used for the
number Eight,' hasht, contrasted with the forms beginning
*

* Professor writes hest, and hestem, and thus renders the resem-
Bopp
blance between the Persian and Polish words more striking. So, above, he
'
writes kerd^ and even berd ; but it is incorrect to express the short vowel &
by e, and to represent * by e is still more indefensible. It is true that an
affected pronunciation of the & is creeping in, and kard in particular is often
pronounced kerd, as oblige, in English, is sometimes pronounced ollccge;
but this practice is unsanctioned by authority, and to ground etymological
affinities upon it would be erroneous. Trantlator.
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 859

with a vowel in the kindred languages. It appears to me,

however, better to compare hastam with the Zend hist&mi,
'I stand* (from sistdmt); as, so early as the Sanskrit, the
'
root of * to stand frequently supplies the place of the verb
substantive, as also in the Roman languages it aids in com-

pleting the conjugation of the old verb. Compare, therefore,

GREEK. ZEND. PERSIAN.

Srra/Lti,* histdmi, hastam.

fcrrctf, histahi, hasti.

faran, histaiti, hast.

laTotjjLev, histdmahi, haslim.

JoTare, histatha,, hastid.

fordvTi, histenti, hastand.

Observe, that the third person singular hast is devoid of

the personal sign; otherwise we should have in its place
hastad, according to the analogy of barad,
(
he bears,** pursat,
'he asks/ dihad, 'he gives/t and others. With respect to
the suppression of the personal terminations, [G. Ed. p. 883.]
the form hast resembles the German wird, halt, for wirdet,
hdltet.Pott's opinion who, in the derivation of the forms
under discussion, has likewise referred to the root of to
'
stand (Etym. Forsch. I.
274.), but prefers recognising in
the t of the Polish as of the Persian hastam, the t of
ycstem,
the passive participle is opposed by the consideration, that
neither in Sanskrit has the root as, nor in any other cognate

language has the kindred root, produced or contained the

* Sanskrit tisJithdmi, see . 508.

t The h of diham, I give," appears to me a remnant of the Zend as-
*'

pirated dh of dadhdmi ().39.); as I have already traced back elsewhere

the h ofnihddan, "to place" (present niham\ to the Sanskrit dh of dha,
and recognised in the syllable ni an obscured preposition (the Sanskrit
"
ni, down," Vienna Ann. 1828, B. 42. p. 258). The form diham re-
sembles the Old Sclavonic damy for
dn-dmy (. 436.) and our preterites
like kiefs, hielt (. 692.) herein, that the reduplicate syllable has
the semblance of the principal syllable.

3 K 2
 860 THE PERFECT.

participle mentioned. There is,in Sanskrit, no participle

asta-s, but for it bhuta-s; in Persian no astah, but budah] in
Sclavonic no but byl\ in Lithuanian no esta-s, in Latin
yesl,
no estus, in Gothic no ists. Hence there is every reason for
assuming, that if there ever existed a participle of the
' '
other root of to be/ analogous to w?r bhuta, been,' it
must have been lost at so early a period, that it could
not have rendered any service to the Polish and Per-
sian in the formation of a preterite and present of the
indicative/'
629. The Bohemian, in its preterites, places the present
of the auxiliary verb after the past participle, and sepa-
rated from it; the Carniolan prefixes it; and the Russian
leaves it entirely out, and distinguishes the persons by the
"
pronouns, which are placed before the participle, I was,"

in Bohemian, according to the difference of genders,

is,

byl sem, byla sem, bylo sem\ in Carniolan sim bil, sim bila,
sim bilo; in Russian, bil, byla, bylo. But the
ya ya ya
present of the Carniolan verb substantive is very remark-
able, on account of the almost perfect identity of the three

persons of the dual, and of the two first of the plural, with
the Sanskrit where, according to a general law of sound,
;

the forms swas, " we two are/ slas, " ye two are," reject
1

their final s before vowels (short a excepted), and hereby

[G. Ed. p. 884.]coincide entirely with the Carniolan, in

"
which sva signifies " we two are/' sta, they two are." In
1
Sanskrit swa iha, means "we two are here/
"they two sta iha t

are here." In the plural, the Carniolan smo answers to

the Sanskrit smas (before vowels swa), ste to
W^ stha, no ^
to iRftr santl It is, however, to be observed, that both
languages have, independently of each other, lost the
vowel, which belongs to the root, which has re-
initial

mained in the Old Sclavonic with thq prefix of a y, ex-

cepting in the third person plural (see . 480.).
630. If the German auxiliary verb thun is contrasted, as above

(.621.), with the Sanskrit root dhA, "to place," "to make/*
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 861

then preterites like the Gothic sdkida and German suchte

appear, in respect to their composition, like cognate forms

to the Greek passive aorists and futures; as,
ervQ-drjv,
Tu<-0?7(ro/xai, in which
recognise the aorist and the future
I

middle of rlOijfu^s Sanskrit dadhdmL* The concluding por-

tion of Tt;<-06>, Tv<t>-6eli)v, Tt/^-fl^cro/xa/, is completely identical
with the simple 0S, Oetrjv, 0>7<ro/xa/, in conjugation; and eru0-

6t]v isdistinguished from edqv by this only, and, indeed, ad-

vantageously, that it gives the heavier personal terminations

of the dual and plural no power of shortening the vowel of
the root, as is the case with the Sanskrit WIW adhdm=edriv 9

even in its simple state; since, in this language, adM-ma an-

swers to the Greek e0e-/xei/ for edrjuev, as the Greek ea-rqv,
also,does not admit of the length of its root being shortened
in the dual or plural. Thus the imperative Tv<j>-OYirt 9 also, is

distinguished from 0ej by preserving the length of the root,

as also by its more full personal termina- [G. Ed. p. 885.]
tion. From the future rvQ-Brjo-ofjiat an aorist erv^Yi(jiY)v
should be looked for ; or, vice versd, the future should have
been contented with active terminations, as well as the aorist.
Perhaps originally ertydyv and rvQ-drjo'w simultaneously
existed, and thus also eTu<-0J7-fn?v (or ervtydefJLrjv) and rv0-
0^0-o/xot/, as periphrastic active and passive tenses. In the

present state of the language, however, the aorist has lost

the passive form, and the future the active ; and when the

syllable 0>? was no longer recognised as an auxiliary verb, it

received the meaning of a passive character ; just as the Ger-
man language no longer perceives an auxiliary verb in the te
of suchte, but only an expression for the past; or as we have
"
ceased to recognise in the te of heute the word Tag, day,"
and in heu (Old High German hiu) a demonstrative, but re-
"
gard the whole as a simple adverb formed to express the
present day."

*
Compare Ann. of Lit. Crit. 1827, Feb., pp. 285, &c. 5 Vocalismus,
pp. 53, &c. ;
and Pott's Etym. Forsch. 1. 187
862 THE PERFECT.

631. As to the form of the Greek second aorist and future

passive, I consider ervirriv and ri/nrj(rop,ai as abbreviations of

erv(f>dijv9 ru^)0^(ro)Ltai. The loss of the 6 resembles, there-

fore, that of the cr in the active aorists of verbs with liquids

(. 547.) :need not, however, surprise us, that, as the <f> of

it

Tv<t>6t]v, from regard

to the 6 following, assumes the place

of the radical TT, after this 6 is dropped the original sound again
makes its appearance, and therefore ervfav, rv^trofiat. are not
used. The case is similar to that of our vowel Ruck-Umlaut
(restored derivative sound), since we use the form Kraft as cor-
responding to the Middle High German
genitive and dative
krefte, because, after the dissolution of the vowel which had

generated the Umlaut, the original vowel recurs, while we, in

the plural, say Krafte, like the Middle High German krefte.
Various objections oppose the opinion that the verb substantive
[G. Ed. p. 886.] is contained in erviryv, much as the appended
auxiliary verb agrees in its conjugation with that of jyi/. But
the double expression of past time in ervir^v, once in the prin-

cipal verb and once in the auxiliary, if the verb substantive

be contained in it, cannot fail of surprising us ; while the
" I
Sanskrit, in combining its dsam, was,** with attributive

verbs, withdraws the augment, and, with it, also the radical
vowel a of the auxiliary verb (. 542.). The augment in the
future Tirtnjo-o/zcci, and in the imperative rvnydt, must appear
still more objectionable. Why not Tircrecro/xai, rvirurdi, or, per-
haps, the being dislodged, rvmdt, and, in the third person,
or

or Twera> ? The termination e/r in the participle

has no hold whatever in the conjugation of the verb
substantive.
632. The Latin vert do, if we do not refer the auxiliary

verb contained in ^rfa daddmi, bat to

it to cfo=5/$a>/x/,

T/%M, ^vrfa dadhdmi, must be regarded as a cognate form

to the German formations like sdkida, s6kid$dum, " I sought,"
"
we sought," and the Greek like eTvQdr/v, tv^Oya-oiJiai. The
Sanskrit dd> " to give," and dhd, " to place," are distinguished

only by the aspiration of the latter ; and in Zend these verbs

 FORMATION OF TENSES. 863

are scarce to be distinguished at all from one another, because

d, according to 39., in the inner sound (Inlauf)
.
frequently
become dh, while dh itself lays aside the aspiration in the ini-

tialsound (Anlaut). In Latin, also, 51 dA and MT dhd might

easily be combined in one form, since that language generally
presents its d as answering to the Sanskrit dh and Greek 0,

especially in the inner sound, as b to the Sanskrit bh.* But

the circumstance that the root ur dhd, H, has not re-
mained, in Latin, in simple form, does not prevent us
its

from recognising it in the compounds credo, perdo, abdo,

condo, and vendo, just as in pessundo, pes- [G. Ed. p. 887.]

sumdoj The form venundo answers, in respect to the accu-

sative form of the primary word, to Sanskrit compounds
like tidn-chakdm (. 619. 625.).
633. In order to trace out in its full extent the influence
that the Sanskrit root dhd has obtained in the European cog-
nate languages in the formation of grammatical forms, I must
further remark, that I believe I may refer to this place also
the last portion of the future and imperative of the Sclavonic
verb substantive. In Old Sclavonic bMti means " I will be,"
" I do be." The first portion
literally, as it
appears to me,
of this compound answers very well to the Sanskrit root

bhti, and is identical with the Zend ^j bu. As, however,

the Sclavonic H regularly answers to the Sanskrit diphthong
^ft 6 ( = a + u, see 255./.), so must we in the
. Sclavonic

* 18., and compare medium with the Sanskrit madhya-m 9 meditari

.

with m$dha$, " understanding/'^cto with TTCI&O.

t A. W. von Schlegel has been the first to recognise in Latin the San-
" and has found in credo a similar to that
skrit srat, belief," compound
of the Sanskrit srad-dadhdmi, which signifies the same (literally "I place
faith "), without, however, identifying the Latin expression, in regard to

its concluding portion also, with the Sanskrit compound (Bhagavad-Gita,

p. 108). Credo might certainly also mean " I give faith," but it is more
natural to place this verb both in its second and in its first portion on the
same footing with its Indian prototype, as I have already done in the
Vienna Ann. (1823, B. 42, p. 250), where I have also compared the do
of abdo and condo with the Sanskrit root dhd.
 864 THE PERFECT.

b& recognise the Sanskrit Guna-form bhd. And bhu it-

self receives Guna in the future, and exhibits here, in com-

bination with the other root of " to be," the form

bhav-i-shydmi,
of which we shall treat hereafter. The second
portion of the
Old Sclavonic B*A* bA-dA (from bd-do-m, see . 255. g.) cor-

responds in its conjugation exactly to the present ve&;* thus

second person bArdeslii, the e and o of
third,
bildety; only
BE^EIHH ve-e-shi, BE^ETb ve-e-ty, BEDOM ve-om, &c., is the
class-vowel, or vowel of conjunction, while that of de-shi,
[G. Ed. p. 888.]
de-ly, do-m, is the abbreviation of the d of
the Sanskrit root dhd ; for e and o are the usual representa-
tives, in Old Sclavonic, of the Sanskrit short a (see . 255. a.).
We must here recall attention to the Sanskrit root sthd, the
d of which, after being irregularly shortened, is treated as
though it were the conjunctive vowel of the first class
(. 508.). Hence, also, in the imperative the Old Sclavonic
* ye EsAtM bti-dye-m,
of "let usbe" ("let us do be"),
E*AfeTE bd-dye-te, " be ye," answers to the Sanskrit $ of tishtM-
" 1 *
-ma. we may stand/ tishth@-ta, "ye may stand (. 255. e.).
634. There
Old Sclavonic and Russian, also a verb
is, in
which occurs in an isolated state, which signifies " to do,"
"to make," and which is distinguished from that which is

contained in bu-dd only by the circumstance that it exhibits

A* dye instead of AE de as root, which does not prevent me
from declaring it to be originally identical with it. Its
pre-
sentis A*IO
dyey^ and it is rightly compared by Kopitar
with our thun and the English do. From it comes the neuter
substantive " 1'

dyelo, deed, as "thing done," which, in its for-

mation, answers to the participles mentioned above (. 628.),
and has, in advantageous contrast with them,
preserved the

* See
. 507. where, however, in the first person plural, we should read
vc-o-m instead of ve-o-me.
t Analogous with "
sye-yu,
I sow"; as, in
Gothic, dti-ths, "deed," and
s6-tfis, "seed," rest on a like formation, and roots which terminate simi-
larly.
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 865

original passive meaning, while they have erroneously been

assigned to the active voice*
"
635. To b&d&, "I shall be," the Old Sclavonic idA, I go,"

which is also placedby Dobrowsky same (p. 350) in the

class with McM, is analogous. Idd therefore means, lite-
" I do
rally, go," and springs from the widely-diffused root i
(infinitive i-ti) 9 whence, in Gothic, the anomalous preterite
"
i-ddya, I went," plural i-ddyedum, "we [G. Ed. p. 889.]

went." forms have proceeded from i-da,

I believe that these

i-d$dum, simply by doubling the d and annexing a y and ;

I take them, therefore, in the sense of "I did go," " we did

go"; and compare with them the Sclavonic i-dd as present.

The d of shedu, however, which is used in completing
the conjugation of idd, I consider as belonging to the root,
and look upon the whole as akin to the Sanskrit
"
to go," to which belong also choditi, and the Greek
^ sad,
6<Jo.
" " I
The forms r

a>A fc2fcA& o-dyeschdu, I do on," dress,"

" I "
na-dyesch-d&sya, a-dyeschdu, angario, onus
hope,"
impono" which Dobrowsky,
c., likewise compares with
1.

bd-du, remarking that they stand for odyey&> &c., I con-

41

sider as reduplicate forms of the root dye, "to make/

mentioned above; for d gladly, and under certain cir-
cumstances, regularly assumes the prefix of ik ,sch, for which
reason "give," and yaschdy, "eat" (for dady,
daschdy,
to the Sanskrit dadyds, "thou mayest
yady), correspond
give," adyas> "thou mayest eat" (see Kopitans Glagolita,
pp. 53 and 63). The conjecture, however, that Q-dycschdA,
na-dycschdit, a-dyeschdu, are reduplicate, forms, is strongly
supported by the circumstance that the corresponding
Sanskrit and Greek verbs also (dadhami, rtdrjfjit) are redu-

plicated in the special tenses, like daddmi, 5/Jco/x/ and to ;

the two last forms a reduplicate verb corresponds in Scla-

vonic likewise (see .
436.).
636. The Lettijfli possesses some verbs which are com-
bined, throughout their whole conjugation, with the auxiliary
verb under discussion. Of this class is dim-dch-t, " to ring,"
 866 THE PERFECT.
1*
(deht~de-t), together with dim-t, id. nau-deh-t, "to mew,
with nau-t, id. In bai-deh-t, " to make afraid," with bi-t,
1 11
"to fear' (Sanskrit *ft bhi), fskum-deh-t, "to disturb, i.e. "to
make mournful," with fskum-t, " to be mournful," the mean-
ing of the auxiliary verb makes itself clearly perceptible, and
[G. Ed. replaces the causal formation.
p. 890.] In other
cases the appended d$h-t may be rendered by t hun, " to do,"
thus dim-deht, "to do ring" (compare Pott, I. 187). Regard-

ing the Lithuanian imperfect of habitude, in which we have

recognised the same auxiliary verb, see 525. .

637. It deserves to be noticed, that, in Zend also, the

verb under discussion of "placing," " making," "doing,
11

occurs as an appended auxiliary verb. Thus, ^ebiiAs^

" to "
to do purify," from which
ya6sh-dii, purify," literally
the present middle
11
M^^<3^&wo,^ yafish-dathentd, "they
do purify (regarding the extended form dath, see p. 112),
the precative middle Aj^jCsjAyda^As^ J^JASQ)
pairi yadsh-
" "
-daithita, they may purify (Vend. S. p. 266), imperative
" "
jyjwC^ebJtts,^ yadsh-dathdni, let me do purify (1.
c.
" the
p. 500). The form
of yatish-dditi,
dditi purifica-
11
tion (I.e. pp. 300, 301), corresponds, in radical
and deri-
vative suffix, to the above-mentioned Gothic d$ths (theme

d&di). For the frequent expression ygtvjui; /^JAyefc^As^

" 11
we ought perhaps
yaush-dayaim anhen, they are purified,
to read yaoshdayanm anhen, in which case the former

might be regarded as the locative of yadshdd, so that the

whole would signify "they are in purification."* But if
* I
formerly thought, that in this and similar expressions the root dd,
"to give," was contained (Gramm. Crit. p. 322), which might very well
formally be the case, as is also Burnouf's opinion, who, however, assents,
at Ya$na, p. 356, Item. 217, to Fr. Windischmann's explanation, who was
the first to recognise in this and similar compounds the Sanskrit root dhd
instead of dd. To the remark made by Burnouf (1. c. Note E. p. xi.), that
the initial sound dh in Zend is not permissible, it may be added, that in
the middle also, after a consonant, d is necessarily used for the original
dh: hence the Sanskrit
imperative termination dhi, which in Zend, after
vowels, appears as dhi, is, after a consonant, di : thus daz-di, " give/' op-
posed tosrii-dhi, "hear," kerenui-dhi, "make."
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 867

the reading yadshdayann is correct, then it [G. Ed. p. 891.]

may be taken as the accusative plural in the sense of purffi-

catos ; so that the verb substantive would be construed as in
Arabic with the accusative.
638. We return to the reduplicated preterite, in order to
consider its formation in Zend. Examples have been given
in . 520., which, in their principle of formation, correspond,

for the most part, with the Sanskrit. Thus, ASJ^^AJJ^^

diduadsa answers to the Sankrit dulwivha, " he hated," with
the prefix of an a before the Guna vowel , according to
. 28. The forms and AJAJ^> tutava
M#jjl} vivisS
shew Zend, in departure from the Sanskrit,
that the
admits long vowels in the syllable of repetition. Vwu-e,
from the root vis, " to obey," is the second person singular
middle, and wants the personal sign; thus, e! for the
Sanskrit si*, and Greek <ra/. Here, from want of adequate

examples, we must
undecided whether this sup-
leave it

pression, which makes the second person the same as the

first and third, takes
place merely after sibilants, or prin-
cipally after consonants. The form A*Ajp^fl> tutava, "he
11
could, from the root tav* should be, according to the
Sanskrit principle, tafdva, as a radical a, in the third person

singular, is necessarily lengthened; but the Zend form above

has transferred the long quantity to the syllable of redupli-
cation, and, as it appears, through the influence of the v of
the root, has replaced the a sound by A. On the other hand,
the root vach, "to speak," which, in Sanskrit, in the syl-
lable of repetition suppresses the a, and vocalizes the v to u
(uvacha or uvdcha), in Zend regularly forms vavacha, which,
Vend. S. p. 83., occurs as the first person, and is rendered
"
by Anquetil, fai prononce" That the Zend does not par-

* s * tavahn, " if Vend. S.

Compare y*tfAJfl>, ^C^^CL y& they can,'*

pp. 209 and 332, as third person plural of the imperfect subjunctive in the
sense of the present.
8G8 THE PERFECT.

ticipate in lengthening the a, which, in Sanskrit, before sim-

[G. Ed. p. 892.] pie consonants enters at will into the first
person singular, and of necessity into the third person, is
" "
proved also by the form AS-MS-M^AS^O tatasa, he formed
(see Burnouf, Ya$na, p. 104), the root of which is referred by
Burnouf, and with justice, to the Sanskrit 7T^[ taksh* and,
asit appears to me, fitly compared with the Greek racrorco.

639. The passage of the Vend. S. (p. 3), which has fur-
nished us with the form AS-HO-M^A^O tatasa, (in the litho-

graphed Codex erroneously tolas), supplies us also with two

other reduplicate preterites, which have, too, (and this de-
serves notice,) a perfect meaning, while the corresponding
Sanskrit tense refuses the function of a perfect (. 513.).
We read 1. c.
jv>^>?<3>tf> ^-CL, AMWJJDAS^ AJQJ^ / ^L vL
"
yu nd dadha y6 tatasa y& tuthruye, who has made us,
who has formed (us), who has sustained (us)." The form
AS@^
"
dadha, which Nerioscngh renders by ^ dadau,
dedit" instead of dadhAu,* is, in my opinion, of special

importance, on account of the remarkable manner in which

it coincides in root and formation with the above-men-
"
tioned (. 622.) Old Saxon drda, I did," he did." The Zend
'

dadhn stands for dadhd from dadhA-a (.618.), the long A

having been shortened, as commonly happens at the end
of polysyllabic words (. 137.). It does not admit of doubt

that the first person is likewise dadha as we have seen ;

"
from the above-mentioned ^^Ai^(p vavacha, I spoke," that
in Zend, as in Sanskrit and German, it is the same as the
third person, i. e. it has no more a personal termination than
the latter. In the second person I conjecture the form
dadhdtha (. 453.).

