A Study of the Siege of Jerusalem

in its Physical, Literary and

Historical Contexts

Bonnie Millar

Thesis submitted to the School of English Studies, University of Nottingham

for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy June 2000
 CONTENTS
Contents
Acknowledgements
..
II
Introduction 1
1: The Poet's Treatment of his Sources 11
Vindicta Salvatoris 16
Roger D'Argenteuil's Bible en Franrois 36
Josephus, Hegesippus and Higden's Polychronicon 46
Other Sources:
Legenda Aurea 62
Destruction of Troy 67
Conclusion 71
2: The Trouble with Genre 72
Romance 75
Romance and Historiography 86
Romance and Religious Narrative 93
Comparison of Texts 100
Construction of Plot 102
Narrative Stance and Appeals to Authority 106
Style and Presentation 109
Characterisation 116
The Marvellous 123
Conclusion 127
3: The Representation of the Jews 128
Crusading Literature 132
Accounts of the Siege of Jerusalem 137
Anti-Semitism and Anti-Judaism 142
Literary Representations of the Enemies
of Christendom 150
Representation of Christians and Non-Christians 154
Violence 158
Exotic Elements and Money 162
Religion 166
Church Representatives 169
Conversion 172
Exhortations to go on Crusades 177
4: Titus and Vespasian and the Siege of Jerusalem 185
5: The Tribulations of War 241
Christ's Body, the Virgin Mary and Medieval Society 242
Comparison of Texts 248
6: The Manuscript Contexts of the Siege of Jerusalem 275
The Manuscripts 284
Presentation 296
Local Context 300
Scribal Variations 311
Conclusion 318
Appendix 319
Bibliography 327
 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Friends and colleagues have given generously of their advice and knowledge

while I was writing this thesis. I am especially grateful to Thorlac Turville-

Petre for his patient supervision, and to Mike Evans for his corrections and

suggestions for improvement. The completion of this project would not have

been possible without the constant encouragement of Desmond Millar and Ian

Heggie, to whom I am eternally indebted. This project is dedicated to the

memory of Susan Millar, who inspired me to undertake it and sadly did not

live to see its completion.

II
 THESIS ABSTRACT
A STUDY OF THE SIEGE OF JERUSALEM IN ITS PHYSICAL,
LITERARY AND HISTORICAL CONTEXTS

The general perception of the Siege of Jerusalem is best summed up in Ralph

Hanna's phrase that it is "the chocolate-covered tarantula of the alliterative

movement". Only one critic has moved away from this consensus of opinion,

Elisa Narin van Court, who argues "that in addition to the graphically violent

anti-Judaism of the poem, there is a competing sympathetic narrative strand

that complicates what has been considered a straightforward and brutal

poetic." I follow Narin van Court in rejecting the standard opinion of the poem

as a univocal narrative ofunsavoury anti-Semitism and proceed to examine the

poet's conception of his work, and how this poem differs from other accounts

of the destruction of Jerusalem and the legend of Veronica. Pertinently, he

uses different sources in an effort to bring out the contradictions latent in the

story of the destruction of Jerusalem. He juxtaposes historical elements from

the Polychronicon, such as the allusion to the tribute, with religious material in

an attempt to query the necessity of war, even if the cause is ostensibly noble.

Most notably, he raises the question of the motivation behind the campaign in

Judaea. He avoids expressing value judgements, unlike texts such as the

Vindicta Salvatoris and Titus and Vespasian which interpret the destruction of

Jerusalem as the justifiable punishment of the Jews for the death of Christ. Not

only is the poet's approach very different from that of literary and religious

works, it also differs from that of historians. He is interested in people's

111
motivation and how they react to the situations in which they find themsel\'t~s.

Hence he does not try to find overarching patterns in the siege of Jerusalem.

The poem's literary context is of vital importance, for although the text bears

certain similarities to works of crusading interest, such as the Charlemagne

romances, it is nonetheless very different from them in terms of its attitude to

non-Christians. The poet is anti-Judaic in that he believes that the Jewish

religion is based on error and that the Jews were manifestly wrong in

crucifying Christ, but he is still capable of making a distinction among them,

seeing only their leaders as evil tyrants and expressing sympathy for the

common citizens of Jerusalem. Thus he is not motivated by the anti-Semitism

of the later Middle Ages, which led to accusations of host desecration, ritual

murder and historiographic crucifixion being levelled against them. In this he

differs from other redactions of the story of the destruction of Jerusalem, such

as Titus and Vespasian and the accounts of medieval drama, which are

virulently anti-Semitic as well as anti-Judaic in sentiment.

The intricacy of the narrative, which incorporates historical and religious

elements raises a series of implications as to how we classify the poem. It has

been variously designated as a romance, history, religious tale and a

combination of two or all of these categories. It is my contention that the poet

is stretching the limitations of genre, presenting religious and historical topics

in the format of a romance, as it is his intention to explore the nature of

Christian-Jewish relations, the personal experiences of the protagonists and the

moral issues involved in warfare in his account of this traditional and popular

story.

IV
The engagement of others with the poem leads to the further transmission of

the story. Indications as to how it was read and perceived are provided by the

character of its manuscripts, that is whether they are elaborate or plain. the

nature of the works with which it is to be found, and the alterations of scribes.

It can potentially be interpreted in several different ways.

In the course of this study I hope to dispel certain preconceptions regarding the

Siege of Jerusalem and to raise the possibility of a fresh assessment of this

beautifully written work which still remains on the margins of literary

criticism.
 INTRODUCTION

The Siege of Jerusalem has a perfectly deserved reputation as the

chocolate-covered tarantula of the alliterative movement. Indeed, the
poem is so offensive as to exist on the suppressed margins of critical
attention, unaccompanied by commentary. I

The Siege of Jerusalem is a poem which, as David Lawton remarks, "even its

editors cannot love,,,2 and the poet's "ghoulish relish for the horrible is so

marked that one feels it may account for his having chosen the siege as his

subject.,,3 Similarly, A.C. Spearing concludes that it is "a brilliant and

repellent work of art," which expresses a "horrible delight in the suffering of

the Jews,"\ "part of a morbid fascination with cruelty, pain and death that runs

right through the poem.,,4 It has, indeed, nearly always been heralded as a

beautifully written poem, and at the same time denounced for its violent

subject-matter, a viewpoint that has contributed to the marginalisation of this

significant work and that still dominates what little critical attention it

receives. The more I have examined the Siege of Jerusalem the more

convinced I have become of the limitations and inadequacies in the standard

manner of interpreting the poem and of the need to look at the work in its

physical, literary and historical contexts in order to assess how the poet has

handled his material in an innovative and perceptive manner.

The provenance of the poem is probably "extreme west Yorkshire"

according to Ralph Hanna III, who has examined the manuscripts and dialect

I Hanna (1992 a) p.1 09.

2 Lawton (1997) p.1 05.

) Everett ( 1955) p.59.

4 Spearing (1987) pp.167. 172.

 s
in detail. Hanna postulates Sawley, Whalley or Bolton as possible locations

for the original composition, pointing out that the abbeys there contained

copies of the sources and there were several members of the gentry and

nobility in these areas who could have acted as patrons. 6 This refines the

earlier hypothesis of Allen Bond Kellogg, who in 1943 produced a study of the

phonology, accidence, and dialect of the poem in its various manuscripts, in

which he concluded that the poem was probably of West-Midlands origin.7

Of the three locations proposed by Hanna, Bolton is the only one that

possessed an Augustinian abbey rather than a Cistercian priory, and Elisa

Narin van Court claims that this makes Bolton the most likely site of

composition. She argues that the text shows an ambiguous attitude to the Jews,

at times advocating violence towards them and on other occasions encouraging

sympathy for their plight, and this displays evidence of the influence of

Augustinian historical writing, such as the chronicle of William of Newburgh,

which was on the whole tolerant of Jews, although it disapproved of their

religious beliefs. 8 Now it is true that there are similarities between the Siege of

Jerusalem and such histories, but this does not necessarily imply that the poem

had to be written by an Augustinian, as Augustine's doctrine concerning Jews

originally dominated the medieval perspective on this group, a situation which

S Hanna (1992 a) p.114.

6 Hanna ( 1992 a) pp. 115-6.

7 Kellogg (1943) passim. This is a useful study of the language of the Siege oj Jerusalem which

concentrates on Bodleian Library Ms. Laud Misc. 656 (L), but also discusses the dialect differences
between this manuscript and six others (U, D, Y, C, E and A). He finds that six of them (not L) usually
have east-midland features and argues that the original language of the poem is best represented by I ..
the oldest manuscript which has some west-midlands traits.

8 Narin van Court (1995) pp.239-40.

2
did not change until the twelfth century. In fact one could also argue that it was

written by a friar, as the friars were especially interested in the legend of St.

Veronica, though their more tolerant attitude towards the Jews makes this

unlikely.9

In 1906 Curt Reicke examined the style of the Alliterative Morte

Arthure, The Destruction of Troy, The Wars of Alexander, the Siege of

Jerusalem, and Sir Gawain and the Green Knight and discredited the old

theory that they were written by one man, Huchown, I 0 and we know no more

regarding the poet. Fortunately, the Siege ofJerusalem can be dated reasonably

precisely to the penultimate decade of the fourteenth century on the basis of

manuscript and dialectical evidence.

The literary-historical interest of the poem has been widely

acknowledged, occasioning brief remarks in catalogues and surveys of genre

and the literature of the period. Gisela Guddat-Figge lists its manuscripts in

her Catalogue of the Manuscripts containing Middle English Romances

(1976), while Lillian Herlands Hornstein considers it in her section on

"Miscellaneous Romances" in A Manual of the Writings in Middle English

(1967).11 Derek Pearsall in his account of Old English and Middle English

Poetry (1977) comments on its use of sources, finding it derivative,

""decadent," and unnecessarily violent, concurring with the earlier assessment

by Dorothy Everett in 1955 and devoting a similarly small space to his

9 Rubin (1991) p.227.

10 Reicke ( 1906) passim.

II See Chapter Three.

remarks. 12 Generally, it is judged to be '"ornate and precious" and George Kane

in 1951, having examined the text in the light of the "incongruity between the

classical subject-matter and the equally ancient but vastly remote Germanic

prosody," concludes that at times the effect is masterly, but otherwise it falls

into excess and on the whole the poet's "talent is misdirected and misspent" on

this gruesome tale. \3 The remarks of Geoffrey Shepherd are more positive.

noting that the poem is skillfully constructed, earnest of tone and "probably

intended and received as [a] morally authentic" history.14 A.C. Spearing deals

at greater length with the poem than most general books do, devoting almost

half a chapter in his 1987 monograph to an account of its stylistic features,

which he finds quite impressive. 15 Hoyt N. Duggan makes some perceptive

remarks on the shape of its b-verse, its use of formulae, and its strophic

patterns in his series of articles on these topics in alliterative poetry. 16

Specific studies have focused on issues like the problematic allusion to

the "rede wynde" in the Siege of Jerusalem, 17 or on the sources of the work.

Ferdinand Kopka's 1887 dissertation investigates its relationship to the legend

of St. Veronica, Josephus, and Hegesippus, and Phyllis Moe in 1977

12 Pearsall (1977) pp.153, 169; Everett (1955) pp.58-9.

13 Kane (1951) pp.9, 57, 59.

II Geoffrey Shepherd (1970) p. II.

IS Spearing (1987) pp.139-72.

16 Hoyt N. Duggan (1976) pp.265-88; (1986) pp.564-92: (1976-7) pp.223-47. See lIardman (1992)
pp.68. 75 on titt divisions; Oakden (1930) pp.70, 154. 156, 159. 161-2. 166-77. 189-90 and Oal..den and
Innes (1935) pp.44-7. 101-3 for a discussion of its metre. dialect and style; Matonis (1984) pp.339-h().
and Cable (1991) esp. p.9L on its use of the alliterative long line.

17 Benson ( 1960) pp.363-4.

establishing Roger d' Argenteuil's Bible en Fran90is as the source of most of

lines 201-724. 18

Thorlac Turville-Petre looks at the work in the course of his

investigation of The Alliterative Revival (1977), commenting briefly on its

manuscripts and potential audience, line:groupings and descriptive passages. 19

The manuscripts have also come in for close scrutiny, with Ferdinand Kopka

and Ralph Hanna III both producing stemmas, of which the fonner is

inadequate being based on only six of the manuscripts, and the latter more

plausible?O J.R. Hulbert analyses all the manuscripts known to him and tries to

establish an authoritative text close to the original, while Michael Swanton

discusses the nature of the recently-discovered Exeter fragment. 21 Meanwhile,

Pamela R. Robinson turns her attention to the transmission of the Siege of

Jerusalem in her 1972 Oxford B.Litt. thesis, arguing that the texts with which

it is grouped suggest that it was intended as a crusading work. 22

Mary Hamel comes to similar conclusions on the basis of the poem's

sources, and believes that the violence against the Jews is in fact displaced

onto the Saracens, who were the chief contemporary enemies of God. 23 Hers is

one of five articles which deal solely with the poem, and is an attempt to

18 Kopka (1887) pp.23-39; Moe (1977) pp.147-53.

19 Turville-Petre (1977) pp.32-4, 46, 61, 100.

20Kopka (1887) pp.5-23; Hanna (1996) pp.83-93, excerpted from the introduction of the forthcoming
edition of the poem.

21Hulbert (1931) pp.602-12; Swanton (1990) pp.1 03-4. See also Hardman (1994) pp.263-4 and Riddy
(1996) pp.73-4 on manuscript contexts; Hanna (1989) pp.124-6 on the transmission of the manuscripts;
Hanna ( 1992 b) on the manuscripts; Thompson (1987) esp. pp.48-9 on the Siege of Jerusalem in BL.
Ms. Additional J 1042; Turville-Petre (1997) pp.284-5 on the Siege of Jerusalem. Frampton and
Cambridge. University Library Ms. Mm.V.14.

22Pamela R. Robinson (1972) pp. 42. 47-9. 54 and see pp.113-9. 153-64. 179-82. 202-4. 229-30 for a
description of manuscripts. See Murray J . Evans ( 1995) pp.70-1, II 1 for similar views.

5
interpret the text rather than an exercise in literary-historicism, source analysis

or manuscript studies. The other four articles are by Ralph Hanna, David

Lawton, Christine Chism and Elisa Narin van Court?4 The first is an attempt

to contextualise the poem in the late fourteenth and fifteenth centuries and to

establish how it may have been read. Hanna proposes that Cambridge

University Library Ms. Mm.v.14 may have had a Lancastrian audience as

Frampton, the scribe, had worked for Lancastrian patrons on other occasions.

and the hatred of the Jews may thus be displaced antagonism towards the

Lollards. Lawton's 1997 article surveys descriptions of hunting in various

texts in order to elucidate its function in the Siege of Jerusalem. Chism, in the

most recent article on the poem, investigates the apparent contradiction in the

Siege ofJerusalem between exterminating and exploiting the Jews. She argues

that the work surmounts this difficulty by metaphorically transforming the

Jews into gold, and that the ideology underlying the text is the need to expand

and shore up the Christian empire through added resources, territory and so

forth. Only one critic has moved away from the consensus of opinion that the

Siege of Jerusalem is a straightforward anti-Semitic work, Elisa Narin van

Court in 1995, who argues "that in addition to the graphically violent anti-

Judaism of the poem, there is a competing strand that complicates what has

been considered a straightforward and brutal poetic" and concludes that it is

23 Hamel (1992) pp.I77-94.

~4 Hanna (1992 a) pp.l 09-21: Lawton (1997) pp.l 05-17; Chism (1998) pp.309-40: Narin van Court
(1995) pp.227-46.

6
"an ambiguous and, at times, profound confusion about Jews and Christians

and violence.,,25

The present work follows Narin van Court in rejecting the standard

view and its goal is to contextualise the Siege of Jerusalem, in order to show

how it engages with some of the important social and religious issues of the

day. I will follow the world of the Siege of Jerusalem as designed and

constructed by the poet from traditional subject-matter available in widely

disseminated texts and embellished with conventional tropes and elaborate

descriptions.

Usually, narratives dealing with the destruction of Jerusalem relate the

story from two specific perspectives - the need to avenge Christ and the

importance of going on crusade. The Siege of Jerusalem poet is aware of this

but chooses to approach the subject in a different way. I put forward the

argument that he wishes to raise the validity of warfare, as he is not convinced

that the extreme suffering of ordinary Jewish citizens can be extolled even if

the motif for the war itself is just. To do this he brings out the contradictions

inherent in the material; he emphasises the Roman demand for tribute as well

as the desire to avenge Jesus. He highlights the failings of Romans as well as

of Jews. Furthennore, he investigates human motivation and people's

reactions to extreme circumstances. The poem does not suggest war is wrong,

but it does direct its readers to re-evaluate it. That its readers did accept the

invitation to judge the poet's message in a variety of ways comes across

clearly when one looks at it in its physical, literary and historical contexts.

25 Narin \an Court (1995) pp. 22Y. 2.t.t.

7
 Chapter One ("The Poefs Treatment of his Sources") considers the

major sources of the poem, together with other texts that may have influenced

its development. The poet chooses two historical and two religious texts upon

which to base his narrative. He carefully selects and re-organises the subject-

matter which he finds in order to create a series of oppositions between just

figures of authority, whose power is derived from God, and false figures of

authority, whose power is groundless and tyrannical. He also focuses on the

value of resolute faith and the despair of its absence. Significantly. he

incorporates historical details from the Polychronicon which he juxtaposes to

the religious material in an attempt to evaluate the legitimacy of using

violence, even if the cause is ostensibly noble.

Chapter Two ("The Trouble with Genre") investigates the awkward

question of the genre of the poem and attempts to prove that it is indeed a

romance, albeit an unorthodox one. The Siege ofJerusalem is narrated from an

impartial point of view as the poet wishes his audience to consider for

themselves the validity of the principles presented (war, chivalry). The reason

he decided to write a romance, as opposed to an historical or religious account.

is that he was interested in motivation, human behaviour and responses to

difficult situations.

In Chapter Three ("The Representation of the Jews") I endeavour to

show that the Siege of Jerusalem is not anti-Semitic, although it is anti-Judaic.

by which I mean that it disapproves of the religion of the Jews but not the

people themselves. I therefore address the argument about whether it is a

crusading romance, and my reading suggests that it has little in common \\ith

such romances. There are some resemblances between the content of the 5:iegc

8
of Jerusalem and that of crusading literature, but this matter is presented in a

very different manner. The poem is not concerned with the threat to

Christendom, nor does it view all non-Christians negatively and advocate their

destruction.

Chapter Four ("The Relationship of the Siege ofJerusalem to Titus and

Vespasian") compares the Siege of Jerusalem to the contemporary work, Titus

and Vespasian, to illustrate the profound differences in the presentation of

similar material and to elucidate the perspective of the poem. The Titus and

Vespasian poet is convinced that the military campaign against the Jews is

justified. He takes great pains to detail all the punishments the Jews endure

and to indicate that this is the appropriate way to treat them. The situation in

the Siege of Jerusalem is virtually the reverse of this, with sympathy being

expressed for the Jews when they suffer torments due to warfare.

Chapter Five ("The Tribulations of War") looks at the transmission of

material from Josephus through Hegesippus, the Legenda Aurea, the

Polychronicon, and the Siege of Jerusalem to Titus and Vespasian, focusing

on the motif of mother-child cannibalism and the questions this raises about

the poet's attitudes to the Jews and violence. He depicts the Jews, not so much

as evil, but as misguided, blind and tyrannised by wicked leaders. The episode

is a critique of the tribulation caused by war and the desperate acts to which

people can be driven.

Chapter Six ("The Manuscript Contexts of the Siege of Jerusalem")

describes the manuscripts of the work and what these tell us about its

reception. The poem appears in a variety of settings, although it is grouped

mainly with religious and historical narratiYes. which suggests that the

9
compilers perceived it in several different ways. Each manuscript IS an

individual witness to how the poem was read, and when we look at some of

the scribal variations we can see that the poet's concern with the justness of

violence has had an impact on those who transcribed his work.

My aim in all that follows is to read the Siege of Jerusalem in its

physical, literary and historical contexts, to move away from the standard

interpretations of it, and to judge it on its own merits. The task I have set

myself is to see why a work which has been marginalised by modem scholars

should have had widespread appeal until the late fifteenth century. It is my

contention that the secret of the poem's fascination lies in the way it presents

the tale of Jerusalem's destruction, highlighting the latent contradictions in the

story and encouraging its audience to re-consider the legitimacy of warfare.

10
 CHAPTER ONE

THE POET'S TREATMENT OF IDS SOURCES

The Siege ofJerusalem is an account of events in first-century Jerusalem, based

on three main sources: the Vindicta Salvatoris, Roger D'Argenteuil's Bible en

Fram;ois and Higden's Polychronicon. The poet thoughtfully chooses and

organises his material in order to create a series of oppositions between just

figures of authority, whose power is derived from God, and false figures of

authority, whose power is groundless and tyrannical. He distinguishes between

the Roman and Jewish leaders and their followers. Pertinently, he uses different

sources in an effort to bring out the contradictions latent in the story of the

destruction of Jerusalem. He juxtaposes historical elements from the

Polychronicon, such as the allusion to the tribute, with religious material from

the Vindicta Salvatoris and the Bible en Fran~ois in an attempt to query the

necessity of war, even if the cause is ostensibly noble. Most notably, he

problematises the question of the motivation behind the campaign in Judaea. It

may be observed that the issue of the tribute is downplayed in most French

texts in order to emphasise the importance of the theme of vengeance. I Indeed,

the French romances do not allude to it as a rule, even though one of the poet's

Latin sources, the Vindicta Salvatoris, states that the Jews were willing to

pledge tribute to their Roman overlords. The Siege of Jerusalem refers to the

I See La I 'engeance de Nostre-Seigneur. The Old and .\fiddle French Versions: The Cura Sanitatis
Tiberii. .. (1993) pp.8-27. Chism (1998) pp.310-1 suggests that the theme of vengeance is the focus of
the Siege of Jerusalem, but the arguments she puts forward as evidence for this claim can be discounted
if one compares the poem to these French texts.
II
withholding of tribute on three occaSIOns. most strikingly \\"hen Vespasian

addresses his troops in these terms:

Here nys King noper kny3t comen to pis place.

Pat pe cause of his come nys Crist forto venge
Vpon pe faiples folke pat hym fayntly slowen.
Byholdep pe hepyng and pe harde woundes,
Pe betyng and pe byndyng pat pe body hadde:
Lat neuer pis lawles ledis lau3 at his harmys.
Pat bou3t vs fram bale with blod of his herte.
[I] quycke clayme pe querels of aIle quyk burnes,
And clayme of euereche kyng, saue of Crist one.
Pat pis peple to pyne no pite ne hadde:
Pat preuep his passioun, who so pe paas redep.
Hit nedip n03t at pis note of Nero to mynde,
Ne to trete of no trewe for tribute pat he askep;
Pat querel y quik cleyme. [qweper] he ne wilnep
Of his rebel to rome, bot resoun to haue.
Bot more ping in our mynde mynep [vs] to-day,
Pat by resoun to Rome pe regnance faIlyp.
Bope pe my3t and pe mayn, [and] maist[rie] o[n] e[rpe],
And lord[ chipe] of eche londe, pat lipe vnder heuen. (lines 489-508)

If the poet believed wholeheartedly in the justness of the Jewish war and wished

to convey this, would he have raised the issue of tribute, unlike so many other

religious and literary texts on this topic? This speech is based on a version of

Roger D' Argenteuil's Bible en Fram;ois. Significantly. there is a discrepancy at

this point among the different versions of this work. The five abridged

versions, and the four manuscripts containing the "Vengeance of Our Lord"

section as a separate document. contain the speech but do not all ude to the

issue of Roman sovereignty. The 4 manuscripts of the Bible en Fram;ois that

comprise group y, among which is the only extant English manuscript of the

12
work and upon which the Middle English translation is based, similarly omit

this allusion. The five manuscripts which comprise the x group are the only

versions of the French text to contain the allusion to Roman supremacy over

Judaea. Thus it is important that the poet chooses to include it as it adds

another dimension to the motivation of the Romans. Vespasian starts by saying

that that their only purpose is to avenge Christ and that they need not pay any

attention to what Nero wishes. Nero is not mentioned in any of the redactions

of the Bible en Fram;ois at this point and Vespasian is in fact acting under his

own authority having assembled his army and invaded Judaea on his own

initiative and because he was ordered to do so. In the Siege of Jerusalem

Vespasian, having rejected the notion of tribute owed by the Jews to their

Roman overlords, goes on to say that the might and strength, the mastery and

governance of all lands belongs to Rome. He has essentially contradicted

himself. The poet, in accordance with his practice throughout the poem, does

not comment; he lets V espasian' s words with all their implications stand by

themselves and leaves it to his readers to evaluate what are explicit and

implicit objectives underlying the Romans' actions.