* The root dd, "to

give," might likewise form dadha ($1.39.); but in
the passage above, as everywhere where mention is made of creating,

making, it is clear we must understand the verb corresponding to the

Sanskrit VK dhd, 4<
to
" to make
place" (with vi, ').
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 869

640. I am unable to quote the Zend perfect [G. Ed. p. 893.]

active in the dual and plural, unless the form -J^wj^gus

donhenti, which has been already mentioned elsewhere,* is
the plural of aonha, "fiitt" which latter regularly corre-
h
sponds to the Sanskrit dsa (. 56*. and 56 .), and occurs in the
following passage of the Vend. S. (p. 40): pxku rjyy
$g5g7Asp r&JYf Awjgui
noit autcm donha n6it gharemem,
"there was neither cold nor heat." We find the form
donhenii 1. c. p. 45, where are the words

ha6m6 tafaldt y6i katayti nask6

frasdonhd dunhenti spunA maslimcha bacsaiti, "Horn assigns

to those, whoever recite the Nasks, excellence and
grandeur."f Perhaps, too, donhenti, if it really is a
perfect, is more correctly translated by "have been";
but we cannot be surprised at its having a present
meaning also, as a real present is not intended, accord-

ing to what has been remarked in , 520. We must not

attach great weight to the circumstance that in
too

Neriosengh's Sanskrit translation the form dotilienti is ren-

"
dered by sedent"% for Neriosengh
frrrt^fnT nishtdanii,

interchanges with one another the roots da, "to give," and
"
dA, to set, place, make," which belongs to [G. Ed. p. 894.]
the Sanskrit dhd; and why should he not have fallen

* Ann. of Lit. Crit. Dec. 1831. p. 816.

t Anquetil, who seldom renders all the forms in a sentence according
to their real grammatical value, here makes the third person plural the

second of the imperative, and changes the assertion into a request, by

uO
translating thus : Horn, accordez I'excellence et la grandeur a celui qui
lit dans la maison les Naks."
I See Burnout"s valuable Review of the First Part of this Book,
Journal des Savans, 1833, in the separate impression, p. 47. There is an
error in it, however, Ui the remark, that I have represented the form
donhenti as the imperfect of the verb substantive. I meant the
redupli-
cate preterite or perfect.
870 THE PERFECT.

into a similar error with the closely-approximating roots

u "
a$, to be," and ds, w&
to sit," which both exist in Zend,

particularly as the form donhenti, taken as the perfect, stands,

perhaps, quite isolated in the remains of Zend literature which

have been preserved to us, but, as the present, has nume-
rous analogous forms ? But if donhenti really
belongs to
"
the root ^ra ds, to sit," still we cannot, in my opinion,
take it, with Neriosengb, in this sense, but as a representative
of the verb substantive, which, as has been shewn (. 509. p. 737
G. in Sanskrit, also, occasionally supplies the place of
ed.),
the verb substantive. Two of the Paris MSS. give, as has
been remarked by Burnouf, for donhenti the middle form
and if this is the correct reading,
{ttp^gtv^gus donhenti*;
it speaks in favor of the root of "to sit"; for this, like

the kindred Greek verb (^(<r)-/za/, ^or-rccf), is used only in

the middle. But
donhenti is the right reading, and be-
if

longs, as perfect, to the verb substantive, it is, in respect to

its termination, more ancient than the Sanskrit dsus

( 462.).
641. In the middle we find as the third person plural of
the verb substantive the form g^^gus donhare (Vend. S.
p. 2-22), with which, in regard to termination, the form

fadjpjhirtrithare, "they
are dead," agrees (Vend. S. p. 179).
If the reading of the two mutually corroborative forms is

correct, we then have the termination are for the San-

skrit ir$; would be a circumstance of much impor-
and it

tance that the Zend should have left the old conjunctive
vowel a in its original form, in a position where, in San-
skrit, it has been weakened to I The final $ of the Sanskrit
(

termination is suppressed in Zend ; but as r cannot stand

(. 44.) at the end of a word, the addition of an e became
"
necessary, as in vocatives like g2tp,u) ddtare, creator,"
[G. Ed. p. 895.] answering to the Sanskrit HTH^ dhdtar.
If the e the forms
of
g^vwjgas donhare, <$x&3$* iri-
rithare, were an error in writing, for which ought to
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 871

stand, then an i would necessarily stand beside the a of the

preceding syllable (. 41.). But as this is not tbe case we find

some evidence of the correctness of the final e, at least for the
fact, that this form among others is admissible ; for beside

the g2tttpgtu donhare which has been mentioned, we find,

in another passage of the Vend. S. (p. 45), the form j^jutt^gus

donhairi, in which the final it

according to .
41., has intro-
duced an i also in the syllable preceding. The form
Aonhairi, for which, perhaps, one or two MSS. may read

Aonhaire, assures us, however, in like manner, of the pro-

position, which is of most importance, viz. that the con-

junctive vowel is properly an a, and not, as in Sanskrit,

an i.

642. The form ffiuvjPjh iririthare is remarkable, also*

with regard to its syllable of reduplication: it springs

from the root <xj7j irith,* from which a verb of the fourth
class frequently occurs; in "mrW therefore, ir is the

syllable of reduplication, after which the short initial i has

been lengthened, in order, as it were, to gain strength for

bearing the reduplication (compare the Gothic in . 589.). In

iririthare however, the countertype of the Greek forms with
,

Attic reduplication is easily recognised. We must not, how-

ever, seek for the reason of this lengthening of the vowel of
the second syllable of forms like e\rj\vda, ejwy/xeKcc, opcopu^a,
in the temporal augment, which I also avoid [G. Ed. p. 896.]

doing. For though, by concretion with the augment, an e

becomes rj, and an o becomes co, this gives no reason for sup-

posing the augment to exist everywhere where an initial

* Probably a root, with the affix th, as in doth for dd

secondary
(seep. 112). Irith, therefore, might stand for fiitrtft, the initial m
having been lost, and might be connected with the Sanskrit root mri (mar),
whence, as Burnouf haii shewn in his frequently-mentioned Review (p. 37),
has arisen the form merench, " to kill," with another affix, the noun of
"
agency of which is found in the plural, mercctdr6, the murderers."
872 THE PERFECT.

vowel of a verb lengthened. I content myself, in forms

is

like I\rj\vda with the reduplication and in the vowel follow-

9 ;

ing only a phonetic lengthening for the sake of the

I find

rhythm, or to support the weight of the syllable of redupli-

cation as in the Zend, iririth, or as (to keep to Greek) in
;

dyc*y6$, dyttyevs, otywyr], in which the o>, as is commonly

the case, only the representative of the long a (. 4.),
is

and where there is no ground for searching for the aug-

ment. On the whole it would be unnatural that the aug-
ment, being an element foreign to the root, should inter-
pose itself in the middle of the word between the syllable of
reduplication and the proper root; and unless a necessity
exists, one must not attribute such a phenomenon to a
language.
643. In a
passage of the Izeshne (Vend, S. p. 65.),
which I understand too little to ground on it, with confi-
dence, any inference, while I am without the light which
might perhaps be thrown on it by Neriosengh's Sanskrit
translation, I find the expressions W$>JJ**$M$ ^Wy.5Aj$
mainyti mamanil8. It does not, however, admit of any
doubt that mainyd is the nominative dual of the base
" and hence, even without
mainyu, spirit" (see .
210.);

understanding the whole meaning of the passage alluded

to, it appears to me
in the highest degree probable, that
mamanitf is the third person dual of the perfect. Perhaps
we ought to read mamanditS, so that, through the influence

of the final 8, the Sanskrit termination dlS would have

become AM. But if the reading mamanitS is correct, and
the form is really a perfect, an original A would have been
weakened to i. The whole form would, however, in my opi-
nion, be of great importance, because i might furnish ground
for the inference, that the contraction of the reduplication,

[G. Ed. p. 897.] in Sanskrit forms like mtn&tt (from mami-

n&t& for maman&tS), did not exist before the Zend became
separate from the Sanskrit (compare .
606.).
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 873

THE PLUPERFECT.
644. It has been already remarked (, 514.), that the
Sanskrit possesses no pluperfect, and the substitute it
uses for it has been noticed. The Zend, also, is un-
doubtedly deficient in this tense. In the Zend Avesta,
however, no occasion occurs for making use of it, or sup-
plying its place in another way. The Latin pluperfect is
easily perceived to be a form compounded of the perfect
base with the imperfect of the verb substantive. The
only point which can admit of doubt is, whether the whole
eram is to be considered as existing in fueram, amaveram,
as I have done in my System of Conjugation (p. 93), so
that the perfect base, to which the i of fui, fui-sti, &c.,
belongs, would have lost its vowel; or whether we should
assume the loss of the e of eram, and therefore divide thus,

fue-ram, amave-ram. Now, contrary my former opinion,

to

I believe the latter to be the case, and I deduce fueram

from fui-ram, through the frequently-mentioned tendency

of the i to be corrupted before r to e, whence, e.y. the con- 9

junctive vowel i of the third conjugation appears in the

second person of the passive, as also in the imperfect sub-

junctive and in the infinitive, as e (leg-e-ris opposed to leg-

i-tur, leg-i-mur). For
reason fue-ram also is opposed
this

to the subjunctive fui-ssem, in which, as r does not follow

the i, that letter remains in its original form. It would

seem much more difficult to discover a reason why fu-essem
should have become fu-issem, than why fui-ram should
become fue-ram. In general, in Latin, there exists, with-
out reference to a following r, many an e which has arisen
from an. older i: am
not acquainted,
I [G. Ed. p. 898.]
however, with any i used for an older ?, as*in general the e is
an inorganic and comparatively more recent vowel, but the i
is as old as the language itself: for though i as well as u
has very frequently arisen from the weakening of the
3 L
874 THE PLUPERFECT.

most weighty vowel a, still no epoch of the language can

be imagined when there existed no vowel but a. If, how-
ever, the auxiliary verb in fue-ram, fui-ssem, has lost its
vowel, shares in this respect the same fate as the Sanskrit
it

sam and Greek era contained in the aorist. Where the

verb substantive enters into composition with attributive
verbs, sufficient reason exists for its mutilation.
645. As the Greek pluperfect is formed from the base
of the perfect, as the imperfect is from that of the present,

by prefixing the augment, by which the completion of the

action is transferred to past time, we should expect in it

the terminations oi/, ej, e, &c. ; thus, ereru^oi/, which would

come very near the Sanskrit imperfect of the intensive
al&t6pam. But whence is the termination e/v of ererv^etv ?
Landvoigt and Pott recognise in it the imperfect of the
verb substantive, so that eTerv<f>eiv would stand for ereTv<f>Y)v.
There would, therefore, be a pleonasm in this form, as erervty
already of itself combines the idea of the imperfect with
that of the perfect. If, then, the verb substantive be added, it

must serve merely as the copula, and not itself express a re-
lation of time, and it therefore lays aside the augment, as the
Sanskrit asam in aorists like alcnhdip-sam. But it being
premised that the verb substantive is contained in ere0e/i/,
it is not requisite to derive its ei from the r\ of ^v. Advert to

the analogy of eii/ with eift/, which latter would become eh, if
itsprimary personal termination were replaced by the more
obtuse secondary one. It may be said that the radical <r is
[G, Ed. p. 899.] contained in the i of ei-/tw, which sibilant,

having first become, by assimilation, jtt (Doric l/ttfu), has then,

as often happens to t/
(as rtdet$ for rtdevs), been vocalized to /.

The analogy of eipl is followed in the compound form (if

ererixpetv is really compounded as has been stated) by the

dual and plural; thus, ercTtJ^ej/xev for the more cumbrous
erervQevfjiev. Here let the Ionic form eifiev for ecr/xei/ be
noticed. In the third person plural erervfavav (inorganic
 FORMATION OF TENSES 875

&rerv<l>et(Tav)
the composition with the auxiliary verb is evi-
dent ;
but this person cannot be adduced as evidence for the

composition of the other persons, since in general a kind of

privilege is accorded to the third person plural active in re-
spect to the appending of the verb substantive, which also
extends to the imperfect and aorist of the conjugation in pi

(edtSo-cra-v, e5o-(ra-v, opposed to etitSo-iJLCv, eo-/zei>); and in

like manner in the Latin perfects (fuerunt from fuesunt).
But if the syllable et of ererv^-ei-v is identical with the e/ of

e/-/x/, still I am not shaken by this in my opinion that the K

of he\vKa and the aspiration of rert/^a belong to the conso-
nant of the auxiliary root, and that the K is an intension of
the the aspiration a weakening of the K (. 569.) that,
<r, ;

therefore, in e\e\vKetv, ererixpetv, the verb substantive is twice

contained, as is the case in Sanskrit forms like ayAmham
(.570.). I believe, however, that at the time when the
forms e\e\uK-ei-v, developed themselves from the
ererv<f>-ei-v 9

to-be-presupposed forms erervtyov, \\VKOV, the remem-

brance of the origin of the K and of the aspiration had been
long lost,and that these forms were generated by the neces-
sity for restoring the missing verb substantive just as in ;

Old Saxon the form sind-un, " they are,"* [G. Ed. p. 900.]
may first have arisen, when, in the more simple and likewise
employable sind, the expression of the relation of time and

person was no longer perceivable and hence another per- ;

sonal termination, and, in fact, that of the preterite, was an-

nexed.t The Greek medio-passive has admitted neither the
first nor the second annexation of the verb substantive from :

ehe\v-Kei-v we might expect e\eAu-/ce/)w>7i/, but eKe-Xv-wv has

* At the same time with inorganic transfer to the first and second per*
son, wir sind, ihr seid.
1

f With the preterite coincide also the Gothic forms of recent origin,
u we 1
and
siy-u-m, are," siy-u-th, "ye are* :
s-ind, "they are" (from
s-ant), is alone a transmission from the period of the unity of language.

3L 2
876 THE FUTURE,

arisen directly from the reduplicate root, by prefixing the

augment, and descends from a period when the active was not
as yet 6\e\vKetv, but probably e\e\vv.

THE FUTURE.
646. The Sanskrit has two tenses to express the future,
of which one, which is more rarely employed, consists of

the combination of a future participle with the present of

the verb substantive, the root as in such a manner, how-
;

ever, that (and this has been already noticed as remarkable)

the masculine nominative of the three numbers of the

participle has assumed the complete nature of a third

person of a verb, and this per se without annexation of the
verb substantive, and without regard to the gender of the

subject; e.g.
"
^m
ddtd, "daturas" is used in the sense of

he, she, it will

or give," and so, too, <*lrfK^ ddtdras,
" daturi" in the sense of "
they will give." Observe here
what has been said above of the Latin amamini instead of
amamini, -<P, -a, eatis (. 478.) ; and remark also the third
person of the Polish and Persian preterite (. 628.). In
the other persons the Sanskrit combines the masculine

[G. Ed. p. 901.] nominative singular of the- participle

mentioned with the said person of the present of the auxi-

Jiary verb; thus, ddtdsi (from ddtd-asi)

= daturus> datura,
daturum est. I conjugation of the two active
annex the full

forms of the adduced example, with the remark, that in the

third person no difference can exist between the active and

middle, since the participle which is employed makes no

distinction between the two forms.

SINGULAR. DUAL.
ACTIVE. MIDDLE. ACTIVE. MIDDLE.
'

ddtdsmi, ddtdht*. ddtdswas, ddtdswahS.

ddtdti, ddt/tst. ddtdsthas, ddtdsdthS.
ddtd, ddtd. ddtdrdu, ddtdrdu.
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 877

PLURAL.
ACTIVE. MIDDLE.

ddtdsmas, ddtdsmahS.
ddtdstha, ddtddhw$.
ddtdras, ddtdras.

" Remark.
It is very surprising, that, although the

compound nature of this tense is so distinctly evident,

none of the grammarians, my predecessors, have remarked
it ;
and the first mention of it that has been made was in

my System of Conjugation, where it was noticed, without

meeting with any opposition from the strongest opponents

of the so-called System of Agglutination. As regards the
first person singular middle, it must be remarked, that the
root as, in this person, changes its s into ft, although in

Sanskrit this exchange is to be met with nowhere else, but it

occurs frequently in Prakrit, and before and n regularly m
takes place in the (Inlaut) middle of a word, where wifi, nh,
are commonly used by transposition for hm, hn ; hence, amhi
"
or mhi (resting on a preceding vowel) " I am (see Lassen,

p. 267, &c., Hofer, p. 77). As the Sanskrit h (=*gh not ch)

isusually represented in Greek by j^, sometimes also by 7,
and even by K* in ddtdh$, therefore, may be found a con-
firmation of the opinion expressed in . 569., that the K of
forms like e ftwca, Je&oaKoc, belongs to the verb substantive
as a thickening of a <r."

647. In the third person singular, also, the verb sub-

stantive sometimes occurs combined with the participle, as

vaktdsti, "he will speak," for vaktdtf on [G. Ed. p. 902.]

the other hand, we occasionally find, in the other persons

also, the verb substantive omitted, and the person expressed

*
Compare eyo>, ju'yas, KJJP, KapSi'a, with aAam, mahat^ hrid, hridaya.
t See my collection of the Episodes of the Maha-Bh&rata (Draupadi,
III. 2.), under the title of " Diluvium/
published
878 THE FUTURE.

by a separate pronoun,* as is done in Russian in the pre-

terite (see 629.). Sometimes the
.
participle is separated
from the auxiliary verb belonging to it by one or more
words; as, kartd tad asmi t$, "facturus hoc sum tibi"
(Maha-Bh.). however, think that such departures
I do not,
from the usual practice of the language could occur where
the subject was not a masculine singular; at least it is

probable, if kartd referred to a feminine, that kartri would

be used instead of it.
Except in these constructions, how-
ever, formations in tdr (in the weak cases tri, 144.) very .

seldom occur as future participles ;t but their usual function

is that of a noun
agent, like the corresponding forms in
Greek and Latin in rijp, rop t6r\ as, Jo-n/p, dator, dat6r-is,
9

answer to the Sanskrit ddtdr (^Tlf ddtri, nominative ddtd,

.
144.). The Latin, however, as has been already observed

(. 516, p. 752 G. ed.), formed from the shorter form in tdr a

longer one in t&ru, and has allotted to this exclusively the func-
tions of the future participle. In Zend, the formations in tdr, in

my opinion, occur only nouns of agency as, ddtdr, "crea-

as ;

tor/ ( = Sanskrit dhdtdr) nominative A^AXS^ ddta (see

1
144. .

p. 169 G. ed.), accusative fg&up.Mi ddtdrem, vocative ^AJ^AM^

ddtare (. 44.). To this class belong in Sclavonic the forma-
[G. Ed. p. 903.] tions in (theme .
259.), the r
tely telyo,

being exchanged for /, and the syllable yo added; as,

dyetety, "factor" corresponds to the just-mentioned Zend

ddtdr and Sanskrit dhdtdr (compare 634.). This .
dyetelyf
however, does not occur in its simple form, but only in
combination with the preposition *, and with dobro, " good,"
" " benefactor." For other
conditor,"
s-dyetly, dobro-dyetely,

* SI. 31, bhavitd 'nta$ twam for

Compare 1. c. p 114, bhamt&sy antas,
"thou wilt be the end."
t An example occurs in the Raghu-Vansa, VI. 69, Ed. Stenzler, nripan
tarn
vyatyagdd anyavadMr bhavitrl, "regent ittum prateriit alius
uxorfutura."
 FORMATION OP TENSES. 879

examples In tely, see . 259.* From the Gothic we may

here adduce the word bltis-treis (theme blds-tryd), which is
quite isolated in its formation, and is connected with bl6t 9

" to 1
the t of
honor/ which, according to . 102., has passed
into s before the t of the suffix. With respect to the
Sanskrit suffix tdr (tri\ it remains to be remarked, that in
vowels capable of Guna it requires Guna, and that it is not

always united with the root direct, but frequently by a

conjunctive vowel i in the latter respect, jan-i-td, jan-i-
;

tdram, correspond to the Latin gen-i-tor, gen-i-tdrem, while

paktd, paktdram, answer to coctor, coctdrem.

648. In my Sanskrit Grammar I term the future tense
just considered, and which is peculiar to the Sanskrit, the
participial future, in accordance with
its formation, to dis-

tinguish it from that which belongs to the Sanskrit; in

common with the Zend, Greek, Lithuanian, and Latin,

and which I call the auxiliary future, because, in its cha-
racter ^f sya, I recognise the obsolete future of the root
" that in dd-syati, " he
as, to be."
imagine,I therefore,
will give," only the syllable ya expresses the future, but
"
that the s is the root of the verb to be," with loss of its

vowel, which is not surprising, as, even when uncompounded,

the a of the root as is frequently lost (, 480.). The final

part of dd-sydmi resembles very closely the potential sydm,

"I may be/* which actually exists in isolated use. Coin-
pare

* With to the formations in mentioned at $.259., it is re-

regard ary,

quisite to observe, that the preceding t does not belong to the suffix
under
but to the word; "
discussion, primary Qatary, goldsmith" (in Russian,
1
"
also,(pbtary), comes from {ploto, "gold/ and bratary, porter," from
" door." " is related in its
brata, Mytflry, toll-gatherer," primary word,
which does not appear to occur, with the German Mauth : compare the
Gothic m&tareis (theme motarya), " toll-gatherer," mdta* " Mauth," " tolL"
880 THE FUTURE.

SINGULAR. DUAL. PLURAL.

PUTURE. POTEN. FUTURE. POTBN. FUTURE. POTEW.

sy&mi, sydm. sydvas, sydva* sydmas, sydma.

syasi, syds. syathas, sydtam. syatha, sydta.

syati, sy&t. syatas, sydtdm. syanti. syus.

649. We see that the principal difference of the forms

here compared is, that the potential has a long d pervading
it, but the future a short a, which, according to the prin-

ciple of the class-syllables of the first conjugation (.434.),

is lengthened before m and v of the first person. And
besides this, the future has the full primary terminations,
but the potential has the more obtuse secondary endings,
with that of us in the third person plural, which occurs

occasionally also in the imperfect.

650. The Latin has this great superiority over the
Sanskrit, that ero, em,its been preserved in
&c., has
isolated use, and in fact retaining the initial vowel of the

root, in which respect em, erit, &c. (from esis, esit, .

22.),
is as advantageously distinguished from syasi, syati, as
es-tis from stha, or as, in Greek, ecr/Ltej from smas, kvrov

from sthcu, stas (. 480.)

651. The i of em, have already, in my System
erit, &c., I
of Conjugation, represented (p. 91) as a contraction of the

[G. Ed. p. 905.] true future character ya; and I have since
been supported in this opinion by the Prakrit, where, for the
Sanskrit sya or syd, we occasionally find hi; for instance,
in the first person, himi for sydmi, and in the second

person hisi for syasi (Latin em). Some examples have

been already given above (p. 401 Note).* It may be

further remarked, that the Sanskrit, also, sometimes abbre-

viates the syllable ya, as also va and ra, by suppressing
the vowel and changing the semi- vowel into its corre-

" De 1
Compare Hofer Prfi,kr. Dial,' p. 199.
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 881

gponding vowel (see p. 780 G. ed.) ; and moreover (which,

in the case before us, is still more important to-observe with

regard to the formal connection of the future and poten-

tial), the syllable yd
of the mood just mentioned is con-

tracted in the middle to $, by which sydt, "he may be,"

becomes, in the middle, sita.

652. The Lithuanian has likewise contracted the future
character ya to i in the persons most correctly preserved ;

thus the sime, site, of du-si-me, du-si~te (dabimus, dabitis),

correspond to the Latin f?r/-mttt, eri-lis, and the whole word

to the Sanskrit dd-syd-mas, dd-sya-tha; and in the dual

du-si-wa, du-si-ta, correspond to the Sanskrit dd-syd-vas,

dd-sya-thas. But in its simple state si has been no more
retained in Lithuanian than sya has in Sanskrit, but the verb

substantive, in the future, in the two cognate idioms, com-

bines the two roots of "to be" with one another: hence,
in Lithuanian, 66-si-wa, bu-si-ta, bii-si-me, 6J-*-fe, answering
to the Sanskrit bhav-i-shyd-vav, bhav-i-shya-thas, bhav-i-shyd-

-mo*. bhav-i-shya-tha t which are furnished with Guna and

a conjunctive vowel i.
Compare, in regard to the com-
bination of the two roots of " to be," the Latin foe-runt, for
which a simple fui-nt might be expected ;
or (which is here
more in point) the future perfect, fuero, [G. Ed. p. 906.]

which I distribute, not into fu-ero, but into fue-ro for fni-ro

(compare .
644.).
653. In the singular, the Lithuanian has almost entirely
lost the future character i, and only the s of the auxiliary

verb has remained; at least, I believe that in the second

person du-si, "thou wilt give," the

personal termination,
which, in the second person singular, terminates in all
tenses in i, has more claim to the i than the expression
of the future has. In the third person, du*s stands for all

numbers (.457*); And to the form bu-s of the verb sub-

stantive the word bhus, in Irish, of the same signification,

remarkably corresponds, but which is quite isolated (see

882 THE FUTURE.

O'Reilly's Lex., s.v. bhus). The Sanskrit bhav-i-shyati .and

Zend bfi-sy&iti, however, form the medium between the
Lithuanian bus and Irish bhus.
654. I regard the u in the first person singular of
"
forms like du-su, I will give," as in all first persons sin-

gular, as the vocalization of the personal character (see m

. 436.
438.): in the Latin ero, however, for which crio ought
to stand, the second element of the Sanskrit yd of sy&mi
has been preserved in preference to the first; and in this

respect ero has the same relation to sydmi that veho, above
mentioned, has to vahdmi (. 733.). The same is the case
with the third person plural, in which erunt for eriunt cor-

responds to the Sanskrit syanti from asyanti, and in respect

to its u for a answers to vekunt=vahantL
655. To the Latin ero, erunt, from e,vo, esunt, correspond,
exclusive of their middle terminations, the Greek ecro/xai,

evovrat, the active of which is lost, as far as its

simple use.
"Eo-oirai from ecr/oi/ra/ answers to the Sanskrit -xyant& for

asyanlH, and in the singular everou to the Sanskrit -syatb

(=*s$yatai) from asyati. The form eVra/ is originally nothing
elsethan the middle of GOT/; and eVe-rca also appears, from
the point of view of the Greek, like a present, with the con-

[G. Ed. p. 907.] junctive vowel of the conjugation in o> (\ey

-e-ra/). The epic forms with double cr (eWojuoc/, 6\eorcra>) can
scarcely have been formed from a consideration of metre, but
have been used in the construction of verse only because they'
were already in existence, and had a grammatical claim to that
existence. derive eWo/xoi, oAeorcrw, by assimilation, from
I

eowfcai, oAe(rt/a>,* as /-leo-cro? from /iecrt/oy for /*e5w (Sanskf it

madhya, Latin medium), and as #\Ao from a\yo$=alius,
Prakrit anna, Sanskrit anya. The Prakrit regularly assi-

* The Doric form cWo/i<u from

cWcofuu for cWt'ofuu consequently
contains the character of the future doubled (. 656.) ; which cannot be

surprising, as, when these words were produced, the reason of the duplica-
tion of the cr was no longer perceived by the language.
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 883

milates, as has been already remarked (. 300, p. 414 G. ed.),

the weaker consonant to the stronger, whether this precedes
or follows it and according to this principle it produces also
;

futures in ssan,* ssasi, sadi, &c. ; e.g. karissadi, answering to

"
the Sanskrit karishyati, he will make." Forms of this kind,

which are the countertypes of the Greek cWo/cat, are in far

more frequent use than those above mentioned in himi.
656. In composition the Greek loses the radical vowel of
the auxiliary verb; hence, S<o-<ro>, Sco-cro/zev, Se/K-<ra>, Je/ic-

-o-o/uev, as in Sanskrit dd-sydmi, dd-sydmas, d&k-shydmi (. 21.),

d$k-shydmas only with the loss of the y, for which i might

9

be expected, and which, too, it is very remarkable, has re-

mained in some Doric forms, which Koen compares at Greg.
Cor. p. 230. They are the following :
7rpa/o/xei/, %ap/|io/xe0a,

<Tui/J/a0i;Aa/ojue0a, /3oa0?j(na>, 7rpo\e/^/co.t

To this class be-

long the common Doric futures in <7ci, [G. Ed. p. 908.]

(Tovfjiev 9 from crew, <reo/xei>, for cr/co, <r/o/Liev, since the i has been
first corrupted to e, and then contracted with the following
vowel, as in the declension of bases in i, as Tr6\et$ proceeded
from TrdXees, TroXeotf , and these from TroTUe? TroA/a?
, ;
as to the
Old High 'German genitives like balge-s (palkes) the Gothic
like balgi-s correspond, or as, in the feminine i bases, the
Old High German form krefti precedes the Middle High
German genitives and datives like krefte. In the genitive
plural we have, in Old High German even, according to the
difference of authorities, together with kreftio, which must
originally have been kreftyo, the form krefteo, and, sup-

pressing the e or i, krefto (chrefto). These genitives, there-

fore, in their gradual process of corruption, coincide exactly
with that of the Greek future ;
for from yo we arrive first at

* The first person, in this formation, loses the i of the termination,

which the forms in himi have retained.
t I agree with Pott (I. p. 115) in thinking $oa6v)<ri<* and 7rpoXet\fria
should be written for j3oT?d7?crta>, TrpoAcn/rio) : as the form in & has arisen
first by contraction from eo> for tu, the t would be twice represented in i&.
8S4 THE FUTURE.

io, thence atand in the farthest corruption at o just as

eo, ;

from the Sanskrit future in sydmi> sydmas, in Greek at first

we come to cn'w, cr/o/iev; thence to <rea>, aeo/xei/, which we must
suppose to have existed before 0-5, <roS//ei/; finally to the
common future forms like 5<o-cra>, 5e//c-o-co, in which the semi-
vowel of the Sanskrit dd-sydmi, has entirely dis-
d$k-sliy&mi,
appeared. In the Greek second future, however, the second
element of the Sanskrit sya has been retained in preference
to the sibilant; and as the liquids have expelled the <r of the
first aorist, and 6<rrc/\a is said for e<nre\o-a, so also <rreAo>
comes from cnreAea) for trreA/o), and this from (TreAtr/co, ac-

cording to the analogy of the above-mentioned /3oa0>7-(na>,

is not probable that the Sanskrit future-character

657. It

ya should have originally occurred only in the root as of the

[G. Ed. p. 909.] verb substantive but I have scarce any
;

doubt a very early epoch, extending back beyond the

that, at

period of the separation of languages, the attributive verbs

likewise might form their future by annexing directly the

syllable ya ; that therefore forms like dd-yati have existed be-

fore or contemporaneously with such as dd-syati dA-crei, =
*
he will give." In the present state of the language, however,
the attributive verbs always require the verb substantive in
order to denote the future, as the Sclavonic languages also

apply the newly-constructed future of the verb substantive

(.. 633.) to paraphrase the future of the attributive verbs,

without, however (the Servian language excepted), forming

with it a compound. The Carniolan and Polish employ
with the future of the auxiliary verb that participle in /, la, lo,
which we have seen above used to express the past
(. 628. &c.) the Russian, however, and Bohemian, and
:

sometimes, also, the Old Sclavonic, use the infinitive*

Thus, in Carniolan we find, in the various genders,

* The more
complete farm of Mm is tafem,
" I do
be," after the
analogy
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 885

b6m b6m
I will play,"
<f
I will
"
tgrd,l9 igrala,
igr&lo, literally,
" she that 1
"
be he that plays/ plays/' it that plays." In
"
Polish, bedef czytat, czytata, czytato, means I will read,"

(" I will be reading"); in [G. Ed. p. 910.]

Russian, 6y Ay
" "
ABuramb b&dii
dvigaty,
I will move/' literally, I will be
"
moving"; so, in Bohemian, budu krasti (from kradti), I

will steal/' The Servian, however, has thisadvantage over

the other Sclavonic dialects, that it does not require a peri-

phrasis of the future by the verb substantive, but combines

" "
the auxiliary verb signifying to do with the themes of the
attributive verbs, just as with that of the verb substantive :

" " I
thus, Igradyu
means I will play," as
bidyu
does
will be."

658. Several Sclavonic languages may or must, under cer-

tain circumstances, express the futureby a preposition pre-
fixed to the present, which signifies "after," and is pro-
nounced po. We refer the reader to Dobrowsky's Bohemian
Instructions, pp. 160, &c., respecting the difference in signi-
fication of the Bohemian futures which are expressed with

po, from those

which are conveyed by a periphrasis, where
both together are used, as po-kradu and budu krasti. In
Carniolan there are not more than ten verbs which ex-

press the future by prefixing po ; as po-rezlicm, " I will say."f

analogy of the Old Sclavonic bu-du(.633.). The contraction ofbodem

to^wislike ofgleday, "behold" (gUdam,
that I behold"), to
gley
(see Kopitar's Cr. Or. p. 834). The contracted form bom resembles for-
but in a the Pr&krit
"I
tuitously, surprising degree, present homi, am/'
an abbreviation of bhdmi, and contraction of the Sanskrit bhavdmi. In
the kindred languages, however, a historical fact lies for the most part at
the bottom of fortuitous coincidences, which, in the case before us, consists
in this, that b6m and homi, like our bin, Old High German bim, have the
same root and the same personal termination.
*
Bedgszbendeh, fromfandem, $.255. </.
t Compare the Old Sclavonic rekii, recheshi, and Sanskrit vach (see
6
p.648G. ed.Note ,)
886 THE FUTURE.
"
The rest all express movement, as pobeshlm I will fly,"
" "
poytsdim,
I will ride (Kopitar, p. 332). The Old Sclavonic

employs other prepositions besides po, in order to give a

future meaning to the present. After po the most in use are
" " "
oy (u), by," and B-&g
upwards"; as &-vidit, videbit,"
(?;),
"
timebo" (Sanskrit 6/rf, "to fear," hltmja, "fear"),
0-boyd-sya,
vo-rastA, "crescam" (Dobr. p. 377).
659. The " I will be," is rare in Old
periphrasis by bddd,
Sclavonic : on the other hand, imam, " I have," frequently oc-
curs in the translation of the Gospels as a future auxiliary

[G.Ed.p.QlL] verb in combination with the infinitive as ;

" "
habebis (" thou hast to have ") priiti
imyeti imashi, imaty ;

veniet Jilius"; ne imaty byti, "won erit; ne

*'
syn, imaty pifi,
"nonbibet" (Dobrowsky, p. 379). Observe the coincidence
of idea with the Roman languages, the future of which, though
it has completely the character of a simple inflexion form,
is nothing else than the combination of the infinitive with
"
the present of the auxiliary verb to have." This would

perhaps have been with difficulty discovered, or not at all,

on account of the contraction which the auxiliary verb ex-
periences in the plural, but for the clear indication of it we
receive from the language of Provence, which at times se-

parates the auxiliary verb from the infinitive by a pronoun ;

as, dar vos rial, "je vous en donnerai"; dir vos ai, "je vous
"
dirai"; dir vos em, nous vous dirons"; gitar m'etz, "vamme

jeterez" remarkable that the Old Sclavonic occasionally

It is
" to "
paraphrases the future of the verb have itself by " to
have," which the Roman languages are always compelled to
do, because they possess no other means of expressing the
future : thus the French tu auras (from avoiras) corresponds
to the above-mentioned Sclavonic imashi
imyati
660. The Gothic,
sometimes paraphrases the future
also,

by the auxiliary verb "to have"; thus, 2 Cor.xi. 12, tauyan

haba for TTOI^CO; John xii. 26, visan habaith for eora/ (see
Grimm. IV. 93.). The German languages have, that is to
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 887

say, like their Sclavonic cognate idioms, from the earliest anti-
quity lost their primitive future inflexion, which the Lithua-
nian and Lettish share to this day with the Sanskrit and Greek.
As, however, the Sanskrit future sydrni is almost identical
with the potential sydm, " 1 may be," and the future character
ij ya springs from the same source with the potential *n t/rl,
it deserves notice that Ulfilas frequently expresses the Greek

future by the Gothic subjunctive present, which is in form

identical with the Sanskrit potential and [G. Ed. p. 912.]

Greek optative. Examples are, Mark ix. 19,

siyau
and thulau
for ecroftai and di/eojuai; Mark ix. 35, for ecrrai; x. 7,
siyai
bileithai for
KaraXefyet x. 8, siyaina ;
for ecrovrai. In the
reverse case the Persian uses the only ancient future that it

has preserved, viz.

^2*b
bdsham (
= Sanskrit bhavithydmi)
also in the sense of the present subjunctive. The attributive
verbs in Persian, to denote the future, prefix to the present a

particle beginning with 6, which, with regard to its vowel, is

guided by that of the initial syllable of the verb so that for u ;

(dhamma) the prefix also contains an u, but for other vowels

an i /* as bi-baram, "I will carry," bi-bdzam, "I will play," but
" These futures stand in an external
I will ask."
bu-pursam,
analogy with those of the Sclavonic languages, which are
formed from the present by prefixing the preposition po
(. 658. &c.). We must, however, leave it undecided whether
the Persian prefix of the future, which may also precede the

imperative, is identical with the inseparable preposition bi,

or whether, as appears to me far more probable, it is con-
"
nected with <^b bdyad, oportet"
and has, therefore, an
ideal relationship with the periphrasis of the future, which

is formed by the auxiliary verb sollen, and which still

* Kesra, which, however, likefatha, i. e. is

properly t, original a, usually
pronounced e. With regard to this remark of Professor Bopp's, see my note
p. 858. The use of the vtwel dhamma, with the prep. & is at least doubtful :

see Lumsden's Persian Grammar,Vol. 2. p. 396. However, with imperatives

the first vowel of which is dhamma^ it may be admissible. Translator.
888 THE FUTURE.

remains in several older and more recent German dialects

(Grimm IV. 179. &c.). If this is the case, it may be here

further remarked, that, in Zend, the imperative is occa-

sionally used in the sense of the future. Thus we read in

V. S.
p. 82, ^n>^As2uf*>>AsOd ^WAJ $ (eKJ-WAsl? $y.us7> |tf*>
"
hi itrvdnem vahistem ahdm frahdrayhie, whose soul I will
[G. Ed. p. 913.] make to go to the best world." Anquetil
"
translates, je ferai oiler librement stm nme aux demeures

661. We return to the Gothic, in order to remark that it

employs most commonly the present indicative instead of

the future, in which it is deficient, as is the case also in Old

High German very frequently. The periphrasis, however,

begins gradually by sollen and wollen, the latter only in the
first person that by means of werden is peculiar to the New
:

German ;
in a certain degree, however, the Gothic paves the

way for it, as in this language wairtha sometimes occurs in

the sense of the future of the verb substantive. Grimm
(IV. 177. 178.) quotes the following passages : Matt viii. 12.

Luke i. 14. 2 Cor. xi. 15, where earat is rendered byvairthith;

moreover, 2 Cor. vi. 16. where vairtha, vairthand, answer to
"
the Greek e<ro/*a/, e<rovrat. In fact, werden, to become," is

the most natural and surest expression of future being, and

far better adapted to represent it than the auxiliary verbs
" to and who is becoming
wollen, will," sollen, "to owe"; for he
will certainly arrive at being, and is one who will be here-
after; the willing and the owing, however, may be incapable
or be prevented from doing what he would or ought. The
* Librement is clearly the translation of the preposition contained in
fra-hdray6n69 as Anquetil also, in the page preceding, renders fravaocem
(thus I read it forfravaocim) by "je park clairement ;" while in both
expressions,and especially very often in Zend, as in Sanskrit, the prepo-
sitionshave no perceptible meaning, which admits of translation, though
the Indian Scholiasts also, in the derivation of verbs compounded with

prepositions, lay too much stress on the prepositions. We will treat here-
after of the middle
imperative termination in n&. As causal form the
verb under discussion corresponds to the Sanskrit pra-sdraydmi.
 FORMATION OE TENSES. 889

willing person may also alter his will, and hence not do what
he intended. The Old Northern language, [G.Ed. p. 914.]

in paraphrasing the future, uses the anomalous mun, "I

think," which employs the preterite form as the present;

"
e.g. munt vera, "em," mun slitna, rumpetur" koma munu,
41
venient" To this head belongs the circumstance, that occa-

sionally the Gothic weak verb mtwan represents, not, indeed,

the proper future, but the Greek construction with /xeAAw,
for which, however, haban is also applied (Grimm, IV. 93. 178.) ;

"
thus John xiv. 22, rnunais
gabairhlyan, /ieAAe^ e/z0cci//e/v."
Ulfilas, however, could scarcely have imagined that his munan

and the Greek /ueAAo) are radically akin, which is the case if
I mistake not. I believe that /xeMxo stands in the same re-

lation to the Sanskrit manyd (only that the latter is a middle

" " "
verb), I think," I mean," as &X\o$ does to the
anya-s,
other" (.655.)* The circumstance that we have the San-
skrit root, in Greek also, in a truer form, and one which
retains the original n (e.g. nevos=manas), does not prevent
the assumption that besides this the favorite exchange of

liquids takes place,and consequently /xeAAw might become

estranged from the forms with v.
662. Latin futures like amabo, dvcebo, have already, in my

System of Conjugation, as compounds with the root/w (the/

of which in the interior of a word becomes b, see 18.), and .

bo, bis, bit, &c., been compared with the Anglo-Saxon bco,
"I will be,"
bys, "thou wilt be," bydh, "he will be." Bo,
a sister form of the bam of amabam, docebam, discussed before

(. 526. See.), answers in conjugation exactly to ero; 60, there-

fore, stands for bio, bunt for blunt, and the i of bis, bit, bimus,
bills, a contraction of the Sanskrit future character ya
is

(.651.). From the root bhA, in Sanskrit, would come the

forms bhdy&mi, bh&yasi, bhuyati, &c., or with Guna, bhdyami,
bhdyafii, &c., if the said root were not combined in the future
with the root as, but annexed the syllable ya direct (before
3M
890 THE FUTURE.

[G. Ed. p. 915.] m and v, yd). To this would correspond in

Latin, in its isolated state, fujo,fuis,fuit, in which, however,

fuit would be distinguished from the perfect (aorist)/tu in

this, that the i in the latter form is
nothing but a conjunctive
vowel and the weakening of an original a, but in the future

the contraction of and expression of the relation of time.

ya
In bo, bis, bit, the u of the rootfu is passed over, as infio, fis,

Jit, which is properly the passive of fu 9 and corresponds to the

Sanskrit passive bhd-y$, bhU-ya-sh bhii-ya-tg, only with active
terminations like the Prakrit, which preserves the charac-
teristic syllableya of the Sanskrit passive (of which we will
speak hereafter), but has replaced the middle terminations by
active ones.
663. The question may be raised, whether the Latin bo is

really based on a presupposed Sanskrit bhuydmi or bhAy&mi;

and thus, whether this form existed at the time of the divi-
sion of languages, and if alone, or, together with that, com-
"
pounded with the other root of to be," on which the Zend
b&y$mi, the Greek 0J-o-co, the Lithuanian bu-su, and the Irish
bhus, "erit" mentioned above, are founded; or whether the
Latin bo likewise, at an earlier period, was combined with the
other auxiliary verb ; whether, therefore, in an isolated state,

a/wro from an earlier fuao, forfusio, existed, like the Greek

^>u-<ro>
from ^u-cr/co ? This question cannot be decided with
certainty; but the latter, according to which amabo,
amabis, &c., would appear as contractions of amaburo, ama-

buris, appears to me the more probable, particularly as the

forms, which are incumbered by the composition, have most
cause to be weakened. It may be observed, that, even with-
out any external occasion for being weakened, the Old

High German, in the very same root, contrasts with its

"
plural birumSs, we are" (= Sanskrit bhavdmas, .
20.), a sin-
gular bim for birum. The Carniolan 'exhibits, as we have
" "
seen (f 657.),
.
together with Udem, I will be (" do be "), cor-
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 891

responding to the Sclavonic cognate idioms, [G. Ed. p. 916.]

a contracted form b6m, to which the Latin bo accidentally
approaches very closely, though with a different kind of
contraction. The Anglo-Saxon beo, mentioned above (also
"
beom), I will be," is properly not a formal future, but a
present, answering to the German bin. Old High German
bim, and to the Sanskrit bhavtimi, which is principally used
with a future meaning, while eom asmi, Gothic fro, re-
mains devoted to the present. It might, also, be disputed
whether the Latin bo of amabo is actually a future, for then
it would be necessary to identify the i of b'w, bit, &c., with
the conjunctive vowel a of the Sanskrit bhav-a-si, bhav-a-ti,
and to place it on the same footing with the i ofveh-i-s,
veh-i-t=vah-a-si, vah-a-ti (see .
507.). Remark the obsolete

subjunctive /warn, which presupposes a present indicative /uo,

/wiv (. 510.). However, that opinion appears to be most
probably the true one, that bo, bis, rest on the same prin-
ciple of formation with ero y eris, and that, therefore, there
is a reason why amabo, moncbo, have a future and not a
present signification. It appears certain, that the third

and fourth conjugations, did all form their futures ori-

ginally in bo (compare .
529.) ;
futures in am, however,
are, according to their origin, of the subjunctive mood,*
and we shall return to them have already
hereafter. We
(. 526.) noticed the remarkable coincidence which exists
between the Latin and the Irish, in the circumstance that
the latter combines all attributive verbs in the future with
the labial root of the verb substantive. The Irish, however,
is superior to the Latin in this, that, in the simple state
of the verb substantive, it forms the future not from the
root, which is, in Sanskrit, as, but from that [G. Ed. p. 917.]
which has the labial initial sound (see . 526. p. 767 G. ed.).

Compare System of Conjugation, p. 98.

3 M 2
892 THE FUTURE.

664. It remains to remarked with regard to the

be
Sanskrit future, that the syllable sya, which proceeds
from the verb substantive, is combined with the root
either directly or by means of a conjunctive vowel i,

after the manner of the third aorist formation (. 560.), so

that the through the influence of this i, again becomes
s,

sh; as in tan-i-shydmi, "exlendam" Radical vowels, capable

ofGuna, receive it;* hence, d$k-shydmi~$iK-(T<a from du 9

"to shew"; /^-j%ci7m==AeWeo from lift, "to lick"; yok-

shydmi=$euK-(T(* from yuj, "to combine" (.19.); bhav-i-
shydmi from bhA, "to be." The Greek has Guna only
where the present, also, has a Guna vowel, as in the

examples adduced
p

;
it contrasts, however, A.u-(ra), 0t5-o o>,

"
P/TMTO), with the Sanskrit lav-i-shyami from /tJ, to cut off,"

bhav-i-shydmi from bhu, "to be," ksheji-sydmi from hhip,

" to throw.'' The Zend, also, iir respect to the Guna, does
not agree exactly with the Sanskrit; hence, e.g., b&syQmi,
"ero" (.665.), both in not employing the Guna, and also
in the direct annexation of the auxiliary verb, corresponds

more to the Greek 0tJ-o-a> and Lithuanian bu-su than to the

Sanskrit bhav-i-shydmi. We subjoin the full
conjugation of
this future, and append to it the Latin fac-so, which is very
isolated, and which agrees with <^-cro>, bti-su, not only in
the formation, but is also radically akin to it (. 19.).

[G. Ed. p. 918.] SINGULAR.

SANSKRIT. ZEND.t L1TH. LA.T1N. GREEK.
2
bhav-i-shydmi, bu-sy$mi* bii-m, fac-so, ^-(rco.

bhav-i-*hycni, bu-sy$hi? bu-si? fac-sis, <j>v-creis.

1

bhav-i-shyati, bu-syeiti, bu-s, fac-sit, <pv-cret.

* Where Guna Grammar we are to understand

is prescribed in Sanskrit
that in the middle of roots only short vowels receive Guna before simple

consonants, but at the end of roots long vowels also.

tZend forms of the 1st per. sing, like the theoretically-formed b&sytmi
are not quotable ; of. 731. Remark.
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 893

DUAL.
SANSKRIT. ZEND. LITH. LATIN. GREEK.

bhav-i-shydvas, bk-siwa

bhav-i-shyathas, b&-syath6? bu-sita,

bhav-i-shyatas, bd-syat6 9 like Sing.

PLURAL.

bhav-i-shydmaSt bA-sydmahit bu-sime, fac-simus, <f)v-<rofJLev.

bhav-i-xhyatha, bu-syatha t bu-site, fac-silis, ^-aere.

bhav- -shyanti, bti-syanti, like Sing, fac-sunt, <f>v-<Tovrt.

3
1
{. 42. 2
From 0uo-t<, }.
656. The i is the personal ter-

mination: see .418.

On account of the perfect agreement between ^T^nfa db-

sydmi, 8o)<ra>, and the Lithuanian dusu (duo-su), this future,

also, may be here fully conjugated, and the Latin dabo sub-

joined, as it
agrees with the Lithuanian i and Sanskrit ya,
though not in the auxiliary verb, still in respect to the

future characteristic i of dabis, &c.