I have commented at length on this speech as it illustrates how the

Siege of Jerusalem's perspective and attitude towards war is very different to

other accounts of these happenings. The poet is determined that the events

should speak for themselves. He avoids expressing value judgements, unlike

texts such as the Vindicta Salvatoris and Titus and Vespasian which interpret

13
the destruction of Jerusalem as the justifiable punishment of the Jews for the

death of Christ. Not only is the poet's approach very different from that of

literary and religious works, it also differs from that of historians. He is

interested in people's motivation and how they react to the situations in which

they find themselves. Hence he does not try to find overarching patterns in the

military campaign in Judaea. Instead, he looks at various moral issues. Why do

the Romans attack the Jews and why do the Jews resort to any means possible

to thwart them? The poet examines how some of the Jewish leaders adhere to

the Old Law, and how men like Sabyn try to live in accordance with the heroic

ethos. The events he describes highlight the limitations of these codes of

behaviour. The terrible happenings force innocent and otherwise noble people

to perpetrate horrendous acts and can ultimately destroy them. At the same

time he observes the problems entailed in the failure to believe in any value

system, how this can lead to despair and self-destruction. Yet, he does not

suggest that lack of faith in God will inevitably result in personal calamity; the

point is made by depicting Josephus as an enlightened human being, although

we do not learn of him observing Jewish rites nor does he convert to

Christianity as he does in other texts. Indeed, the poet highlights a range of

possible interpretations for each episode. For instance, the Roman campaign is

inspired either by issues of power and tribute, or to avenge Christ's death, or to

fulfill both objectives; Vitellius is a noble man, but also a murderer. Through

emphasising a range of ways one can approach warfare, the various situations

14
that can arise, the poet illustrates how it is difficult to establish who or what is

right or wrong. He stresses the horror and brutality of war in order to get his

audience to realise the suffering it causes and to re-consider its necessity. He

never suggests that war is wrong, but he does call this whole arena of human

activity into question. One consequence of this way of narrating events is that

the poem is not anti-Semitic. In order to be anti-Semitic the poet would have

to categorically say that the Jews are wrong, evil, and deserve to be destroyed

by the Christians who are noble because they believe in the Trinity? However,

he is capable of distinguishing between Jews: not all Jews are bad, nor are all

Romans and Christians good.

The relationship of the Siege of Jerusalem to each of its main sources

will be considered in turn, followed by an assessment of the possible influence

of two other texts, the Legenda Aurea and the Destruction of Troy. It is

important to establish the texts used by the poet as well as the traditions behind

them, as the Siege of Jerusalem is like a multi-coloured tapestry woven from

many different strands. Furthermore, alternative versions of some of these

traditions constitute sources for other English redactions of the story of the

destruction of Jerusalem. The poet's method is to take a text and follow it

closely, before turning to another work - few scenes or characters are original to

the poem. He bases lines 1-200 and 1293-1334 on the Vindicta Salvatoris; lines

201-724 on the Bible en Fran~ois; and lines 725-1292 on the Polychronicon. In

2The poet notes different attitudes towards the Jews and their leaders through the speeches and words of
Titus, Vespasian and other characters. These views should not be confused with the poet's own.

15
general the poem remains remarkably close to these texts, changing mainly the

sequence of events. The differences between the poem and its sources arise from

the effect of placing incidents in a different context and occasionally the poet

finds it necessary to make some small alterations in the interests of providing a

consistent story.

Vindicta Salvatoris

One of the three major sources for the Siege of Jerusalem IS the Vindicta

Salvatoris, a text which was inspired by the legend of Veronica, which was an

immensely popular story in the Middle Ages. 3 The story of Veronica constitutes

a rich tradition inspiring many works of art and literature throughout the Middle

Ages, such as the painting Saint Veronica with the Sudarium (now in the

National Art Gallery, London) by the Master of Saint Veronica, active in early

fifteenth century Cologne and the references in the Alliterative Morte Arthure

(lines 297, 309, 348, 386). Emile Male and Rosemary Woolf argue that the

appearance of Saint Veronica in late medieval pictorial representations of the

3 The tradition is inspired by the reference in Mark 5: 25-34 (Matthew 9: 20-2) to the woman suffering from
a flux of blood, establishing a connection between virtue and miracle as the woman is healed due to her faith
alone. The Gospel of Nicodemus alludes to this story as one of Christ's miracles. The best manuscripts do
not narne the woman suffering from a flow of blood, but the Coptic and other late versions narne her
Berwikh (in Greek Beronike, in Armenian Veronis or Seroinik), and this is the origin of the name Veronica
Dobschiltz discusses the development of the Veronica-legend which incorporated the legends of Abgar and
Paneas, and notes that it had formed by the twelfth century. The Abgar legend concerns the mission of
Nathan, of which there is an Anglo-Saxon version amongst others. The legend of Paneas sterns from an
incident in Eusebius' fourth-century history of the Church in \vhich he describes how he saw a bronze
sculpture before a house in Paneas, which was apparently erected by the woman cured of a flux of blood b:
touching Christ's clothes, mentioned in Mark 5: 25-34. Dobschiltz (1899) pp.276 t -333 t gives a
chronological list of the versions of the Veronica-legend from across Europe, ranging from c.600 to the end
of the fifteenth century. See also pp.197-262. and Two Old English Apocrypha and their Manuscript Source
(1996) pp.58-62. and La /'engeance de .\'ostre-Seigneur, The Old and Middle French J'ersions: The Cura
Sanitatis Tiberii.. (1993) pp.I-34.

16
route to Calvary are linked to the accounts in drama. 4 The legend of Veronica

existed not merely in literary and artistic works, but formed the basis of a cult. 5

4 Male (1949) p.64; Woolf (1972) p.403. References to Saint Veronica are to be found in The N-Town
Play voU (1991) pp.325-6 and The York Plays (1982) pp.183-9 which mention an anonymous woman
in "The Road to Calvary" who can be identified as her. Moe (1966) pp. 459-70 provides examples of
Middle English prose stories based on the Bible, Veronica, and the siege of Jerusalem in the fifteenth-
century manuscript Cleveland W.Q091.92-C468.

5 There are references to the veil of Veronica being preserved among the treasures ofSt. Peter's Basilica and
being carried in processions, in papal documents dating from the eight, twelfth and thirteenth centuries.
DobschOtz (1899) p.219. Furthermore, there are numerous pictures in manuscripts based on it, such as the
illustration in the Chronica Majora of Matthew Paris. DobschOtz (1899) p.229; The Illustrated Chronicles
o/Matthew Paris: Observations o/Thirteenth-Century Life (1993) p114; La Vengeance de Nostre-Seigneur,
The Old and Middle French Prose Versions: The Version 0/ Japheth (1984) pp.II-2. Scott I (1996)
provides two more examples of illustrations from manuscripts, St. Veronica with the Vernicle from
Cambridge, Trinity College Ms. 0.3.10 f.llv and Boulogne-sur-Mer, Bib\. Mun. Ms. 93 f.6v. The
Alliterative Morte Arthure also provides evidence of the cult of St. Veronica, alluding at line 297 to how
Veronica is a symbol of pilgrimage. Later, at line 348 Arthur makes a vow to Christ and Veronica, a vow
which is referred to again at line 386. She is a saint who appears in several Books of Hours and who is
honoured by many hymns. For example, there is the Hymn to the Vernacle and the Colecte in Cambridge
Magdalene College Ms. F.4.13. as well as Latin hymns in the following manuscripts from the fourteenth
and fifteenth centuries: Cambridge Fitzwilliam Museum Ms. 259 ff.32-3; Cambridge FitzWilliam Museum
Ms. 50-1950 ff.47, 53, 56; Cambridge FitzWilliam Museum Ms.4-1950 ff.62-4; Cambridge FitzWilliam
Museum Ms. 1058-1975 f 14; BL Ms. Sloane 2471. She came to have her own feast-day (4 February) and
her home in Jerusalem was incorporated into the fourteen Stations of the Cross, while the Veil itself was the
focus of pilgrimage in Rome.[La Vengeance de Nostre-Seigneur, The Old and Middle French Prose
Versions: The Version 0/ Japheth (1984) pp.13-14.]

17
 Figure 1
Legend of Veronica

Mark 5: 25-34 [Legend of Abgar

i
I
I
Paneas Story
L
~

Gospel Of
Nicodemus
~
Curii Sanitatis
Tiberii
~
Vindicta
Salvatoris
-.l
I J J 1
Joseph Prose Joseph L 'Estoire del De
D Arimathie D 'Arimathie Saint Graal Pylato

I
I
La Venjance Legenda
Nostre Seigneur Aurea

Bible en
Franfois
I
1 Siege of
Jerusalem
Titus and
Vespasian

18
The earliest version of the Veronica story is the Cura Sanitatis Tiberii from the

sixth century,6 which relates how the gravely ill emperor, Tiberius, learns of

Christ's miracles and decides to send his chief priest Volosian to fetch Him. The

Vindicta Salvatoris constitutes the next version of the legend from the seventh

century. It is followed by a Latin prose version entitled De Pylato from the

eleventh/twelfth century in which Vespasian is the person healed. 7 From this

comes the French La Venjance Nostre Seigneur, many prose paraphrases in

French, Spanish, Catalan, Proven~al and Portuguese, and the Legenda Aurea. 8

La Venjance Nostre Seigneur survives in ten manuscripts and focuses on

Vespasian, the Roman emperor, who suffers from leprosy.9 This recension of the

6 DobschUtz (1899) pp.157**-203**; Two Old English Apocrypha and their Manuscript Source (1996)
pp.62-74 and La Vengeance de Nostre-Seigneur, The Old and Middle French Versions: The Cura Sanitatis
Tiberii... (1993) pp.I-34 and 35-73 for an edition of the three French versions of the text.

7 Titus and Vespasian (1905) p.xiv; Poesies Populaires Latines du Moyen Age (1847) pp.340-68.

8 See the editions of La Venjance Nostre Seigneur in Ober das altJranzosische Gedicht von der Zerstorung
Jerusalems (1900-1); The Oldest Version of the Twelfth-Century Poem "La Venjance Nostre Seigneur"
(1952); A. Graf 1(1915), pp. 285-378. The chanson de geste varies in length from 1,200-3,400 lines. See
The ME Prose Translation of Roger D'Argenteuil's Bible en FraTlfois (1977) pp.22-3; The Oldest Version
of the Twelfth-Century Poem "La Venjance Nostre Seigneur" (1952) pp.6-22; Titus and Vespasian (1905)
pp. xvi-xviii for a summary of the poem. La Vengeance de Nostre-Seigneur, The Old and Middle French
Prose Versions: The Version of Japheth (1984) is the most recent edition of the prose version. The French
prose paraphrase survives in twenty-one manuscripts, which can be divided into two distinct groups. It
fonns part of an interrelated tradition with Old and Middle French redactions of the Cura Sanitatis Tiberii
(three versions containing respectively four, five and one manuscripts), the Bible en Fran90is of Roger
D'Argenteuil (eighteen French manuscripts, which can be divided into three groups), Roger de Boron's Le
Roman de L 'Estoire dou Graal (one manuscript), David Aubert's translation of the Legenda Aurea (two
manuscripts) and Nathanis Judaei Legatio (one manuscript) (La Vengeance de Nostre-Seigneur, The Old
and Middle French Versions: The Cura Sanitatis Tiberii... 1993, passim). See Poesies Populaires Lalines
du Moyen Age (1847) pp.340-68.

9 Vespasian, the son of the Roman emperor who is called Caesar (Titus in the prose), suffers from leprosy. A
pilgrim duly arrives in Rome, telling of a prophet who perfonned many miracles prior to His crucifixion.
The emperor immediately sends messengers to Jerusalem to acquire a relic of this prophet so that Vespasian
can be cured. They meet with Pilate in a closed room, and he confesses in secret to having been coerced into
pennitting the execution of Christ. After further inquiries the messengers learn of the Vernicle, and Pilate
finds Veronica for them. She tells the story of how she met Christ carrying the cross, who begged her for a
cloth to wipe His brow; she obliged. and found that His image remained on the cloth. The messengers return
to Rome with her and the Vernicle, and she cures Vespasian. In gratitude for this, his sons vow to avenge
Christ's death. Pilate aids them by offering to be imprisoned in order to entice the Jews into confessing who
the real culprits are. The ruse succeeds and Vespasian executes all the offenders save one. whom he keeps in
19
legend is important as it constitutes the source of the Bible en Franr;ois, and it

also forms the basis of Titus and Vespasian, an English poem contemporary with

the Siege ofJerusalem, but very different in character. The relationship between

Titus and Vespasian, La Venjance Nostre Seigneur and the Siege of Jerusalem

will be examined at some length later.

Another version of the story, which developed from the Vindicta

Salvatoris in the twelfth to thirteenth centuries, is to be found in Robert de

Boron's Joseph D'Arimathie, the prose Joseph D'Arimathie, and three

manuscripts of the L'Estoire del Saint Graal (BN. Ms. fro 770, Le Mans Ms. 354,

Leningrad Ms. Fr. F. V. XV. 5) where there is an interpolated section from the

prose Joseph D'Arimathie.1O In de Boron's Joseph D'Arimathie and its

derivatives the story is quite different from the prose redaction of the same

name. All of these texts influenced the development of the Bible en Franr;ois

and thence indirectly the Siege ofJerusalem.

The Vindicta Salvatoris originated in the seventh century and tells the

story of Veronica and the Vernicle, as well as Titus and Vespasian's conquest of

Jerusalem. Titus is healed miraculously when he believes in God upon hearing

Nathan's account of the life of Christ. This inspires him to avenge Christ's

crucifixion, and he acquires Vespasian's assistance for this task and the conquest

of Jerusalem. During the course of their activities in Judaea they find Veronica

order to learn the location of the incarcerated Joseph of Arimathea. Joseph is released and this Jew is set
adrift in a boat.

20
and the Vernicle and bring them to Tiberius, who is healed upon seeing the relic

and renounces his pagan beliefs. The Jews are punished for their crime, with the

fate of Pilate graphically described. The details concerning his fate vary in the

different recensions of the Vindicta Salvatoris, reflecting the rich traditions

surrounding Pilate in the Middle Ages. Stories surrounding him proliferated,

such as those in the Middle English poem called The Life of Pilate, II with that of

his death becoming immensely popular. 12 It was only natural that such material

would be incorporated into the later versions of the Vindicta Salvatoris, which is

very much concerned with the punishment of the Jews and is treated as an

extension of the Acts of Pilate or the Gospel of Nicodemus. 13 This latter work is

10 The ME Prose Translation of Roger D'Argenteuil's Bible en Fraflfois (1977) pp.23-4; Micha (1969)
pp.l291-8; Moe (1974) pp.555-60; La Vengeance de Nostre-Seigneur. The Old and Middle French
Versions: The Cura Sanitatis Tiber;;... (1993) pp.139-49.

II Early English Poems and Lives ofSaints (1862, 1974) pp.111-9.

12 In the Eastern Church Pilate was a saint, having confessed and expressed contrition for Christ's
crucifixion. This failed to prevent his execution through beheading. An angel was therefore sent to receive
his head. MUlier (1888) pp.1-59 examines the early Pilate literature and finds many different stories
surrounding Pilate; Brandon (1968) pp.523-30 considers the role of Pilate in history and legend; Creizenach
(1874) pp.89-107 investigates the legends surrounding him. See further La Vengeance de Nostre-Seigneur.
The Old and Middle French Versions: The Cura Sanitatis Tiberii... (1993) pp.27-34.

13 Tischendorfs edition is still the standard edition of the later Apocrypha, as no other collection of all the

texts has been published, although some individual texts have been re-edited. I have used his edition of the
Gospel of Nicodemus and the Vindicta Salvatoris. O'Ceallaigh (1966) p.23 comments thus on Tischendorfs
handling of the Gospel of Nicodemus: "Tischendorf used three manuscripts, his ABC representing the
original Latin Gospel of Nicodemus. Not recognising them as such, he arbitrarily split them in two (at the
end of c. xvi), submerged the readings of their "Part I" either into his eclectic text or fine print of his ap. cr.;
relegated their "Part II" to his secondary (Latin B) type of Descent text. Yet his generally good textual
judgment forced him to construct his own text of "Part I" preponderantly on ABC! For his "Part II" he
wrongly gave preference to his cullings from the Late Latin version (his "Latin B")." I quote O'Ceallaigh's
comments in full because most subsequent scholars since have used Tischendorfs text and followed his
lead. Despite its early popUlarity, the Gospel of Nicodemus has failed to attract much interest from modern
scholars. For an introduction to the Apocrypha and the Gospel of Nicodemus in particular see Brockington
(1961) pp.138-9, 149-53; Osterley (1935). passim; Quasten (1950) pp.115-7 and Charlesworth (1985)
pp.29-36.
The gospel consists of two parts, the Acta Pi/ati and Descenus Christi ad Infernos. O'Ceallaigh
(1966) pp.23-5 charts its development through five distinct stages: (I) the basic commentaries of Nicodemus
written in Hebrew; (2) the original Latin work based on the commentaries and the story of Karinus and
Leucius describing Christ's descent into Hades; (3) the Greek paraphrase of this; (4) the late Latin recension
in which Pilate is the figure of authority responsible for the trial, crucifixion etc. of Christ. The text claims to
21
of importance to our examination of the Siege ofJerusalem, not only because the

name Veronica originated in it, but because it elucidates the popularity and

influence of traditions surrounding Pilate. It is one of the apocryphal gospels,

texts which did not quite achieve canonical status, but yet had equal status to the
14
Scriptures. The apocryphal gospels stem from a form of charismatic exegesis,

where a scriptural story is taken and reinterpreted through narrative expansion,

rather than commentary. The Gospel of Nicodemus was a particularly popular

apocryphal gospel, circulating in Latin, Greek, Coptic, Armenian, Syriac,

Georgian and Norse forms. There are also three Old English translations, three

Middle English poems on the Harrowing of Hell, four manuscripts of Middle

English verse translation, and seven prose translations, four of the whole text. 15

be the document deposited by Pilate in the archives, together with his letter to Tiberius; (5) two late Latin
manuscripts of the fourteenth century which incorporate the Letter of Pilate to Claudius. Some versions of
this text were known as early as the second century. Justin Martyr refers to such a text in his first Apology,
while Tertullian alludes to a report sent by Pilate to Tiberius (New Testament Apocrypha I 1959, pp.444-5).
The Christian recession appears to have been composed to counteract earlier pagan texts of the same name.
See further Two Old English Apocrypha and their Manuscript Source (1996) pp.36-47. Izydorczyk (1989,
pp.169-91; 1997, pp.22-41, 43-10 1) surveys the various editions of the text and notes that Part I exists in
three redactions and Part II in two. He glances briefly at fifty five manuscripts which represent these
renditions of the Latin work and points out there are twenty seven manuscripts of pre-twelfth century date
alone.

14 Izydorczyk (1985) p.83.

15 The Index of Writings in Middle English II (1970) pp.448-9. This has been superseded by Izydorczyk's
work (1985) pp.88-96 which explains that three of the manuscripts represent Trevisa's translation, the
earliest prose translation, while the other three full length redactions are each extant in single manuscripts.
The three abbreviated versions survive respectively in three, four and one manuscripts. Apart from this, parts
of the text were incorporated into the Cursor Mundi, Eulogium Historiarum sive Temporis and the South
English Legendary. C.W. Marx (1997) pp.207-59 discusses the Old and Middle English versions of the
Gospel of Nicodemus and their influence on instructional literature and drama Collett (1981) pp.125-35
notes how Middle Cornish and Medieval Welsh texts also draw on it. The story of the harrowing of hell
appears in Anglo-Saxon homilies, prose writings, poetry and the liturgy (fonning part of the daily office,
matins, and the cycle of the Church year). Christ's arising from the death and leading the dead from hell was
linked with the redemption of humankind (Collett 1981, pp.56-8). Izydorczyk (1985) pp.3-60, 107-10, 177
argues that the Gospel of Nicodemus popularized the doctrine of risen saints, of how Christ conquered the
forces of evil and ransomed mankind as the devil had punished them too severely. The sacraments of
penance and Eucharist were held to be as efficacious for sinners as Christ's historical descent into hell had
been for Adam. The Harrowing of Hell was celebrated in dramatic actions twice during Easter week; during
the vigil on Holy Saturday, and on Palm Sunday with a procession and a ceremonial banging on the Church
door with a cross, accompanied by the singing of Psalm 23: 7-10.
22
Its widespread popularity and influence inspired numerous other Pilate

narratives, such as Anaphora Pilati, Paradosis Pilati, Mors Pilati and the

Vindicta Salvatoris. The Gospel of Nicodemus and the Vindicta Salvatoris

frequently occur together in manuscripts.

The popularity of the Veronica legend, and the Vindicta Salvatoris in

particular, can be related to the changes in medieval spirituality. During the early

Middle Ages God was depicted in Old Testament terms as a stem exacting

Judge, and people were rewarded or condemned depending on their works. This

conception of God changed, particularly from the twelfth century onwards, with

the recognition of a need for "affectivity in the exercise of power" .16 Religious

writers increasingly spoke of the imperfection of humans and how we could be

saved only through the grace of God. This change in medieval views of God

found expression through the use of maternal images for God. Anselm of

Canterbury describes Jesus and Paul as mothers to the souls of sinners, reviving

them at their breasts. Mothers love their children so much that they are willing to

risk death in childbearing, and likewise Christ's devotion to human souls was so

strong that He endured crucifixion to save them. 17 Bernard of Clairvaux

develops this maternal imagery, using it to describe prelates, abbots and himself,

as well as Christ. He uses the image of a mother's breasts to convey how he and

other religious figures display affectivity and provide instruction for others. 18

16 Walker Bynum (1982) p.166.

17 Walker Bynum (1982) p.I13.

18 Walker Bynum (1982) p.115.

23
The maternal side of Christ and male religious figures complements their

positions of authority. It is this affectivity which allows hwnans in their sin to

bridge the gap with the Divine and be saved. The story of Veronica would have

appealed to people who believed this, as Veronica was healed not through her

works but as a result of her love for Christ. Christ bestows on her a veil which

has His likeness imprinted on it as a reward for her great love (lines 161-4). The

Vindicta Salvatoris is a text which contains the story of Veronica which

expresses the affectivity of Christ, and also the older view of God as stern Judge

who punishes the Jews for executing Christ. There can be no doubt but that the

writer of the Vindicta Salvatoris and its various compilers and translators

believed fervently in the justness of the military campaign in Judaea and that it

was undertaken in order to avenge Christ's Passion. After all when Vespasian

responds to Titus' request to join him and bring a large army Titus explains:

Quod Iesus venit in hunc mundwn, et in Iudaea in loco qui dicitur

Bethleem natus est, et traditus fuit a Iudais et flagellatus et crucifixus in
clavario monte, et tertia die resurrexit a mortuis: et viderunt ewn
discipuli eius in eadem carne qua natus est: et manifestavit se discipulis
eius, et crediderunt in eium. Et nos quidem volwnus discipuli eius fieri.
Nunc eamus at deleamus inimicos eius de terra, ut nunc cognoscant quia
non est similis domino deo nostro super faciem terrae: 9 (Evangelia
Apocrypha 1853 pp.452-3)

It is in this spirit and with constant allusions to Christ's Passion, the Vernicle

and the power of Our Lord to heal and help his followers to overcome

19 Do you know that Jesus came into this world, and in a placein Judaea which is called Bethlehem was
born, and that He was seized by the Jews and whipped and crucified on Mount Calvary, and on the third
day again He rose from the dead: and his disciples saw Him in the same flesh that He was before: and He
revealed himself to His disciples, and they believed in Him. And we two will become His disciples. Let
us now go and destroy His earthly enemies, because they do not recognise now that there is none like our
lord God over the face of the earth.

24
difficulties that the narrative progresses. The Vindicta Salvatoris is intended to

highlight the justness of the war and Christians' duty to wipe out the enemies of

God and in this respect stands in marked contrast to the Siege ofJerusalem.

One other feature of medieval spirituality that influenced the popularity

of the Vindicta Salvatoris and of the Veronica legend was the enthusiasm for

relics. This increased throughout the period and from the twelfth century

onwards was a matter of great import. The bodies of saints and ecclesiastics

were frequently divided into relics, while those of kings were divided so that

their influence could be more widespread. 2o Miracles involving stigmata and

uncorrupted cadavers were quite common in lives of Saints. By the early

fourteenth century the graves of holy men and women were opened in order to

search for signs of holiness. To a society interested in the hunt for relics, a story

which focused on a cloth containing the image of God would have an obvious

appeal. There are two important points to be gleaned from all this: firstly, the

Siege of Jerusalem poet uses as a source the Vindicta Salvatoris, an extremely

popular text, which exists in various forms. Secondly, this source text was part

of two rich living traditions, the legends of Veronica and Pilate, which inspired

many texts and works of art and appealed to medieval spirituality. By selecting

material from a Latin religious text, rather than a French romance, the poet gives

his composition an air of authenticity. Furthermore, his use of the Vindicta

Salvatoris as a source placed the poem firmly in the milieu of two of the most

20 Walker Bynum (1995) pp.203-6.

25
popular traditions both spiritually and artistically, which means that some

readers/listeners would immediately recognise the story and characters. This

would have given the poem added resonances, and also set up comparisons

between the poet's interpretation and alternative interpretations of the same

material, similar to anyone version of the Arthur legend.

There is considerable variation between the versions of the Vindicta

Sa/vatoris, which exists in many manuscripts (including six which survive in the

British Library, three in the Bodleian Library and nine at Cambridge), and was

translated into Anglo-Saxon, but it is possible to divide them into two versions

of the text, an early recension such as that printed by Tischendorf, which dates

from the ninth century onwards (Version A), and a later one contained in

manuscripts of thirteenth and fourteenth century date (Version B).21 The main

differences between the two versions concern the fate of Pilate and the mission

of Velosian. In the early account Pilate is simply imprisoned in Damascus, while

in the later recension he is brought to Rome and imprisoned at Vienne, where he

later commits suicide. Version B omits Velosian, a character who featured

prominently in Version A, and Tiberius' conversion narrated at the end of

Version A is also excluded in the later recension. Version A is longer than

Version B on account of the lengthy narratives of Velosian's mission and

21 Until the thirteenth century English manuscripts generally contain Latin Redaction A, then they switch
to French versions and Redaction B (Collett 1981, p.42). Jackson J. Campbell (1982) p.158 notes that
there is clear evidence of direct literary use of material from the Gospel of Nicodemus by the fourteenth
century. This is due to the fact that it reached its peak of popularity in England in the fourteenth and
fifteenth centuries. when it was copied and translated frequently, and printed eight times before 1537
(Izydorczyk 1985, p.79). See Marx. (1995) pp.389-98 on the earliest editions of the Middle English Gospel
of Nicodemus.

26
Tiberius' conversion. Although the recension of Pilate's fate In Version B IS

substantial, it does not make up the shortfall.

It is not possible to identify any extant manuscript of the ~ Tindicta

Salvatoris as the redaction used by the poet. All that is certain is that he used a

text of Version B. I have not tried to look at all the different texts·, for my.

purposes it is enough to show that he used this version. I have compared the

poem to four versions of the text, two of Version A (the Latin text printed by

Tischendorf and the Anglo-Saxon text) and two of Version B (BL Ms. Roy 9 A

XIV and BL Ms. Roy 8 E XVII) to establish which was the closest. I found that

the Siege ofJerusalem includes the fate of Pilate, but does not mention Velosian

or the conversion of Tiberius, making it clear that the poet was working from the

text of Version B. Kolbing and Day note that the Siege ofJerusalem poet did not

include Volusian's mission, but fail to link this to the redaction of the Vindicta

Salvatoris which the poet is using. 22 Essentially, they compare the Siege of

Jerusalem to the hypothetical text of the Vindicta Salvatoris, which they have

constructed on the basis of Tischendorfs text, the Anglo-Saxon text, and three

British Library manuscripts, but not to any individual text or family of texts.23

They thus fail to note the possibility that the poet was working from Version B,

22 The Siege of Jerusalem (1932) p.xix. All references are to this edition, the most easily available printed
edition. Hanna and Lawton's new edition has not yet been published and Hoyt N. Duggan's edition on the
internet is merely a partially revised version of Kolbing and Day's 1932 EETS text. Lines 521-724 have
been re-edited by Turville-Petre in Alliterative Poetry of the Later Middle Ages (1989). I shall refer to the
poem as the Siege of Jerusalem in order to distinguish it from the later prose version of the story which I
shall allude to as The Prose Siege ofJerusalem (see Chapter Four).

2J They do note that Pilate's suicide is present in the British Library manuscripts. but suggest that it possibl:

came from the Polychronicon. See section below on the Polychronicon. In the Polychronicon IV (18?::!)
Chapter 4 pp. 364-6 the Jews accuse Pilate of executing the innocent and erecting false idols. This leads to
his imprisonment. This version of Pilate's end is, therefore, dissimilar to that in the poem.
27
which was current in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. As we have seen.

there is considerable variation between the texts, which indicates that the

Vindicta Salvatoris was constantly evolving. It is therefore unlikely that a lost

archetype incorporating all the information that is available in different surviving

texts once existed.

The alliterative poet has on the whole remained quite faithful to Version

B of the Vindicta Salvatoris, where he has used it in lines 1-200 and 1293-1334,

although he has made some omissions. The emphasis of these sections of the

Siege ofJerusalem is very different, though, and this is because of the context in

which the Vindicta Salvatoris material has been placed, and its positioning in the

poem.

Apart from the obvious appeal of the miraculous, stories of conversion

and of saints validated Christianity and the position of the Church. It made the

following of dogma seem splendid and noble, rather than interminable and

mundane. Fundamentally, it provided people with spiritual hero(ine)-figures,

rather like modem sporting and musical hero(ine)s, whom countless teenagers

try to emulate. We learn in the Siege of Jerusalem of Titus' (lines 169-90) and

Vespasian's (lines 229-52) conversion and miraculous cure (in the Vindicta

Salvatoris of Titus' miraculous cure and his and Vespasian's conversion). Both

these figures are baptised once converted, and it is obvious that this is intended

to promote the importance of the sacrament of baptism. The wasps in

Vespasian's nose are an addition by the poet based on another source, which wi II

28
be discussed later. These two conversions incorporate the same features: the

relation of Christ's biography (Nathan to Titus lines 90-168, Vespasian lines

205-8), the sudden healing of the scabs (lines 173-6, 249-52), and the vow to

avenge Christ (lines 181-4, 972-8). The Siege of Jerusalem poet feels that the

episode of Titus' cure and conversion in the Vindicta Salvatoris is so important

that he duplicates it with regard to Vespasian, turning to another text for the
24
second cure. He obviously wished to emphasise the importance of being healed

through faith. The influence of medieval spirituality is evident here in that the

poet seems to be making the point that with God's help we can overcome human

frailty. These incidents convey how the power of God's word is truly marvellous

and can surmount anything. They suggest that God cares for His people, but also

that the vengeance of Christ's death was justified. This raises questions over the

poet's treatment of the Jews, which as we shall see later, is not harsh, in that he

downplays anti-Semitism, providing us on the whole with a more historical

account. 25 This comes across clearly in the incident of Mary and her son (lines

1065-96), which will be discussed at length in Chapter Five, where the poet

modifies the episode to show her in a more understanding light. The poet

appears to be suggesting that spiritual blindness and failure to stand up for the

Christian faith is not to be tolerated. This is not the fault of the Jewish people,

who merely follow their tyrannical leaders with misgivings, suffering greatly in

24The only other redaction to include the two conversions is David Aubert's translation of the Legenda
Aurea which dates from the fifteenth century.

-'" See Chapter Three.

29
the process?6 Although the poet is by no means in favour of Judaism, he can at

least make a distinction among Jews, seeing some as victims and some as

villains. Furthennore, the Jewish leaders are not the only evil characters in the

poem; there are others such as Nero.

The role of Veronica in the Siege of Jerusalem is quite small, unlike in

the Vindicta Salvatoris, as is noticed by Kolbing and Day in the EETS

27
introduction. The probable reason for this is that is Veronica loves Christ and

there are therefore no stories relating to how she is converted. The poet is

interested in people's motivation and thus he examines in detail what caused

Titus and Vespasian to believe in Christianity. Furthennore, by simply alluding

to her the poet knew that he could evoke the legend due to its widespread

popularity. Significantly, she is one of only two women named in the narrative,

the other being Mary the starving mother. Women are depicted as saintly and! or

mothers in this work in accord with the archetype for women, the Virgin Mary

(alluded to, though not named, in lines 100-4). During the course of the tale the

poet conveys how these nonnal roles of women are subverted, just as he throws

the concept of masculine heroism into disarray by focusing on its squalid and

inglorious aspects. The poet is using this abnonnal behaviour to highlight the

26 Until the twelfth century most theologians believed that the Jews who executed Christ were ignorant
of His true nature. At this time writers such as Anslem of Laon started to distinguish between the
leaders of the Jews and the ordinary members of the population, arguing that the latter were completely
ignorant and that the former knew that He was the Messiah, but failed to realise He was divine. Later in
the thirteenth century Duns Scotus and Nicholas Lyre removed these distinctions. Their crime was
therefore intentional and thus in the thirteenth century the traditional policy of toleration of the Jews \\ as
abandoned. (Cohen 1983, pp.I-27). This is discussed in greater detail in Chapter Three.

27 The Siege ofJerusalem (1932) p.xix.

30
problems caused by violent conflict. In order to do this effectively he first

establishes a standard by which to judge women, represented by Veronica and

the Virgin Mary, and another standard for men, the heroic ideal and true figures

of authority.

Human beings and institutions are frail and weak in comparison to God's

power, which is emphasised at lines 39-40 where we learn that no doctor is able

to help Titus or Vespasian:

Nas }Jer no leche vpon lyue, }Jis lordes cou}J helpe,

Ne no grace growyng to gayne here grym sores.

They are healed by their faith, for once they believe in God they are restored to

health like Veronica. It is interesting that although Veronica does not playa large

role in the Siege ofJerusalem, she is mentioned by Nathan in response to Titus'

plea for a cure, as in Version B. However, in the Siege of Jerusalem she is

alluded to before Christ, and it would appear that we are meant to note how her

love for Him cured her. Not only does Jesus heal her, but on account of her great

affection for Him he leaves her the Verniele which has healing properties.

Nathan nyckes hym with nay, sayde, he non cou}Je:

"Bot were }Jou, kyng, in }Jat ku}J}Je }Jer }Jat Crist deyed,
Per is a worlich wif, a womman ful elene,
pat ha}J softyng and salue for eche sore out." (89-92)

The Siege of Jerusalem poet uses the Vindicta Salvatoris material at the

beginning and end of his poem with a few additions. In these two sections he

emphasises one point above all else, the value of staunch faith and the despair of

its absence. In lines 1325-30 we learn of Pilate's suicide. along with his

31
interrogation and the selling of the Jews, incidents which have been carefully

selected by the poet from the last part of Version B of the Vindicta Sall'atoris.

The poem focuses on this opposition between resolute faith and the despair of its

absence, and this leads the poet to omit the events surrounding Pilate's burial. as

they merely depict Christians in a vulnerable position, fearful and suffering

calamities due to the corpse of an evil person. Judas acts as a correlative to

Pilate, and thus the poet chooses to add an allusion to his fate at lines 149-52.

although it is not mentioned in the Vindicta Salvatoris:

I>e laste man was vnlele and luper of his dedis,

Judas, pat Jesu Crist to pe Jewes solde;
Sup hymsulf he slowe for sorow of pat dede,
His body on a balwe tree to-breste on pe myddel.

Suicide is the result of despair, and despair was believed in the Middle Ages to

be a manifestation of sloth, one of the seven deadly sins. By taking one's own

life one was consigned to eternal damnation. This was the basis of the poet's

comment on Pilate's suicide and on that of Othis:

And so pe kaytif as his kynde corsedlich deied. (1330)

I>an he 3eldep Sathanas pe soule and hym-self quelled. (932)

One can infer from these remarks that the poet felt that suicide was the action of

a guilty man with a lost soul. Indeed, all four men who take their own lives in the

Siege of Jerusalem, Pilate, Judas, Nero and Othis, fit this description. Othis, for

instance, murders the emperor, Galba, and accedes to the imperial throne, but

after a mere three months in charge living with burden of this crime he can

endure life no longer. Thus opposing Christ was not wise. something the Jewish

32
leaders and partisans learn to their cost. It is significant that the poet adds the

allusion to Judas at the beginning of the poem, because Judas is the classic case

of despair and this allusion establishes how we are to interpret the later suicides

ofOthis, Nero and Pilate. 28 There are obvious parallels between Judas and Pilate

- Judas betrays Christ, surrendering Him to face execution, while Pilate

condemns Him to death. The despair of Pilate and Judas is a measure of the

absence of virtue. In contrast to Judas and Pilate, Titus and Vespasian believe in

Christ, and with His help they conquer Judaea and destroy Jerusalem. The

demise of Nero and Othis and the suicide of 700 Jews in the central section of

the poem keeps the theme of suicide and despair to the fore.

It is the first two hundred lines of the Siege of Jerusalem which owe the

greatest debt to the Vindicta Salvatoris. The scene is set during the reign of

Tiberius, after Christ's crucifixion and torture, when Nathan is sent on a mission

to Rome, and has the misfortune to be caught in a huge storm and driven to the

harbour of Bordeaux. The ailing Titus spies the ship and demands of Nathan a

cure. Nathan responds with stories of Christ's wonderful deeds, which quickly

win the heart and mind of Titus, leading to his cure and his subsequent vow to

avenge Christ. Yet even here there are differences: to begin with, although the

events of Christ's life occurred during the reign of Tiberius, it is now forty years

later and Nero is emperor, which is more historical and is derived from one of

the poet's other major sources, the Polychronicon. Nero is not mentioned in the

28 See below for a discussion of the mass suicide of 700 Jews.

33
Vindicta Salvatoris, nor in most versions of Roger D'Argenteuil's work. The

poet also makes other changes in the interests of historicity: Nathan's mission is

to tell Nero that the Jews have decided to withhold tribute, not to pledge their

allegiance to their Roman overlords as in the Vindicta Salvatoris. Both these

changes are important as the issue of the tribute, which is mentioned on three

occasions provides the Romans with an added motive for attacking Jerusalem, a

political and historical reason which is less noble. The second alteration

introduces an unsavory character who is not Jewish but Roman, suggesting that

neither side is completely blameless or blameworthy. Lines 6-18 relate Christ's

execution in greater detail than the brief initial reference in the Vindicta
29
Salvatoris. From these changes the purpose of the Siege of Jerusalem is

evident: the poet wishes to bring out the contradictions latent in the story of the

destruction of Jerusalem. He juxtaposes the historical reality behind the Roman

campaign in Judaea with the Christian interpretation of it in the Vindicta

Salvatoris. The result of this is that the poem he composes raises questions about

the motivations of those who engage in warfare and about war-making itself. He

shows that there is more than one way of viewing any conflict, that both sides

contain desirable and undesirable elements. He expands these ideas in the course

of the narrative.

The poet expands the reference to the storm and north winds in the

Vindicta Salvatoris into an elaborate description (lines 51-72). Allowing for the

29 The J'indicta Salvatoris does not need to refer in detail to Christ's life at this point, because it alludes
to His birth, Passion, and miracles constantly as it relates the story of the destruction of Jerusalem. The
Siege ofJerusalem. on the other hand does not.
34
fact that such descriptions are common in poetry, especially alliteratiye poetry.-~II

and that the poet delights in descriptive sequences, it does convey the power of

God and explain how Nathan came to be in Bordeaux. The clouds clatter as if

they would wrench apart and Nathan lies helpless beneath the hatches in fear.

while the vessel hastens along towards unknown shores. Yet all the crew sUfyiYe

the journey, though they have no sail and the ship rolls at dangerous angles over

the waves. "With mychel langour atte Iaste , as our lorde wolde" they reach the

safety of Bordeaux harbour (line 71). The storm epitomises power in terms of

wind, noise and destructive force. God's power is also evident in His ability to

protect those whom He wishes in the face of such destruction, and to have them

reach the precise destination He intends. Despite Kolbing and Day's comparison

of the storm with that in Patience lines 137-64, and the Destruction of Troy lines
1
1983-96/ the three descriptions bear only a generic resemblance to each other.

Nicolas Jacobs,32 after careful consideration of the phraseology and thematic

correspondences of the sea-storms in these and other alliterative poems,

concludes that it is most likely that they simply share a common pool of literary

formulae based on Latin models. Nevertheless, Kolbing and Day rightly note a

parallel between Jonah and Nathan, in that each is overtaken on a sea-voyage by

a storm sent by God. Jonah was already chosen as a messenger by God prior to

30 Jacobs (1972) p.700.

31 The Siege ofJerusalem ( 1932) pp.xxix-xxx.

l~ Jacobs (1972) pp.700-12.

35
this voyage, a task which he was trying to avoid by fleeing far over the sea.

God's purpose with regard to Nathan only becomes clear after Nathan has

reached the port of Bordeaux. The sea-storm is used to teach Jonah a lesson, that

he cannot hide from God, while it transpires at the end of the storm in the Siege

of Jerusalem that it is a means of conveying Nathan to the court of Vespasian.

God is not depicted simply as a stem judge in the latter poem, but as caring in

addition to being mighty. In the Siege ofJerusalem Nathan instructs Titus in the

tenets of the Christian faith and this results in his cure, while in Patience Jonah's

mission is to inform the immoral inhabitants to amend their behaviour or suffer

the wrath of God. However, the poem presents us with a bifurcated impression

of this episode, as although God transports Nathan to Bordeaux his mission is

not solely divine. Nathan brings, both newsJof Christianity and of the fact that the

Jews have withheld the tribute due to their Roman overlords. Thus political,

historical and religious elements are intertwined providing a context for later

events that is not clear-cut and forcing readers/ listeners to evaluate the events

which the poem narrates.

Roger D 'Argenleuil's Bible en Franfois

When he wishes to depart radically from the Vindicta Salvatoris he turns to

another text, the Bible en Franr;ois. Vespasian's illness and subsequent cure first

appeared in De Pylato, as we have seen. Following in this tradition comes Roger

36
D'Argenteuil's Bible en Fram;ois, a thirteenth-century text compiled from many

religious sources, including the Speculum Historiale, Tractatus de Planctu

Beatae Maria Virgin is, Gospel of Nicodemus, Vie des Anciens Peres, C'est dOli

Pere qui son Filz enseigne, the legend of Veronica (La Venjance .Vustre

Seigneur, Robert de Boron's Joseph D'Arimathie and derivatives). Roman

D'Alexandre and the legend of the Cross (the thirteenth-century Latin Legende

and La Queste del Saint Graal or L 'Estoire del Saint Graal). Phyllis Moe

suggests 1260-70 as the most likely date for the French text, since the oldest

manuscript dates from 1270 and C'est dou Pere qui son Filz enseigne, one of its

sources, is unlikely to have been written much before 1260.33 There is a late

fifteenth-century Middle English translation in the London dialect of the biblical

and legendary sections of the Bible en Franc;ois, and Hanna notes that Bodleian

Library Ms. Fairfax 24/hiCh contains a copy of the French text originated near
34
Bolton Abbey, so it could have been available to the poet. Besides, there is no

question but that the poet followed the Bible en Franc;ois quite closely.35 There

are thirteen manuscripts of the French text, nine unabridged and five abridged, as

well as four manuscripts containing the excerpted narrative of the legend of

Veronica from the unabridged version. Moe distinguishes two distinct groups x

31 The M. E. Prose Translation of Roger D'Argenteui!'s Bible en Fran~ois (1977) p.31.

1411anna (1992 a) p.115. See in addition Moe (1963) pp.142-61 on the Cleveland Public Library Ms.W qu
91.92-c468 (Aldenham Ms.) ofthe Bible en Fran~ois.

3' Phyllis Moe first discovered that the Bible en Fran~ois is a source of the Siege of.lcnisalem. Sec \1oc
(1970) pp.147-54: (1974) pp.555-60: (1963) pp.161-8.

37
and y, neither of which, she says, represents the original text. 36 Even within these

two families of manuscripts there is some variation, particularly with regard to

chapter division. The extant manuscript of the Middle English translation is later

than the manuscripts of the French text, and is based on a lost French manuscript

from the y group. The Bible en Fram;ois is a work of moral instruction, aimed at

teaching the Christian faith. The fact that it was written in a vernacular language

suggests that it was aimed at a wider audience than just the clergy. The Bible en

Fram;ois is not solely composed of didactic writing, but also includes a great

deal of narrative based on personal histories: the story of Adam and Eve, the

lives of some important Old Testament figures, the legend of the cross, the story

of Veronica and the destruction of Jerusalem. The remainder of the text deals

with the Trinity, the nature of the sun and the moon, the sacraments of baptism,

communion and confession, the signs of the Last Judgement, confession and

prayer, as well as a dialogue between father and son. The purpose of the work is

to prepare the reader for salvation through expounding the Christian faith and

detailing the necessary actions for each person?7

Phyllis Moe has already demonstrated beyond doubt that the Bible en
38
Fram;ois is the source of lines 201-60 and lines 321-724. What interests me is

how the Siege ofJerusalem poet used this source and what this tells us, how the

36 The M. E. Prose Translation of Roger D'Argenteuil's Bible en Fram;ois (1977) pp.13-9. See La
/'engeance de Nostre-Seigneur. The Old and Middle French Versions: The Cura Sanitatis Tiberii... (1993)
pp.74-138.

37 The M.E. Prose Translation of Roger D'Argenteui/'s Bible en Frallfois (1977) pp.8-9.

18 Moe (1970) pp.I.t7-54: (1963) pp.161-8.

38
poet has selected certain incidents and omitted others, and his purpose in doing

so. He includes material in a different order, and although on the whole he

adheres closely to his source, he is not averse to changing the story-line when it

suits his purpose.

This is an interesting choice of source out of the many available to the

poet, suggesting that he wished to instruct his readers, as he used material from

an instructional text rather than a romance such as La Venjance Nostre Seigneur.

The Bible en Fran~ois may not have had the same authority as the Vindicta

Salvatoris, but it was certainly a respected and popular pedagogical work. His

use of this text also suggests that he was interested in human motivation, value

systems and moral issues such as just warfare. His contemporary, the author of

Titus and Vespasian, bases his composition on this French romance and the

orientation of his work is popular sensationalism and religious propaganda.

An important feature of the Bible en Fran~ois is the absence of Titus and

the function given to Vespasian, a role based on Robert de Boron's poem, where

Vespasian is depicted as the son of Emperor Caesar and Titus is mentioned but

once. Vespasian's desire for a relic which had been touched by Christ was

inspired by the prose Joseph D'Arimathie. 39 The Siege of Jerusalem has two

important Roman generals, Titus and Vespasian, with Vespasian taking over in

importance once the poem starts to follow the Bible en Fran~ois and then Titus

39 The AlE. Prose Translation of Roger D 'Argenteuil 's Bible en Fram;ois (1977) pp.2.t-5.

39
taking over entirely in the latter part of the Siege ofJerusalem which is based on

passages from the Polychronicon.