ACTIVE.
SINGULAR.

Samkrit. Greek, Lithuanian. Latin.

dd-sy&mi t 5co-(ra>, dusu, da-bo,

dd-syasi, Jco-a*e/, du-si, da-bis.

&o-cre/, dii-s, da-bit.

dd-syati,

DUAL.

dd-sydvas, du-siwa ....

dd-syathas, Sco-creroi/, du-sita

dd-syalas, Sco-treroi/, like Sing. ...

PLURAL.

da-$ydmas t
Jco-tro/xei/, du-sime, da-bimus.

Jco-o-ere, du-site, da-bitis.

dd-syatha,
JW-CTOI/T/, like Sing. da-bunt.
dA-syanti,
894 THE FUTURE.

MIDDLE.
SINGULAR. DUAL.
Sanskrit. Greek. Sanskrit. Greek.

dd'syti* dco-<ro/*af. dd~sydvah$ 9

dd-syas$, (8co-<re<ra/). dA-sydthii,

Jco-crerai. dd-sy$t$, foo-crecrflov.
d&-syat$,

MIDDLE.
PLURAL.
Sanskrit Greek.

dd-sydmaht, S<o-cro/xe0a.

dd-syant$,

665. The Zend future agrees, in essentials, with the San-

skrit, as we have already seen from the relation of bfay&mi*
to bhavishydmi. example shews that the Zend, in
Still this

respect to the Guna and introduction of a conjunctive vowel

i, does not everywhere keep pace with the Sanskrit, and in

the case before us resembles more closely the Greek 0<rco

and Lithuanian biisu than Hfetqifa bhavishydmi. I cannot,

however, adduce the form btisydmi even from the Zend-

Avesta, but from the frequently-occurring participle 6th-
" the about to be " we may, with
yantem, (Vend. S. p. 89),
as much certainty, infer b&syemi, bmydhi, &c., than we can,
in Greek, ecro/ioi from <ro/*evo, and, in Sanskrit, bhavishydmi
[G. Ed.
p. 920.] from bhavishyun. The form in 8mi, $hi,
$iti, is apparent from .42.; for the y invariably exerts an

assimilating influence upon the d or a, which precedes the

terminations mi, hi, ti, through which those vowels become
6. That, however, the y of the future makes no exception
to this rule is proved, if proof be required, among other

proofs, by that of jywM-wt&d? vacsyeiti (Vend. S. p. 83),

*Cf.$.731. Remark.
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 895

w he *
will say," answering to the Sanskrit vakxhyati from
vach. In the dual and plural, the y abstains from its assimi-
in the third person plural, as generally
lating influence, and,
before n, it protects the a following from being weakened to

c 2, as occurs elsewhere.
666. The
third person dual would give the

vacsayafd, mentioned at 464. p. 646, Note if it corresponded

.

"
to the Sanskrit ^TO^Icra vakshyatas, from vah, to carry,"
" to I now, however, prefer regarding it as the causal
bear."
"
of the Sanskrit root vaksh, accumulare" which
may perhaps
also signify "to grow," and to which the Gothic root
"
VAI1S regularly answers whence, vahsya, I grow," vohs,
;

" I
grew," with h for Ar, according to a general law for the
change of sounds. The Zend ucsy&ni, " I grow," appears
to be a contraction of vacsy$mi (compare p. 780 G. ed.), as,
in Sanskrit, such contractions occur only in forms devoid of

Guna; and, from vach, "to speak," the gerund, indeed,

e.g.,

is uktwd, but the infinitive, which requires Guna, is not

uktum, but vaktum. As, then, in the causal verb the
vowels capable of Guna receive it, it need not surprise
us if, in Zend, the root vacs, as a verb of the fourth class,
to which Guna
does not belong, were contracted to uss,

but, in the causal, retained the full form vacs, as, in San-

skrit, the root vyadh of the fourth class forms, in the

present, vidhydmi for vyadhydmi, but, in the causal,

vyddhaydmi.
667. That the Zend, also, occasionally [G. Ed. p. 921.]

uses the conjunctive vowel i in its future is proved by the

" 11
form WMMMJ^JS J-M^ daibisyanti, they will disturb, from
"
the root dab, which corresponds to the Sanskrit dambh, to

deceive," and in the preceding and several other forms, which

occur in the Vend. S., has, through the influence of the i of

" maintenant,"
Amjuetil (p. 139),
vuici ce qw dit
896 THE FUTURE.

the following syllable, received an i in the root (. 41.). It is

translated by Anquetil in various passages by affKger and

blesser. The future form mentioned occurs in the V. S., p. 2 1 5,
''which
^^AsAi-M^^As^ gw(? jy,CL yol vdo daibisyanti*
will disturb you both." Anquetil renders this strangely
"
enough vous deux, affligez ceux qui me iwnnent dans Vop-

pression" In another passage (p. 223) we find the third

person plural of the future middle of the same verb, viz.

daibisyantd, which Anquetil likewise regards as the second

person imperative, and renders by blessez.

668. In the Zend future forms hitherto considered, the

sibilant of the verb substantive appears in the form of a

m s, because follows letters which, in Sanskrit, according
it

to . 21., require the change of the s into sh, for which, in

Zend, j*s s sh is regularly written. After such letters,
or
j^y
however, as, in Sanskrit, leave the s unaltered, an h must be
expected in the Zend future, according to 53., instead of .

the sibilant and this we find, also, in the passive participle

;

" "
zanhyamancr, the man about to be born (Vend. S., p. 28),

from which we may safely an indicative zanhyd,

infer
"I shall be born." Anquetil, indeed, renders the words
naranmcha zd-
ju^-flyAyjo^A^w^ A)^^)yAs$>.us As^-*j/A5y
"
tananmcha zanhyamanananmcha, and of the persons born and
[G. Ed. p. 922.] about to be born/'t by "lea hommes qui

naissent et engendrent,"according to which Juyju$Aj^wv>5

zanhyamuna must be considered as a middle present par-
ticiple but it is impossible that the root zan,
;
Sanskrit =
can arrive at an h without thereby expressing the
?F{jan,
future. At most we might be in doubt, whether zanhyamana
should be regarded as of the middle or of the passive voice,
as these voices in the
general tenses, as also in the special

* I believe it is to be written thus, instead of Jf .

t Compare Burnouf's Yayna, Note 0. 5 p. 71.

 FORMATION OF TENSES. 897

tenses of the fourth class, are not distinguished from each

other. Indian grammarians take j<ty$, " I am born," as

The
a middle, so that ya passes as the characteristic of the fourth
class (see . 109 H .
2.); but as the passive, also, inthe special

tenses, annexes the syllable ya and may reject the n in the

root jar?, by which the a is lengthened, so there
is nothing to

prevent us from regarding the vcTbjdyt, also, as a formal

passive on account of its passive meaning. Thus I consider
the Zend zanhyamana as passive.
participle
669. From the roots dti, "to give," and dd, "to place,"
b
the future form ddonliy$mi might, according to 56 be ex- .
.,

pected : as, however, in Zend, khy also sometimes occurs as

the representative of the Sanskrit sy (see p. 280), we must be

prepared for a form ddkhySmi; and the [G.Ed. p. 923.]

passive participle of this we find in Vend. S., p. 89, where, in
like manner, the passive past participle, uz-dtananm, " of

those held up," precedes the genitive plural of the future par-

ticiple uzddkhyamnannnm (=Sanskrit uddhdsyamdndndrn),

"
we have seen zdta-
of those about to be held up,"* as above
nanm-cha and zailhyamanananm-cha close together. As we
have, therefore, the sibilant of the verb substantive here
before us in the shape of a guttural, we will again draw
attention to what has been said above of the probable origin
of the K of eSuica, SeSwjca, from <r (. 568. &c.). As the
Zend root dd, " to place," " to lay," " to make,"f corresponds
to the Greek rt'dtyjtt/, consequently the ddkh of the ddkhyam-
nananm, which has been mentioned, would be identical with

the Greek BrjK of edrjKa, redrjKa.

670. As respects, however, the origin of the exponent of

* With a perhaps erroneous rejection of the a of the participial suffix.

Anqnetil's translation, also, "qu'ilfaut toujours tenir ekves," is evidence

that this may be regarded as expressing the future. Cf. Bnrnouf 1. c.

Note Q., p. 86.

"
t The corresponding Sanskrit dhd means also to hold."
898 THE FUTURE.

the future, ya, with which that of the potential and precative

yd is to I am still of the opinion already expressed

be ranked,
in of
my System Conjugation, that these syllables proceed
"
from the root ^ ( to wish." Consequently the Greek opta-
9

tive, which founded on the Sanskrit potential and preca-

is

tive, would, according to its signification, have its name from

the same verb to which it owes its formal origin. If the con-

junctive vowel of the first and sixth class be added to the root

$ t, it would make ya, according to the same phonetic prin-

"
ciple by which the root i, to go," forms, in the third person

plural, yanti. From

this yanti, therefore, the termination of
"
[G. Ed. p. 924.] d&-s-yanti, they will give," cannot be dis-
"
tinguished. It cannot be denied, too, that the root i, to

go," to which Wiillrier (Origin of Lingual Forms, 46. 47.) .

has betaken himself in explaining the future, is, in respect of

" "
form, just as suitable as i. But the meaning to wish," to
1'
will, is more adapted to express the future and the
certainly
"
optative than that of to go." This is also confirmed by the
use of language, as several idioms, quite independent of
one another, have simply, through internal impulse, come
"
to the decision of expressing the future by to will." It is

certain that the Modern Greek and Old High German (. 661.),
nay, even the various German dialects, have, in this respect,
borrowed nothing from one another nor imitated each other.
The Old Sclavonic, also, sometimes employs an auxiliary
" to
verb, signifying will," to express the future. It is not,

however, to be overlooked, that the examples which Do-

browsky (p. 380.) adduces from the translation of the Bible
are all
preceded by /xeAAo> in the Greek text; for which
reason, unless other instances occur where this is not the
case, we must
conjecture that the wish of keeping as close as
possible to the Greek text must have suggested to the Scla-
vonic translator his %oijJ8 choshchil; thus Luke xxi. 7,

ycgda chotyat siya byti, orav /xe\A}? TavrcfyevecrOai; Matt. xi.!4 r

chotyai priiti, 6 /xe\\cov ep^ecrOat. Respecting the conjectural

 FORMATION OF TENSES. 899

relationship of the Greek fxe\\a> with the Indian "manyh.

"I
think," see p. 914 G. ed.
671. The Sanskrit sometimes uses its desiderative form to
denote the future, as in the episode of the Draupadi mw-
" "
murshu, wishing to die," occurs in the sense of about to
die and, conversely, in different languages, the expression
;"

of the future is occasionally used to denote that of "to will:"

and the Latin forms its desideratives from [G. Ed. p. 925.]
the future participle in t&rus, abbreviating the u, and adding
the characteristic of the fourth conjugation, the i of which,

however, has nothing to do with the Sanskrit future suffix

is founded on the characteristic
ya, but, as has been shewn,
of the tenth class aya, which is frequently used in Sanskrit
to form denominatives. The Greek forms desideratives
from the future in or perhaps from the older form in
era),

(T/co; so that in forms like 7rapocco<re/o>, yeKacreiu, the i would

be strengthened only by a Gunising e. These desideratives,
however, and the future, may be regarded as cognate forms,
so that both, independently of each other, but by a similar
formation, would have proceeded from the verbal theme,
as there are in Sanskrit also desideratives, which have the
form of the future but have not proceeded from it, but,
following its analogy, have sprung from a nominal base;
c.
y. vriyha-syAmi, "to desire the bull," madhw-asydmi, "to
ask for honey." In the latter example the a of the root of
the verb substantive is
perhaps contained. But usually in
denominative desideratives the verb substantive is quite
omitted, or has become and they only contain the
obsolete,

syllable ya, i.e. the auxiliary verb "to wish," which is cha-
racteristic of the future; c.
g. patf-yflmi,
"I wish for a spouse,"
from pati, "spouse." It is not improbable that the desi-
deratives which have been formed from primitive roots by
the addition of a sibilant, and which are furnished with a

syllable of reduplic&tion, had originally a y after the sibilant,

and therefore, likewise, the root of "to wish" alluded to;
900 POTENTIAL, OPTATIVE, AND SUBJUNCTIVE,

thus, e.g. pipd-sdmi, "I wish

to drink," from pipd-sy&mi,
"
agreeing with pd-sydmi, I will drink." If this is the case

then pipdsdmi has the same relation to the presupposed

pipdsydmi that the Greek Sco-tno, from 5a>cr/a>, has to the San-
[G. Ed. p. 926.] skrit dAsydmi. The root being burthened
with the reduplication might, perhaps, produce a weaken-

ing in the final portion of the word, similar to that through

which the reduplicated verbs in the third person plural have
lost the nasal belonging to this person ; and, e.
g. 9 bibhrati,

"they carry,
11
is said for bibhranti (.459.). We shall recur

hereafter to the desideratives.

FORMATION OF THE MOODS

POTENTIAL, OPTATIVE, AND SUBJUNCTIVE.
672. The Sanskrit potential, which, with several peculiarities
meanings of the Greek subjunc-
of use, combines in itself the
tiveand optative, but in form adheres to the latter, is, in that
conjugation which corresponds to the Greek in fu, formed by
the syllable yd, which is prefixed to the personal terminations.
The class peculiarities are retained; e.g. vidydm "sciam? from
vid class 2; bihhriyam
%
"feram" from bhri, class 3; strinuydm,
"
sternum? from stri, class 5 ; sydm for auydm, "sim," from as,

class 2. We modal exponent yd in the

easily recognise the
Greek IY/,
in which the semi-vowel has become a vowel,

according to the Greek system of sounds : the i, however,

always forms a diphthong with the preceding radical vowel,
as there are no present forms like e'fyu (Sanskrit admi, Lithu-
anian edmi), and therefore no optatives, too, like e$lijv which 9

would resemble the Sanskrit adydm. But $i$on;v corresponds

tolerably well to the Sanskrit dadydm, especially if its radical
vowel is restored, which, through a particular irregularity, it

has According to rule, daddydm would correspond to

lost.

the Greek SiSofyv; but the root dd, under the retro-active in-

[G. Ed. p. 927.] heavy personal terminations

fluence of the
and of the modal characteristic under discussion, suppresses
 FORMATION OF MOODS. 901

vowel according to the same principle by which the

its radical

Greek verb shortens its o> ; ihusdadydmSiSolrjv, as dadmas=

StSonev (see p. 698G.ed.). The Sanskrit root as, "to be,"
loses,by a special anomaly (which is, nevertheless, founded
on the law of gravity, which acts with such astonishing con-
sequences (.480.)), its a in those places where dd
initial

drops its final vowel ;

hence sydm, "I may be," answering to
the Greek etyv, which I deduce from eairjv, because cr between
two vowels very easily admits of being dislodged, but the
root E2 firmly protects vowel
hence, also, in the present
its ;

indicative, eayzei>, eore, are more full than the Sanskrit

" "
cognate forms smas, we are," ye are." stha,

673. The agreement of the Greek and Sanskrit is very

remarkable in this point, that both languages have, in the
middle, entirely lost the long vowel of the modal exponent
yd, <>/; hence, SiSoiro, SiSoi^eOa, for 5i5o^ro, $t$otf)fjLeda t as
in Sanskrit dadita, dadimahi, for dadydta, dadydmahi. The
cause clearly lies in the weightier personal terminations of
the middle ; but I would not maintain, that the wound in-
flictedby them, in both languages, in one and the same place,
on the preceding modal exponent, dates so early as the
period when Greek and Sanskrit were still one. The prin-
ciple of the form- weakening, retro-active influence of the

weight of the personal terminations must, however, have

existed at that time ; and several circumstances in our Euro-
pean circle of languages point to this, that at the time of the
identity of the languages, which are now separated, several
convulsions took place in the organization of each family of

languages. In the preceding case, however, the Greek

$I$O?TO accent shews itself to be a comparatively re-
by its

cent contraction for if the rejection of the

; [G. Ed. p. 928.]

y was primitive, and had taken place before the separation

of languages, SlSotjo would be accented like \eyoiro. The
Greek shews itself, too, in the suppression of the r\> indepen-
dent of the Sanskrit, in this, that it admits this vowel in the
two plural numbers of the active, and for Si&ofy/xei/ employs also
902 POTENTIAL, OPTATIVE, AND SUBJUNCTIVE.

while the Sanskrit together with dadydma has not a

v,

form dadima, but both in this and in all verbs of the second
conjugation the modal syllable yd is left unweakened in both
the plural numbers of the active voice, although in other re-

spects these two numbers follow the analogy of the middle,

as their terminations are heavier than those of the singular.
674. The Latin subjunctive coincides in form with the
Greek optative and Sanskrit potential. Its agreement with
the former might have been perceived, without the inter-
vention of the Sanskrit, from sim, velim, edim, and duirn, the
modal i of which coincides with the Greek i of SiSotrjv. But
these Latin forms resemble the Sanskrit still more closely
than the Greek ; for instance, edim answers admirably to
the Sanskrit adydm, the yd of which, in the middle, if ad
were used in that voice, must be contracted to i, so that
adi-mahi would correspond to the Latin edimus. Thus sim,
for sim, answers to sydm, and simus still more exactly to the
middle simahi. The obsolete form siem, sies, siet, correspond-
ing to the Sanskrit sydm, syds, syat, is so far a grammatical

jewel, that the full modal characteristic *rr yd, Greek

uj, is contained in it, and it may thence be inferred, that
edim, also, &c.,was preceded by an older ediem, cdies, ediet=
adydm, adyds, adydt, and velim, duim, &c., by a more full
veliem, dujem (from dajem). The more weighty termina-
tions of the plural have, by their retro-active shortening in-

[G. Ed. p. 929.] fluence, effected the suppression of the e

before them earlier than before the more light termina-
tions of the singular. It may, however, be reasonably

assumed, that the forms sitimus, sietis, sient=^sydma, sy&ta,

syus (from sydnf), have existed in some other more early

epoch of the language ; and to them, simus, &c., has the
same relation that, in Greek, the abbreviated d/So?/xei/
has
to 8totr]fj.ev,

The German, in which the subjunctive is likewise

675.
based on the Sanskrit potential and Greek optative, forms
the preterite of this mood according to the principle of
 FORMATION OF MOODS. 903

the Sanskrit second conjugation of the second, third, and

seventh and of the Greek conjugation in ^/, i.e.
class, by
attaching the modal element to the root direct and, in ;

fact, in Gothic, the first person in van resembles very

strikingly the Sanskrit ydm, only that the d has been

shortened, and the m vocalized to u (. 432.). Compare,
after removing what belongs to the relation of time,
ttyau,
"I ate,"* with the Sanskrit adydm, "I may eat." In the
other persons, the Gothic follows the analogy of the San-
skrit and Greek middle in suppressing the a of
i. e.
;
ya,
while the as in Sanskrit, becomes long i, for which, in
y,
Gothic, ei is written; hence, il-ei-ma. Old High German
dzimes, resembles the Sanskrit ad-i-mahi and Latin ed-i-

-WM.V; $t-ei-th, Old High German uztt, the Sanskrit ad-i-

-dhwam, and Latin ed-i-iis; in the second person singular,
6t-ei-it (8t-i-s) is almost identical with the Latin ed-i-s. In the
third person, however, the personal sign has been lost (. 432.),
and in consequence of this loss the long i [G. Ed. p. 930.]
sound, which comes to stand at the end is shortened thus eti ;

answering to the Sanskrit adita and Latin edit.

676. It scarcely requires to be remarked, that I do not

understand the resemblance between the Gothic /-ez-ma and
Sanskrit ad-i-mahi, as though the Gothic subjunctive pre-

terite, with exception of the first person singular, was really

referable to the Sanskrit middle; the contraction of to

ya
e?,=i is rather a pure Gothicism, which was probably pre-
ceded by a weakening of to the principle
ya to yi, according
by which nominal bases in ya exhibit in the nominative

* " from the root at, is so far tho most remarkable verb of
I eat,"
Ita,
its class, because 6tum 9 " we ate" (for dtum from a-atum. Old High Ger-
man dzwn&$\ contains a reduplication without having experienced abbre-
viation like s&Mwand similar forms* (p. 847 G. ed.). The Old High Ger-
man axumfo correspond almost as exactly as possible to the Sanskrit re-
duplicated dd-i-ma from a-adirna.
904 POTENTIAL, OPTATIVE, AND SUBJUNCTIVE.

singular yi-s for ya-s, in case this syllable is preceded by

only one syllable, and, indeed, a short one. But if a vowel
long by nature or by position, or more than one syllable
precedes, the syllable ya is not only weakened to w, but is
contracted to long i (ei), and at the end of a word to short i\

hence, "end," for andyis from andyas, accusative

andcis
andi for Before a final nasal or ns the syllable
andya. ya
remains in its original state; hence, in the dative plural,

andya-m> accusative andya-ns. On the same phonetic law is

based the phenomenon that the u of the first person singular
of our modal-form, which has arisen from m, has preserved
the syllable
ya
in complete form and hence, ftyau from
its ;

"I ate," may be compared with the dative plural

tlyam,
6teis, "thou atest," with the nominative and genitive
andyam]
singular andeis; and the third person singular &ti, which ter-

minates with short with the accusative andi.

?*,

677. In Old Sclavonic there are some remains of the Greek

conjugation in pi,
or the Sanskrit second conjugation. These
have preserved the personal termination in the first person

singular of the present, and in the imperative (which I believe

I must in its formation identify with the Sanskrit-Zend poten-
tial, the Latin-German subjunctive, and Greek optative) annex

[G. Ed. p. 931.] the exponent of the modal relation direct

to the root. The modal however, has preserved
characteristic,

only the semi-vowel of the Sanskrit yd, and as in the second

person singular the s of yds, since from the oldest period it has
stood at the end, must, according to a universal law of sound,
" 11

disappear, so ft&Ab yaschdy (euphonic for

yady), eat, cor-

responds to the Sanskrit adyds, "thou mayesteat," and Latin

cdis\ Bt&Ab vyeschdy (for vyedy), "know," to the Sanskrit
and AA&Ab to the Greek
vidyds; daschdy (dady), "give,"
SttiotriS, and still more to the Sanskrit
dadyds, since, like it,

it has lost the radical vowel. The Sclavonic forms which

have been cited pass also as third persons ;
for nw yd$ 9 and
 FORMATION OF MOODS. 905

ydt cannot be distinguished in Sclavonic, because the

rule for the extirpation of final consonants has spared the t
as little as the s, while the Greek admits the 2 at the end,
there also, where, in the lingual epoch preceding that of the
Greek, it stood as the last
pillar of the word; and thus $i$o/gg
can be distinguished from Sttiofy, which is deprived of the
personal sign.
678. In the first person plural, ra&AbMbi yaschdymy,
vycschdymy, AA&AbMbi daschdymy, answer to

adydmas, edimus, fraTTC^ vidydmas, ^QTOK dady&mas,

, duimus; and in the second, lA&AbTE yaschdyte,

vyeschdyte*
AA^AbTE daschdyte, to ^TOnr adydta,
editis, fTOTff vidydta, ^BTITT dadydta, ftfotre, daitis. Tlie se-
cond person plural represents, in the Old Sclavonic impera-
the third person; a misuse which may have been
tive, also

favored by the fact, that in the singular the third person is

not distinguished from the second, from reasons connected
with the law of sounds and in the dual, also, the terminations
;

TO tarn, 7TW tdm 9 for which the Greek uses rov, TY\V, have
both become ta ; though the Slavonic a generally repre-
for
sents the long Sanskrit d, still it sometimes stands for the
short a also and therefore ta has as good a foundation in the
;

second person dual as in the third but [G. Ed. p. 932.] ;

through the elsewhere very common corruption of a to e

the dual second person has become like that of the plural.
Moreover, the second person is most used in the imperative,
and this may have been an additional cause why, in the plural,
the third person has been entirely removed from lingual exis-
tence, which is therefore less surprising than that, in Old and

Anglo-Saxon, the second person plural should represent the

other two in the present indicative also. But if, in the Old
Sclavonic imperative, the genuine third person plural had re-
mained in use, it would, in my opinion, be the same as the
second and third of the singular for the final consonantal
;

sounds of the Greek-Zend ei/, Aim, or en, and Latin nt, would
3N
906 POTENTIAL, OPTATIVE, AND SUBJUNCTIVE.

have given way, and as the vowel of the modal expression

yd has, in general, disappeared, only daschdy could have cor-
responded to the Zend daidhyann, Greek &5o?ei/, and Old
Latin duint. This apparent identity with two persons of the

singular might have accorded less with the language than

the actual exchange for one of the same number.
679. I refer, also, the Lithuanian imperative, in its origin,

to the department of the mood here discussed; for in all

verbs, without exception, the vowel t is its characteristic,
which admits of no other comparison than with the Scla-
vonic y, just mentioned, the Greek i of all optatives, the
Latin i of sim, edim, velim> duim, and the Sanskrit-Zend

yd, or (. The Lithuanian imperative, however, gains a

peculiar appearance, and one which estranges it from the
corresponding mood of the cognate languages, in that it

conceals the true exponent of the modal relation after a /%

which is always prefixed to the t; only if the root itself

ends with k, for two Ar's only one is used. As iu the second
person singular, in which the i ought to conclude the form,
[G. Ed. p. 933.] this final vowel is generally suppressed,

but the k is extended to all persons of the imperative, with

the exception of the third, of which hereafter, we may be

easily tempted to regard this k as the true imperative

and thus quite disengage the Lithuanian in this
suffix,

mood from its otherwise close union with the other

" to
cognate languages. From the root bu be," proceed, e. g.>
9

" "
the forms buki, or buk, be thou," bukite, be ye," bitkime,
"
let us be/' Mkiwa, "let us two be," bukita, "ye two be."