The Roman generals in the Siege of Jerusalem are equitable figures of

authority, deriving their power from God who healed them. Opposing them on

the Jewish side are Caiaphas, Pilate, John and Simon, who are tyrants causing

untold misery for their subjects. The Siege ofJerusalem poet follows the lead of

the Bible en Franr;ois in his depiction of Caiaphas. Caiaphas was an important

figure in the Middle Ages, although not so important as Pilate, and like the latter

he was designated as both good and bad. Generally he is a villain, as in the Bible

en Franr;ois, but he is also deemed a prophet as in the Middle English poem

Cayphas, and featured in the Christian liturgy at Salisbury Cathedral and

elsewhere. 4o He acquired the role of prophet through the elaboration of the Palm-

Sunday liturgy, where he prophesies what will happen to Christ. Through using

the Bible en Franr;ois, the poet manages to create an authority role for Caiaphas,

a position of power derived from ostentatious wealth and the use of masters of

law, clever, devious men. They read from the book of Moses, recite the Psalms

of David, and relate the stories of Joshua and Judas. They will not humble

themselves as Vespasian demands, but prefer to fight, using exotic animals such

as elephants and camels. Fabulous beasts or followers are usually an indication

that something is amiss, like Lucius' Saracens and Ethiopians in the Alliterative

Morte Arthure. The marvellous represents something on the fringes of society,

40 Brown (19\3) pp.114-6.

40
forces which are not fully understood or controlled. 41 Oriental imagery and

suggestions of brutality are frequently used in romances and histories to

distinguish heroes from their enemies as otherwise it would be difficult to

esteem one side over the other as both believed in the same warrior ethos.42 The

Siege of Jerusalem poet also retains the despicable humiliation of Vespasian's

messengers at the hands of Caiaphas, with a view to illustrating the depravity of

43
the Jewish leader. The Jews tie the arms of the twelve messengers behind their

backs and then proceed to strip them of their clothes, shear off their hair and

beards and blacken them with blackening (blood). Finally, they hang a cheese

around each one's neck (lines 257-64). The picture this incident provides us with

is almost comic in its portrayal of the ludicrous state the Romans are reduced to

and the bathetic note on which it ends. The messengers are not injured in any

way, except that their pride has been dealt a blow. Indeed their treatment

resembles a prank which might be played on a stag night. Vespasian erupts in

fury, though, deciding to attack the Jews on the morrow with great force,

conveying how the dignity of a warrior is an important aspect of his life. The

effect of this episode and the real reason why the poet choose to include it is that

41 The heroes of romances, such as King Arthur and his knights, are never described as fighting with
camels and bizarre equipment. Furthermore in travel literature strange faraway locations about which
little was known were described as filled with weird and wonderful inhabitants and animals. See
Goodman ( 1998) pp.45-82 on the use of exotic elements and monsters in romance.

42 See Chapter Three.

~J This episode displays the possible influence of Ogier Ie Danais on the French writer (The ,\( £. Prose
Translation a/Roger D'Argenteuil's Bible en Franr;ois 1977, p.28).

41
it renders the war less glamorous, highlighting the sordid side of fighting and the

difficulty of maintaining one's honour.

For the same reason Titus' and Vespasian's actions during the course of

the siege are not seen as unquestionably glorious. This relates not to faults in

them personally but to the nature of the armed conflict in which they are

involved and what it forces them to do. The poem sympathises with their

enemies, the Jews, on several occasions. For instance, it pities the ordinary

Jewish citizens when they suffer despair or torment such as when they respomd

to the execution of Caiaphas and his clerics (lines 689-724).44 At this point the

poem clearly distinguishes between their wicked leaders who deserve to be

punished and the ordinary folk who are made to suffer excessively for the crimes

of their leaders. This incident in the Siege of Jerusalem follows the French text

quite closely. Caiaphas' punishment was suggested to the French writer by an

episode in the three L 'Estoire del Saint Graal manuscripts, which add to the

story in the Prose Joseph D'Arimathie the episode dealing with Caiaphas' capture

and execution. The Bible en Fran~ois writer elaborated on the punishment

sequence through the addition of details possibly inspired by Gui de Cambrai's

45
Vengement Alixandre and Jehan Ie Nevelon's Venjance Alixandre. The Siege of

Jerusalem poet selected this episode, as not only are Caiaphas and his followers

44 The sutTering that the Jewish priests undergo is important as fragmentation represents evil and despair,
while wholeness signifies Paradise, thus saints endure horrid torture at the hands of their persecutors -
frequently dismemberment of some sort, which they will overcome with God's aid at the final
Resurrection. These men will not of course be able to overcome their dismemberment as they are not
Christians. See Chapter Five.

45 711e AI E. Prose Translation of Roger D'Argenteuil's Bible en Franr;ois ( 1977) pp.28.

42
executed in a gruesome manner, but their execution is carried out in a way

calculated to destroy the morale of those in the city, a fonn of pyschological

torture and a rather underhand, sordid and inglorious way of subduing the

defenders of Jerusalem. The English poet adds in certain details which raise

questions about the justness of the Romans' actions - the viciousness of the

executions and the extreme sorrow they provoke in ordinary citizens (700 jump

from the walls and kill themselves in despair). They gloat at the despair of the

Jews:

"per is doust [to] 30ur drynke!" a duke to hem criep

And bade hem bible of pat brop for pe bischopes soule. (lines 719-20)

The fact that the jeering is linked to the mass suicide of a sizable number of

ordinary Jews (highlighted in the Middle English text through the specific

number given to those who do so) suggests that it was intended to illustrate a

barbarous side to the Romans and raise sympathy for the Jews. There is a clear

distinction to be made between the self-destruction of these people and the

deaths of Judas, Pilate, Nero and Othis. All four men are explicitly stated as

having committed great crimes: Judas betrayed Christ, Pilate ordered His

execution, Nero killed a whole host of people and Othis murdered Galba.

None of these 700 ordinary Jews have done anything of the kind. Of course

suicide is a deadly sin in the eyes of medieval society no matter what the

circumstances. The poet is using this episode of mass suicide to indicate the

horrendous actions to which people are driven by warfare. Although the laws

of war permit horrific punishments for those besieged and unwilling to

43
surrender, the emphasis upon the reactions of the people - the Jews' despair

and the gloating of the Romans - suggest that the poet intends the nature of the

executions to reflect negatively on the Romans. Furthennore, it is possible to

find echoes of heroic vaunts in these lines. The poet wished to raise such ideas

in the minds of his audience, while at the same time presenting them in a

context where their legitimacy is called into question.

The poet continually problematises his narrative, for though he

sympathises with ordinary Jews, he clearly does not favour their leaders. He

omits Pilate's role in the Bible en Fran~ois, where Pilate surrenders and

disassociates himself from the crucifixion of Christ. The Bible en Fran~ois

Pilate claims that he was imprisoned for refusing to condemn Christ. The Siege

of Jerusalem Pilate remains a villain, a false figure of authority, like Caiaphas.

True authority is derived from God; that all other authority is false appears to be

the theme of the power struggle between Titus and Vespasian on the one side

and the Jewish leaders on the other.

The figure of St. Peter is retained, though, by the Siege ofJerusalem poet

from the Bible en Fran~ois. He preaches, converts and baptises the citizens of

Rome. The French writer based St. Peter's role on those of St. Clement and Gai

in La Venjance Nostre Seigneur, and the pilgrim in Robert de Boron's Joseph

D'Arimathie. 46 St. Peter's role is of the utmost importance, because it establishes

the authority of the Church. Veronica humbly submits herself and the Vernic Ie to

46 The ,\ I £. Prose Translation of Roger D:·1rgenteui!'s Bible en Fran~ois (1977) p.26.

44
his care as he is an appropriate figure to have the responsibility of the relic.

Furthermore, the Roman emperor and generals turn to him as a figure of

authority for guidance and advice.

The other feature of the French text which particularly appealed to the

English poet was the presence of wonderful descriptive sequences, such as the

description of Vespasian's standard, Caiaphas' elephant, the elaborate tortures

and the procession with the Vernicle in Rome. The alliterative poet is very fond

of visual and auditory affects, as we have already seen with the storm sequence

at the beginning. Lines 260-320 appear to be original, though they are possibly

based on a lost (French or Latin) source. At lines 278-90 we find a wonderful

description of the Romans readying themselves for the forthcoming campaign,

and a brief mention of Vespasian's emblem, a dragon of gold. It is also likely that

this section is an innovation of the poet's, inspired by the description of

Vespasian's standard (a construction used for holding fighting men) in lines 381-

440 and in the Bible en Franfois (Chapter 20 p.78 line 21- p.79 line 27), which

is developed using traditional formulae. The passages, although different,

proceed in a similar manner and the significance of both is the same, to convey

the power ofVespasian and how he will overcome the Jews. Lines 261-76 deal

with Nero's annoyance at the loss oftrlbute, and lines 297-300 with the selection

of Titus and Vespasian as generals for the Judaea campaign, and how no Jew

shall ever be king in Judaea, indicating that the poet is interested in the historical

motivation for the siege, and in the Christian mission of both Titus and

45
Vespasian. These innovations are presumably inspired by the poet's concern with

the historicity of the story.

Josephus, Hegesippus and Higden's Polychronicon

This is confinned by his allusion to Josephus in line 308. Later, in lines 1321-2

the poet infonns us that Josephus journeys to Rome with Titus and spends the

rest of his days writing books based on what happened. These lines are based on

the Polychronicon (on which see below), a text which continuously refers to

Josephus as the authority on the war between the Jews and the Romans. Other

alterations made by the Siege ofJerusalem poet concern the battle itself; he finds

it necessary to move away from his French source at this point in order to create

a role for Titus and Sabyn, in accordance with his depiction of true figures of

authority and his concern with the validity of the heroic code.

Mary Hamel 47 argues that the story of the siege in the Siege ofJerusalem
48
can be traced back to Josephus' account in The Jewish War. This is

undoubtedly true, although the direct source is clearly to be Higden's

Polychronicon. 49 Josephus was himself an eye-witness of the events in Judaea;

47 Hamel (1992) p.179.

48 The original Greek version of The Jewish War was all but unknown in the Middle Ages. The work was
available through a Latin translation, which has, unfortunately, not been printed in a modem edition. I ha.. ~
therefore had to rely on Thackeray's edition of the Greek text with his parallel English translation. Since I
have used an English translation of the text, I shall refer to this work using the English title. All references
are to The Jewish War (1927-8).

49All references to the Polychronicon IV (1872) ~xcept where it is indicated that they come from the
Polychronicon I (1865).

46
we owe most of our knowledge of the proceedings to his account. 50 The Je'wish

War, however, is about not one war but two: the war with Rome, and the war

between the Jewish Zealots and the rest of the population which escalates during

the three and a half years covered by the work, ultimately degenerating into

factional warfare. Josephus himself fell victim to these internal divisions and

was removed from his position by those in Jerusalem. He perceived Roman

victory as inevitable, with Vespasian the chosen agent of God, and Titus also a

recipient of special divine grace. Once completed, the Roman-orientated history

was presented to the Flavian emperors who were impressed with its accuracy

and perspective and encouraged its circulation.

In the prologue we learn that The Jewish War is a translation of an earlier

work which Josephus composed in Aramaic for the "Upper Barbarians". The

new rendition in Greek was intended, he informs us, to dispel misconceptions of

the events based on hearsay. 51 Greek was the medium he chose, firmly aligning

himself with the established tradition of historical writing, modelling his history

on The Punic War. The implication of all this is that Josephus, a man of varied

50 Josephus was of genteel lineage, numbering a Hasmonean princess among his ancestors on his father's
side, He was educated in the Pharisaic tradition and at nineteen he joined that sect. Later he entered the
Qumran community and Tessa Rajak suggests, having surveyed the evidence, that he perhaps spent but a
few months in each sect before moving to the next, having learnt what it had to teach. Subject to visions, he
described himself as a priest on account of this and his lineage. Thus he was a widely experienced man,
interested in different religious systems, but not firmly attached to any.
His character was also conditioned by the political context in which he grew up, which was based on the
co-operation between the Jewish ruling class and the Romans. This disintegrated as a result of the actions of
the Roman procurator Gessius Florus in the years A.D. 64-6, and Josephus' history narrates the breakdown
in relations between Rome and the Jewish elite. As a result of this fracas, Josephus was reluctantly drawn
into a war against Rome in his capacity as governor of Galilee. Rajak (1983), passim, gives a detailed
biography of Josephus. See Schilrer (1973) III: I, pp.I77-80, 186 and Brandon (1951), passim, on the
historical background of the period.

51 Stutt (1961) pp.21-5.

47
religious experience and conditioned by a political climate which had ceased to

exist, was writing for the mainstream of Roman society, for people far removed

from Judaea. Hence he writes in an accepted mode and is commended by the

emperors.

The Jewish War was an immensely popular piece, particularly in its Latin

translation, which was completed in the fifth century on the orders of

Cassiodorus who asserted that the works of Josephus belonged in the ideal

monastic library. In Die Flavius-Josephus-Tradition in Antike und Mittelalter

Heinz Schreckenberg discusses many of the authors who used or incorporated

some of Josephus' writings. 52 Jerome regarded him as of the same stature as

Livy, while during the abbacy of Odilo of Cluny he was numbered among those

whose work was incorporated into Lenten reading. He was, indeed, widely read

in monasteries and known to writers such as Bede, Alcuin, and Nicolas Trivet,

enjoying great popularity in Northern Europe (Northern France, the Netherlands,

and the Rhine region), where the largest concentration of illuminated twelfth-

century manuscripts of the Latin translation of his works is to be found. 53 During

the twelfth century, Northern Europe was fascinated by the Holy Land and it was

in this region that the crusades were organised. The Jewish War and the

Antiquitates Judaicae circulated together in large expensive manuscripts,

frequently in two volumes. Although more manuscripts of the Antiquitates

~2 Schreckenberg (1972) pp.68-171.

53 Cahn (1966) pp.295-3 10. See Usener (1951-2) pp.247-9 on the provenance of the manuscript of Josephus
in the John Rylands Library. and The Latin Josephus (1958) pp.15-6.

48
Judaicae than of The Jewish War have survived, Franz Blatt's The Latin

Josephus still lists twenty-three surviving manuscripts of The Jewish War in

England, one in Trinity College Dublin containing extracts, one fragment in

Oxford, and one of English origin in Valencia, which I have verified by

consulting the catalogues of manuscripts in the British Library, together with

those for Cambridge, Oxford, the John Rylands, the Hunterian Library in

Glasgow, Edinburgh, Worcester Cathedral, Salisbury Cathedral, Canterbury

Cathedral, Trinity College Dublin and Lambeth Palace Libraries. 54 There is only

one surviving fragment of a Greek Josephus in the United Kingdom, now in

Trinity College Cambridge. The Jewish War was written in good Latin, and the

translator obviously had a good knowledge of the Greek language and followed

the history closely, maintaining the idiom of the original. 55

Unusually, The Jewish War contains few references to authorities, unlike

Josephus' other major work, the Antiquitates Judaicae. Apparently, the fact that

Josephus was an eye-witness and an active participant lent enough authority to

his history.56 Yet this does not fully explain the popularity of The Jewish War

among the Romans. The answer lies in the fact that Josephus conceded that the

54 Hanna (1992 a) p.l13 alludes to fifteen. Manuscripts of the Latin translations of Josephus' works survive
from Italy, Switzerland, Gennany, Austria, France, Spain, Belgium, the Netherlands, Great Britain,
Denmark, Sweden, Czechoslovakia, and it was as Franz Blatt says the "chosen history book of the Middle
Ages" (The Latin Josephus 1958, pp. 22, 25). See further Manitas (1935) pp.207-13 and Williamson (1964)
p.311. Kisch (1938-9) pp.l 05-18 describes how his works inspired Talmudic legends and found their wa)
into the Sachsenspiegel, a compilation of Jewry law, the most important Gennan law-book of the Middle
Ages. Sanford (1935) pp.127-45 records the uses to which Josephus' works were put by later transcribers
and translators, both Christian and Jewish.

55 The Latin Josephus (1958) pp.18-24.

56 Sec Chapter Two for a discussion of the importance of eye-witness testimony. and Thackeray ( 1967)
p.311.

49
Jews were partially responsible for the war, that they rebelled against the la\\ful

lordship of Rome, and refused to pay the tribute they owed. The chronicle is a

diffuse account of the events of this campaign, with long digressions on Simon

and the Zealots, John and the Idumaeans. These groups did not find favour with

Josephus, who depicts in graphic detail the internal conflicts among different

factions in Judaea, especially in Jerusalem.

An older rendition in Latin of The Jewish War than that of the translation

ordered by Cassiodorus exists,57 composed in c.3 70 by Hegesippus, who was

frequently acknowledged with Josephus as an authority on the war.. 58 The

Hegesippi qui dicitvr Historiae Libri V is an abbreviated version of Josephus in

five books, with insertions of biblical analogies and Christian doctrine together

with material from other sources, such as Sallust and Tacitus. 59 The author

adapts Josephus' history to convey how Christians are now the recipients of

God's grace, and the history thus becomes an exemplary story of good

triumphing over evil. He was writing in the fourth century, by which time the

Romans had become christianised, and therefore follows the classical, rhetorical

tradition, and is overtly Christian. Since he knew Greek and also had an

57 See Lynch (1992) pp.85-9, 190 and Cassiodorus: Variae (1992) pp.xxiv, xxxvii-xxxviii, xlvii-Iiii on
Cassiodorus, and Southern (1970) pp.22, 41, 44-5, 48, 76 on the Church in this period.

58 Little is known about him, though speculation that he might be Ambrose is now known to be wrong.
Doubts have been raised over his name, as the name Hegesippus first occurs in a manuscript dating from the
ninth century, leading Albert A. Ball Jr. (1980) pp.60-4 and others to refer to the translator as Pseudo-
Hegesippus.

59 Elimar Klebs (1895) discusses the various sources used by Hegesippus, including on pages 212-6 how
lIegesippus abbreviated Josephus, condensing The Jewish War Books V-VII into Hegesippi qui dicitv,.
fiisloriae Libri V Book V; his derivations from classical authors, mainly Sallust and Tacitus on pages 216-

50
extensive knowledge of the classics and rhetoric, as well as an interest in

expounding Christian doctrine, it is likely that he was a monle There are ten

manuscripts of English provenance as well as two of non-English origin in

England, not all of which are complete. 6o This has led Richard H. Rouse, Mary

A. Rouse and R.A.B. Mynors to describe Hegesippus as "reasonably well-known

in Medieval England.,,61 His account focuses more on the destruction of

Jerusalem than on the war, with the result that large sections dealing with civil

strife and interesting digressions are omitted. The existence of metrical versions

of the work, such as Cambridge, Emmanuel College Ms.I.3.3, also testifies to its

popularity.62

The works of Hegesippus and Josephus were used by RanulfHigden63 in the

compilation of his Polychronicon. Higden designed his work to appeal to

contemporary taste, with its new vogue for antiquity, and it achieved instant

popularity. He compiled a very learned history, an encyclopaedia of information,

absorbing material from a wide number of sources, concentrating on earlier

centuries, with a broad focus not confmed to English history. Other chronicles

30; and on pages 238-41 his love and use of rhetoric. See Sanford (1935) p.134.All references are to
Hegesippi qui dicitvr Historiae Libri V (1932, 1966).

60 Manitas ( 1935) p.211 points out that there are nine references to manuscripts of Hegesippus in medieval
library catalogues in Great Britain.

61 Registrum Anglie De Libris Doctorum et Auctorum Veterum (1991) p.218.

62 Morin (1914-9) pp.174-8.

63 He was a Benedictine monk at the abbey of St. Werburgh in Chester, which he entered in 1299. By 1352
his histories had become so authoritative that Edward III summoned him to court with his chronicles. Apart
from the Polychronicon he compiled the Speculum Curatorum and Ars Componendi Sermones, a corpus
that elucidates where Higden's orientation lies: Christian doctrine. Like all medieval chroniclers. Higden
interpreted history as a working out of God's providentiaJ plan. The Polychronicon was written mainly in
the 1320s, though Higden was still working on it until his death in the I 360s.
51
like Geoffrey of Monmouth's Historia Regum Britaniae dealt with the legendary

founding of Britain or like William of Malmesbury's De Gestis Regum with

contemporary events. Higden enjoys the distinction of being the first in England

to deal with an extended view of world history, basing his account on a wide

variety of sources mainly in Latin. He was untutored in the Greek language, and

had to rely upon Latin versions of Josephus and Hegesippus for his knowledge

of events in first-century Judaea. 64 Higden is notable in distinguishing and

commenting on his sources; he differentiates between Josephus and Hegesippus

when he shifts between them. The Polychronicon was both popular and widely

available, with copies to be found in monasteries, cathedrals, and in the

possession of rich clergy, with the number and provenance of surviving

manuscripts bearing testimony to this. The fact that it was written in Latin

rendered it less accessible to a lay audience (although it was quickly translated

into Middle English), and this, combined with its dissemination among the

clergy and ecclesiastical institutions, confirms that it was the accepted learned

history. It remained highly regarded for two centuries, especially in the second

half of the fourteenth century, so much so that it was translated into English at

least twice: once by Trevisa in the 1380s, and again in the fifteenth century,

specifically in order to make it accessible to the educated laity. John Taylor in

The Universal Chronicle of Ranulf Higden lists the 118 Latin manuscripts of the

chronicle dating from the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, and also a selected

64 St:t: Taylor (1966) p.73.

52
list of nine fragments, some from locations in the north of England~ such as

Whalley Abbey, where the author of the Destruction of Troy also originates~ 65

which means that it would have been available in the area where the Siege of

Jerusalem was written.

In order to see why the Siege ofJerusalem poet turned to Higden's work

one must look at the nature of the Polychronicon. It is concise, with no long

digressions on doctrine nor detailed accounts of internal Jewish politics. The

Polychronicon excerpts parts of the story of the destruction of Jerusalem from

both Josephus and Hegesippus, but omits the long account of the war and civil

strife and is basically only concerned with the sieges of Jotapha and Jerusalem.

The tricks and stratagems employed by Josephus occur during the siege of

Jotapha in The Jewish War and Hegesippus' paraphrase, with Josephus joining

the Romans before the siege of Jerusalem (The Jewish War III pp.631, 641-3;

Hegesippus III 9, pp.201-2; III 11, pp.203-4; III 12, p.205). The Siege of

Jerusalem poet clearly follows the Polychronicon, by excluding the details of the

earlier part of the war, but goes even further than Higden by condensing it all

into one siege. It is a little unclear in the Polychronicon where the siege of

Jotapha ends and that of Jerusalem begins, as the name of the fonner city occurs

on only two occasions. Higden summarises and includes all the stratagems of the

Jews, with one change; the battering engines are incinerated with blazing oil, not

wood. In The Jewish War it is at the siege of Jotapha that Josephus has burning

65 Taylor (1966) Appendix I pp.152-9.

53
oil poured over the Roman soldiers, which penetrated behind their shields.

Vespasian is wounded gravely in the heel while leading an assault on Jerusalem,

causing much worry to the Romans. In Josephus' account this was a superficial

wound, but the sight of the blood scared his men, so that they abandoned

fighting; it certainly did not give added impetus to the attack as in Hegesippus

(III 12, p.205), Polychronicon (IV Chap. 10, pp.428-30) and the Siege of

Jerusalem. The result of these alterations in the Siege of Jerusalem is that the

stratagems in the Siege of Jerusalem are rendered more prominent, highlighting

the devious tricks of the Jews, and the potential tragedy if anything happened to

Vespasian.

In the Siege of Jerusalem the short account of the succession to the

Imperial crown occurs after the relation of the wonders which happened in

Jerusalem, and Vespasian's injury (lines 893-960). This is a reversal of the

sequence of events in the Polychronicon (IV Chap.9-1 0, pp.414-29). The change

renders the siege more important, in that it is not simply a part of Vespasian's

campaign as emperor to gain control of Judaea and Alexandria, but an important

concern in its own right. Apart from the change in sequence, the Siege of

Jerusalem is here quite close to the Polychronicon IV, much closer to it than to

the other renditions of the imperial succession. Josephus' account is considerably

longer, containing much material that is not dealt with in either the poem or

Higden's chronicle. The narrative in The Jewish War (II pp.421-3; IV pp.147-51,

163, 173-85, 187-99) is followed quite closely by Hegesippus (IV 21, p.274: IV

54
24-5, pp.278-9; IV 26, pp.281-3; IV 28-33, pp.286-92}. Josephus dismisses the

issue of Nero's crimes quite quickly, obviously taking into account the attitudes

of his intended audience who were proud of their Roman heritage. He states (IV

pp.147-51) that he will not relate all Nero's crimes; suffice to say that he killed

himself. He goes on to recount how Vespasian stopped his campaign in Judaea

upon the outbreak of a rising in Gaul against Nero and dispatched Titus to pay

homage to the victor, Galba, and to receive his instructions. Unfortunately after

Galba had reigned a mere seven months he was assassinated in the middle of the

forum as a consequence of his meanness towards his soldiers. Oth066 succeeded

him, remaining in power for three months before being overthrown by Vitellius.

Vespasian awaited the outcome of the civil strife before resuming activity.

Vespasian was, however, unable to obey Vitellius as the latter was a tyrant;

besides, Vespasian's claim to the throne was stronger. The soldiers united behind

him, and invited him to save the empire. He responded by capturing Alexandria,

as this was the key port of Egypt, the most important part of the empire as it

provided all the grain. After this initial success, events proceeded smoothly for

Vespasian and he received good news from Rome upon capturing Alexandria.

He was eager to return to Rome as soon as winter had passed, and wished to

have Alexandria in order by then. He dispatched Titus to destroy Jerusalem with

the best men in his army. In the Siege of Jerusalem the account is dissimilar

from Josephus, with Alexandria not so much as mentioned, and Vespasian

66The Polychronicon and the Siege ofJerusalem, as Kolbing and Day (The Siege of Jerusalem 1932, p.xxi)
point out, are the only texts which refer to Otho as Otho Lucius.

55
 chosen as the new emperor because they need a bold man, and he is a comelich

king who fights for Christ (line 950). Vitellius is a noble man, but he has

perpetrated a loathsome crime in that he has slain Sabyn. This Sabyn is

Vespasian's brother and he is naturally enraged that his brother's killer should

acede to the imperial throne and he therefore dispatches knights to Rome in

, order to eliminate Vitelli us. The account in the Siege of Jerusalem thus follows

that in the Polychronicon, apart from discrepancies over the number of months

that Galba was in power.

The poem's presentation of the death of the heroic Sir Sabyn, the knight

who fights with the Roman army in Judaea not Vespasian's brother, (lines 1193-

1204) is also based on the Polychronicon, rather than on Josephus' or

Hegesippus' versions. Regrettably, Sir Sabyn is killed due to his impetuosity in

the final attack on the city, and his death spurs the Romans to greater activity,

with Titus mourning him as the dou3test (line 1204) who ever lived. This kind

of act of impetuosity is conventional in the romances and is an heroic gesture~

Gawain dies in similar circumstances in the Alliterative Morte Arthure (lines

3780-2) (see Chapter Two). In The Jewish War (VI pp.393-5) Sabinus is

emaciated with blackened skin and does not even resemble an ordinary soldier.

He volunteers to scale the wa11 and is followed by eleven others, successfully

routing the Jews, before stumbling over a rock. The Jews attack the prostrate

hero, but he fends them off for a considerable length of time before being

overcome. The Siege of Jerusalem follows Higden's version, which is cleansed

56
of the more unsavoury details of Sabinus' unfortunate appearance, his blackened

face, and clumsy fall which are present in The Jewish War, and makes his death

fit into the mould of traditional heroic deaths. The Siege of Jerusalem describes

how Sabyn climbs the wall with the aid of a ladder and manages to kill six Jews

before woe befalls him. Sir Sabyn may be a heroic figure but the manner of his

death suggests that these chivalrous values are limited. A seventh Jew levels an

vnhende dynte (line 1198) at Sabyn's head with such force that his brain oozes

out of his nostrils. His death forms an inglorious and rather squalid conclusion to

his brave endeavour, contrasting the brutality and reality of warfare with the

high-minded ideals of the heroic code.

Some incidents are presented In similar form in The Jewish War,

Hegesippus, the Polychronicon, the Legenda Aurea and the Siege of Jerusalem.

For instance, there are a series of wonders illustrating the power of the Roman

siege-engines. The Siege ofJerusalem relates in lines 820-8 how an unborn baby

was flung from its mother's womb over the city walls like a ball by a stone, and a

man's head was spattered across a field a furlong away. Similar accounts can be

found in The Jewish War (III, p.647); Hegesippus (III 12, p.205); and the

Polychronicon (IV Chap. 10, p.428-30). The poet most likely used Higden as the

source for this, as he is obviously working from a text of the Polychronicon

during much of this part of the poem, and there is nothing added to suggest that

he had consulted other texts. This reference to how a mother lost her unborn

baby fits extremely well into the Siege of Jerusalem poet's project. The war

57
transforms this woman: she ceases to be a mother, to conform to the paradigm

for women through no fault of her own. The Roman siege weapons rip her baby

from her and she is powerless to protect and care for it. Destroying an unborn

child and attacking a woman is hardly a triumph or an achievement which

confers honour and lofty renown.

Another incident which occurs in all three histories and in the Siege of

Jerusalem is that of the slaying of Jews for gold. In the poem, lines 1159-72, we

read of how temptation proves too much for the Romans when they discover that

the Jews, who have surrendered, have swallowed their gold. Without Titus'

leave, the Romans disembowel them to obtain the gold. 67 The Polychronicon

contains the most similar version of this story, recounting how the Romans were

alerted by an Assyrian and ripped open the Jews' bellies (IV Chap. 10, pp.438-9).

Josephus (V, pp.369-73) and Hegesippus (V 24, pp.358-9) record that it was an

Arab unit along with Syrians who cut open the refugees, killing two thousand in

one night. The Roman army's reputation is tarnished by this innovation on the

part of the poet, while sympathy is aroused for the Jews. Indeed, Titus is more

sympathetic to the plight of the Jews than their own leaders who refused to allow

them to surrender. He grants those Jews who surrender grace and makes them

prisioners. It was standard procedure to take prisioners of war and this suggests

that Titus does not want to have them slain. The juxtaposition of the behaviour

67 This line is omitted in two of the manuscripts.

58
of the leaders is extremely informative, illustrating the enlightened actions of

Titus and the wilfully blind defiance of the Jewish commanders. 68

Kolbing and Day are justified in their rejection of Kopka's claim, based

on a few brief passages, that the Siege of Jerusalem poet used Hegesippus,69 as

these episodes are all retold in the Polychronicon. It is possible that the poet had

access to Hegesippus and Josephus, both of which, as we have seen, were widely

available in England, but he does not appear to have consulted them. Kopka

examines Josephus and Hegesippus and decides that Hegesippus' account bears
70
most resemblance to the poem. Had he compared Hegesippus' work with that

of Higden's, he would have seen that the narratives of Mary and her son and the

marvels in the poem are closer to those in the Polychronicon than to those in

Hegesippus. 71

Hanna claims that a few scattered passages show evidence that the Siege

of Jerusalem poet consulted Josephus as well as Higden, but does not specify

which. 72 There are certainly no direct verbal echoes though it might be argued

68 Extracting gold from the bodies of enemies is a common topos in chronicles of the Middle Ages.
Fulcher of Chartres (1969, p.122), for instance, describes how the Saracens swallowed their gold in
order to hide it from the Christians. The Christians discovered the trick played on them, slew the
Saracens and ripped open their bellies to retrieve the besants. The corpses of the dead Saracens are burnt
to recover the rest of the gold. This is seen as a glorious triumph over the treachery of the Saracens. This
motif occurs in the late fourteenth-century Middle English romance Titus and Vespasian and the French
romances where we are informed that the Roman leaders sell the Jews in groups of thirty for a penny to
the ordinary soldiery that they may rip them apart for their gold. In these texts mercy or grace is not
granted to the Jews and making them prisioners is not contemplated.

69 The Siege ofJerusalem (1932) p.xxi.

70 Kopka (1887) pp.31-9.

71 These episodes will be analysed at length in Chapters Two and Three.

72 Hanna (1992 a) p.113.

59
that lines 853-92 of the poem, where Vespasian holds a council to discuss

strategy were perhaps inspired by The Jewish War (IV, pp.l 07 -11) where

Vespasian consults his generals and they reply that Divine Providence has come

to their aid and caution that the Jews may yet reunite and begin to fight back. In

The Jewish War the council continues with Vespasian criticising their desire to

fight as simply arrogant gallantry. He decides that waiting is the best policy, as

the Jews will fight among themselves. This council session is not mentioned by

Higden so it is possible that the poet referred to Josephus' work at this point, but

the actual account of the meeting in the Siege of Jerusalem is quite different,

occurring, as it does, immediately after admiration is expressed for how the Jews

struggle valiantly to defend their city. The Roman soldiers are not downhearted,

however, at the stout defence put up by the Jews or the injuries they themselves

receive, and hold a feast in the evening. A council meeting is organised and each

man is asked for his opinion on the progress of the offensive, and with one

accord they all turn to Titus who proposes that they should conquer the city

through starvation. This plan is followed and Vespasian appoints watches to

ensure that no one escapes, while the remnant of the army goes hunting and

hawking. 73 They do not despair, become frustrated or indulge in ignoble

activities such as plunder; they pursue instead the sport of princes. Vespasian is

no mere tyrant, but a just figure of authority who accepts the wise words of his

nobles and formulates his plans in accord with them.

73Lawton (1997) p.1 07 notes that the "genn" of his speech is to be found in The Jewish HOar. He argues
that the activities of hunting and hawking were often indulged in during actual medieval sieges and are a
means of masking the heavy toll of assault on the Romans.
60
 It might also be argued that The Jewish War could conceiyably haye

inspired the development of Domitian's and Sabinus' roles. Domitian plays quite

a large part in the Siege ofJerusalem, but features little in the Polychronicon. In

The Jewish War (IV, p.195) Domitian is acting leader until Vespasian reaches

Rome, and in Book VII we learn of his succession after Titus. Hegesippus

alludes to him as Vespasian's kinsman and mentions his role during the siege of

Jotapha, but he makes no speeches (Book IV 26, p.282; 31, p.290; 32; p.291). In

The Jewish War Book II Sabinus, procurator of Syria, plays a prominent role and

this possibly inspired the Siege of Jerusalem poet to make him one of

Vespasian's generals during the siege. Josephus relates how Sabinus tries to take

over Herod's estate immediately after Herod's death, but defers his endeavours

out of reverence to Varus. Later he provokes a rebellion in Jerusalem, through

the violence of his legions whom he has ordered to search for treasure, which

results in his being besieged in a castle and having to beg for Varus' help.

Sabinus does not perform these functions in Hegesippus or Higden, though.

Hegesippus (III 15, p.209) does mention his name together with Titus' as

generals during the siege of Jotapha. The Sabinus who dies appears to be a

different figure to this general, unlike in the poem. It is just as probable,

however, that the poet independently expanded the character of Sabinus because

of his heroic death. The account of his death in the Polychronicon is much closer

to that in the poem than the corresponding narrative in The Jewish War, as we

have seen. The poet could also have misunderstood his source, and thought that

61
the two Sabinuses were one, but this is unlikely in the light of his competence in

dealing with Latin texts. Domitian and Sabinus' new roles probably owe their

origin to the poet's innovations with regard to Vespasian's strategies and method

of dividing his troops during the war, and there is no good reason to think that

the poet used The Jewish War.

The conversation between Vespasian and his men about how he can keep

his vow to take Jerusalem and return to Rome to be emperor appears to be

original (lines 961-1020). In response to Vespasian's request for advice, Sir

Sabyn of Syria suggests that Titus and Domitian should be allowed to take over

the besieging and Titus vows to take the town or die. Vespasian duly follows

their counsel and makes a touching speech of farewell, telling them:

My we1e and my worshup 3e weldep to kepe,

For pe tresour of my treup vpon pis toun hengyp:
I nold, pis toun wer vn-take, ne pis toures heye,
For aIle pe glowande golde vpon grounde riche,
[N]e no ston in pe stede stond[i]n[g] alofte,
Bot aIle ouer-tourned and tilt, temple and oper. (1010-16)

The poet adds this scene and speech to explain how Vespasian, a figure who

derives his authority from God, is not ignoring his vow or being tempted by the

power and wealth incumbent on the imperial throne and to emphasise his

personal feelings of involvement in the military campaign. He is concerned

about maintaining his honour and faithfully keeping his vow

Other Sources

Legenda Aurea

62
Some of the details in the poem cannot be traced back to the Polychronicon, the

Bible en Franr;ois, or the Vindicta Salvatoris. For these details the poet turned to

another influential text, the Legenda Aurea, composed by Jacobus de

74
Voragine. By doing so he was able to orient his account toward the personal

lives of the protagonists.

There are more than one thousand surviving manuscript copies. as well

as one hundred and fifty early editions and translations of the Legenda Aurea. 75

It was highly regarded in England, and one can deduce that a large number of

manuscripts of the Legenda Aurea circulated in England from the quantity that

survive, including forty-nine Latin versions or extracts, two English translations,

76
and seven French. Jacobus compiled the work as a kind of encyclopaedia of

saints' lives for a similar audience to that of the Polychronicon. The Legenda

Aurea and the Polychronicon survive in comparable numbers of manuscripts in

England, many originating in cathedrals and monasteries. Saints were considered

74 Jacobus de Voragine was born c.1230 in a small town near Sarona on the Gulf of Genoa. In 1244 he
entered the Order of Preachers, where he earned a reputation for learning and piety and devoted his life
teaching in various houses of the order, until 1267 when he was appointed provincial of the Dominican
province of Lombardy. In 1292 he was prevailed upon to become archbishop of Genoa, at a time when
Genoa enjoyed great prosperity and power, and died in 1298. His fame continued after his death, and finally
in the early nineteenth century he was beatified. During his life he produced a large output of writings,
including a commentary on St. Augustine, a collection of sermons, and the Chronicle of Genoa, but it is for
the Legenda Aurea that he is remembered, a work which was hugely popular. The Golden Legend I (1993)
p.xiii gives a brief outline of Jacobus de Voragine's life.

75 A list has been compiled by Seybolt (1946 b) pp.327-38 of the fifteenth-century editions, which lists
some 97 printed versions in Latin, 3 in Bohemian, II in Dutch, 4 in English, 20 in French, 18 in High
German, 7 in Low German and 13 in Italian. The "essential character" of the work is maintained in most
editions and translations as in Caxton's Golden Legend (Jeremy 1946, pp.212-21). See Gorlach (1972)
passim on the relationship of the South English Legendary, Gilte Legende (II manuscripts of the full
text), Caxton's Golden Legend, Legende Doree and the Legenda Aurea.

76 There are two English translations, five French, one low Dutch, one Flemish and twenty-four Latin
versions and extracts in compilations in the British Library; one French translation and fourteen Latin
versions and extracts in the Libraries of Cambridge; one French translation and twelve Latin versions and
extracts in the Libraries of Oxford; three Latin versions etc. in the Libraries of Edinburgh. t\\O at Salisbury
Cathedral, and one each at Worcester and Winchester Cathedrals and Trinity College Dublin.
63
the true or perfect heroes, those whom one should emulate, and Jacobus de

Voragine therefore wished to make available a compilation of material which

was to be found in lectionaries, apocrypha, histories and so forth, so that it could

be consulted easily. Jacobus de Voragine's work is not aimed at edifying and

reassuring the ordinary layfolk, but at providing preachers with weapons in their

struggle against the enemies of the saints. 77 There are some one hundred and

eighty-two chapters relating the lives of individual saints, each of which

concentrates on the confrontations between the saints and those who oppose

them, with the latter suffering for their presumption towards God's

representatives. Although originally intended for clerics, it soon reached a wider

audience through translations. William Granger Ryan points out how it was

reckoned that "in the later Middle Ages the only book more widely read was the

Bible.,,78 By using this work as a source, just like using the Bible en Fram;ois

and the Vindicta Salvatoris, the Siege of Jerusalem poet is providing his work

with a seal of authority.

The wasps in Vespasian's nose are mentioned, in the Legenda Aurea

(Chapter 67, De Sancto Jacoba Apostola, p.299),79 as well as De Pylato.

Interestingly, cures of the affliction of bees or wasps were symbolic of

77 Reames (1985) p.99.

78 The Golden Legend I (1993) p.xiii. Seybolt (1946 c) pp.341-2 notes that there are more early editions
printed of the Legenda Aurea than of the Bible and its translations.

79 All quotations are from Legenda Aurea (1846) and all translations from The Golden Legend I (1993).

64
conversion and illumination. 80 The Middle English poet is therefore suggesting

that Vespasian is a noble man, who has been enlightened through a divine

miracle and revelation. Jacobus de Voragine also states that Vespasian is the

ruler of Galatia, and some manuscripts of the Siege of Jerusalem concur with

this, while others render it Galicia. The account of the siege is quite similar in

the Legenda Aurea and the Polychronicon; the most noteworthy differences

concern Nero's suicide which is dealt with in the Legenda Aurea. The Siege of

Jerusalem poet follows the more detailed story of the suicide from Chapter 89

(De Sanclo Petro Aposlola) of Jacobus de Voragine's work, although the

location, four miles from Rome, is from Higden's account. In both the Siege of

Jerusalem and Jacobus de Voragine's work we read that the Romans could

endure Nero's insanity no longer and drove him from the city. To avoid being

slain by a low-class man he sharpened a stick with his teeth and killed himself.

The Siege ofJerusalem poet derives additional information of Nero's destruction

of Rome with fire, which is not mentioned by Higden, from Chapters 67 and 82

of the Legenda Aurea. In addition the latter chapter is the source of the details

surrounding Seneca's death and Nero's harassment of the Christians. Thus the

Siege of Jerusalem poet highlights the villainy of Nero and how this led to the

desperate circumstances in which he ended his life. He does not aim to glorify

the Romans but to highlight just and false figures of authority.

80 Ralph the Bald recounts an anti-miracle from the year 1000 relating to a peasant from Gaul. Leutard
fell asleep in the fields after working steadily throughout the day. While asleep, he felt as though a
swarm of bees had entered his body via his private parts and exited through his mouth. On their journey
they stung him viciously and made a loud noise. He obeyed the commands of the bees upon \\aking,

65
 One other incident which displays the influence of Jacobus de Voragine

is the occasion when Titus falls ill for joy with "a cramp and a colde" in his

limbs when Vespasian becomes emperor (lines 1021-62). No one is able to cure

him except Josephus, who notices how he fell ill suddenly and realises that by

bringing before him the man whom he hates bitterly he will be cured. The sight

of this despised individual causes his blood to rise hastily, restoring his limbs.

Titus is immensely grateful and expresses his thanks to God and attempts to

reward Josephus. Josephus persuades Titus to be friends with his foe, as his foe

cured him, but declines the offer of a reward for himself and returns to the city.

Chapter 67 of the Legenda Aurea (p.30 1) is the source for this, except for Titus'

offer of reward to Josephus, which appears to be original. This is a significant

selection of incident on the part of the poet, as it highlights the value of

forgiveness and the virtue of selflessly helping others. The implication is that the

Jews could have received forgiveness had they repented of their hatred of Christ.

However, the incident also raises questions about the nature of Titus' adherence

to the warrior ethos. Despite being a valiant knight he is reduced to a vulnerable

and weak position and requires the aid of one of those against whom he is

waging war. Although warriors frequently require assistance for their wounds,

rarely do we find them performing the role of healer. The most notable exception

to this is Galahad in the Arthurian cycle of legends who heals the Fisher King.

However, he is not a typical knight, being of a saintly caste and is eventually

preaching to the people and cloaking his heresy with the Scriptures. He believed he had been privy to a
miraculous revelation from God (Heresies of the Later .\fiddle Ages 1969, p.72).

66
taken up into heaven. Hence Josephus who initially is a clever and ingenious

warrior and resourceful tactician assumes a more saintly purpose. 8 ) This

highlights the notion of the good Jew and, significantly, the Siege of Jerusalem

poet does not suggest that Josephus is converted to Christianity unlike many

other writers. There is a resemblance between this act of Josephus and Titus'

extension of grace to the Jews who surrender. Both men attempt to help their

enemies, responding to human suffering, something which is rarely to be seen in

crusading texts or romances. This causes the reader to empathise with the Jews

and highlights the suffering and hardship caused by war and its effects on

people.

The Destruction of Troy

The final text which I shall examme as a possible source for the Siege of

Jerusalem is The Destruction of Troy.82 The EETS editors of the Siege of

Jerusalem (pp.xxvi-xxx) claim that this work is the source of the storm, the

destruction of the idols in the temple, the description of nightfall and

Vespasian's sleeplessness (Siege of Jerusalem lines 725-33), and the final two

lines of Vespasian's speech to his council (lines 877-8). It has also been

proposed that the Siege of Jerusalem is the source of The Destruction of Troy.

Upon comparison of the two texts I find nothing conclusive to suggest that either

is the source for the other. I feel that the similarities between the two works arise

81 We do not learn about Josephus' scholarly activities until the end of the Siege ofJerusalem.

82 All quotations are from The Gest Ifystoriale of the Destruction 0/ Troy ( \869- 7-t).
67
from the fact that the poets are working within the same tradition, dealing with

similar material and using the same dialect. 83 There is only one extant copy of

the Destruction of Troy, Hunterian Ms. v.2.8, which was transcribed c.l540 by

Thomas Chetham of Nuthurst, South Lancashire, a minor landowner and the

bailiff of the Earl of Derby.84 The author reveals himself as J_hannes Clerk de

Whalale in an anagram composed of the initial letters of the first words of the

prologue and Books I_XXII.85 Edward Wilson postulates that this John Clerk

might be the John Clerk of Marshall's Chantry in the parish of Whalley and that

the poem was written c. 1536-9. 86 This would mean that the poem was written

considerably later than the Siege of Jerusalem. C. David Benson87 and Mackay

Sundwall88 provide evidence that Troilus and Criseyde composed 1385-7. was

known to the poet, while Luttre1l89 suggests that the poem was written quite late.

The latter sees the surviving manuscript of the poem as part of the strong interest

in alliterative poetry evident in the Mersey region in the late fifteenth to

seventeenth centuries.

83 See Turville-Petre (1988) p.267 for a similar viewpoint.

84 Luttrell (1958) p.46.

85 Turville-Petre (1988) p.264.

86 Edward Wilson (1990) pp.391-6.

87 C. David Benson (1974) pp.206-7.

88 Mackay Sundwall ( 1975) p.315.

89 Luttrell ( 1958) pp.38-50.

68
 The Destruction of Troy is very different in motivation to the Siege of

Jerusalem, being intended to transmit the "true" history of Troy's destruction.

For this reason the poet uses just Guido de Colonne's text, which he believed

contained the true and full account of this, and often translates the Latin history

word for word. There is no religious input in his account and no attempt to

instruct people in salvation history. In contrast to this the Siege ofJerusalem is a

complex narrative, based on a selection of religious and historical sources, which

endeavours to explore the human motivations involved in warfare. The

Destruction of Troy poet occasionally produces passages of superb poetry, when

he draws on the traditional set-pieces of alliterative verse such as battle scenes,

also used by the Siege ofJerusalem poet. Naturally in such a case there are some

parallel phrases, particularly when both are in the same tradition of alliterative

verse. In such a case it is not enough to find vague reminiscences in order to

prove indebtedness on the part of one poet to the other; one would need to find

substantial borrowing. The Destruction of Troy contains twenty-one battle

scenes, several storms (Book VIII lines 3688-714; Book XI lines 4625-65; Book

XXIIII lines 9636-61; Book XXXI lines 12463-76)90, blazons (Book VII lines

3019-84), lists of troops (Book XIII lines 5420-558; Book XV lines 6065-309,

6310-389) and so forth. Significantly, the Trojans, like the Jews have withheld

the tribute due to their overlords. There is one fundamental difference, though,

between the two poems, for while the destruction of Jerusalem is a joyous

90 See Jacobs ( 1972) pp.695- 719 passim and C. David Benson (1980) pp.45-60.

69
occasIOn, the destruction of Troy is to be lamented. The Greeks who are

besieging Troy are depicted as treacherous and ignoble. The tenor of the two

poems is therefore different, with the Destruction of Troy in many ways the

opposite of the Siege ofJerusalem, highlighting cowardice, treachery and lack of

mercy. Achilles slyly slays Hector causing much consternation (Book XXI lines

8674-94), and later kills the valiant Troilus in anger (Book XXVI lines 10294-

311). His killing of Memnon is depicted as an act of cowardice (Book XXVI

lines 10426-9). Hector, the heroic knight lamented by his fellows, is a Trojan,

one of the besieged, not one of the attackers like Sabyn in the Siege of

Jerusalem. Furthermore, Antenor and Calchas who change sides and help the

Greeks are not seen as noble like Josephus, but as traitors whose crime will

never be forgotten (Book XIX lines 8101-181; Book XXVIll). Briseis tells her

father Calchas:

...... pi worship is went and wastid for euer,

Of shame and shenship shent bes pou neuer:
Euery lede willpe lacke and pi lose file,
And pe fame of pi filth so fer wilbe knowen. (8118-21)

Instead of offering mercy as Titus and the Romans do in the Siege of Jerusalem,

the Greeks make a false peace treaty and leave a treacherous gift of a brazen

horse. Armed men emerge from this gift and murder the Trojans in their beds,

with upwards of 20,000 slain before daybreak and the city plundered for its

riches (Book XXIX). The Destruction of Troy, therefore, laments the loss of

heroic values which have fallen with Troy and their replacement with cowardice

and treachery. The poet is not exploring the moral issues involved in warfare like

70
the Siege ofJerusalem poet, but condemning the failure of the Greek warriors to

conduct themselves in accordance with the heroic code.