So duki, or diik, "give thou," dukite, "give ye," &c. In

most cases it
happens that the k appears between two
vowels: for, in the preceding examples, the root, and in
Mielke's three last conjugations, the class syllable, corre-

sponding to the Sanskrit aya (. 506.), end with a vowel :

and as the verb suku, " I turn," given as example of the

first
conjugation, on account of the k, which terminates
 FORMATION OF MOODS. 91)7

the root, abstains from the under discussion, Mielke's

affix

Grammar, therefore,
utterly is an instance deficient in

exhibiting the combination of the k of the imperative with

a consonant. But Ruhig gives, from laupsinu, " I praise,"
the imperative laupsink* (laupsinki), and, according to

Mielke's rule, given at p. 78, we must expect from infini-

" "
tives like ras-ti, to find (euphonic for rad-ti), imperatives
like ras-k\ or ras-Jci, since a k should take the place of the
infinitive suffix.

680. As respects the origin of the k, which is peculiar

to the Lithuanian imperative, it is probably, as has been
already observed, a corruption of the ,9 of the verb sub-

stantive, and consequently duki, "give thou," is doubly

related to the Old Sclavonic dach, "I gave," and to the
Greek eftawa, SeSa>Ka (see . 568. 569.), as also to the Zend
"
will ( = Sanskrit ddsydmi),
J^^^AM^ ddkhy6mi> I give,"
which I am unable to quote, but which I [G. Ed. p. 934.]
believe I may safely deduce from the above-mentioned partici-
"
ple of the root dd, to lay," which has the same sound with dd,
" The same relation that the Zend
to give" (see .
669.),
future ddkhytmi has to the Sanskrit ddsydmi is held, as

respects the employing a guttural instead of an original

sibilant, by the Lithuanian duki to the Sanskrit precativc

middle ddsiya. In the dual, the Lithuanian dnkiwa answers

to the Sanskrit ddswahi, and, in the plural, dukime to ddsimahi.
The Sanskrit precative is, however, in fact, nothing else than
a modification of the potential, and has. in essentials, the
same relation to it that the Greek aorist optative has to
the present optative; i.e. the class differences are removed.

Compare dtiyds, d&ydt, for ddyfo, ddydt;* Zend ddydo, ddydt,

with $019?, JoiV In all the other persons, the Sanskrit adds

* A radical d, in roost roots, passes into , through the assimilating in-

fluence, as it
appears, of the y following; but not in Zend
3 N 2
908 POTENTIAL, OPTATIVE, AND SUBJUNCTIVE.

an s, i. e. the verb substantive, to the modal exponent yd, and

thus d$ydsam resembles the Greek third person plural Soi'qvav.
This dissimilar introduction of the verb substantive may
be regarded as a phenomenon, which first made its appear-
ance after the separation of the languages; for which
reason the Zend, though it continued with the Sanskrit
much longer than the European cognate idioms, does not
share in and in the plural contrasts AS^AU^AU^ ddydma,
it,

A$^A$^.ttj2 d&yata, /-Q^-Wf) d&yaAn,*

with the Greek So^/xei/,
Sotrjre, o?ei>, and Sanskrit diydsma, dtydxta, dfydsus. In
the first person singular I find
5**^ dyanm (probably
erroneously for ddyanm) in a passage already cited with a
different object (see p. 277), a form in good analogy with
the Greek Jofyv, for which in Sanskrit ddydsam.
681. In the middle, the Sanskrit, in the precative, com-

[G. Ed. p. 935.] mits to the verb substantive the function of

denoting the modal relation, exactly as, in the future of the

two active forms, the relation of time. As, therefore, in
"
dd-sydmi, dnbo," the last portion is the future of the verb sub-
"I 1

stantive, so in dA-stryafi may give/ its precative or po-

tential aorist is contained, and the Lithuanian dii-ki, " give
>J
thou (without any personal termination), is rightly analogous
to ddst, the sibilant being hardened to k, which alone dis-

tinguishes imperative from the future.

the Compare
du-kite, "give ye," with dft-site, "ye will give/' In spite,

however, of the great agreement between du-ki and dd-si,

it is still requisite to assume that the Lithuanian has

brought with it from its Asiatic place of origin the pre-

ceding form of its imperative, and that du-ki-te, "give ye,"
"
is the transmission of the Sanskrit dd-si-dhwam, detis," with

the substitution only of an active personal termination for

a middle one ; but the very natural accession of the verb

* f

Compare Burnouf s Ya?na, Note S, pp. CL. CLII.

t The y is a euphonic insertion, and a, for ma, the termination.

 FORMATION OF MOODS. 909

substantive may be admitted in both languages indepen-

dently of one another. The firm adherence to the ancient

modal character, the original yd of which has been con-
tracted in the Sanskrit middle precative and potential, to

t, in the Lithuanian imperative to i, has, in the preceding

case, effected a surprising similarity in the languages,

which have been from time immemorial distinct, and sub-
ject to their own
separate destiny. The conjecture, how-
ever, that the k of the Lithuanian imperative -has arisen
from s, is supported by the Old Prussian, which is most
intimately connected with the Lithuanian, and which fur-
nishes us with an optative or subjunctive, in which s is
contrasted with the Lithuanian k; at least, I have no
doubt that forms like da-se, "he may give,"* galb-se, "he
may help," bou-se, "he may be," bou-sei, "they may be,"
" "
tussi-se, he may be silent (Sanskrit [G. Ed. p. 936.]
" "
"), are to be
tdshmm, still," looked upon as cognate
silent

forms of the Lithuanian imperative and Sanskrit precative ;

and thus da-se (without a personal termination, like the

Greek Sofrj) may be contrasted with the Sanskrit du-$i-shta,
" he may give."
682.In support of my assertion that the Lithuanian

imperative is based on the Sanskrit precative, not on the

potential, which answers to the Greek optative present, may
be specially adduced the circumstance that, in the latter
case, in those verbs which correspond to the Sanskrit first
would necessarily retain the vowel inserted between
class, it

the root and the personal termination. E.g. the inserted a

of we-a-me "we 9 ride," we-a-te, "ye ride," would not be
lost, but most probably we should have in their place tre^-
-ai-me, wez-ai-te, which would be analogous to the Gothic

vig-ai-ma, vig-ai-th, to the Greek e%-o/-/xei/, e^-cM-re, ami

See Vater's Language of the Old Prussians, pp. 104 and 107.
1
910 POTENTIAL, OPTATIVE, AND SUBJUNCTIVE.

Sanskrit vah-e-ma, vah-&-ta (from vahdima, vahctita). But

according to the view just developed, wefz-ki-me, wefz-ki-te,
are founded, not on vah-$-ma, vah-$-ta 9 but on vak-sjn-mahi,
vak-M-dhuwm, apart from the middle terminations. The
Lettish, however, in its imperatives, has retained, of the two
modifications of the Sanskrit mood under discussion, the
first,or the potential, corresponding to the Greek optative

present; and, in the second person plural, always uses ai

or ee in the place of the indicative a ; and thus darrait,
"do ye" (faciatis), corresponds, in its relation to darrat, "ye
do/'* admirably to the Gothic subjunctives like lis-ai-(tf,
"
[G. Ed. p. 937.] ye two may read," as contrasted with the
indicative lis-a-ts. I give the dual, as this has the ad-
vantage of having, in the indicative, retained the old a in
its
original form; while in the plural lisith, as in general
before a final th t that letter has become i. The two twin
sisters, therefore, the Lithuanian and Lettish, complete
one another's deficiencies in the imperative admirably, since
the one supplies us with the Sanskrit potential, and the
other with its aorist form, or the precative, and, in fact,

furnishes us with the same method of formation (which is

the more important) that is to be assigned peculiarly to
the middle, and does not occur elsewhere in any other

European cognate idiom; while, as has been said, the

* here
Though the form in ait or eet occurs in the indicative also, still

that in at is the prevailing and general one : in the imperative, however,

that in eet or ait is the only one, and therefore characteristic of the mood.
The true pronunciation of the Lettish diphthong ee is hard to be perceived
from the description given by Rosenberger, p. 6: it is sufficient, however,
for oui purpose here, that this diphthong is etymologically only a corrup-

tion ofaz, and, like this, corresponds to the Sanskrit 3(=a+i) as, ;
in
" " " " he "
deews, God/' =^f^ d$va-8, from f^ div
9
to shine ; eel, goes,

to the San-
=^?fif At, from ^t; smee-t, "to laugh," in the root answers
skrit smi, whence by Gunn, through insertion of an a, smb.
 FORMATION OF MOODS. 911

active process of formation is reflected in the Greek se-

cond aorist optative, where, in the third person plural,
doirjcrav is contrasted with the Sanskrit dtydsus for dAy&sant*

and o?ev with the Zend <

/ ft^ ^ d&yann.
J

683. The second person singular of the Lettish imperative

isalways identical with the corresponding person of the indi-

cative, and'here requires no further discussion; and thus,

that which in Lithuanian is adduced as the third person

imperative, is
nothing else than the third person of the
indicative present, which receives its modal function, cor-
responding more with the subjunctive than the imperative,
by the prefix of the conjunction te. There are, however, some
so-called anomalous verbs, which have a form differing

from the indicative, and this is in reality an unmistakeable

brother of the Sanskrit potential of the second conjugation,
or of the Greek optative present of the conjugation in

p. The personal character has (as usually [G. Ed. p. 938.]

happens in all tenses of the indicative) been dropped ;

and thus ie corresponds to the Greek irj, Latin let from

siet, and the Sanskrit-Zend yAt, yAt. For example, essie
corresponds to the Greek eirj (from eriij), to the Latin siet,
and Sanskrit syAt, but exceeds the Latin and Sanskrit in

preserving the radical vowel (as in esmt, contrasted with

s-mas, sumusi), and the Greek en?, in retaining the consonant
of the root, which is, however, doubled, as occurs in

Lettish, also, in several persons of the indicative ;

e.
g. in
"
mam, we are," essat, " ye are."
684. The Lithuanian dudye, "let him give," answers
to the Greek itioiij, Sanskrit dadyAt, and Zend daidhyAt.
The agreement with the two last forms, however, is the
greater, as the radical vowel is lost in the base itself;
thus da-die for as in Sanskrit da-dyAt for
duduye, dadAyAt,
and in Zend daidhij&f for dadhAyat. The relation otdiidie
to the other unreduplicated persons of the imperative,
as duki, dhkime, &c., is
exactly that of the potential in
912 POTENTIAL, OPTATIVE, AND SUBJUNCTIVE.

Sanskrit and Zend to the precative, and in Greek that of the

present optative to the aorist of that mood ; thus, as

dddyat is related to ^TiT d3-ydt (for ddydt, middle

), or as
in Zend to t*x&MM
^JW^aiAjj daidhydt
dAyAf, and in Greek Stdotri to Hoty, so is dudie, "let him
give," to dtiki, "give." In this
a new, and, in fact, lies

very strong proof, that the Lithuanian imperative in the

third person of anomalous verbs belongs to the potential
or optative present, but in the other persons to the preca-
tive or optative aorist and that the k of duki is identical
;

with the K of eSwjca and the s proper here

of ddsfya. It is

to recall attention to the division of the Sanskrit tenses and

[G. Ed. p. 939.] into special and general. The lat-

moods
ter, to which belongs the precative, as, in Greek, the aorist,

have the class-sign removed, which, in daddmi, 5/Jw/x/, and

the Lithuanian dudu, consists in the reduplication this :

therefore, is wanting in dtydsam, dd-sfya, dofyv, duki, accord-

ing to the same principle by which the verb under discussion
forms, in the three languages, the future dd-sydm, Sco-cno,
du-su. The Lithuanian root bu, "to be" (=Sanskrit bhfi),
in consonance with this principle, forms, in the plural of
the future* fcu-si-me, and in that of the imperative bu-ki-me ;
with which latter we would compare the corresponding
Sanskrit precative form bhav-i-shi-mahi : on the other

hand, buwa-u, "I was," belongs to the special theme

abhavam (. 522). With regard however, to Mielke's
second, third, and fourth conjugations preserving the class
character in the imperative, this proceeds from their be-

Ipnging to the Sanskrit tenth class, which extends its ay

"
also to the general tenses and, e. g. f from ^n^ chur,
;
to
11
steal, the precative middle is ^fafWfa chdr-ayi-shiya,
plural chdr-ayi-shimahi. The i of ayi is a conjunctive
vowel, which in other classes, frequently enters be-
also
tween the attributive root and the verb substantive. After
rejecting this conjunctive vowel, ay would be of necessity
 FOEMATION OF MOODS. 913

contracted to 4, and then ch6r-8-shivahi, ch6r-$-shtmahi,

would be identical with Lithuanian forms like
pen-e-kiwa,
"let us two nourish," pen-$-kime> "let us nourish," as

regards the class-syllable.

685. The Lithuanian offers, beside the imperative, another

mood, which we must bring into comparison with the

Sanskrit precative; I mean the subjunctive, which has

only an imperfect to exhibit, which we append in full

from the root du, " to give/' with the addition of the
corresponding form of the Lettish, which is requisite in
this place, in order to understand the Lithuanian.

[G. Ed. p. 940. J

SINGULAR. PLURAL. DUAL.
LITE U AN. LETTISH. LITHUAN. LETTISH. L1THUAN.

dftchiau, es dohtu. d&tumbime, mehs dohtum. dutumbiwa.

dutumbei, tu dohtu. dufumbite, yuhs
dohtut. dutumbita.
} 2
dfttu, winsch dohtu. dfitu, doht u. dfttu.
winynyi
2
1
Feminine winynya Feminine
winynyas.

The third person singular, which, as is universally the

case in Lithuanian and Lettish, represents, at the same
time, the plural, and, in Lithuanian, also the dual, would,
considered of itself, lead us to the Sanskrit imperative, in
which daddtu, "let him give," is identical in termination
with dfttu, dohtu; and the phenomenon, that the Lettish
dohtu also passes as second and first person, might be
regarded as the consequence of an erroneous use of lan-
guage; like that, by which, in Old and Anglo-Saxon, the
second person plural of the present, and the third of the

preterite, have made their way into the other persons also.
Still I regard the tu under discussion, not as a personal ter-
mination, but as identical with the turn of the other

persons, and I consider dutu an abbreviation of dutumbi,

particularly as, in
the first person plural, dutum may be
used for dutumbime (Mielke, p. 143, 6), in which case the m
914 POTENTIAL, OPTATIVE, AND SUBJUNCTIVE.

is to be regarded as the character of the first person, and

[G. Ed. p. 941.] is not to be confounded with that which

precedes the 6 in the full form dtitumbime. I deduce this

from the Lettish, which has everywhere dislodged the syl-
lable hi, together with the m preceding, but which combines

the tu which remains in the plural with the personal sign,

y

but in the singular, as this number has in general lost the

consonants of the terminations, leaves without any addi-
it

tion ; thus, es, tu winsch dohtu.

9
A clear intimation is thus

given us, that also in the Lithuanian first person singular

the form d&chiau, and such as resemble it, must be regarded
as strongly mutilated; and I have no doubt that duchiau
has arisen from dutumbiait, by suppressing the umb. Thus
the t came into direct contact with several combined

vowels, therefore was necessarily changed into ch,

and
according to a universal law of sound. The abbreviation
of dutumbiau to duchiau (for diitiau) is not greater than
that before mentioned of dutu(mbi)me to dutum for dulnmr.

In both cases three letters have been omitted; in the

first, mb, with the preceding vowel ;
in the second, with the
vowel following.
686. The Lithuanian subjunctive is very important to me,
as I recognise in the syllable bi the true exponent of the
modal relation, and in this a more than casual coincidence
with the expression of the Latin future of the first and
second conjugation, which is in form completely the same.

Compare da-bimus with dutum-bime, da-bitis with dutum-bite,

da-bis with dutum-bei,from dutum-bi-i, da-bo for dabio, with
the dutum-biau presupposed above, and dabit with the dutum-
-bi abbreviated to d&tu, likewise
only supposed. The
identification, however, of a Latin future form with the

subjunctive of a cognate language will surprise us the

less, as the Latin itself, within its own lingual province,
places the future and subjunctive on the same footing in
[G. Ed. p. 942.] this point, that futures like Uyes, leyet,
 FORMATION OF MOODS. 915

legfanus, legfais, coincide in form with the subjunctives of

the first
conjugation,
687. The
i of the Lithuanian bi
corresponds, there is
scarce any doubt, to the Sanskrit-Zend modal character yd,
"
which, in combination with bhd, to be," forms, in the third

person of the precative, Hjrnr bhuydt* <JM*$>I buydt. The

Lithuanian has dropped the u of its root bu, whether on
account of appearing in a compound, or because the u
its

stood before a vowel, while everywhere else it appeared

before consonants: the syllable yd, however, is retained

pretty perfectly in the first person singular in iau, and in the

other persons, on the contrary, it is contracted to i. Com-
pare biau (from biam, see 438.) with the Zend faa^y
.

buyanm (from buy Am), and bime, bite, from

buyame, buyate,
with AS^AW^^S buydma, AJ^OAS^^J buyata. As regards the
first part of the Lithuanian compound dutum-bei, &c., we

easily recognise in it the Sanskrit infinitive and the accusa-

tive of the Latin supine <*Tira ddtum, datum. In its isolated
state the Lithuanian supine ends in tu, but the lost sign of
the accusative has in the compound been preserved in its

original form under the protection of the auxiliary verb fol-

lowing, and principally of the labial initial sound answering

to m, while everywhere else, in Lithuanian, the accusative
m has become n (. 149.).
688. The conjugation suppresses the A of the
Sanskrit first

potential character yd both in the active and in the middle,*

* This suppression would be favored by the facility with which the y

vocalized tot, becomes a diphthong with
a preceding it. The prime
inducement for it, however, was the effort to lighten the modal element
in combination with a verbal theme, which, without that, was of two, or,
in the tenth class, of three syllables ; thus, M-dhes9
" thou
mayest know,"
for b6dh-a-yds; kdmayds,
" thou mayest love," for kdm-aya-yds. In the
second conjugation the combination of the modal syllable yd with radical
d (there are no roots in short a) occurs only in monosyllabic verbal
themes ; e. g* bhd-ydm. Roots of the third class, however, as they become
polysyllabic
916 POTENTIAL, OPTATIVE, AND SUBJUNCTIVE.

[G. Ed. p. 943.] and the y vocalized to i is contracted, with

the preceding a of the class syllable, to g; e.g. Ht* bharfo>

" thou for
mayest bear," for bhar-a-yds t as, in Greek, <f>epoi$

I am not, however, of opinion that the

diphthong, which is expressed, in Sanskrit by s, and is now

spoken as S, had in the earliest time, before the separation of

languages, a pronunciation in which neither a nor i was per-

ceptible but it is most probable that the two elements were
;

heard in combination, and spoken as ai, which ai may have

been distinguished from the Vriddhi diphthong ^ Ai by this,
that the same breadth was not given to the pronunciation of
the a sound that it has in Ai. The same must have been the
case with the 6 : it was pronounced like au, and its Vriddhi
(. 29.), like du. For to keep to the JJ 0, if this diphthong
[G. Ed. p. 944.] was from the early period of the language
taken as 8, then the i sound, which had become utterly ex-
tinct asa whole, would scarcely, after the separation of lan-

guages, have again been restored to life in single members,

and thus the whole make its appearance in Greek, at one
time as a/, at another as et or ot (see Vocalismus, pp. 193, &c.) ;

in Zend at one time as & (or a$ 9 ,

28.), at another as Ai;

polysyllabic by reduplication, lighten the roots by suppressing the d, as

dad-yam fordadd-ydm^ jah-ydm for jahd-yd m (compare .482.) The

ninth class weakens its class syllable nd to ?n, as before heavy personal
terminations (.485.); thus, yu-nt-ydm for yu-nd-ydm; and therefore
the combination of the full modal exponent yd with the heaviest kind of
vowel is, in polysyllabic themes, entirely avoided. The roots which annex
nu or u do not sufferany weakening either in the base or in the modal
character, for the d of yd cannot here be lost, since the i cannot become a
diphthong with the u preceding : the u of the class syllable, however, is
not necessarily weakened, since u is itself one of the lighter vowels;
" I obtain/
7
To this would correspond, in
hence, e.g.^ dp-nu-ydm, may
Greek, forms like bciKwti]v9 which, however, as it appears, are avoided
on account of the difficulty of pronouncing them, and carried into the o>

conjugation; while the remains of forms, which have remained true to

their own conjugation, have suppressed the i, and, in compensation, length-
ened the v i thus 7rib(iKjn>iJLr)v for ciridciwvipriv.
 FORMATION OF MOODS. 917

in Lithuanian in one place as ai, in another as <?; in Lettish

new as at, now as 6 or ee (see 682., Note); in Latin some-
.

times as ae, as the next descent from ai, sometimes as & But
if before the separation of languages the diphthong still had
its right pronunciation, then each particular individual of the
family of languages which arose after the separation may
have either always or occasionally preserved in its full value
the ai which had been brought with it from the land of its

origin ;
or invariably or occasionally contracted it to 0; and
as it is natural to derive $ from ai, many of the cognate lan-

guages coincide in this process of melting down. While,

however, the Sanskrit, according to the pronunciation which
has been received by us, causes the diphthong ai, when in a

position before consonants, to be invariably taken as e, the

Greek exhibits the opposite extreme, and displays to us the

Sanskrit diphthong as at, et, or ot, and, in fact, in the preceding

case, as o/, since the class vowel, which, in the indicative,

appears as o only before nasals, in combination with the

modal exponent /
invariably assumes the o quality. The >/,

however, of the full modal exponent irj, as in Sanskrit the #,

is suppressed ;
thus repir-oi-s, Tep7r-o/-(r), answering to tcurp-

-&-s, tarp-S-t; -reptt-oi-Tov, Tep-n-ot-Trjv, to tarp-4-lam, tarp-d-tdm;

rep-n-oi-tJLev, repir-at-re,
to tarp~e-ma, tarp-g-ta.