What the Destruction of Troy and the Siege of Jerusalem have in

common is a penchant for descriptive passages. Neither poem has borrowed

from the other, but both have used the same tradition, as we saw when we

looked at the storm sequence at the beginning of the Siege ofJerusalem. It is this

delight in descriptive details which led the Siege ofJerusalem poet to provide us

with a description of the Temple in Jerusalem towards the end of the poem. I

have been unable to identify a source for this passage, but the motifs are

traditional in nature and the poet could easily have constructed it himself from

traditional formulae:

l>at was rayled pe roof with rebies grete,

With perles and peritotes, aIle pe place ferde
As glowande gledfure pat on gold st[r]ikep.
l>e dores of dyemauntes dryuen were picke
And made merueylous-Iye with margeri-perles .... (1250-4)

The description ennobles the Roman victory because of the splendour of what is

captured, and it also serves to illustrate the extent of the destruction in Jerusalem

that this treasure was removed and the rest levelled. The poet emphasises that
91
not a trace remains by describing how the site was ploughed with salt.

Conclusion

91 In The Jewish War VI p.447 Titus tries to save the Temple.

71
The Siege of Jerusalem poet uses learned sources to give authority to his work

and endeavours to present a complex narrative in which the problems of warfare

are expanded and explored. His use of several sources, unlike say the

Destruction of Troy which depends upon a single source, demonstrates that he

does not wish to produce a simple paraphrase, that he has a specific purpose and

wishes to communicate certain ideas. He changes his sources in order to create a

series of oppositions between just figures of authority, whose power is derived

from God, and false figures of authority, whose power is groundless and

tyrannical. He also focuses on the value of resolute faith in God and the despair

of its absence. Despite this he still sympathises with the ordinary Jews and their

plight. He alludes to the political and historical forces underlying this apparently

just religious war and disputes the probity of the chivalric code through

highlighting the brutality, suffering and squalidness of military campaigns. He

focuses on the motivation of the Romans and Jews and investigates how the

extreme situations which arise due to intense and prolonged fighting force

ordinarily noble people to commit horrendous actions. The resulting poem forces

its audience to reexamine the necessity and legitimacy of war, even if the cause

is seemingly just.

72
 CHAPTER TWO

THE TROUBLE WITH GENRE

The question as to whether the Siege of Jerusalem is a romance, history or

religious narrative is the subject of much debate. Carleton Brown includes

Titus and Vespasian, but not the Siege of Jerusalem in his Register of Middle

English Religious and Didactic Verse, while Gisela Guddat-Figge, like most

scholars, links the two works, dealing with both in her Catalogue of

Manuscripts containing Romances in Middle English. In her introduction she

notes some problems with the classification:

Even closer to religious poetry than Robert of Sicily is the story of the
destruction of Jerusalem. The couplet version in particular (Titus and
Vespasian) appears almost exclusively in religious miscellanies, only
twice in historical surroundings: in Cambridge, Magdalene College
Ms. 2014, and Bodleian Library Ms. Digby 230, which describes the
fall of three famous cities - Thebes, Troy and Jerusalem - but never in
the neighbourhood of romances. Medieval audiences and compilers
would seem to have associated Titus and Vespasian clearly with
religious literature .... The case of the alliterative Siege of Jerusalem is
less unequivocaL .. Whereas in the manuscripts Titus and Vespasian is
clearly considered a religious poem, the Siege of Jerusalem remains in
the border area between romance, legend and historiography.)

Similarly, in A Manual of the Writings in Middle English Lillian Herlands

Hornstein places Titus and Vespasian and the Siege of Jerusalem under the

general heading "Miscellaneous Romances" and more specifically in section

III, "Romances on Historical Themes", not in section IV, "Legendary

Romances of Didactic Intent". Having classified them in this section with

Richard Coeur de Lion and The Three Kings' Sons. she goes on to comment:

These religious romances place in an atmosphere of chivalry the Ii fe.

passion and miracles of Christ, woven into stories of the cure of

I Catalogue a/Manuscripts containing ,\/uldle English Romances (1976) pA I.

73
 Vespasian and the destruction of Jerusalem. Although it is difficult to
say where legend ends and romance begins, these romances enjoyed
wider popularity and diffusion than most pious tales or romances. 2

In contrast to this, Derek Pearsall confidently categorises the Siege of

Jerusalem along with the Alexander-poems, The Destruction of Troy and the

Alliterative Morte Arthure as historical epics. 3 He asserts that the Siege of

Jerusalem cleverly weaves together stories from Latin chronicles and

legendaries.4 Although it is derivative, showing the influence of poems as

varied as The Destruction of Troy, Wynnere and Wastoure, The Parlement of

the Thre Ages, and the BL. Ms. Cotton Nero A.x poems, "the brilliance of its

technique is undeniable, and the poet, through his style, gives an actuality to

events which is far removed from the senseless fantasies and marvels of the

rhymed Titus and Vespasian."s The latter he dismisses as the "third-rate

fumbling in an enfeebled tradition when the new points of growth were

elsewhere. ,,6

This is the crux of the problem: the Siege ofJerusalem is designated on

occasion as an historical romance, a religious romance, a combination of

legend and romance, and even as being in the "area between romance, legend

and historiography". It is both classified with Titus and Vespasian and

distinguished from it. Yet the consensus seems to be that it is a romance of

some kind or another. This is the thorny subject which I shall endeavour to

2 A Manual of the Writings in Middle English (1967) p. 160.

3 Pearsall (1977) p.153.

I Pearsall (1977) pp.15J, 169.

5 Pearsall (1977) p. 169.

6 Pearsall (1965) p.1 04.

74
investigate in the following pages. The Siege of Jerusalem poet is narrated

from an impartial stance as the poet wishes his audience to consider for

themselves the validity of the principles presented (war, chivalry). He has

deliberately chosen to mould his narrative as a romance in order to draw upon

the topoi and themes associated with this tradition. Romance concentrates on

the individual protagonists and examines their experiences and emotions. It is

this which interests the poet: people's motivation, their responses to extreme

situations and the consequent effects. By focusing on personal experiences and

motives he is able to explore the moral issues involved in warfare and the

virtues of heroism. For this reason, he combines the genre of romance and all

its associations with religious and historical subject-matter. This comes across

clearly when the Siege of Jerusalem is compared to Richard Coeur de Lion (a

romance), the Polychronicon (a strange history), and the Legenda Aurea (a

collection of saints' lives).

Romance

W.R.J. Barron, aware of the confusion surrounding the characteristics of

romances, notes that there are 110 romances in A Manual of the Writings in

Middle English and that some of the contributors display doubts about the

nature of the works allocated to them. Finlayson proposes that at least half of

the poems categorised as The Middle English Romances are not in fact

examples of this genre. They are simply designated thus by literary historians

and critics, most of whom conceive of "romance" as both a genre and a

75
 7
specific means of presentation. Furthermore, he decides that it is not possible

to define the term romance by looking at its usage in Middle English texts and

he suggests that a large number of the twenty-four poems listed by HOOpS 8 as

describing themselves as romances are not genuine examples. On the basis of

this distinction the Middle English "Charlemagne romances", The Destruction

of Troy, the Alexander poems, the Siege of Jerusalem, and The Sege of Troye

are not romances. 9

Chronologically, studies of the romance genre began with attempts to

define it in relation to earlier forms such as the epic, chanson de geste, and the

folk tale, as in the case of the studies by Ker and Griffin.) 0 This trend was

followed by the desire to categorise romances according to their medium

(Billings, MacIntyre Trounce))), their subject-matter (Gist, Auberbach,

7 Finlayson (1995) pp.429.

8 Cited by Finlayson (1995) p.431-2.

9 Finlayson (1995) p.439.

10 Early critics often confused the terms "romance" and "romantic" and their approach exhibits the
pervasive influence of late eighteenth-century and nineteenth-century ideals. For instance, W.P. Ker
argues that what distinguishes romance from epic is that the former combines courteous sentiment with a
series of adventures. His preconceived ideas about the nature of romance lead him to say of Aucassin
and Nicolette:
There is nothing else like it; and the qualities that make it what it is are the opposite of the
rhetorical self-possession, the correct and deliberate narrative of Chrestien and his school. It
contains the quintessence of romantic imagination, but it is quite unlike the most fashionable
and successful romances. Ker (1908, 1957) p.327.
Nathaniel E. Griffin (1923) pp.55-7.concurs with these findings as he ascertains that the warlike theme
of the epic was appropriate for a warrior audience, while the romance is a marvellous tale intended for
amusement, a feminine genre. There is a gradual move from epic to romance as individual societies
become more sophisticated and come in contact with different cultures. D.M. Hill (1963) pp.95-107
likewise compares epic and romance, tracing a continuity between epic and romance, the sharing of the
same elements and symmetrical structure, with epic broadening into romance as society moves away
from the stark reality of survival.

II In the face of the diverse nature of romances many have divided them up on the basis of medium,
theme, and subject-matter. Allan Mcintyre Trounce (1932-4) pp.87-1 08, 168-82,34-57,30-50 provides
us with a classic example of categorisation according to metrical type, discussing in a series of four
articles the English tail-rhyme romances. Another scholar who concentrates on the medium of the texts is
Billings (190 I, 1975) in her study of Middle English metrical romances.

76
Everett, Speirs)12 and presentation (Kane)13. Other critics like Wittig and Frye

moved away from this strategy and instead applied different methodologies

such as structural analysis and psychoanalytic theory to these texts. 14 At

roughly the same time Derek Pearsall turned his attention to the audience of

romances 15 and th'IS Interest

. . what the texts can tell us about the intentions
In

which lie behind the works inspired scholars including Strohm, Fewster, Evans

and Finlayson to examine them in relation to their physical, social and

historical contexts and to take into greater consideration the internal textual
16
evidence. None of these studies gets us any closer to an understanding of

12 John Speirs (1957) pp. 104-7, 109 favours this way of handling romances as he feels that it is the
subject-matter which is the common ground between these texts and not their art-form. These stories
originated as myths, which were then "rationalized, humanized and Christianized". These sanitized tales
reflect the different social and cultural levels they were intended for, and the fact that they were written
in a transitional period from orality to literacy. Middle English romances are closer to the oral tradition
than their French counterparts and the decline of minstrelsy in the later Middle Ages probably spurred a
decline in the transmission of romances.
Barrow (1973) concentrates on medieval society romances which deal with courtly love and
society, while D.H. Green (1979) focuses on the theme of irony in a selection of well-known French,
German and English romances. Many critics concentrate on romances in England and contrast them with
their French counterparts, with Dieter Mehl (1967), for instance, being solely concerned with thirteenth
and fourteenth-century English romances, which he categorises according to length. Laura H. Loomis
(1924), meanwhile, surveys a wide selection of Middle English romances which she classifies into
several groupings on the basis of theme: romances of trial and faith, legendary English heroes, love and
adventure. Gist (1947) argues in her study of the genre that the ethics of sex and marriage in the Middle
English romances do not reflect the French pattern of courtly love, as well as dealing with the problems
of peace and war.

13 Kane (1951), passim.

14 Northrop Frye (1957) pp.186-206, in his classic account of the subject using elements of
psychoanalytic theory, focuses on the similarity of the romance to the "wish-fulfillment dream", with its
"childlike quality", its "nostalgia" and the importance of adventure. A romance is a three-stage quest:
agon- the conflict, pathos- the death-struggle, and aganorisis- the discovery and recognition of the hero.
It is basically a dialectical account of the archetypal conflict between the hero and his enemy. If one uses
the terminology of dreams the format can be summarised as the search for the libido which will relieve
the subject of its anxieties concerning reality. Alternatively one can express its quintessence through an
analogy with ritual as the victory of fertility over the waste land. See further Susan Wittig (1978) \\ho
conducts a structural analysis of Middle English romance, looking at narrative units- the motifeme, type-
scene and type-episode, and Eugene Vance (1987) applies theories of logic and narrativity to the works.

15 Derek Pearsall (1965) p.91; (1988) p.12 proposes that the Middle English romances were aimed at a
bourgeois, rather than aristocratic, audience which wanted to enjoy similar literature to their social
betters and that this dictated the development of such romances, an argument not substantiated by the
manuscript contexts. See in addition Bennett (1992) pp.3-20; Bennett (1979) pp.63-88: Tun ille-Pt:tre
( 1981 ) pp.125-41; Turville-Petre (1974) pp.250-2.

16Murray J. hans ( 1995) encourages us to reread romances in the light of their physical context.
namely their manuscript layout, decoration. and the types of compilation in which they occur.

77
 what criteria distinguish a romance from other forms of narrative, as the

scholars neatly avoid this issue by narrowing the scope of their studies on the

grounds of medium, date, provenance, theme, subject-matter, physical context.

reception, or by dealing simply with the structure of these texts which others

have termed romances. There is no general consensus as to what elements

specifically make a narrative a romance: though the genre appears to have

certain recognisable features, these mayor may not be present in texts deemed

romances and can be present in other narrative forms. What distinguishes

romances from heroic literature and other genres is not the "subject-matter or

larger elements of their composition, but.. an attitude to that matter and these

elements.,,17 Rather than determining the nature of the form based on the

subjective criteria of quality or "romantic" qualities, 18 or a paradigm

developed to suit my hypothesis, or indeed avoiding the issue entirely by

looking at non-problematic texts, I shall take my lead from Strohm, Fewster,

and Hume and turn to the texts themselves for guidance. The cause of the

disparity between the texts is that the writers were not working in accord with

a single paradigm, much as modem scholars would like them to have been

doing so. They were in fact creating individual works from traditional

materials, and the more talented and innovative among them, such as the Siege

ofJerusalem poet, were stretching the limitations of the romance mode.

17 Finlayson (1995) p.445.

18 Everett (1955) pp.2-16 distinguishes between the "properties" of romances (the details of setting and
the fabulous occurrences). and the manner in which these are presented. Romance thus refers to the
genre and to its mode of presentation.

78
 If we look at the term itself, we find that in twelfth century France and

fourteenth century England, romaunce normally referred merely to the

vernacular language such as French in which certain works were written. Later

on its meaning widened to include certain types of narrative which related the

martial and amatory adventures of a hero, together with marvellous

occurrences. Eventually the term encompassed the form in which these

adventures were recounted as well,19 primarily tales of battle, although it was

extended to cover marvels and an amatory element. Medieval audiences did

not consider love episodes essential to the romance mode unlike those modem

critical studies, which focus on love episodes to a much greater extent. 20 These

texts vary quite considerably and as Paul Strohm points out:

medieval narratives violated and reconstructed genenc

expectations. Such licensed transgressions may, in fact, be seen as
crucial to the entire literary enterprise. Through such transgressions
authors persistently modify received traditions in order that they may
retain their challenge for new audiences in new social and historical
situations. 21

Romances themselves use the term "romance" in many different ways and its

employment in prologues and tail-rhymes is indicative of intention, of a shared

literary awareness and a certain self-consciousness in style?2 Conservative in

nature , these texts follow their sources and the "'traditional forms of direct

transmission" closely, so that focus on the past becomes part of its literary

19 Strohm (1980) p.381. Strohm (1977) pp.7-8 notes that the tenn romaunce occurs first in early

fourteenth-century Middle English manuscripts and refers to texts composed in Old French and became
associated with a certain type of subject-matter.

20 Strohm ( 1977) pp. 9-11, 13.

21 Strohm (1980) p.387.

22 Fcwsler (1987) pp.2-4.

79
 Lj
style. The presence of topoi, formulae, conventional description. hero-lists,

distinctive structures, render romances a distinct genre. The knight is a kind of

"literary play-space", which is not tied to a specific social reality and in which

concepts are tested. 24 At the beginning of romances, such as The Laud Troy

Book, one finds catalogues of the heroes in other such tales. Medieval people

regarded classical tales, history-based stories, and fairy tales as romances, just

as much as stories about love and courtly love and adventure. Kathryn Hume

distinguishes three types of romance: (A) the hero-centered (William of

Palerne, Libeaus Desconus), (B) those which have a particular background

and protagonist (Richard Coeur de Lion, The Sege off Melayne, Alliterative

Morte Arthure), and (C) histories (Siege of Jerusalem, The Siege of Troy).25

Between 1300 and 1533 the number and quality of type A texts declined while

those of the other two types increased, reflecting a strong interest in England

for long moral and historical works. 26 Romances foreground heroes, who

reflect "patterns of ennobling virtues" rather like the protagonists in saints'

lives and fairy tales?7 This is clearly evident in the Siege of Jerusalem as the

poet explores the motivation of the Roman and Jewish leaders and the actions

they are forced to commit due to the circumstances of war. He presents their

2J Fewster (1987) p.30.

24Fewster (1987) p.35. She concludes that ""the homogeneity of romance style has two sets of basic
implications: firstly, a self-conscious romance style works self-reflectively, with a taut set of ~Ilusions
and analogues; and secondly, this generic homogeneity is established by reference to a generic past -
romance style emphasises its own traditionality" (p.150).

2S Hume (1974) pp.161-3.

26 Humc (1974) p.167.

27Hume (1974) pp.168-72. Finlayson (1995) p.H 7 notes that this type of narrative came to ~ncapsulatc
an "attitude to experienc~", '"a whok system of values".

80
aims and activities in a manner which obliges the reader to consider whether

they do in fact glorify the characters.

When one looks at the range of scholarly commentary on romances and

the works themselves it is possible to identify a number of elements and

characteristics most of which will be present in any individual representative

of this genre. To begin with the romance has a much looser, more natural,

narrative style and a more highly developed sense of characterisation than the

epic and chanson de geste. Epics and chansons de geste tend to have an

episodic structure and an invariably happy ending. Gillian Beer in her history

of the idiom of romance suggests that the attraction of the genre lies in its

remoteness, its engagement with the past. 28 It is larger than life, intensifying

characters and their behaviour and providing us with an ideal that is both

instructive and escapist. 29 Romances appeal to their audiences in the same way

that myths and fairy-tales generate enthusiasm.

The intention behind the genre is to portray the ideals of knighthood

with a sense of courtly realism,3o though it is evidently influenced by fairy tale

motifs. Courtly values are tested through a series of adventures. Auberbach

finds as a result of this that only two themes were considered suitable for

romance: love, and valour in battle. 3} Similarly, Dorothy Everett notes that

romances deal with love and chivalry as well as the fighting that figures so

28 G. Beer (1970) pp.2, 5. Bloomfield (1970) p.116 makes a similar point about the aura of remoteness
built up around the characters, even when they are historical. Jorg O. Fichte (1991 ), passim, compiles a
list of distinguishing criteria for romances comparable to Beer's.

29G. Beer (1970) p.9. Dorothy Everett (1955), passim, describes how romances are stories of advcntun:s
in which ordinary life is idealised, as indeed are the characters and their actions, and that this is
combined with exquisite descriptions and marvellous happenings.

10 Barron ( 1980) pp. 8, 10. 18.

31 Auerbach (1953.1995) pp. 411-27.

81
prominently in epics?2 John Finlayson argues that it is possible to trace a

common pattern which distinguishes genuine examples of Middle English

romances: a knight rides out in search of adventures and this basic plot may be

elaborated upon with a love-story and a preoccupation with courtoisie. 33 The

amatory element is of little importance in most English texts, which prefer to

concentrate on battle scenes, blurring the distinction between the heroic and

the chivalrous. 34 In a romance the hero acts in accord with mesure or

courtoisie and undergoes a series of personal experiences in order to achieve a

private ideal. Robert Hanning notes how in some romances love links inner

and outer worlds, with the hero going through a kind of rite of passage. He

begins in stasis and progresses through a serious of adventures to stasis once

more. Chivalry's relationship to self-awareness and the hero's connection to

society are discussed. There is an "awareness of a tension between experienced

private needs and imposed public or external values and obligations.,,35 John

Stevens concurs that the essential mode of romance is "idealistic", the

expression of "a supreme claim" (fidelity, piety).36 The seeds of perfection

32 Everett (1955) p.19.

)) Finlayson (1995) pp.440-1. Strohm (1977) pp. 9-10 defines a romance as a narrative which focuses on
the actions of a renowned hero.

34 Finlayson (1995) pp.435-6.

35Hanning (1972) p.3 .. See in addition Hanning (1977) for an extensive study of "the social signific~ce
of twelfth-century chivalric romance", a form which developed in the 1130s and owes much to Geofln:~
of Monmouth.

36Stevens (1973) p.28. See further Kane (1951) pp. 2-3. Bloomfield ( 1970) p.97 makes a simi Iiar poinl.
As Barron (1980) p.4 puts it, "most romances are concerned with love and adventure and entail a "test of
fidelity to chivalric ideals".

8~
must be present at the outset in a hero and through the course of the romance

he must realise this potential in himself. 37

Morton W. Bloomfield, concentrating on the episodes which are

combined to create romances, finds that many episodes are motivated by

external powers beyond the story.38 These story units can contain a symbolic

element as in Sir Gawain and the Green Knight. 39 He argues that not only are

there similarities between romances and saints' lives and fairy tales, but that

the latter are two of the main sources of the structural paradigms for these
4o
works. They were also influenced by late classical romances like Apollonius

of Tyre, Boethius and the concept of Fortune, and the Biblical notion of
41
vocation. There was equal enthusiasm for French, Anglo-Norman, English,

oriental, or classical stories and the treatment and quality of the end product

varied considerably.42

The Siege of Jerusalem is condemned by Everett as an unsuccessful

romance for three reasons. First, although the poet endeavours to shape his

material, selecting carefully from a number of sources and dividing it into four

sections, not all these divisions are natural. Secondly, she finds that he

includes a great deal of unnecessary historical detail, and finally that he over-

indulges in elaborate description (281 ff., 385ff., 461 ff.).43 This is a little harsh,

37 Stevens ( 1973) p.170.

38 Bloomfield (1970) pp. 106-7.

39Bloomfield (1970) p.112.

40 Bloomfield (1970) p. 121.

41 Bloomfield (1970) pp.122-3.

42 Kane (1951) p.7.

41 Everett (1955) pp.58-9.

83
as the divisions to which she refers are in Bodleian Library Ms. Laud Misc.

656 only, though some of the other manuscripts have similar divisions~ and

they were probably not part of the poet's design (see Chapter Six). The second

two criticisms appear to be more to do with personal taste than anything else.

However, apart from the amatory element which was not favoured by

Middle English romancers, most of the other characteristics of this genre are

present in the Siege ofJerusalem. Its heroes embody certain virtues and follow

a heroic and Christian code of behaviour which they enforce on their

followers, leave their own society and embark on a campaign, which is related

in heightened terms and culminates successfully. The central section of the

work is devoted to the development of the topos of Vespasian as hero, familiar

and formulaic in its idealising quality. Titus and Sabyn are depicted in similar

terms. Thus men are defined by their ability to fight and to fight well. As the

narrative progresses the poet investigates this paradigm for male behaviour,

focusing on the emotional consequences for the men involved and thereby

raising the problems of warfare.

John Finlayson argues that the Siege of Jerusalem and Titus and

Vespasian are neither true romances nor religious narratives, but are in fact

legendary histories. He finds that the development of the heroes and plot
44
elements, as well as the perspectives of these texts differ from romances. The

plots of romances vary considerably as these works are based on a wide variety

of material, including historical and religious stories. The Siege of Jerusalem

poet is, in fact, employing a genre which can deal with historical and religious

44 Finlayson (1995) p.451,

84
 subject-matter in order to explore the individual experiences of these historical

and religious phenomena and raise his audience's awareness of the brutality

and squalidness of warfare. To this end he uses the romance mode to present

the story of an historical siege of Jerusalem that has great significance for

Christianity.

Furthermore he chooses to write his work in the unrhymed Middle

English alliterative long line, which traditionally deals with weighty subject

matter, clearly signifying his intention. 45 Alliterative poems are for the most

part concerned with transitio regni:

disaster, the moment when political power passes, slips from one
deserving, yet faulted hand to another. 46

This is clearly evident in political poems such as Richard the Redeles and

historical narratives detailing the destruction of Troy and the fate of Arthur.

Piero Boitani notes how the alliterative tradition focused on historical and

military themes, marginalising amatory material, as is apparent in the three

versions of the Alexander story.47 David Lawton makes a similar point and

adds that alliterative poets felt that it was their duty to inspire people to repent

and save themselves, as well as providing amusement. 48 Salter suggests that

the earnest perspective of western alliterative romance mirrors the subject-

matter that was to hand. Families, such as the Bohuns who can be connected

4~ Baugh (1950) pp.13-28 infers from textual evidence that many romances are written by clerics and ar~
quite literary in orientation.

46 Hanna (1995) p.55.

47 Boitani ( 1982) pp.40-1.

48 l.a\\ton ( 1983) p.92. See further Geotfrey Shepherd ( 1970) p. 10.

85
with William of Palerne,49 possessed libraries dominated by works of a moral

and historical cast. 50

Romance and Historiography

In order to examIne the Siege of Jerusalem one needs to be aware of the

relationship of romance to historiography since the poem contains a great deal

of historical material. It is important to note that attitudes towards historical

concerns vary from romance-writer to writer, with some claiming their tales to

be historically accurate when they are fictitious, and some basing their

narratives on histories. 51 However, the medieval concept of historiography

differs radically from that of modem historians. It did not prohibit the

incorporation of fictional episodes and rhetorical amplification. Daniel Poirion

notes that there is a two-way relationship between literature and history, in that

each bestows meaning on the other. 52 Hence each text has to be seen in terms

of its location at the intersection of the realms of "the imaginary and

ideological" if we are to grasp its full meaning. 53

Medieval historians did not have a sense of causality in the modem

sense. They viewed the world either as a conglomeration of separate objects

where change occurred when one event acted upon another to transform it or

49 Lawton (1989) p.143; Turville-Petre (1977) pp.40-3 and (1974) pp.250-2 on the literary int~r~sts of
the Bohuns; Scattergood (1983) pp.29-43 on the libraries of Eleanor Bohun and Sir Simon Burley. Peter
Lucas (1982) pp.219-48 points out that patrons often supervised the work of scribes and \\Titers and that
the end products reflect their tastes.

'0 Salter (1966) p. 149. See further Moseley (1974-5) pp.182-4.

51 Strohm (1977) pp.19-21.

52 Poirion ( 1978-9) pp.402-3.

51 Poirion ( 1978-9) p.406.

86
as resulting from the influence of the primum mobile with God ultimately

behind everything. The former view was proposed by Isidore and the latter is

the alternative theory of medieval Aristotelianism. 54 There are two distinct

types of chronicler, the clerical writer who simply records events within a

moralising framework, and the aristocratic historian who narrated stories,

although in the later middle ages clerical authors did move away from listing

and attempted to explain events. A typical clerical chronicle is

"universalizing", covering a wide range of topics with no single narrative

thread. 55 Accurate dating was not a priority, nor was a tightly structured

account. One finds a series of what William Brandt terms "fact-events": an

incident happens, then another incident happens. 56 An event consisted of the

location of the action, the amplification of the action and the conclusion,

which is then used as the starting point for the next episode. 57 For instance, the

overall trends of war are not explicated, one battle simply leads to another,

there is no overarching narrative connecting them. Extraordinary storms,

comets, or other celestial events could be juxtaposed with some happenings in

the human world. 58 This, combined with reference to God who was ultimately

behind everything, serves as the only attempt to interpret occurrences.

Aristocratic histories, however, are narratives organised on the basis of

a value system which are celebratory in perspective. 59 Episodes are threaded

54 Brandt (1966) pp.II-23.

55 Brandt (1966) p.45.

56 Brandt (1966) p.66.

57 Brandt (1966) p.72.

58 Brandt (1966) pp.53-4.

59 Brandt (1966) p.87.

87
together by the use of connectives "and'~ and "then~·.6o Another common

pattern is the employment of alternating story-lines such as in the Chandos

Herald's Life of the Black Prince, where accounts of the Black Prince and
61
King John are given in tum. The main difference between the two types of

histories is that aristocratic works are concerned with the reputation, honour

and stance of the figures involved, while clerical texts focus on human actions

and pay little attention to motivation or characterisation. 62 Sumner Ferris finds

that chivalric biographies, and portraits of knights in some chronicles, bear

certain similarities to those of warriors in romances. 63 Chivalric biography is

comparable to a saint's life in that the subject is ennobled and his fame lives

on, serving as an example to be followed. Pertinently, chivalric histories start

with the presupposition that the figures they are focusing on exemplify a

specific pattern of qualities, whereas romances deal with protagonists as

individuals. Thus the Siege ofJerusalem poet decided to write a romance as he

wished to explore human motivation and the moral issues involved in warfare,

rather than to reveal the underlying patterns of events or of human virtues.

Paul Strohm argues that Middle English writers had developed their

own terminology which indicated differences in the generic nature of

narratives, with storie referring to a historical or semi-historical account, tale

and spelle an oral redaction. 64 But although medieval writers understood

60 Brandt (1966) p.86.

61 Brandt (1966) pp.89-90.

62 Brandt (1966) pp.ll0-7. 148.

63 Ferris (1980) pp.25-38.

M Strohm ( 1971) pp.348-59.

88
fiction and history to be different, they did not necessarily keep them distinct

in practice as modem historians try to do. 65 Histories are an attempt to order

real events in the form of stories so that they can be understood, but this

format draws upon an image of life which is illusory. Narratives have a

beginning, middle and end, and entail making choices about what information

to include, exclude, and emphasise, rendering them quite unlike the myriad of

things that happen at any given moment in life. Furthermore, the ideological

subtext of historical narratives, which is seen as in accord with divine wilL

colours the presentation of facts. The actual events can be organised in a

number of different ways resulting in different story-lines, hence the "specific

plot structures" selected allow the happenings to be interpreted in a certain

manner, and this is a "fiction-making operation.,,66 Many romance writers,

unlike epic narrators who give the impression of simply singing a tale, clearly

telegraphed their presence with moral interjections, statements of authenticity

of the story and allusions to the future. 67 Narrative distance to material also

fails as a criterion to distinguish between imaginative and "factual" accounts

as some historians such as Alfonso el Sabio adopt a stance of "dispassionate"

observer while others like Robert of Clari record their personal reactions as

well as the events. 68 Poets, meanwhile, authenticate their texts by alluding to

eye witness testimony and written or oral accounts. At the same time they were

65 Fleischman (1983) p.280.

66 Fleischman ( 1983) p.293.

67 Fleischman (1983) pp.295-6.

68 Fkischman (1983) p.297.

89
not above inventing personages, false genealogies or events to lend their

accounts an added air of veracity, mixing history with legend or fiction.

"Truth," as Jeannette M. Beer points out, was foregrounded at the

expense of facts.69 Taking the example of Guillaume de Poiters' Gesta

Guillelmi Ducis, she highlights his intentions of providing an accurate

biography of William, that is not embroidered with the lies of the heroic

writers of antiquity, which is at once compromised by his desire to eulogise his

subject. 70 To this end Guillaume employs pathos, hyperbole, epic periphrasis,

emotive language and rhetoric. He uses the classical models which he

denounces as the paradigms for his work. Affirmations of truth are often used

to validate irrelevant digressions or to authenticate events which the author

cannot personally vouch for, such as Villehardouin's claims when his eye-

witness experience fails him.71 "Invented probabilities" are used to fill gaps,

and described battles are redacted in epic style adorned with excerpts from

epic verse.72 Truth claims are also made in fiction, with Marie de France, for

instance, using such statements to give authority to the more fabulous elements

in her lais, with historical detail used to set the scene as she moves into the

weightier matters of moral truth. 73 Frequently one finds that the author

interrupts the narrative to appeal directly to the readership/ listenership.74

69 J. M. A. Beer (1981) p.11.

70 J. M. A. Beer(1981)pp.13-7.

71 J. M. A. Beer ( 1981) p.30, 45-6.

72 J. M. A. Beer (1981) pp.48-55. See further Joseph J. Duggan (1981) pp.305- 7 on the use of epics as
sources for history.

7J J. M. A. Beer (1981) pp.63-8. See further Joseph J. Duggan (1981) pp.304-5 on poet's claims of
veracity.

74 Zumthor (1973) pp.31-2.

90
These interventions are used both to authenticate the sources of the text and to

objectify it.

Frederic Jameson discusses how "all literature, no matter how weakly. ,

must be informed by what we have called a political unconscious, that all

literature must be read as a symbolic mediation on the destiny of community",

and that history is "the experience of Necessity (a form of events).,,75 What he

means is that all ideas are constructed from the signals of communications of

the various institutional and social elements present in a community, that

interaction between these blurs distinctions between them: and it is this which

is reflected in narratives in some way. Each text, both fictional and factuaL

consists of the form (the format and the meaning conveyed by the structure)

and substance (the concepts and beliefs which inform the text, and the

historical and social data upon which they are based), and these can be further

divided into expression and content. It is the various combinations of these

categories which dictate what the nature of a text will be. Hence medieval

narratives cannot be considered in terms of narremes, "organically related core

incidents." 76 Texts can only be understood in terms of their social, literary and

. I cIrcumstances.
PhYSlca . 77

Hayden White notes that in order to write a history one must negotiate
78
between the "historical field", the raw data, earlier histories and an audience.

He identifies five levels of conceptualisation: the chronicle, story. plot.

75 Jameson (1981) pp.70, 102.

76 Jlunt (1973) p.297.

77 Hunt (1973) p.302.

78 White (1973) p.7.

91
argument, ideology. I':} One starts off by listing the data in a chronicle out of

which one creates a narrative. At this point it is necessary to decide if it is to

be a romantic, tragic, comic, or satiric account, and settle on the mode of

argument and mode of ideological implication.

Viewed in a purely formal way, a historical narrative is not only a

reproduction of the events reported in it, but also a complex of symbols
which gives us directions for finding an icon of the structure of those
events in our literary tradition. 80

Thus the "facts", events, have structures imposed upon them to make them

meaningful. The historical discourse is the story in which they are organised

and the genre chosen, the conceptual paradigm, is what makes it

recognizable. 81 History is an attempt to explain the world, while literature is an

endeavour to illuminate it. 82 It is this which distinguishes the Siege of

Jerusalem from chronicles and histories, as the poet is exploring the

motivation of men, their responses to extraordinary circumstances, thereby

raising the moral issues incumbant on siege warfare. He highlights the

contradictions in the heroic code and does not try to provide a pat explanation.

As Joseph J. Duggan says of the epic, so too with romance, historical

matter is assimilated and adapted to fit the "synchronic system of

relationships," the standard character types, settings, traditional scenes and

language. 83 Therefore, one needs to look at the construction of the plot

narrative stance, social function, style, appeals to authority, and

79 White (1973) p.5.

80 White (1978) p.88.

81 White(1978)p.IIO.

82 White (1978) p.99.

83 Joseph J. Duggan (1981) p.288.

92
characterisation of a narrative together with its reception and the intention of

an author in the context of literary and historiographical tradition in order to

assess if it is a romance, history or chronicle. It is not possible to appeal to any

hard and fast rules; each text has to be examined on its own merits. This is

particularly important in relation to the Siege of Jerusalem as it relates an

historical event, using a chronicle as one of its sources, and there are numerous

alternative accounts of the event in histories, verse and prose romances,

dramas, and religious narratives. The Siege of Jerusalem poet uses the

romance genre as the conceptual paradigm to organise the historical events he

relates. Unlike chroniclers he does not try to explain these happenings, he does

not solely eulogise or condemn his characters. Instead he presents his story in a

manner designed to illuminate the differences between the ideals of chivalry

and just warfare, and the reality.

Romance and Religious Narrative

The other problem with categorising the Siege of Jerusalem, as far as critics

are concerned, is that it contains a large amount of religious and didactic

material. Many scholars feel that such subject-matter is not suitable for

romance and that poems which deal with it are more properly described as

religious narratives. 84 It is possible, however, to see an intertextual relationship

between romance and hagiography, with each influencing the style of the

other, particularly in the way the protagonists are depicted. There is no

conclusive evidence to suggest that a medieval audience would have regarded

N4 s~~ Hopkins (1990) pp. \ i i. 13.

93
romances as "secular entertainment. ,,85 In fact quite the contrary, many such

works are included in compilations with overtly religious texts.

Saints' lives constituted an international genre having m common a

selection of elements that could be used in particular languages, times, and

locations. 86 Charles F. Altman finds two basic types of structure in Latin

saints' lives; the "diametrical opposition" of the legends of martyrs, in which

the protagonists are persecuted by the representatives of the dominant ideology

who try to annihilate them, and the "gradational form" of the lives of confessor

saints, in which the hero starts off as a member of secular society, then

renounces the world to return later in a sanctified role. 87 Aston says that early

Latin legends consisted of a short moral prologue, biographical information

(especially the lineage and education of the saint), the call of God, a series of

adventures connected with the saint's religious service, the miracles, the

martyrdom, and the "invocation prayer". 88 These works could be used to

supplement religious services or on Church festivals, for pedagogical

purposes, for entertainment, or to celebrate special occasions, such as the

finding of relics. The focus of these exemplary tales could be on the hero's

learning and moral virtues, or on his nobility and aristocratic characteristics,

according to whether the intended audience was religious or lay, but frequently

8SPearsall (1975) p.121. See also Glending Olson (1995) passim who points out that medieval audiences
enjoyed religious and moral works just as much as secular tales.

86 Aston (1970) p.xxix. Charles W. Jones (1947, pp.52, 73) describes how the origins of saints' legends
lie in the passions of the martyrs, which were a kind of "Christian panegyric based on public records."
The classic form of such a life dealt with the childhood, adulthood and death of a saint, concentrating on
the marvels witnessed at the birth, the renunciation of the world with its period of inner doubt portrayed
as a series of confrontations with the powers of evil and ending with death, union with God. See
Cotgravc (1958) p.37.

87 Altman (1975) pp.I-9.

R8 Aston (1970) p.:\:\xi.

94
clerics imitated minstrels in their compositions and vice versa. Many were

organised around the concept of a quest for love, mesura and true happiness. 89

In the thirteenth century there was a reversion to the more didactic saints'

legends as opposed to the imaginative, and more liberal, products of the

twelfth century.90

In the earliest saints' lives composed in England the depiction of the

saint owed a great deal to the portrayal of the protagonist in heroic poems,

being a "miles or athleta Christi or Dei.,,91 In the late middle ages they bowed

to the influence of romances in terms of style and metre, incorporating

elements such as "the praise of minstrelsy, emphasis on physical prowess, and

descriptions of armour or battles. ,,92 Both hagiography and romance present an

ideal using certain conventions that "involve an eschewing of historical truth

with regard to geography and chronological sequence, a hyperbolic stress on

the marvellous, the incorporation of floating folk motifs and legends, and an

idealization of the hero into a personified abstraction or type. ,,93 The aim of

these works of hagiography was to stimulate piety through presenting edifying

matter in an entertaining manner, hence facts were often sacrificed to the

necessities of literary style, and legend was fused with truth.

89 Aston (1970) p.xxxix.

90 Aston (1970) p.xl.

91 Cotgrave (1958) p.36.

92 Braswell (1965) pp.129, 135.

93 Lagorio (1970) p.3\. See Cotgrave (1958) pp.40, 51, 55. Bieler (1975, pp.13-24) examines the
mixture of hagiographic, classical and saga themes, while Heist (1975, pp.25-40) goes on to deal with
the immra (voyage) and echtra (adventure-journey) topoi that can be found in Irish romances and saints'
legends. Heffernan (1975, pp.63-89) notes that the life of St. Eustace is the story of a fictional saint
located in an historical situation which incorporates elements from the international popular tale, eastern
legend, Greek romance and biblical narrative, and how the various redactions raise the possibilites for
ditferent interpretations by writers. Klausner (1975, pp.103-19) Lagorio (1975, pp. 99-10 I) and Pearsall
( 1975, pp.121-35) discuss the relationship of specific Middle English romances and hagiography.

95
 Let us tum our attention briefly to Amis and Ami/oun, a problematic

text on which many discussions of the similarities of religious narrative and

romance have been centered. The story concerns two boys who are born and

grow up together, serving the same duke. They swear friendship to each other

and this endures through Amis' love affair with the duke's daughter. Amiloun

replaces him in the trial of combat so that Amis can marry her, and later, when

Amiloun is struck with leprosy and driven from his home, Amis returns the

favour by curing him according to the instructions of a dream which he

94
receives. Ojars Kratins examines the work in the light of this controversy to

see whether it should be deemed a romance or "secular hagiography." Like a

saint's life, it extols one ideal after another, and contains motifs such as

angelic voices, the reduction of the protagonist to poverty, revitalization, and

95
child sacrifice. There are two key incidents that both involve the making of a

sacrifice, which are linked by Amiloun' s disease. This illness has been sent by

God and is envisaged as a punishment for sin, a blessing, in the best tradition

of hagiography, and it is cured by a miracle at the end of the tale. 96 The story

also contains elements which are not derived from this tradition: the trial by

combat, the theme of trewjJe, Amiloun's resumption of control of his lands,

and the punishment of his wife and followers for their breach of faith.97

Kratins concluded on the basis of this mixing of modes that the work is a

secular legend.

94 Kratins (1966) p.349.

95 Kratins (\966) p.348.

96 Kratins (\966) pp.352-3.

97 Kratins (1966) p.354

96
 Kathryn Hume disagrees, and having compared the Middle English

Amis and Ami/oun with the saint's life Vita Amici et Ameli she finds that the
98
former is indeed a romance. A romance typically comprises three stages: the

setting of the scene, the "series of adventures to restore the gap between what

is and what should be" and the climax where order is re-established. 99 A

saint's life relates the entire life of the subject from birth to death, with the

main body of the text recording a sequence of temptations and noble acts.

before concluding with the saint's death and miracles. lOo Romances never

mention the early years of a hero unless the story-line dictates it. Furthermore,

romances are concerned with a happy life in this world, while hagiography

extends the promise of it in the next. Hence Amis and Ami/oun finishes with

the two friends living happily ever after and noting that they die on the same

day, while in the Vita Amici et Ameli they die in a holy war and miracles are

performed at their tombs.101 The theme of the romance is, as we have seen,

fidelity, with the saint's life focusing on Amis and Amiloun's saintliness. Thus

the difference between the two redactions lies in the attitude towards the

subject-matter, with each writer concentrating on what seemed most pertinent

to him. Susan Crane compares the Middle English and Anglo-Norman

versIOns and argues that the story turns on the value of friendship and

brotherhood. Divine power aids the development of human friendship; the

motifs of hagiography are employed to serve the purposes of romance, it is

98 Hume (1970) pp.89-1 07.

99 Hume ( 1970) pp.90-1.

100 Hume (1970) p.92.

101 flume (1970) p.93.

97
"romance's answer to hagiography's challenge.,,102 The focus on human

emotions and motivation distinguishes the romance versions of the story of

Amis and Amiloun from the hagiographical recension, just as it does the Siege

ofJerusalem from the Legenda Aurea.

Saints' lives preceded romances and were an immensely popular form

of narrative, and it is therefore hardly surprising that writers of this later form

should have borrowed from this more established form of narrative. \03 Both

genres record significant events that will teach audiences valuable lessons,

which are, in the case of romances, generally to do with social conduct. I 04

These narratives are concerned with power-structures, temporal! secular

authority in the one, and passivity of saints and their prominence in the next

world in the other. lOS The plot of the romance bears certain similarities to the

confessor's legend which is "a combination of quest and battle," where the

protagonist first has to find his purpose and then defend himself against

temptations. l06 The mission of the hero, though, is closer to that of a martyr

who endures a series of public conflicts against non-believers and persecutors.

The adventures parallel "the saint's willed confrontation with the powers of

evil and his eagerness to undergo any torment for the glory and honour of

God.,,\07 The final reward of the warrior is fame and honour in his society.

\02 Crane (1986) p.128.

103 Hurley (1975) p.60.

104 Hurley (1975) pp.62-3.

105 Hurley (1975) p.6-l.

106 Ilurk) (1975) pp.65-7.

107 I lurk) (1975) p.68.

98
Thus the motifs and structures of hagiography are present in romances in a

transmuted form.

Diana Childress surveys vanous attempts to categorise works that

display a mixture of the romance and hagiographic modes and finds that it is

the role of the hero which distinguishes the saint's life from the "secular

legend," following Kratins' term, as only religious didactic romances resemble

hagiography in their presentation of protagonists. 108 In these forms the subject

achieves his ends through marvellous means, aided by God. Furthermore, he

displays passivity, and is humbled by· the events which overtake him.

Interestingly, she says, in the romance the hero is never overcome by such

misfortune· save in childhood, and he controls his own destiny, relying on his
09
sword: This is not entirely accurate: for instance, Ywain, the hero of an

unquestionably chivalric tale Ywain and Gawain, loses his wits as the result of

his failure to keep his promise to Alundyne and spends the rest of the story in

an endeavour to redeem himself. This new category of "secular legend" really

raises more problems than it solves, as it merely provides another ambiguous

classification for medieval narrative. Yet Childress' point concerning the

depiction of the protagonist is worthy of note, as it provides us with another

perspective through which to examine the narratives with which we are

concerned.

Therefore there is nothing incongruous in selecting religious material

for a romance, as in the case of the Siege of Jerusalem, as some modem

scholars have argued. The differences between this genre and religious

108 Childress (1978) pp.311-3.

10Q Childress (1978) pp.314-20.

99
 narratives lie in the presentation not In the subject-matter. Hence it is

necessary to examine how hagiographical motifs are used, the attitude of the

poet and the depiction of the hero. This is especially pertinent for the Siege of

Jerusalem as it relates how Titus and Vespasian are the beneficiaries of God's

grace and are fighting ostensibly to avenge His death. They undertake a

mission on His behalf, vow to serve Him and endure a series of conflicts on

His behalf. Upon a more detailed examination of the text of the Siege of

Jerusalem it becomes clear that the poet is concerned by the horrific

consequences of war, even if the cause is ostensibly just. He is' interested in the

differences between the historical reality of the events which occurred, the

religious interpretations of them and the heroic tradition which esteemed such

actions. He explores the effects of extreme situations on individuals in terms

of the emotional cost, changing objectives and the actions they will be driven

to committ.

Comparison of Texts

A reader interprets a work in the context of knowledge of the genre, style and

form.11D Texts can raise certain expectations through these means only to

subvert them, with literature of value causing a change in the reader's "horizon

of literary expectations," by its disjuncture to familiar traditional forms. I II

This is the case with the Siege ofJerusalem: it combines a traditional form, the

romance, with subject-matter usually dealt with in other forms of narrative in a

110 Jauss (1974) p.17.

III Jauss(197.t)p.18.

100
iype of verse often used fur weighty themes, challenging the reader! listener" s

assumptions about both.

This is manifest when the Siege of Jerusalem is compared to the

romance Richard Coeur de Lion, the Polychronicon, and De Sancto Jacoba

Apostola in the Legenda Aurea. These three texts out of the many available

provide one example of historical narrative and one religious narrative,

together with one romance that deals with historical matter, and by comparing

them to the Siege of Jerusalem I hope that it will be possible to illustrate the

mixing of modes in the poem and determine to which mode it owes greatest

allegiance. The comparision will also highlight the differences between the

Siege ofJerusalem and each of these genres, and convey the uniqueness of the

work. Most of these texts have already been discussed in Chapter One so it is

only necessary to introduce Richard Coeur de Lion at this juncture before

turning to the comparison itself.

Richard Coeur de Lion IS a thirteenth- or early fourteenth-century

historical romance which survives in two versions, a long redaction (BL.

Additional Ms. 31042, Cambridge, Gonville and Caius College Ms. 175, two

early printed versions by Wynkyn de Worde) and a shorter rendition which does

not contain the marvellous birth of Richard (National Library of Scotland Ms.

Advocates 19.2.l, Il2 BL. Ms. Egerton 2862, BL. Ms. Harley 4690, College of

Arms Ms. Arundel 58, Bodleian Library Ms. Douce 228), as well as a fragment

(Badminton House Ms. 704.1.16).1\3 It recounts Richard I's exploits on the

Third Crusade and is renowned for its violent subject-matter and for how its

112 Weiss (1969) pp.444-6; Smyser (1946) pp.275-88 and Haugen (1945) pp.22-6.

III Fin~layson (1990) pp.159-60; and Stokoe (1946) pp.78-9.