689. It has been already remarked (. 430.) that the first

person singular an inorganic form, and that Twrrot-

in otp.i is

pyv points to an active form Tvnrotv. When I first advanced

this conjecture I was not aware that the [G. Ed. p. 945.]

form arrived at by theory has been actually transmitted to

us, though but in the single case of rpefyotv. Besides this,
Matthias (. 198. 2.) proposes to read apapTow instead of

anapretv in Suidas. We will leave it undecided here,

whether the forms ofyv, ofys, &C M which occur in contracted
verbs, have preserved the original form, and are thus more

genuine than those in Sanskrit like torp-$-s for tarp-a-y&s,

or whether, as is more probable, they are carried back by
918 POTENTIAL, OPTATIVE, AND SUBJUNCTIVE.

the analogy of the pi conjugation. The Sanskrit interposes

a euphonic y between the diphthong 6, and, in the second
conjugation, between the i shortened from yd, and the per-
sonal terminations commencing with a vowel (. 43.) hence, ;

tarp@-y-am, answering to the Greek repTroifii for T&pnotv.

Regarding the termination am for simple m, which would

make the euphonic y superfluous, and attest a form tarpfan
for tarptyam, see . 437., Remark.
690. The Latin, in its subjunctives of the first conjugation,
exhibits, like the Sanskrit in the form of $, the diphthong
which has arisen from the class syllable and the modal vowel
t; but in the and third person singular, through the in-
first

fluence of the final m and t, this is shortened thus, amem, ;

amet, in opposition to amfa, amtimus, am&tis. The kindred

formation of these words with the Greek, like repTrotfju, repTr-

o*, rep-notre, would perhaps never be discovered

rejOTToijitei/,

without the medium of the Sanskrit. But if am$s, amet, ame-

mus, am&tis, be compared with the Sanskrit forms of the same
meaning, kdmayds, kdmaydt, kdmaydma, kdmayeta, it must be
assumed that the last a of the class character ^BRaya (whence
we have deduced the Latin A (=a + a) of amd-re (, 109 a 6.), .

by the dislodgement of the y), has combined with the modal

i, while in the d of amds, amdmus, amdtis, the two a of

[G. Ed. p. 946.] kdm-a(y)a-si, kdm-a(y)d-mus, kdm-a(y)a-

-tha, are united. The 1
t, therefore, of aw&, &c., corresponds
to the Greek ot in forms like n/xao/s, </\eo/f, JiyAdoi?

(. 6.), and
1 09*. the preceding short vowel is passed over.
In the obsolete forms verberit, temperint (Struve, p. 146),
the first part, also, (=a+i) has been lost,
of the diphthong 6
arid only the pure modal element has been left. They may
have arisen from the consciousness that an was bound up
i

in the e of verberet, temperent, or they may have followed the

principle of sit, velit, edit (.674.). On t

the other hand, do

really belongs to the Sanskrit second conjugation, and to the

Greek in /u, and therefore duim, perduim. are regular forms
 FORMATION OF MOODS. 919

the of which corresponds to the Sanskrit ij of dad-yam and

i

to the Greek / of Sidofyv. The weakening of the a to u in

duim rests, perhaps, on the circumstance, that ui is a more
favorite combination than di.

691. In moneds, monedmus, &c., is contained the whole of

" to "
the Sanskrit causal theme mdn-aya> make to think (see
p. 121 G. ed.), only that the properly long (from a+i
e San- =
skrit ny) is, on account of its position, shortened before a

vowel, the i of the modal expression has disappeared, and, in

compensation, the preceding vowel is lengthened, according

to the principle of Greek optatives with v for vt. As, there-
fore, eTriSetKvvfJLrjv stands for eTrtdeiKvvt/JLrjv, Salvvro, iryyvvro
for JII/U?TO, TD^I/WTO, so moneds for monenais. On the other

hand, the case is the same with carint (Struve, p. 146), for
carednt from careaint, as with the before-mentioned vwberit,

iernprrint.
692. The same
relation that moneds has to mon$s is held by

nudids, from audiais, to avdis (. 190 \ 6., 505.). The future,

however, which in the third and fourth conjugation is, in .

fact, nothing else than a subjunctive, as was first remarked

in my System of Conjugation (p. 98, with which Struve
agrees, pp. 145, 146), has preserved the modal element, and
has been contracted with the a of the class [G. Ed. p. 017.]
character to with the exception of the first person singular,
<%

in which leyem, audiem, should stand for leyam, audiam. In

the older language dicem, faciem, are actually transmitted to
us by Quintilian, as forms used by Cato Censor (compare
Struve, and thus, in the fourth conjugation, forms
p. 147);
like audiem may well have existed. As, however, in the

proper subjunctive the last element of the diphthong at has

cast itself and lengthened that letter, but in the
upon the a,

future has been contracted with the a to two forms have

arisen from that which was originally one, of which each has
received for representation a portion of that meaning, which

properly belongs to the two together as,

in the history of ;

language, similar cases have often arisen, and, e.g., dattiri

920 POTENTIAL, OPTATIVE, AND SUBJUNCTIVE.'

and datdres give the plural intentionally) both conduct us

(I
to the Sanskrit ddtdras, which unites the meaning of the two
Latin forms in itself. The use of the subjunctive in the sense
of a future reminds us of the periphrasis for the future by
means of auxiliary verbs which signify " to be requisite," or
"
to will," as also of the occasional use of the Zend imperative
in the sense of the future (see . 680. p. 912 G. ed.). It is clear,

however, that the expression of the future, from the most

ancient period, has bordered with surprising closeness on the
relation denoted by the Latin subjunctive, since the two are
distinguished in Sanskrit, only by the quantity of the vowel
ya in the future, and yd, in the potential.
693. The future and subjunctive of the Latin third conjuga-
tion perhaps require a little further consideration, though
may
what most important to be observed respecting them is
is

already deducible from what has been remarked regarding

the second and fourth conjugations. Future forms like velds,
veldmus, have already appeared in my System of Conjuga-
tion as akin to the Sanskrit potentials like vahfa, vahemn, and

[G. Ed. p. 048.]Latin subjunctives as am@s, am$mus. But in

the first
conjugation the & was firmly planted for even if in its
;

d a contraction of the Sanskrit aya of the tenth class were not

recognised, still the d is clear to every one's eyes, and also

the possibility of melting down with the i
it of the subjunc-
tive expression which follows to & But the of veh&s,
veh&mus appeared incomprehensible, or as a transmission
from the third conjugation to the first, as long as the i of

veh-i-$, veh-i-mus, passed as the original form of the class

vowel of the third conjugation. Through the observation,

however, made above (p. 104), according to which the inter-
mediate vowel of the third conjugation is only a secondary i
weakened from a, forms like vehts, veh&mm, must now appear
in a totally different Their ^ contains the primitive a,
light.
which has become weakened in the indicative, as it occurs
elsewhere also, that a word in composition has maintained
 FORMATION OF MOODS. 921

itself in a form more close to its

original state than when iso-

lated and unprotected.* Before the forms veh-a-s, veh-a-mus,

had become corrupted to veh-i-s, veh-i-mus, in the indicative,
veh-$-s veh-$-mus had arisen from them, and, in the sub-
9 9

junctive, vehds, vehdmusj and the corruption of the class,

vowel of the indicative could have had no influence over that
which was melted down with the modal character.!
The Latin third conjugation leads us to the Gothic, iu
694.

which all the twelve classes of Grimm's strong conjugation

coincide with the Latin third (. 109 a . 1.). [G.Ed. p. 949.]

The Gothic has, however, this advantage over the Latin,

that it has not admitted the corruption of the old a of the in-
dicative throughout, but only before a final s and ih\ other-
wise it has retained the a. We must, therefore, carefully
avoid deriving the forms bairais, "feras" bairai, "/era/,"
bairaith, "frratis" from the indicative bairis, bairith, bairith,

by the insertion of an a, which would imply a principle of

formation quite unknown in the Indo-European family of

languages but the said subjunctive forms must be regarded

;

as the creations of a period in which their indicative pro-

totypes were still bairas, bairath, to which also the passive
forms bair-a-za f bair-a-da, as regards the intermediate

.vowel, refer us (. 466.). In the second person of the dual

and the first of the plural bair-ai-ts, bai-ai-ma, have the
same relation to the indicative bair-a-ts, bair-a-m, that, in

Sanskrit, bhnr-&-lam bkcir-6-ma t

(from bhar-ai-tam, bhar-ai-
-ma), have to bhar-a-fhas, Wwzr-d-mas; in the third person

* Thus the guttural of the Latin facto has been retained in the French

magnifique^ while in/ate, jfa&ons,

it has been corrupted to s, or, according
to the pronunciation, has been lost entirely wfais.
1 have brought forward this theory for the first time in the Berl.
1

Jahrb., Jan. 1834, pp. 9?, 98 (see Vocalismus, p. 200), to which A. Senary
assents (Doctrine* of Roman Sounds, pp. 27, 28), who, however, derives
the modal vowel from " to
i $, go." (Compare }. 670.)
30
922 POTENTIAL, OPTATIVE, AND SUBJUNCTIVE.

plural bair-ai-na (transposed "ferant" hag

from bair-ai-an),
the same relation to bair-a-nd, "ferunt" that the Zend

/gAA^Aji bar-ay-en has to bar-a-nii,

and the Greek $ep-ot-ev
to <t>ep-o-vri. In the first person dual the relation of bair-
-ai-va to bair-os, from bair-a-vas (. 441.), rests
on the same
bhar-
principle on which, in Sanskrit, that of bhar-8-va to
" I
-d-vas is founded.* In the first person singular bairau,

may bear," the modal vowel i

wanting, but the u is the
is

vocalization of the character m; bairau, therefore

personal
(from bairaim), has the same relation to bairais, bairai, &c.,

that, in Latin, the future feram (forferem) has to ferls, feret,

[G. Ed. p. 950.] from ferais, feraitf The Old High Ger-
man exhibits the Gothic diphthong ai (=, see .
78.), also,

graphically in the form , but shortens it at the end of a

word ; hence, bere (for ber), "feram," "ferat" has the same
relation to berk (
= Sanskrit bhar&i), "feras" bcrtmfa, "fera-
9
mns that, in Latin, amem, amet, bear to (im$s, am&mus.
695. The Old Prussian, a dialect which resembles the
Lithuanian very closely, employs imperatives like immais,
"take thou," immaiti, cl take ye," which stand in a clearer
relation to their indicative forms iinm-a-se, imm-a-ti, than,
in Gothic, nim-ai-s,"sumas" nim-ai-th, "sumafiv" to n/w-
-i-, nim-i-th. Compare, on the other hand, the Lettish
imperatives like darrait, "do ye," contrasted With darrat,
" "
ye do" (. 682.). Dais, give thou," daitt, give ye (in
Old Prussian), contrasted with dose, "thou givest/' dati,

* .434.
Respecting tlie length of the d, see
t With regard to the suppression of the i of bairau^ compare, in Gothic,
Grimm's third class of the weak conjugation, in which the t of the con-
jugational character ai (=Sanskrit ^ni aya, Latin &) is everywhere lost,

where a final nasal, or one standing before a consonant, follows, or ought

to follow ;
haha for habai, Old High German
thus, first person singular,
hab&m ; plural, habam forhabaim. Old High German habSmtis; third per-
son plural, haband for
habaind, Old High German habtnt } in opposi-
tion to /t//tofr, habnith. &c.
 FORMATION OF MOODS. 923
" 1

ye give/ furnish, as it were, a commentary on the relation

of the Latin dfo, dttis, to das, datis, as the combination of

a + i, which not perceived in the Latin

is is evident in ,

the Old Prussian. More usually, however, the Old Prus-

sian exhibits, in the indicative, an e or i as the conjunctive
" see
vowel, and in the imperative the diphthong ; e.'g. dereis, ei
"
thou"=depKo/c, ideiti esset
"*
e&orre, editis, 'OTSTTcf adydta. =
The two moods, however, do not everywhere agree, since,
" M
e.
g. 9 tickinnait?, make ye (Katech. p. 54), does not answer
" "
to ttckinnimai, we make (1.
c.
p. 5), but leads us to expect
instead of it tickinnamai. The simple also, or, in its place,
/,

"
y, is found in Old Prussian imperatives, as, myfh, love
"
thou," endiritt,regard thou/'
696. The Old Sclavonic has retained only [G. Ed. p. 951.]
the last element of the original diphthong ai in the second
and third person singular in its imperative in the regular
conjugation, which, as has been before shewn, corresponds
partly to the Sanskrit first class with a annexed (. 499.),

partly to the fourth in vya (. 500), partly to the tenth in

" 11 "
Wl aya (. 505.) ; as, BE^H vei, ride, and let him
ride," corresponds to the Sanskrit vahis, vah&t (. 433.), Latin
veh&t, vehet, and vehds, vehat, Gothic vigais, vigai, Greek
^X ^ ^X
0/ 0/ - 'n ^
e ^ ua^ an ^ plural, however, where the

diphthong is protected by the following personal termination,

* ye (from with prefixed,
y .255. ??.) corresponds to the

Indo-Roman e, Gothic al % and Greek ot ; thus,

q^n vah&ma, vehemus, vehdmus, viyaima,

^yelet = ^TffT vah&ta, vehelis, vehdfi&, vignith,

dual BEjfcTA vegyeta
= ^in? vah&am, *?HT* vahftAm* N

exptrqVf vigaits.
697. Among languages, the Car-
the other Sclavonic
niolan especially deserves, with respect to the mood under

* " he
1st, cuts/' euphonic for idt, corresponds to the Latin e$t.

t This represents the third person also, see 470. .

3 o 2
924 POTENTIAL, OPTATIVE, AND SUBJUNCTIVE.

discussion, a closer consideration, as its imperative in those

verbs which have a as the class syllable is distinguished from
the present indicative by the placing a
y (==i) beside the
a; so that thus
ay
is
opposed to the Sankrit^=a + e of the
potential, to the Gothic ai of the subjunctive, and to the Latin
6 of the subjunctive and future. The singular, which, iu
Carniolan also, in advantageous contrast with the other Scla-
vonic dialects, has a first person, ends in the three persons
in ay, since the pronominal consonants, which, from the
most ancient period, have stood at the end of words, must
give place according to the rule for the extirpation of final
consonants, which extends to all the Sclavonic idioms
"
[G.Ed. p. 952.] (. 255. /.); hence, del-ay, let me work,"
11 " him del-ay -s*
work thou," let work," for
del-ay -m,
del-ay-t, opposed to the indicative del-a-m (from del-a-mi),
(from del-a-shi\ del-a (from del-a-fi), and, in accord-
de'l-a-sh

ance with Gothic forms like bair-ai-s, bair-ai, Sanskrit like

bharfa, bhar$t, Latin like amem, cim&y, amet, vehfa, velict

Greek like ^epo/ju/, In the dual del-ay-wu

<j>pois, fyepot.
answers to the indicative del-a-wa, in the most perfect
accordance with the Gothic bairaiva and Sanskrit bhar&va;
in the second person dual, has the same relation
del-ay-ta
to the indicative del-a-ta, that, in Gothic, bair-ai-ts, "feratis"
has to bair-a-ts "fertis" and, in the plural, is to
del-ay-mo
del-a-mo as, in Gothic, bair-ai-ma to bair-a-m, or, in Greek,
Qep-ot-nev to ^ep-oi-re ; in the second person, del-ay-te bears
the same relation to del-a-te that, in Gothic, bair-airth has
to thatwhich we must presuppose as the original form of
the indicative bair-a-th, whence the corruption bair-i-th :

hence the Old High German ber-6-t (from ber-ai-t), con-

trasted with its indicative compared.
ber-u*t, is better
The third person dual and plural is wanting in the Car-
niolan imperative, and is expressed by a periphrasis of the
indicative with the conjunction ddlata,
nay\ thus, nay
nay delayo.
 FORMATION OF MOODS. 925

698. The analogy, however, of the Carniolan forms like

"
let us work," with the Gothic like bair-ai-ma
del-ay-mo,
and Sanskrit like bhar-$-ma, must not be so far extended as

to identify the vowel of derivation of verbs like cfe7-a-m

with the conjunctive vowel of the Sanskrit first and sixth
class, and with that of the Gothic strong verbs. I rather
see in de'l-a-m, as in the Polish first conjugation (czyt-a-m,
" I "
read thou," czyt-ay-my, " let us read,")
read," czyt-ay,
the Sanskrit tenth class,* the character of which, aya, has

separated into various forms in the Scla- [G. Ed. p. 953.]

vonic idioms as in Latin and the German weak conjuga-
tion. The Carniolan de-a-m and Polish czyt-a-m are
brought much nearer to the Sanskrit like chint-ayd-mi,
"
I think," through the Russian sister forms : A^Aaio dye-
layu.
MHmaio chitayA (from dyel-ayo-m, chit-ayo-m; see
.
:>55. g.). In the third person plural the Carniolan
and Polish nearer to the Sanskrit
delayo czytay^ approach
chint-aya-nti: on the other hand the Carniolan yed6, "they
1
eat/ corresponds to the Sanskrit adanti, from the root arf,

* I now, also, refer Conjugation in Old Sclavonic,

Dobrowsky's first

(contrary to 500.), at least principally, to the Sanskrit tenth class ;

.

so that I assume the suppression of the first a of the character ^TH>

aya, as in Grimm's first conjugation of the weak form, which, by this

a.
loss,has become similar to the Sanskrit fourth class (see iOQ (5.). The .

Old Sclavonic, however, has also not unfrequently retained the first a of

the character aya ; as in " " I read "

padayfy I fall," chitay^ (Dobr. 522.).
In some roots ending with a vowel the y may be a euphonic addition, and

frayii,
" I know " (Sanskrit^, " to know "),piyu, " I drink
"
(Sanskrit
"
pd, to drink"), may belong neither to the Sanskrit fourth nor to the
tenth class, but to the first, with the insertion of a between the root andy
the conjunctive vowel (compare .
43.). I take this opportunity to re-
mark further, that in $.606. Mielke's fourth conjugation in Lithuanian
has remained by mistake unnoticed. It includes but very few words, but

belongs, in like mannor, to the Sanskrit tenth class, and exhibits the cha-
racter of that class, at/a, clearly in its preterites, as
yeskfyau (y&k-6ya-u).
In the present, together with yeszkau is found, also, the form yestkoyu,
926 POTENTIAL, OPTATIVE, AND SUBJUNCTIVE.

the d of which in Carniolan is retained unchanged only in

the third person plural, but before t has been changed to s,
"
and elsewhere is dropped thus :
yes-te, ye eat," as in Latin
1

es-tis, for the Sanskrit at-tha;

yes-ta, "ye two eat,"' they

two eaC for

^r?^ at-thas, WS* In the impera-
at-tas.

answers to the Sanskrit adydm, adyas

tive, yey for yp'Jy
9

adydt; dual yeyva, yeyta=adyc\va, adydtam; plural ye'ymu,

for adydma, adydta*
yw/te,
699. The Zend appears to us, in its potential of the first

conjugation, to use the expression, in

a half Greek half Indo-
Roman dress, since it exhibits the primitive diphthong ai
at one time in the shape of 6i, at another in that of e

[G. Ed. p. 954.] (. 33.), to which latter, however, accord-

ing to . 28., another a is prefixed. Thus AOJ^ASJ 6a-

rdis agrees admirably with $epoif, and <#<*?**} bar6it
with <f)epoi(T)
: on the othsr hand, in the middle voice the
third person AJ^^DAJ^AH barafaa agrees better with the San-
skrit bhar&ta, and, after withdrawing the middle a, with the

Latin feret, than with Qepoiro. The first and second per-
sons plural active in the first conjugation I am unable to

quote, but I have no doubt that here

again AJ^AJ^MJ
baraema* AS^WAJ&JI bara&a, run parallel to the Sanskrit
bhar3ma bhar&a, and Latin ferdmus, fer&tis, and
9 that we
should not look here for the more Greek form bardima,
baroita. For I
imagine I have found that in selecting
between 6i and at the Zend is guided by what follows the
diphthong, according as it is a final consonant, or one

accompanied by a vowel. How much the selection falls

upon 6i, in the former position, to the rejection of a<?, is
seen from this, that bases in i in the genitive and ablative
regularly exhibit the forms 6is and dit, answering to the
Sanskrit 6s* Through this, therefore, we may explain

* "
Remark, also, the frequently-occurring ix>
>
JW
>
rurif,
* not," =s9an-
it
krit *>4/
 FORMATION OF MOODS. 927

the misrelation in form between the middle

baraila and the active bardit, in the third person
singular
of the potential. But when we find in the first person
plural middle the form MgJAS^^^G^-i" buidhy6imaidh6
"
videamus" = Sanskrit
^uftfig budhy$mahi,
sciamus"* here
the exceedingly broad termination, which in the litho-

graphed Codex is even separated from the preceding part

of the word by a point, may have the effect of a distinct

word and thus it may be observed, that in the final sound,
;

also, the diphthong 6i is admissible, and in [G. Ed. p. 955.]

this position especially favored by a preceding y; hence
is

'Y'CL, yfa>
"
which
"
(oi)
=
^ yg, ->^QJA5$ maidhydi,
"
in
medio" (. 196 ) =
mfc madhyt; but also j^$ m&i, "to me," ^p
" "
t6i and j^orf^ thwdi, to thee," j\>w hoi, to him," with
to$ m$, Wp tit thw&, j9 M. I would, therefore,
paries'
not deduce, from bfiidhyfiimaidM forms like bar6imaidh$,
still less an active bardima; for in both forms the y, which

favors the 6i, is deficient, and in the latter, also, the

breadth of termination giving the appearance of a sepa-
rate word, for which reason, in the third person singular,
not bfadhy&ita but bdidhyafta answers to the btlidhydimaidhd
which has been mentioned (Vend. S. p, 45).
In the third person plural the old a of the ori-
700.

ginal diphthong ai has been retained unaltered, but the i

has, on account of the following vowel of the termination,

passed into its corresponding semivowel y; and thus,

answers to the Greek and thus,

j^x>7&l barayen <f>epotev9
for the one 01 of the Greek optative in Zend, we have,

according to the quality of the termination following, three

forms, viz. di, a3, and ay. Frequently, however, as the third

person plural in the mood under discussion of the first

active form can be quoted, the first person singular is,

* Vend. S., p. 45, twice ; once, erroneously, buidfiwimaidhi ; and once,

Midhyo'macdf.
928 POTENTIAL, OPTATIVE, AND SUBJUNCTIVE.

on the contrary, of extremely rare occurrence, though it

ought properly to be our point of starting. It must

excite our curiosity to learn whether it resembles more the

^epoiv which is to be presupposed in Greek, and which,

. 689, we have
found supported by rpefotv, or rather Latin
forms like amem, or Sanskrit as
bhar&-y-am (. 43.). As
in the third person plural baraym answers to the Sanskrit

bhar$-y-us (from bhar$~y-ant), so in the person singular first

bara-y-em might be expected for bhartyam. As, however,

in Zend, if -a y precedes the termination em, the e is
regularly
suppressed, after which the semivowel becomes a vowel,
fG. Ed. p. 956.] so might baratm* or bardim be antici-

pated: neither of these forms, however, occurs, but one

with the personal character suppressed, and otherwise cor-

responding to the second person AUJ^^JJ bardis, and to the

third the
.*$?/ nemdi, which twice oc-
bar&it, if
r^jtym
curs Vend. S., p. 359, is the correct reading; and there

$$J$ *?$/ 5^3 kanm nemdi zanm (which Anquetil trans-

lates "quelle terre invoquerai-je") really means literally
(as in all probability it does) "yualem invocem terraroff
After this follows kuthrd nemdi ay&ni,
jy;oay\ J^gy W(3>^
&c., according to Anquetil "quelle priere choisirai-jt>" per-
"
haps literally whither shall I go (JJWMM aytni =^nnftT
aydni), that I may adore?" We
look with eagerness for
the light which may be thrown on this passage by the aid of

Neriosengh's Sanskrit translation. Among the other po-

tentials of the first conjugation which occur in the Vend. S.,
we may here further mention the frequently-occurring
"
upa-zdif, he may beat," from the root xan = Sanskrit

* "
According to the analogy of vaim, we," for the Sanskrit vayam; for
after rejecting the a preceding the m
the preceding ay must be melted
down to , and, nccording to . 28 an a must be prefixed to the I.
,

t Compare with nfrndi the Sanskrit namo*, adoration," from the root
nam.
 FORMATION OF MOODS. 929

han, which, after rejecting the n of the preceding radical

vowel, is treated as though it were the annexed vowel of
the first class ;
in which respect may be observed what has
been before remarked regarding the Sanskrit root jgtn
"
sthd (. 508.). And As$>;OAy?^ sterena&a, he may
"
strew (Vend. S. p. 377) deserves special notice, since in
this word the class syllable nd (ninth class), after abbre-

viating the A 9 follows the analogy of the short a of the

four classes of the first conjugation; and thus, in this

respect, Ajflwjoyg?^^ sterena$ta, after with- [G. Ed. p. 957.]

drawing the middle final a, becomes similar to the Latin

future sternet (. 496.).
In the second conjugation the Zend answers in its
701.

potential tolerably well to the Sanskrit, with the exception

of the third person plural, in which the termination us,
mentioned in . 462., does not occur ; and also in the middle
the somewhat enigmatical termination ran (. 613.) is repre-
sented by a form which corresponds better to the general

principle for the designation of the person, regarding

which we shall treat hereafter. In the first person sin-
to
gular of the active, according to . 61., yanm corresponds
the Sanskrit ydm and Greek ir;i/; e.g. the daidhyanm,

"I may place, make," already mentioned above (.442. 5.)

corresponds to the Sanskrit ^unw dadhydm and Greek

Ti06/qi'' In the second person, according to 56*., gus^ ydo ,

is found for yd$> *W

e. JWM>7$Awa fra-mruydo
tn^ g. ;

"dica$" = V^l{pra-bruyds (Vend. S. p. 45l).; and in the

third, = *ITW ydt, trj(r) t e.g. t^w^ffy kerenuydt,
i^JU^yd
"faciat" (Vend. S. p. 457) of the Veda
='3p!pn^ krinuydt
dialect (p. 126 G. ed.). I am
unable to quote the plural in
the proper potential, though I can do so in the precative,
which has completely the same signification, and which
occurs far more frequently in Zend than in Sanskrit, and
is distinguished from the potential only by the removal of
the class characteristics, so that the form of the potential
 930 POTENTIAL, OPTATIVE, AND SUBJUNCTIVE.

may be safely inferred from the precative. In the first

person plural ydma stands for the Sanskrit ydsma and

Greek nwev, e.g. AS^AMJ^J buydma* bhuy&sma = Sanskrit

(Vend. S. p, 312); deduce

and hence
the potential daidh-
I

ydma from the above-mentioned daidhyanm. In the second

person, yata (with the vowel of the modal character
shortened) stands for the Sanskrit ydtfa and Greek irjre;

[G. Ed. p. 958.] e.g. ASJOAS,^ buyata, "toV't =

bhuydata; M^JO^M^ ddyata "detis"$ ^iins dd-ydsta, =
Hence I deduce, in the potential, the form daidhyataS&n-

skrit dadhydta, Greek JiSo/Ve. Here the shortening of the

syllable yd is remarkable in comparison with the length

of quantity preserved before the termination ma of the first

person; and as this contrast can hardly be fortuitous, we

must perhaps assume that the termination la, on account of
the mute with which begins, is sustained with more
it

difficulty by the language than

the termination ma, which

begins with one of the lightest consonants; and hence

occasion has arisen for weakening the preceding syllable,
in the sense of . 480.
702. In the third person plural the combination of the modal

syllableyd with the personal termination en, originally awf

produces the form yann for ydn, according to the analogy of the
first person singular in yanm for ydm. Before the final nasal,

<J=*a+a has been weak-

therefore, the latter half of the long
ened to the nasal sound of the Sanskrit Anuswara. We
may take as an example nidithyann, "they should
"
ffiM^jj
lay down (Vend. S. pp. 203, 204), for which I should have
anticipated nidaithyann, as, in the third person singular

* The root b& shortens its vowel in the precative, compare Burnouf 's
'

Ya$na,NoteS.,p.l52.
t Vend. S., pp. 115, 457, 459, and, according to Burnouf*s Yagna,
Note S., p. 152, in the still unedited part, p. 556.
I According to Burnouf, I.e., in the still unedited part of the Vend. S,,

pp. 542, 543, 548.

 FORMATION OF MOODS. 931

of the middle,
Aj^Oj^jy ^JAJQ) paili ni-daitlnta, "he may
"
lay down (Vend, S. p. 282, 11. 2, 7, 12,
17), is found from
the root dath, from dd extended by the affix of a th (see

p. 112), which, through the influence of the y following, has

received the affix of an i, which in ni-dilhyann above has
1
remained alone. From the root dd, "to give/ we should

anticipate /tt^-u^ ddyann, or perhaps, [G. Ed. p. 959.]

with the radical vowel shortened, day aim, which comet very
near to the Greek 5o?ei>, while the Sanskrit d&ydsus (from

dtydsanf) agrees more with 5o/^<rai/. The Sanskrit annexes,

as has been already remarked, in its precative the verb sub-
stantive to the root, with the exception of the second and
third person singular of the active, in which properly dtydxs,
dtyast, would *be required, which, in the present state of the

language, according to a strict law of sound (.94.), is im-

possible, and the language has therefore preferred rather to
drop the auxiliary verb than the personal character; thus,
dtyds, d&ydt,answering to the Zend ddydo, ddydf. It is, how-
ever, very worthy of remark, that the Zend abstains entirely
from employing the verb substantive, and thus sides com-
pletely with the Greek, only that the latter agrees in iofyvav
with the Sanskrit, and in 8oiev with the Zend.
Zend precative abstains
703. In the middle voice, also, the
from annexing the verb substantive and on the -contrary ; v

according to the principle which the Sanskrit follows in the

potential (. 673.), contracts the syllable yd to t, and in the

plural, at least in the third person, to short

i. While, there-
fore, the Sanskrit and Lithuanian make, common cause

through forms like dd-si-dhwam, d&-ki-le ("detis," "date"),

the previously-mentioned Zend form paiti-nidaithila ranks
with the Greek derro, since in both a simple i sound is com-
bined with the root, I view the form yadsh-dait hita,* which

* The last portion of this verb is radically identical with the just-men-
tioned palti ni-daithita ; see . 01)7*
932 POTENTIAL, OPTATIVE, AND SUBJUNCTIVE.

often occurs in the Eighth Fargard, as of more importance

it is everywhere regarded by Anquetil as singular, and we
should be the more easily led to suppose him in the right, as

the Sanskrit gives us no direct information regarding this

[G. Ed. p. 060.] form and, in fact, it has more the appear-
;

ance of a singular than a plural, and if once recognised as a

precative, would rather lead us to the Greek deiro than to

6eivro. The Sanskrit supplies us with no direct information
regarding the form jupjujA^doJus,^ yafohdaiilnta ; for,

according to the theory of Sanskrit, we must have expected

hiran (from stran), instead of the termination itha, and hisla
for the above-mentioned singular fia. But as the Zend pre-
cative, in the active, renounces the verb substantive, we may
be prepared for the like in the middle ;
and as, in the third

person singular in the potential, ila is formed from ydt,

a similar in the precative cannot surprise us.
ila It is clear,

however, that daithita is a precative, and not a potential,*

since the root dalh, which is extended from d&, in its conju-

gation follows the and not the second, and therefore,

first class,

in the potential, forms datha&ta, and not daithita The third

person plural, daithita, however, answers neither to the San-
skrit potentialsmiddle like dadlnran, T/0eiWo, nor to the pre-
catives like dhdsfoan, 0eu/ro; but perhaps to the universal

principle of formation of the third person plural middle, and,

in particular, to that form which, according to . 459., rejects

the n belonging to the plural. Thus, .MfluCajAy daithila,

"they should lay," answers to the Sanskrit forms like dadli-
"
ata, they lay," and Ionic like StSoarou, nOeaTcu. As this
rejection of the n in the Sanskrit middle special tenses has
become the rule of the whole class of the second conjugation,
and the precative agrees with the potential of the second

* I retain the terms derived from the Sanskri*, though it is unsuitable

to distinguish various forms of one and the same mood, as if they were of
different moods.
 FORMATION OF MOODS. 933

class, we are
the less surprised at finding the Zend daltkila
deficient in the n. This daithita, however, [G.Ed. p. 61.]
appears to me to be a contraction of daith-yata. since the
modal element, which we have seen above (.702.), in the
singular daithita, in the form of an i, must in the plural be-

come y before the termination ata, which the Sanskrit

requires
in the secondary forms : from yata, however, by casting out
the a, would easily be formed ita (compare p. 780 G. ed.).
But the termination of the third person plural had always
if

been ita, we should be unable to perceive any reason why

the modal vowel should be long in the singular and short
in the plural before the same termination.
14
Remark. It remains further to be shewn that the word

M$j<3j^fawM^yadsh-daithita> which has hitherto appeared

isolated, but which occurs perhaps seven times in the Eighth

Fargard of the Vendidad, is (in spite of Anquetii's or his.

Parsi teacher's opinion that it is a singular) actually a

plural We read in V. S, pp. 266, &c.,

Wjuy AW^O

MV Y/^ wpg^gJ A)>>A>

;t3 AJA>

-^V

A50A5AS
/a// M nar/t yuoshdaya&n anlwn
yd nasA (naivA?) ava . . .

hereto sfino vti para-irixtaht mashy&M vd Aat mraot ahurd

mazdAo yafahdayann anhen kuva (kvu?) y$va yezi u&aha

. . .

nasus Aiwiyltnicta .vilnrj vA kerefs-kharv vay6 vA kerUfs-kltard

Aat hvanm tan&m pairi-yadshduithita geus mu&smana apAcha

paiti avatha yadsltdayaAn. According to Anquetil (II.

"
p. 336), L'homrae sur le quel on a porte quelque chose du
cadavre d'un chien ou de celui d'un homme, est il pur?
Oruiuzd repondit, il est pur;t
comment? Lorsque (le mort)
a 6t6 regarde par le chien qui mange les corps, ou par Toiseau
934 POTENTIAL, OPTATIVE, AND SUBJUNCTIVE.

qui mange les corps. II se lavera ensuite le corps avec de

1'urine de boeuf, avec de Peau, et il sera pur." So much is

certain, that mention is here made, not of one man, but of

[G. Ed. p. 962.] several (td nara yd, "those men, who," see
.
231.), and that yaosh-dayahn anhen signifies, not "he will

but " they are purified, or " they

1' 11
be pure, become purified/'*
Hence, it is self-evident that yaoahdaithita, also, must be a
"
plural. I do these men become (are)
translate literally, How
purified who are touched by the carcase f either of a dead

dog or of a man ? To this Ormuzd said, They become pu-

rified where, or how (by what means ?" so thoAyiva would
stand for yd-vd = Sanskrit 3ft ^T yfaa vd) ?
"
If that
carcase touches (?), of a body-devouring dog or of a body-

devouring bird, then they (those men) should purify

their bodies with cow urine and with water so (avathn) :

* It may here be added to what has been remarked in . 637. regard-

ing the expression yaoshdayahn that it might also Le the

third person

of the the d of the root

" to
plural precative, dd, make," being shortened,
and the analogy of buyahn, "they may be," being followed (see 702. .

and Burnonf s Yana, Note S., p. 162). The placing together of two verbs
in the third person plural would consequently rest on a syntactical pecu-

liarity, and yaoshdayahn

a .hen, " they are purified/' would literally sig-
nify "they are (that) they purify." The passive signification would be
expressed by a periphrasis, in which the verb substantive would be combined
with, the active expression of the attributive verb in the precative. To this
I remind
opinion I give (he preference above that delivered in 5. 637. ; and
a
the reader, that, in Arabic, the imperfect is expressed by circumlocution,
in which the preterite of the verb substantive is prefixed to the present
of the attributive verb, without the intervention of a conjunction;
) <* s s
e.g. itf^af
" he'
^ Mnayajlim, "he sate/' properly
u he
was, lie sits/'

for was, that he sits." At the end of the passage quoted above
which the preposition San-
/^Aii?*k^ A$ 'CL yafahdayann (to paiti
skrit prati, belongs) is indisputably the precative.

t I will not affirm that ava-bereta (from bereta, "borne," in combi-

nation with the preposition ava) here signifies "touchrd"; but hitherto I

have not discovered any more suitable meaning for the whole sense.
 FORMATION OF MOODS. 935
1'
must they purify them. At p. 268, L. 9, &c.. we read

[G. Ed. p. 963.]

fiat hvanm tantim pairi-yafixhdaiihita dpu (?) noit ma&smana
zasta M* patiirtm frasnddhnyen Ant ynt h$ zAltta ndit frasnAta
Ant vispniim hvfiiim tan&m nyaoshdaithita kerenoitn, i.e.

"Then they should purify their bodies with water, not

with urine they should first purify their hands, for if
:

their hands are not purified, then they make impure their

whole bodies/' Here it is plain, from the palpable plural

frasnddhayen, that ya6xhdaithita also can be nothing but
a AspuCxsA^ebius^As ayaoshdalthrta is likewise the
plural,
third person plural of the precative in combination with

the negative particle a. But as above, in a peculiar

construction (yaflsMayahn anhen, see p. 934, Note*) we
saw the passive periphrastically expressed by an active
term in combination with the verb substantive, so in

A5^oj^/f^f3 Aipj<3j|AyekwAfWAi ayadshdaithifa kerenoita we

see the active expressed by means of the auxiliary verb
" to "
make." Ayaoshdaithita kerendita, they make im-
pure, they make" (properly contaminent faciant) should
"
signify nothing else than they make impure," and is the
above-mentioned passive yadshdayaim anhen
opposite to the
=
where anhen ( ^rnETt^ dsan, "they were,") has a modal
function, and supplies the place of the potential (see .
520.).

The present henti would scarcely be admissible here,

though we could exchange anhen for the present indica-

tive. In ayadshdaithita kerendita both verbs are in the

* From " Zend

this he\ wi," we see that the reflexive, like the kindred

Latin, German, Lithuanian, and Sclavonic, unites with the form of the

singular the meanings of the plural numbers.

 936 (
POTENTIAL, OPTATIVE, AND SUBJUNCTIVE.

same mood, as the precative and potential have the same

relation to one another, that, in Greek, the aorist and the
present optative have. As regards the form kerenftitn, we
should perhaps, if the reading is correct, consider the 6 to be
the Guna ofthe class-syllable then the remaining ita would
;

rest on the same principle as the termination of yadshdaithita.

We might, however, explain kerentiita also in this way, that
the u of the class-syllable nu is replaced by a, and the verb
in this way brought into the first conjugation : but I see less

probability in this view of the matter ;

for then the frequently-
"
occurring barayen, they may carry," must, in the middle, be
[G. Ed. p. 964.] bardita, which, as long as such forms are
not traced back with certainty, I do not believe, as I should
rather conjecture barayanta. In respect to syntax, the use of
the precative and potential in the passage in question is to
be noticed in a conditional conclusion while, to the
;
according
method of other languages, the indicative would be looked
for. With regard to syntax I will here further mention,
that in another passage of the Vendidad (in Olshausen,
p. 1)
the potential follows ytdhi, "if," in the sense of the
pluperfect
of the subjunctive yedhi n&H daidltyanm, "If I had not
made :" on the other hand, the present after ybzi is generally
expressed by the mood called Let, which corresponds to the
Greek subjunctive. It need not surprise us that each indivi-
dual language, in the syntactical
application of its moods,
follows its own course in certain the grammatical
points :

identity of forms in the different languages is not, however,

destroyed by such syntactical discrepancy.

704. In a still unedited portion of the Zend-Avesta
"
occurs the form 1

$<2J%Ajw^ dayadhwem, ye may give/

which Burnouf (Yacjna, Note D, p. 38), as it
appears,
regards as an imperative, and renders by donnez. In
order, however, to
regard dnyadhwem as the imperative,
we must be able to prove that the root dd, in Zend, is
inflected
according to the fourth class, of which I entertain
 FORMATION OF MOODS. 937

doubts. Hook upon $goxf(2Aj,^Ay dayadhwem as the second

person plural of the precative middle, and, as such, there
is nothing surprising in it (after our
having already seen
that the Zend precative, in both active forms, abstains from

annexing the verb except that the modal

substantive),
character yd is not contracted, as in the third person sin-

gular middle, and in all persons in the Sanskrit, to f, but

has merely shortened its A, as in the corresponding person
of the active, to which Burnouf has shewn the form ddyala

belongs. The middle dayadhwem has shortened the vowel

of the root, on account, as it appears, of the greater weight
of the termination ;
and in this respect, therefore, da-ya-

-dhwtm has the same relation to dd-ya-ta, that, in Greek,

SiDofjiai has to $/$o>/xf.

705. In the Sanskrit and Zend potential [G. Ed. p. 965.]

there is no distinction of tenses, except that, as has been be-

fore observed, the precative stands in the fcame relation to it
tiiat, in Greek, the optative of the second aorist has to

that of the present. Dd-yds, de-ydt, for dd-yds, dd-ydt have

the same relation to adds, addt, that, in Greek, Sofyc, Solij

(for Sto%, 5coo;), have to e'So>, eSco. For precatives like

budhyds, budhydt, there are no corresponding indicative forms,

as the fifth formation of the Sanskrit aorist is limited to
roots terminating with a vowel (see 573.): it may, how-
.

ever, originally have occurred also in roots ending with a

consonant ; so that there would have existed multiform pre-
abudh-am, abhut (for abhut-s), abhut (for abhut-t),
terites like

abudhma, &c., to which belong precatives like budh-ydsam.

Vedie forms like vidtyam, " sciam" saktyam, " possim"
gamtyam, "earn" vdcltbna, "dicamus" (Panini, HI. 1.86.)
do not need to be regarded as potentials of the first class,
to which the roots of these forms do but they no belong ;

are, as it were, the prototypes of Greek aorists of the

optative mood, like -n/rro/^u, and must be regarded as

derivatives of the aorists of the sixth formation (avidam,
3 P
 938 POTENTIAL, OPTATIVE, AND SUBJUNCTIVE.

ayamam, av&cham), the conjunctive vowel of which

has combined with the modal vowel i
just as the Greek ;

o of rvnotp.1 has united

the conjunctive vowel of eri/Tr-o-i/

(which is
interchanged in the indicative with e) with the
modal vowel. In proof of the correctness of this opinion
may be particularly adduced the above-mentioned vd-
"
ch$ma, dicamus "; for there is no root vdch, which, if it
existed, could be assigned to the first class, from 'which
might be formed vochema, according to the analogy of
tarphna,repiroi/jiev ; there
is, indeed, an aorist avocham,
which we have explained above as a reduplicate form from
a-va-ucham (for a-vavacham).

[G.Ed. p. 966.] 706. In the Veda dialect also traces ,xist

of modal forms, which exhibit the structure of the Greek

optative of the first aorist As example, tarmh$ma is ad-

duced, according to sense =
ifta tardma, transgrediamur"
"

(Panini, IIL 1. 85.), but, according to form^ a derivative from

an indicative aorist like adik-sham, e$eia (.
555.), only not
with the direct adjunction of the auxiliary verb, but with the
insertion of aconjunctive vowel u. But this TH-rtfa tarn-
shdma can hardly be an isolated attempt of the language
at a modal formation, which now appears to us abnormal ;

but it is probable, rather, that, in an earlier state of the

language, which has in this point been transmitted to us

more correctly by the Greek, these forms extended to all
aorists of the second formation
(. 551.). We may suppose,
therefore, that, in an earlier period of the language, a

precative of adiksham existed, viz. dik-shtyam, plural, dik-

*A4maa=}e/aifu, SeH-atpev, in which the modal element yd,
contracted toi, became a diphthong with the preceding
vowel, in the same manner as above in bhar-$-y-am, bhar-i-ma,

707. In Latin, the imperfects of the subjunctive admit

of comparison with the principle of formation of Greek
aorists like $6/a</Lt6f, and Sanskrit like the presupposed
 FORMATION OF MOODS. 939

dik-shaima, and the Vedic taruxMma. In fact, sta-r$mus is

surprisingly similar to the Greek crTfoaijjicv, in so far as its

r, like that of eram, is a corruption of s, and its <!, like that of

am&mus, legdmus, a contraction of ai. As, however, sta-bam

is a new compound, I cannot but recognise in its subjunc-

tive, also, only a new formation and in this respect I adhere

;

to the opinion, which I have already expressed in my Sys-

tem of Conjugation (p. 98). A
subjunctive sta-bem from sta-
baim would be in conformity with the indicative sta-bam, and
sta-ram from sta-eram would be analogous as an indicative to
sta-rem. The
language, however, divides [G. Ed. p. 967.]
the two roots of to be at its disposal between the indicative
and subjunctive, and thus brings sta-bam and sta-rem into
a certain degree of false relation, where it appears as if
the r of starem had a share in the expression of the modal
relation, which is nevertheless confined solely to the i
contained in the diphthong 6. It will be readily ad-
mitted that possem (from potsem) contains the combination
of the verb substantive with pot, just as much as pos-sum
and pot-eram. But if
pos-sem is a new and genuine Latin
" would which is analogous to
formation, the es-sem, I eat," it,

from ed-sem, is so also; and with this agrees, too, the

obsolete fac-sem, which, in form at least, is an imperfect,
as fac-sim is a present for if these forms had arisen from
;

the perfect feci, they would be fexem, fexim. While then,

after consonants, the old s is either retained or assimilated

to a preceding r or / (fer-rem, vel-leni), between two vowels

it has passed into r and this is usually the case, as the
;

imperfect preserves the class-syllable ; thus, leg-e-rem, die-

-e-rem (from leg-i-rem, dic-i-rem, see .
554.). But if the
imperfect subjunctive were, in its origin, connected with
the Greek optative aorist, then for dic-e-rem we should
M
anticipate dixem=$etoufju. The forms es-sem (" I would eat )

and/<?r-rm are established by the circumstance that these

verbs, as is shewn by their affinity with the Sanskrit, dis-
3P2
940 POTENTIAL, OPTATIVE, AND SUBJUNCTIVK.

tinctly belong to the conjugation without the conjunctive

vowel ; so that es-sem answers to -,v, e.v-f, ?.*-<?.* Sanskrit

at-si, at-ti, fer-rcm to fer-s, fer-t, fer-tis= Sanskrit

at-tha ;

bihhar-shi, bibhar-ti, bibhri-tha. Hence we see that it is in

no way admissible to derive fer-rem from fer-e-rem> by
rejecting an e. We should rather be compelled to explain
[G. Ed. p. 968.] fer-e-r?m, if this form existed, by including
it in the principal conjugation with the conjunctive vowel, as

from es-sem has been developed ed-c-rrm.

4
" "

708. But how stands it with <&-wm 9 I would be/ for

which we should
have conjectured erew, corresponding
with the indicative ernm? But ercwi stands for emm~
Sanskrit dsam (. 53*2.) ; and from this primitive form eanm
has arisen the form esem (from eshn), through the com-
mixture of the modal i, which is contracted with a to e,
according to the same principle by which amrm has been
formed from the theme ama. Were esem once formed
from exam, then, in the course of time, the indicative
parent form may have followed its disposition to change
the s, on account of its position between two vowels,
into r, without there being hence a necessity that the
derivative form esrm, also, should impulse; follow this

for not a general rule in Latin that every s between two

it is

vowels must be changed into r. Through the firm reten-

tion, therefore, by the subjunctive, of the old, and subse-
quently doubled sibilant ernm and esem, essem, stand in the
same opposition as, conversely, in Old High German, wax,
" " 11
I was," does to u-dri, I would be, in which the weak-
ening of the s to r has its foundation in the increase of

syllables (see .612. p. 660 G. ed.) The doubling of the

s in essem I believe may be explained according to the
same principle by which, in Greek, in the epic language,
the weakest consonants (the
liquids and cr) occasionally,
and under certain circumstances, p are, in the common
dialect, regularly doubled. The Sanskrit doubles a final n
 FORMATION OF MOODS. 941

after a short vowel, in case the word following begins

with a vowel. If, then, which I believe to be the case, the

doubling of the s in the Latin essem, and in the infinitive

esse, is likewise purely of a euphonic nature, it may be
compared especially with Greek aorists like eretaoxra, since the
of these tenses likewise belong to the [Gr. Ed.
oro- p. 969.]

verb substantive: observe, also, the Lithuanian essie, "if

he be" (.683.). Regarding eacro/btai, see .655. But
should the double s in essem have foundation in etymology,
its

which I do not believe, then it must be assumed, that when

the esem, which arose from esam, had firmly attached itself to
attributive verbs in the abbreviated form of sem, or, more
generally, rem, and in this position was no longer re-
cognised for what it really is, so that the whole r6, was ,

considered as the modal exponent, then the root es combined

with according to which, essem would properly mean
itself;
"
I would be be," in analogy with es-sew, " I would eat," and
" "
pos-sem, I would be able." And the analogy of es-sem, I
would "
eat," and possem, I would be able," as also that of
"
ferrem and vellem, might have so far operated on essem, I
would be," that, according to their example, without the lan-
guages furnishing any particular reason for it, the consonant
preceding the e was doubled. Be this as it may, essem, and
the esem preceding it, remain in so far a new formation,
as in the Sanskrit no mood whatever proceeds from the

imperfect, any more than in Greek. The Latin sub-

junctive, therefore, of the imperfect meets with its nearest
point of comparison only in the Greek optative aorist;
since esem (eram) is produced from esam, just as Tttyrai/xi
from Grv^a.
709. No
trace of the production of moods can be shewn
to attach to the Sanskrit reduplicate preterite or perfect.*

1
I cannot agree with Westergaaid iu regarding Vedic forms like

tatrijydt
942 POTENTIAL, OPTATIVE, AND SUBJUNCTIVE.

[G. Ed. p. 970.] As, however, the potential of the second and
sixth aorist formation in the Veda-dialect is, as it were in its

moment of extinction, still to be met with in its remnants as

taru$h$ma, gamiyam, vdcheyam (. 705.), it might be assumed
that the extirpation of the moods, which have arisen from
the reduplicate preterite, only made its appearance some-
what earlier, or that the relics of them, which have re-
mained to the period when the Vedas were composed,
may be lost to us,together with the memorials in which
they occurred. But if there existed a potential of the
perfect, it is a question whether the conjunctive vowel a

(see .614.) was retained before the modal element or

not ? In the former case, forms like tu-tupfaj-am, tutup$-s 9

tutiip&-t,
would have arisen, to which would correspond the
Greek rerv^oi^t (from -rerv^oiv, see .
689.), rervfyois, rerv^ot
(whence might be expected, also, Teri/<a//i/, &a): in the latter
case, forms like tutupyhn would have existed, as prototypes
of the Gothic subjunctives of the preterite like
haihaityau,
"I might be called," or with the loss of reduplication, as
" I
bundyau, might bind," which would lead us to expect
Greek forms like rerv^i', which must afterwards have
been introduced into the w conjugation. The close coinci-
dence of the Greek and German makes the origin of such
modal forms in the time of the unity of language very

tasryydt as potentials of the perfect, but of the intensive (comp. .

515.),

which, in the Veda-dialect, presents several deviations from the classical

language, and in roots with middle ri (from ar) exhibits in the syllable
of repetition a, more frequently d, and also, in conformity with the com-

mon dialect, ar. Thus vdvridhdti (Rig V. 33. 1.) is the Lit of the inten-

sive, and vdvridhaswa (Rig V. 31. 18.) its imperative middle. Westergaard
'* "
also refers the middle
participle present tatri. hdrja\ thirsting (Rig V.
31. 7.) to the intensive,
though it might be ascribed to the perfect with
the same justice as
sasryyAt find vdundhninca.
 FORMATION OF MOODS. 943

probable; the Gothic forms, also, like are too

haihaityau,
classical in their appearance to allow of our ascribing to
them a comparatively recent origin. But if, nevertheless,
they are specially German, and the Greek, [G. Ed. p. 971.]
confessedly rare, like Tervfat/ju, are specially Greek, then the
two languages have, in fortuitous coincidencet only
sister

accorded a wider extension to a principle of modal production,

which already existed in the period of their unity with the
Sanskrit and Zend.
710. Latin perfect subjunctives like amave-rim, from
ama-vi-sim, undoubtedly new productions,
are viz. the
M
combination of the base of the perfect with sim, I may
be," the s of which, in its position between two vowels,
has been corrupted to r and, on account of this r, the i of
;

amavi, amavi-sti, has been corrupted to e (compare p. 967

G. ed.). We might also, if necessitated, divide thus, amav-
-er/'w,* as sim stands for esim, like sum for esum. But in com-
position there was still more reason to withdraw the e of

esim, than in the uncompounded stateand the corruption of

;

the i to e before an r is too much in rule not to admit of it

here.
711. We
here give a general view of the points of

comparison, which have been obtained in treating of the

Sanskrit and Zend potential and precative, and of the
moods corresponding to them of the European sister

languages.
SINGULAR.
SANSKRIT. ZEND. GREEK IATIN. LITH. OLD SCLAV.

dftdydm* daidhyaiim? Sidofyv, duim*

dadyds, daidhydo, StSoiys, duis, ... dawhdy.*
dadyfit 9
dtridhydt, 5/Jo/?/, dnil, dftdieS

dmdita? St^oiro

* Sec in my System of Conjugation, p, 100.

 944 POTENTIAL, OPTATIVE, AND SUBJUNCTIVE.

[G. Ed. p. 972. |

DUAL.
SANSKRIT. ZENP. GREEK. LATIN. LlTH. OLD SCLAV.

dadydva, ................. daschdyra.

dady&tam ...... SiSofyrov, ........ daschdyta.
dadydtdm, ..... SiSoiyryv, ........ daxchdytn.

PLURAL.

dfidydma, duidhydma, SiSoiyjfJiev, duimus, .... daschdywy.

dadydta, daidhyata? SiSoiyTe, duitiv, .... daschdyte.
dadyus,
9
daidhyaim Sidotev, duint, .... like 2d p.
11

12
dadiran, daldita^

2 3
1
For daddydm, see . 672 . 442. Note fc and . 701. }. 674.
4
give only the third person singular and
6 684. 6 I
. 677. .

plural of the middle, and for the rest I refer the reader to the doctrine
of middle terminations, . 466. &c., and to the conjugation of adtya.
7 9 10
$.708. ".701. .462. . 702. $. 078.
12 .613. "$.703.

SINGULAR.
SANSKRIT. SANSKRIT. LATIN. GOTHIC. O. H. O. OLD SCLAV.

adydm, act adtya, mid.

1
edim*
foyau?
dzi ....
adyds, act. adithds, mid. edis, faeis, dzis,
yaschdy*
adydt,&ct. ad&a,mid. edit, fai, dzi,
yaschdy.

DUAL.

ady&va, act adwahi, mid. . . . Helvn^ . . .

yaschdyva.
adydtam, act. adiydthdm, mid. . . . fteits, . . .
yaschdy
tfi.

adydfdm, act. adiydtdm. mid .......... yaschdyta.

PLURAL.
adydma, act adimahi, mid. edimus, tteima, dzimes, yaschdymy.
adydta.uct. adidhwam, mid. edtivt, faeith, dzti,
yaschdy
te.

adyus, act. adiran, mid. edint, $leina, dzin, like 2d p.

1
The middle of ad is not used in the present state of the language,

which, however, does not prevent us from annexing it here on account of

the theory. 3 4
$. 674. $$ . 675. 676. . 677.
 FORMATION OF MOODS. 945

SINGULAR. DUAL. 7
SANSKRIT. fcEND. GREEK. SANSKRIT. GREEK. ~
ja,

dfa/dsam,
1

dftyanm? SO!YIV. diyAswa .... ^

dAyAo, JoAyj. dtyAstam, tioirjrov.

dfyut* dAydt, 'Jooy. dtyAstAm,

PLURAL.
SANSKRIT. ZEND. GREEK,

dtyAxma, dAyAma,
ddydsta, dAyata*
,
dAyann, dotev.

1
For ddydsam, see p. 934 G. ed.

I believe I am right in giving this form instead of the dyanm men-

tioned at p. 934 G. ed.
3
$.703., conclusion.

, see .701.

SINGULAR. DUAL.
SANSKRIT. L1TH. SANSKRIT. LITTI

dAsi-y-a, . . . dfLsi-valiit duki-wa*

2
dfitn-shthAs, duki. dAsi-y-AsthAm* duki-ta*
2 1
,
... dAsi-y-AstAm . .

PLURAL.
SANSKRIT. LITH.

dAst-mahi, d&ki-mc.

dAsi-dhwam, duki-te.

1 *
See $$, 079. 680. . 549. p. 798 G. ed.
 946 POTENTIAL, OPTATIVE, AND SUBJUNCTIVE.

[G. Ed. p. 974.] SINGULAR.

SANSKRIT. ZEND. GREEK. LATIN. GOTHIC. 0. H. 0.

} 8
bhar$-y-am, baroi? baira-u? 6ft*.
($epoi-v$ feram*
( fer$-s*
' )
bkire-&, bar6i-s? tbepot-s , . I bairaw, brt-s.
(ferd-8, j

( icrG"*t ' ^

bhar$-t, bardi-f, Qepoi-fr), r [

bairai, fcJre.*
(/'era-l t
)

bhar$-ta, barab-ta, fyepoi-ro ...... bamri-dnn? ....

DUAL.

bhr$-va, ..... .......... btdrtti-va, ....

bhar$-tam 9 ..... (frepoi-rov,

..... bairai-tn, ....

bharS-tAm* ..... fapoi-riiv, ..... ..... ...

PLURAL.

, T A a / f fert-mus,
' ) , . . . A .

bhare-ma, barae-ma* f/>epo/-uev, r . i bairai-ma, bi+e-mCs t

(frra-miWt)
C fcT6~tis ^

bhar$-ta, bara$-tn? rf>epo/-re, )' .

/ (bairai-th, brre-t,
\fera-tin, j

'

bhart-i/-wi
y 9 haray-en,
J rf>epo(-ei/, ) . (baimi-na, bm-n>
(fera-ntj }

bharf-ran, baray-anta?<f>epoi-v7o,
..... ...
 FORMATION OP MOODS. 947

SINGULAR. [G. Ed. p. 975.1

SANSKRIT. ZEND. GREEK. LATIN. GOTH. OLD SCLAV.

4 5
vaht-y-am? vaz6\? e^of-i/,)' veham, vrga-u
(vehfa?
vah$-s t vazdi-s?

( vehe-t, ) . .

vah$-t t vazdi-[,
\veha-t, }'W
vahe-ta> vazau-ta, vigai-dau,*

DUAL.

viyai-va,
rahe-tam, viyai-ts,

ve

PLURAL.

9 u
roM-ma, vtizatwna, evpt-nev, \
.
} vinai-ma, ve?ye~m.
(veha-must)
A Q if (vehd-tht )
vahe-ta 9 vaz(w-ta, evo/-Te,
* J ,

(vM-tis,
\
. . \
\
/
viqai-th,
J ^
veCye-te.

r<ih&-y-itSi vazny-?n vehe-nt, vigai-na, like 2d p.

t
t^ot-ei',

vahl-ran, vazay-anta? e^or-i/ro,

.... vigain-dau* ....
1 2 3
Jf. 688. 689. 700. 689. 691. 6i)2.
. 4 .
{.
8 6 7 8
693. . 094. . 694. conclusion. . 699. . 403.
9 10
$.706. $.690. .6D6.

SINGULAR. PLURAL.
SANSKRIT. LATIN. SANSKRIT. LATIN.

tishtM-ma, st$-mus.

tishthe-s, stt-$. tixhthS-ta, stt-tis.

thhthe-t, ste-t.
tuhtM-y-us. ste-nt.
 948 POTENTIAL, OPTATIVE, AND SUBJUNCTIVE.

[G.Ed p. 976.] SINGULAR.

PRESENT. POTENTIAL IMPERATIVE.

PLURAL.

smayd-mas, smuyui-ma, smvytiy-mo.

smaya-tha, smrya-te, smayni-ta, *mlyay-te.
smaya-nti, smnyni-y-iis

1
The active "
ofsmi, to laugh," which, by Guna, forms sm^ and hence
with a the used in the present state of the lan-
class vowel, tvnaya, is not

guage, and stands here only on account of the surprising resemblance be-
tween smaydmi and the Carniolan word of the same meaning, smduam
6
(see, however, N. ), as also between the potential mayfyam and the Car-
niolan imperative
smtyay(m), &c.
2 I here
express the Sanskrit diphthong , according to its etymological
value, by at, in order to exhibit the more clearly the remarkable analogy
of the Sanskrit potential to the Carniolan imperative (see .
097.).
3 The diphthong <ai is expressed in Carniolan by Regarding the
ay.
loss of the personal terminations and the similarity of the three persona
singular which proceeds from it, see . 697.
4
Is expressed by a periphrasis formed of the present indicative with
the particle
nay.
5
Regarding the y preceding the termination o see 698. ; but if the y .

otsmtyay-o is connected with aya 9 the characteristic of the Sanskrit tenth

class, as is usually the case in verbs in aw, then smty-am is properly based,
not on smaydmi of th^ first class, but on smdyaydmi of the tenth accord-
;

ing to which mi, also, is inflected (also in the middle

only), and
smtya-yo
[G. Ed. p. 977.] is
therefore^smdyayanti. But if this is really the
case, as I believe it then for our present object viz. in order to
is,
place in
a clear light the
analogy of the Carniolan imperative to the Sanskrit poton-
 FORMATION OF TENSES. 949

titfl in a verb of kindred root, it would be better to contrast with the Carni-
olan
smeyam the word smaydrni, which is more similar to It than smdya-

ydmi, though the affinity of the latter is greater.

For the rest, the Car-
niolan in the third person plural present extends the termination yo, by
an abuse, even to verbs to which the y does not properly belong ; e.g.
most verbs of Kopitar's third example correspond to Dobrowsky's third
conjugation in Old Sclavonic, and therefore to the Sanskrit first class.
The third person plural, therefore, should not be griseyo but ^r&0=San-
fkrh gras-a-nti ; and, in fact, many verbs of this class may, in the third
"
person plural, employ o instead of eyo (Kopitar, p. 337) ; as nesd, they
"
carry (for neseyo or nesbyo)~Old Sclavonic nesuty from nes-o-nty (see
255. g.) The of forms like also be regarded as a euphonic
griseyo may
.

y
"I "
insertion to avoid a hiatus, as, in the Sanskrit, bhare-y-am, may carry
($. 689.) ; but even with this explanation, which I
prefer, grteeyo, "they
bite," remains an inorganic form, since then the conjunctive vowel of the
Sanskrit first cla^s remains contained in it doubled, once as p,as in gris-e-
"
te, ye bite,"=*/ras-a-f/wi, and next as 0, which, in Carniolan, appears as
the termination of the third person plural, but ought properly only to be the

supporter of the dropped termination, and which corresponds to the Greek

o of Acy-o-iTi, while the eof gris-e-te coincides with the Greek of Xcy-e-r^.
In both languages the nasal of the termination, retained or dropped, ex-
erts an influence on the coloring of the conjunctive vowel (see 255.<7.). .

We must further notice here the Carniolan verb "I since it dam, give,'* is

clear that in the third person plural the

ddijo (or dayo) y is a euphonic
insertion, which is dropped in the more genuine dado (=Sanskrit dadati
for dadanti, "they give
4

'), since, in this word, the d prevents the meet-

ing of the a and 0, and thus the insertion of a foreign letter is rendered un-

necessary. In das-te, "ye give," das-ta, " ye two give," " they two

give," we have forms exactly coinciding with the Sanskrit dat-tha, dat-

thas, dat-tas (see $. 436.). With the form das-te, " ye give," may be com-
pared, in Zend, the form das-ta, which perhaps does not occur, but may be
safely conjectured to have existed (see .
102.)

712. It remains to be remarked, with [G. Ed. p. 97.]

respect to the Gothic subjunctive, that those weak verbs

which have contracted the Sanskrit class character aya

* "
Griseni) I bite," is perhaps akin to the Sanskrit gras y to "devour";
therefore gr($-e-m, <jrh-e-sh) zszgras-A mi, gras-a-si.
950 POTENTIAL, OPTATIVE, AND SUBJUNCTIVE.

to 6 ( = a + a)
(see 109*. 6.), are incapable of formally de-
,

noting the modal relation, since i in Gothic does not com-

bine with an 6 preceding it, but where 6i, would occur, the i
is swallowed up by the 6; hence
friytis
means both amasand
antes, and, in the latter case, stands for
* so in the 9

friydisf
plural friydth means both amatis and ametis. In the third

person singular friyd, "amet" (tor friydith) is

only inorgani-
cally distinguished from "amat" since the subjunctive,
friydth,
according to . 432., has lost the personal character. The
Old High German subjunctives like salbde, salbdfa, salbodmes,

are inorganic, since the i of sulbMs, &c. (which is shortened

in the Amlaut, terminating sound), is a contraction of ai

(see .
78.), of which the a must belong to the class character.
But in the 6, therefore, which is equivalent to a + a, the
whole of the primitive form *ni aya is contained, except
that the semi- vowel is rejected there does not, therefore, :

remain any other a, which might, had it existed, have

been contracted with the modal-vowel i to 6. Hence
we must assume that the d has found its way into this

class of verbs only through a mal-introduction from those

verbs where it has a legitimate ground for entering, at

a time when the language was no longer conscious that the
last half of the $=ai belongs to the modal designation, but

[G. Ed. p. 979.] the former half to the derivation. Such is

the case, for example, with forms like habtts, "habeas"

"
habttmfo, kabeamus" in which the first 6 contains the two
first elements of the class-syllable *ro aya (which are
alone represented ia the indicative AalM-w, Aa6--$, see

* I am not of opinion that in the indicative, also, we should derive *aMs

from scdbois, and, in the first person, salbo from talboa; for as in viy-a\

vig-i-s, vig-i-th (see $.507., Table),

the a and t
belong, not to the personal
9

sign, but to the derivative or class-syllable, so in salb-6- , aalb-6-s, salbo-th,

the 6 only represents the a of the strong conjugation] which is interchanged

with*: the personal terminations, however, are as complete as in the
strong conjugation.
 FORMATION OF MOODS, 951

G.ed.); but the second contains the last a in con-

p. 121
traction with the modal vowel i\ so that, therefore, in var-
manffls the second & coincides with the Sanskrit d of mdnayfa

and the Latin A of moneds (from moneais, see 691.), and .

the with the Latin e and Sanskrit ay, which we have

first

seen above (p, 121 G. ed.) also, in the Prakrit mdndmi, con-
tracted to 6. The Gothic does not admit the diphthong oi
"
twice together uninterruptedly; hence, habais, habeds"
stands in disadvantageous contrast with the Old High
German hab&s, and is not distinguishable from its indicative.

713. The Veda-dialect possesses a mood which is

wanting in the classic Sanskrit, and which occurs in the

Vedas even only in a few scanty remnants: it is called,
by the Indian Grammarians, LAt, and is rightly identified
by Lassen with the Greek subjunctive. For as Aey-a>-ftei/,
hey-q-Te, ^ey-w-/xa/, \ey->;-Ta/, Aey-co-i/ra/, are distinguished
from the corresponding indicative forms \ey-o-nev, \ey-e-re,
Ary-o-/*a/, Aey-e-ra/, Aey-o-i/r/, only by the lengthening of
the vowel of the class-syllable, so, in the Veda-dialect,
"
pat-d-ti, cadat" is in like manner distinguished from
" "
pat-a-ti, cadit "; capiantur" from grih-ya-nt$>
grihyA-nt-Ai,
"
capiuntur"; only that in the latter form the tendency of
the mood under discussion to the utmost possible fulness
of form is manifested in this also, that the final diphthong

(=ae) is augmented to di, in agreement with the first

person imperative, which in general accords more with
the mood Lfo than with the other persons of the impera-
tive, since the person of the imperative which corresponds
to the first " we
person plural middle bibhrimaM, carry ,"
is bibhardmahdi.
714. In Greek, neither the subjunctive nor [G. Ed. p. 980.]

any other mood is derived from the imperfect, but in Vedic

Sanskrit the mood Ltt comes from it; as also in Zend, which
uses this mood very commonly, and, indeed, principally
in the imperfect tense, but with the meaning of tho
952 POTENTIAL, OPTATIVE, AND SUBJUNCTIVE.

subjunctive present; as, ch<ir-A-t, ''eat? from MAI^S c/iar-

-a-/, "ibat"; van-A-t, "destruat" from i.vjyAs(p

van-a-t, "de-

struebnt"; {*&$**& pat-ati-n, "volent" (for put-A-n, see .702.),

/tt^&I bar-an-n, "ferant," from put-e-n, ftar-e-n, or rather

from their primitive forms pat-a-n, bnr-a-n. Thus in the
Veda-dialect, pat-d-m, "carfam," from apat-a-m, "cadebam";

prach6dayAt, "incilel" from pracMd-aya-t, "incitabat."

715. I am of opinion that the Sanskrit potential and

precative, and the moods in the kindred languages which

may be classed with them, are connected with the prin-

ciple of formation of the Let, or Greek subjunctive, in so far

as the auxiliary verb contained therein, which these moods
share with the future (see 670.), has a long A as the con-
.

junctive vowel, while the future has a short a. Consequently

the Sanskrit dad-yAt and dt-yAt, the Zend dnidh-yAt and

dd-ydt, the Greek Sido-iy and 8o-!ij 9 would properly signify,

"
he may please to give," and thus this mood would be only a
more polite form of the L$t, or subjunctive, like the Gorman
"
expression, "Ich bitte, mir dies gestutten zu wolkn" I
pray
you to be willing to allow me this," is* more polite than
the abrupt "mir dies zu ytstatten" *'to allow me this." On the
other hand, the future dA-s-yati signifies "he will give,"
or, literally, "he will be giving;" and the "willing" is

here not an expression of politeness, but the symbol of

the time not being the present; or it denies the present
in a less decided manner than is the case in the aug-
mented preterites by the a of negation.

END OF VOf, II.

7T. M, WATTS, PRIWTP.R, CROWN COURT, TBMPLU H4.R.