101
"current of vengeful prejudice sorely blurs the Christian-pagan dichotomy and

contaminates the Crusade's ideal of Christian unity and superiority"! 14

It is essential to analyse the Siege of Jerusalem in relation to such a

range of texts in order to perceive the unique problems which it presents to the

reader in its synthesis of historical, fictional, and religious subject-matter, and

in its handling of narratives. The comparison will focus on certain key

elements: I, construction of the plot; II, narrative stance and appeals to

authority; III, style and presentation; IV, characterisation; and V, the

marvellous.

I: Construction of the Plot

The Siege of Jerusalem is carefully structured, focusing on the siege itself and

commencing with two miracle-conversion sequences. On one level Titus and

Vespasian resemble the confessor saints discussed by Altman in that they start

off as members of society, leave it briefly and rejoin in a kind of sanctified

role. Their illnesses, which bear striking resemblances to leprosy, could be

taken to suggest past sinfulness as the leper was believed to be morally

depraved and immersed in the secular with his bodily corruption mirroring his

spiritual state. I IS It does not fully conform to the test-reward structure, as Titus

and Vespasian are converted and then carry out good deeds, with no explicit

reference to any misdemeanours on their part except absence of faith, though

they are ennobled by their experiences. The poem does present an opposition

114 Crane (1986) p.107.

II' Brody (1974) pp.146-96.

102
between true and false figures of authority but it is certainly not a series of

confrontations as a saint's life is, being a reasonably accurate depiction of an

historical siege. Furthermore, although the two generals are restored through

the grace of God to full health, they do not triumph over their enemies through

supernatural means. Pertinently the Siege of Jerusalem is the only text in

which both Titus and Vespasian are ill and healed through divine miracles. It

is only through divine aid that human fraility can be overcome. In addition the

story of Mary and her son can be read as an inversion of the Eucharist, but this

only serves to emphasise the squalid side of war (see Chapter Five). The poet

unlike chivalric biographers and chroniclers attempts neither to trace patterns

r.
of ennobling virtues in his main characters, nor to reveal the universal trends

which underly the happenings he relates and provide them with significance.

He presents us with blameless and blameworthy characters on both sides and

is interested in the motivation and responses of Jews and Romans alike.

Historiography and hagiography focus exclusively on their chief protagonists.

The Legenda Aurea and its life of St James the Less emphasise the

miraculous actions of saints rather than their human abilities, the way they

triumph over the enemies of the Church. Fundamentally, events are seen in the

light of the confrontation between the righteous and the unrighteous, with

almost two thirds of the saints mentioned falling into the category of martyrs

and the whole plot of the subsequent individual lives comprising an account of

their persecution, resistance, death and burial. I 16 The compilation is intended

117
as a source of material for preachers to use in converting non-believers.

116 Reames (1985) p.98.

117 Reames (1985) p.99.

103
Unlike Jacobus de Voragine's model sennons which are carefully structured

and based on profound abstract concepts, the Legenda Aurea both as a whole

and in its individual parts is a collection of anecdotes and stories to be used by

clerics to instruct the unsophisticated and uneducated. 1l8 The whole

compilation consists of roughly 182 saints' lives, organised in accord with the

liturgical year, many commencing with an etymology of the saint's name. 119

Sherry Reames finds that certain patterns:

the separation of the saint from the community, the willingness to

identify him with a rather harsh kind of justice, the insistence on his
privileges and powers but not on his ability to teach or refonn or heal
the human beings, the prominence of confrontations - are to be found
. nearIy every ch apter..... 120
In

There are two different versions of Richard Coeur de Lion, a long

redaction (A) and a short rendition (B) which omits the unusual circumstances

of his early life and commences with the preparations for the Third Crusade

(see below). Richard Coeur de Lion is constructed as a romance; the focus

remains at all times on the king, detailing his life from his birth (in the long

version) to his death. However, certain parts of his life are concentrated on,

namely his activities on crusade, while his capture and ransom and death are

scarcely mentioned. In fact Richard's life after the last period he spent in the

Holy Land, almost half his reign, is dismissed in four lines. Much of the

material purports to be historical, while some episodes are obviously fictitious

but this does not really serve to distinguish Richard Coeur de Lion from

118 Reames (1985) p.1 03.

119 Fxtra li\es were added by compilers. scribes and translators. See Reames (1985) passim and Jeremy

(1946) pp.212-21.

120 Reames (1985) p.97.

104
chivalric biographies such as the Chandos Herald's Life of the Black Prince or

brief lives of Richard in larger chronicles. In the long version in particular the

wondrous actions and adventures ascribed to him are derived from the

chanson de geste tradition. As Stokoe says, Richard is characterised as a

"supernaturally successful romance hero.,,121 He is aided by two loyal men.

Thomas Moulton and Fulk D'Oyly, and opposed by Philip, Modred and

Saladin. The story is presented chronologically with historical accuracy

subordinated to the requirements of the plot, such as the change in date of

Philip's departure from the Holy Land. Ignoring the chronology of events, as

S.R. Hauer notes, the romancer deliberately downplays Richard's capture and

ransom, placing them before the Crusade rather than afterwards in order that

the account of his life might end on a truly heroic note and foregrounding "'the

compelling character of the king which dominates the tone of the work."I22

Thus it is closest to the Siege of Jerusalem in terms of structure being loosely

based on fact, focusing on a hero and contrasting him to his enemies. A large

percentage of Richard Coeur de Lion relates the king' s victorious campaign in

the Holy Land, while the main body of the Siege of Jerusalem covers the

successful siege of the Jewish city. Both deal with battles, tactics, and combat

strategy. The figure of Richard dominates Richard Coeur de Lion, while Titus

and Vespasian are foregrounded in the Siege of Jerusalem. However, the

structure of the Siege of Jerusalem is much tighter, concentrating, as it does,

on one section of the Roman campaign to Judaea, the destruction of Jerusalem.

In addition although Titus and Vespasian are undoubtedly the chief movers in

121 Stokoe ( 1946) p. \03.

122 Ilauer (1980) p.91.

105
the poem, the poet explores the expenences of other individuals, such as

Josephus and Mary.

II: Narrative Stance and Appeals to Authority

The author of the Siege ofJerusalem does not appear to comment explicitly on

events, nor does he refer to his sources or authorities. The poem begins and

ends without religious prayers; invocations, and romance tags such "as I have

heard tell," "truth to tell" and so forth are difficult to find. Helen Cooper in her

study of poetic authority found that stories which wish to cite their veracity

and seriousness of intention defer to auctoritas. 123 Perhaps the poet felt that

the medium he chose, alliterative verse, lent it enough weight, or possibly he

believed that his intended audience would be aware of the implications of his

material. Like the Legenda Aurea, the poem appears to have been aimed at a

sophisticated readership with access to books who would be aware of the full

purport of the work. Although he adopts the stance of a neutral narrator

appearing not to intervene in the narrative by not speaking in the first person,

the poet does at the same time incorporate serious matter. The writer is

interested in raising important issues without drowning them in commentary,

and hence he presents his historical and religious matter in a manner that

allows readers to assess the significance of the material for themselves. He

juxtaposes the events with the reactions of the participants, thereby providing

us with more than one perspective. For instance, Titus decides to starve the

city into submission after John and Simon, the Jewish leaders, have refused to

In Cooper (1991) pp.83-.t.

106
surrender. Eventually conditions deteriorate so much that a woman is driven to

consume her own son. The poet adds the reactions of the citizens who break

down her door in the hunt for food, and the feelings of Titus. The Jews are so

shocked that they tremble and depart weeping. Titus begs God's forgiveness

and states that this was not his intention. By including these responses and not

commenting on them, the poet allows the reader to assess for himself the

moral validity both of the Jewish leaders' refusal to surrender and of Titus'

decision to besiege the city.

In contrast to this, a key feature of Jacobus de Voragine's work is the

combativeness of tone as he presents the righteous saints in their conflicts with

adversaries. He is certain that he is right as he is speaking of those who are in

receipt of God's grace and is following eminent authorities:

Unde et de ejus sanctitate sic scripsit Hegesippus apostolorum vicinus,

sicut in ecclesiasticis hystoriis legitur ...... (p.296)124

On the whole, though, Jacobus de Voragine's narrative stance is much closer

to the Siege ofJerusalem poet's than that of Higden, or of romance writers, in

that he rarely comments in the first person and intends his tales to be suitable

exempla for a variety of pedagogical occasions.

In terms of attitude to his material, Higden acted as a compiler, taking

extracts from various sources and treating each similarly and placing them in a

chronological sequence. Original passages are included under his own name as

a rule, but he had no qualms in claiming items to be of his own devising even

124 Hcgesippus. who lived close to the time of the apostles. wrote as follows about James' sanctit~. as we

read in the Fcclesiastical History. ... (p.271 )

107
when he is clearly using the work of others. 125 Generally, though, he cites the

name of his authority before incorporating material from it:

Quamobrem in hac assertione historica periculum veri statuendi per

omnia mihi non facio, sed qure apud diversos auctores legi sine invidia
communico. (I, p.18)126

He envisages himself as a humble compiler, a dwarf sitting on the shoulders of

a giant, who will hopefully be able to enlighten men through gathering

together information from his classical and highly respected predecessors (I

p.14). Thus in some respects his stance resembles that of the author of the

Siege of Jerusalem as he assembles his work from different sources and does

not comment in the first person. There the similarities end, though, as his aim

is to educate, to bring a mass of material to the attention of a new audience,

relying on previous authors and not to raise debate. Higden had no doubts

concerning the ethics of warfare and noble men as they formed part of God's

divine plan.

Not only does the Siege of Jerusalem differ markedly from religous

and historical narratives in its narrative stance and failure to appeal to

authority; it also diverges radically from romances on these issues. The

narrative stance of Richard Coeur de Lion is that author and audience are

unquestionably in awe of the wondrous example set by Richard. The king is

depicted as a legendary hero who is destined from birth for greatness. The

poem gives added authority to its narrative through allusions to the heroes of

other romances like Roland, Oliver, Arthur, Charlemagne and Gawain, and

125 John Taylor ( 1966) pA8.

126 Wherfore in pc \\Titynge of pis storie I take nou3t vppon me to aferme for soop all pat I \\fite. hut

such as I hauc seie and i-rad in dyuersc bookes. I gad ere and write wip oute em ie. and comoun to opere
men. (I. p.19)

108
numerous references to God and to sources of the story. The point is that the

author of Richard Coeur de Lion openly extols the ethics and code of

behaviour embodied by his hero and urges his audience to embrace it:

Lord Iesu, kyng off glorye,

Whyche grace and uyctorye
Pou sente to Kyng Rychard,
Pat neuer was founde coward!
It is ful good to here in ieste
Off his prowesse and hys conqueste .....
N euerpeles, wip glad chere,
Ffele off hem pat wolde here
Noble iestes, j vndyrstonde,
Off dOU3ty ky3tes off Yngelonde.
perfore now j wole 30w rede
Off a kyng, dou3ty in dede:
Kyng Rychard, pe werryour beste
pat men fynde in ony ieste.
Now aIle pat here pis talkyng,
God geue hem aIle good endyng! (lines 1-34)

Thus the poet glorifies his hero as a warrior and king who is a shining example

of chivalry and beyond compare. This is completely antithetical to the

narrative stance of the Siege of Jerusalem which investigates the motivation

and behaviour of all its protagonists rather than eulogising or vilifying them.

III: Style and Presentation

The Siege of Jerusalem is beautifully written, an integrated whole, and has

generally found favour among scholars for its poetic style and its elaborate

descriptions of splendid armour, storms and so forth, which are typical of

romances and alliterative verse, as one can see in the following lines:

Waspasian bounys of bedde, busked hym fayre

Fram pe fote to pe fourche in fyne gold elopes.
Sup puttep pe prince ouer his pal[l]e[n] wedes
A brynye, browded picke, with a brest-plate,

109
 [pel gra[te was] of gray steel and of gold riche;
per-ouer he castep a cote, colour[ede] of his armys;
A grete girdel of gold with-out gere opere
Layp vmbe his lendis, with lacchetes ynow.
A bry3t burnesched swerd he beltep alofte,
Of pure purged gold pe pomel and pe hulte;
A brod schynande scheId on scholdire he hongip,
Bocklyd myd bri3t gold, abou[te] at pe necke ..... (lines 741-52)

Furthermore, interesting use is made of dialogue and direct speech to reveal

emotions, reactions and motivation. This comes across clearly when Titus

prays to God expressing his horror and dismay after learning of the incident of

mother-child cannibalism, when the mother herself speaks to her neighbours

and child revealing her intentions, during the council scenes among the

Romans when courses of action are discussed, and when Vespasian takes his

leave to return to Rome:

Fayn as pe foul of day was pe freke panne,

Kyssep kny3tes a-non with careful wordes:
"My wele and my wurschup 3e welep to kepe,
For pe tresour of my treup vpon pis to un hengyp:
I nold, pis toun wer vn-take, ne pis toures heye,
For aIle pe glowande golde vpon grounde riche,
[Ne] no ston in pe stede stond[i]n[g] alofte,
Bot aIle ouer-tourned and tilt, temple and oper."
Pus lacchep he his leeue at his ledes aIle,
Wende wepande a-way and on pe walles lokep,
Praiep [god], as he goop, hem grace to sende ...... (lines 1009-1019)

There are several interesting features to note here: first Vespasian refers to

important chivalric concepts, worschup and treup, emphasising what is most

important to him. He thinks of his men as a good lord should, and prays to

God to aid them in the conflict. The speech contains an allusion to the

prophecy in Luke 19: 41-4 predicting the destruction of Jerusalem, thus

mingling religious and knightly concerns. Finally, his words are accompanied

by significant gestures: he kisses his knights indicating fidelity, looks at the

110
walls of the city for the last time highlighting the importance of the outcome of

the siege to him, and weeps showing his emotion on this occasion and the

momentousness of what is happening. These features differentiate the writing

from the format of the chronicles and the terse, didactic, heavy-handed style of

saints' lives, and signal its affinity to romances. The poet intends his audiences

to examine for themselves the validity of the principles put forward, namely

the heroic code and warfare. In order to achieve this he foregrounds chivalric

ideals and clearly incorporates the topoi of romances, presenting, for instance,

Vespasian as the typical hero of such a work. Having done so, he can then

contrast this system of values with the squalidness and brutality of the military

campaign in first-century Judaea, provoking a re-evaluation of the armed

conflict and the religious interpretations of it.

Richard the Lionheart was brave, decisive, a born leader, charismatic,

pIOUS, zealous, and a man who more than lived up to the legacy of his

ancestors and, moreover, the historical circumstances of his life lent

themselves to legendary interpretations. 127 Richard Coeur de Lion takes the

bare facts of history and elaborates them into a legend of the ultimate hero, an

account which proved popular with medieval audiences. The National Library

of Scotland, Advocates Ms. 19.2.1 (Auchinleck) contains the earliest version

of it, as the penultimate item of the miscellany as it survives, where it is

127 Broughton (1966, pp.II-2, 38-42) notes that Giraldus Cambrensis was the first to start the process of

mythologising Richard I and that in his De Principis Instructione (c. I 188) he alludes to Richard's
devilish origins and says that Richard himself had referred to his ancestor Fulk at the court of Poitiers in
1174. Richard was greatly admired for his bravery and fortitude, so much so, that even French and
Saracen chroniclers lauded him. This general opinion of Richard led historians and poets to attribute
ancient legends to him, to recount his actions in heroic terms and to generate parallels between him and
Arthur during his own lifetime. Within half a century of his death he became the subject of romance and
motifs were adapted from other tales to embroider his life story. Ambroise, in his Estoire de fa Guerre
."ainte extolled his virtues on almost every page. as did Richard of Devizes. Ralph of Coggeshall. Ralph
of Diceto and Roger of Howden. See in addition Gillingham (1994) pp.95, 151.

I 11
introduced by thirty four lines that set the life of Richard in the context of

figures such as Roland, Oliver, Alexander, Charlemagne, Arthur, Gawain,

Turpin and so forth who are the subjects of epic and chansons de geste .128

Thus the work is envisaged to be an historical, heroic account of the king and

fittingly it commences with Richard's embarkation on Crusade. Finlayson

argues that the work here is intended to be read as an "historical epic", as it is

to be found with Horn Child, A Short Metrical Chronicle, and a political and

social satire entitled The Simonie!29 This chronicle is adapted for this

particular manuscript collection and includes an account of the exploits of

Richard based on Richard Coeur de Lion and relates the deeds of English

kings from the time of Brutus to Edward II, concluding with a prayer for

Edward III. This provides the historical backdrop for Horn Childe and Richard

Coeur de Lion, accounts of exemplary English heroes. The Simonie is a satire

on the vices prevalent during the unfortunate reign of Edward II, and Finlayson

writes that "it seems not unlikely that an indirect comparison is intended

between a glorious past and .. recent miserable decline." The manuscripts of

the A redaction provide more varied contexts, reflecting the highly romantic

nature of this expanded rendition. On the whole they suggest that Richard

Coeur de Lion was perceived to enshrine an historical account of the heroic

deeds of a model king and Christian knight, which stand in sharp contrast to

128 Finlayson ( 1990) p.161.

129 Finlayson (1990) pp.) 62-....

112
 130
present corruption. Every aspect of Richard Coeur de Lion is tailored to fit

the aim of the work:

the important encounters are developed as dramatic scenes with the

speeches of principal personages in direct discourse. 131

Urs Diirmiiller highlights the purposes of direct speech in romances, how it

helps to characterise figures, indicates changes, reveals contrasts between

attitudes and actions, and facilitates the making of personal statements. 132

Thus the French are revealed to be cowards despite their fine words, and

Richard's many speeches highlight his piety, bravery and lordship qualities. A

number of features distinguish Richard Coeur de Lion from chronicles, such as

the concept of the triumph over the forces of darkness and evil. 133 Richard

bears a crest ofa white dove on a cross (lines 5713-9) which signifies the Holy

Spirit, and invokes God, Christ and the Holy Virgin's help frequently, while

Saladin worships a pantheon of pagan gods (lines 5501-2, 2713-4, 5362).

William C. Stokoe, having examined the work, finds that Richard's parentage

and birth, youth and pilgrimage, and the initial account of him as crusader, are

all fictitious. 134 Lines 1437-2040 which relate Richard's capture by the Duke

of Austria and his problems with Tancred and the French in Sicily, are closer

to history, but are augmented with romantic motifs, such as the story of the

130 Finlayson (1990) pp.164-5. He admits, though, on pp.168, 177 that it is not possible to describe the
B version as definitively historical and the A version as romantic. Even in the more restrained redaction
a number of episodes are designed to show Richard as an errant knight. Richard Coeur de Lion bares
striking resemblances to Ambroise's Estoire de la Guerre Sainte, a rhetorically embellished history
which alone of all the chronicles focuses consistently on Richard. Likewise both writers use direct
speech to dramatise events, and to convey significance and emotions.

131 Stokoe (1946) p.1 04.

112 DUrmUller (1975) p.141.

133 Finlayson (1990) p.178.

114 Stokoe (1946) pp.80-2.

113
lion's death. The next section (lines 2041-464) recounting Richard's activities

in Cyprus commences with fact, before returning to romantic detail, like the

horses Favel and Lyard. 135 All the battles are "recounted in the manner of

romance and not as history",136 consisting of a series of individual encounters,

tremendous feats by the Christians and Richard, and the exotic accoutrements

of the Saracens. The pilgrimage (lines 615-1242) serves as a table of contents

for the later military campaigns, as each city visited is besieged by Richard's

army.137 Furthermore, the passages common to both versions A and B prove

that the long rendition is the earlier recension. Version B is more factual, less

descriptive than the A narrative and Stokoe concludes that it is an attempt to

make Richard Coeur de Lion more historical. I38 Thus Richard Coeur de Lion

parallels the Siege of Jerusalem in some respects such as its use of historical

matter and the way it appeals to crusading fervour, but it differs significantly

in the way it mythologises its protagonist and demonises his enemies.

A key feature of Higden's chronicle is its literary quality, drawing as it

does on a wide range of material. In terms of presentation the work is above all

a record, a preservation of items that would have been forgotten and the

gathering together of such information from a variety of sources to aid the

learning of men:

Historia igitur, cum sit testis temporum, memoria vitre, nuncia

vetustatis, dotes possidet prreminentes, suosque quam plurimum

\35 Stokoe (1946) p.83.

\36 Stokoe (1946) p.87.

137 Stokoe (1946, p.1 06) argues that "the completely fictional parts of the long version. then, are not wild
tales haphazardly inserted; they are true elements of romance. exaggerated feats of strength and guile.
fairy-tales. and horrors. used precisely in the manner of romance as the sounding board for the sustained
tone of the romance hero' s unvarying character."

\38 Stokoe ( 1946) p. 1 12.

114
 prrerogat professores. Historia namque quadam famae immortalitate
peritura renovat, fugitiva revocat, mortalia quodammodo perpetuat et
conservat. ..... ac sic tractatum aliquem, ex variis auctorum decerptum
laboribus, de statu insulre Britannicre ad notitiam cudere futurorum. (I
p.6)139

Higden sees himself as the humble servant of mankind and God and thus he

simply records what he finds, as he trusts that the hand of God will be evident

as Divine will is ultimately behind all that happens. The end product is a

collection of anecdotes and exempla which are both entertaining and edifying,

stories derived from classical and medieval historians, books of exempla such

as the Gesta Romanorum, the Vulgate and its commentaries, De Civitate Dei,

Horace and so forth.140 Higden is solely interested in recounting the material

he finds and makes no attempt to emphasise issues or to rouse his readers to

interpret things for themselves, as we can see in the following quotation:

Itaque cum ad regni sui administrationem accessisset, Scythas antea

inimicos ingenii calliditate perdomuit, Pontum et Macedoniam
occupavit; Asiam quoque, cum quibusdam amicis suis tacite a regno
suo profectus, pervagtus est, situs regionum explorans. Post hoc in
regnum suum rediens reperit parvulum filium quem uxor sua simul et
soror, Laodice nomine, concubinarie in ejus absentia genuerat. Igitur
venenum per uxorem redeunti Mithridati paratur; sed re per ancillam
uxoris detecta, scelus in auctores vindicatur. Deinde hieme adveniente
non in convivio sed campo equo viribus aut cursu contendebat,
exercitum suum in consimili labore exercens invictum reddebat.
Deinde Galatiam invadit, minas Romanorum parvipendens... (IV
pp.166_70)141

139 For storie is wytnesse of tyme, mynde of Iyf, messager of eldnesse; story weldep passyng doynges,
storie puttep forp hire professoures. Dedes pat wolde be lost storie rulep; dedes pat wolde flee out of
mynde, storye clepep a3en; dedes pat wolde deie, storye kepep hem euermore ....... I haue y-kast and y-
ordeyned, as I may, to make and to write a tretes, i-gadered of dyuerse bookes, of pe staat of pe ylonde
of Britayne, to knowleche of men pat comep after vs. (I p.7)

140 John Taylor (1966) pp.77-88.

141 Also whan he come to rUlynge of pe kyndom he chastede pe Schytes, pat my3te nou3t be overcome

toforehonde by sleype of witte. He occupiede Pontus and Macedonia. Also he wcnte priveliche out of his
kyngdom, and took \\ip hym som of his frendes, and passed into Asia, and wente aboute in Asia. and
aspyed pe places and contrayes of pat lond, and come a3en panne in to his owne kyngdom, and fonde a
litel sone pat Laodice, pat was bope his wife and his owne suster, hadde y-brou3t forp b) a copener
while he was absent in oper londes. l>erfore pe wife ordeynep vcnym for Metridas \\ hanne he come
homc. But hc was i-warned by a wcnche pat sened his wyL and took \Hechc of pe docres of pal falsc
dede. l>annc whan wynter was i-come he wolde nou3t be in festes. but in pe feeld. stf)\ ynge on his hors

115
This passage relates concisely the career of Mithradates. It consists of a series

of brief pieces of infonnation strung together with the connectives "deinde ".

"et" and "quo". The contrast between the factual style of Higden and the richly

descriptive style of the Siege of Jerusalem is stark, and re-inforces the point

that the English writer focuses on the interpretation of human behaviour.

IV: Characterisation

Titus and Vespasian are truly noble figures in the Siege ofJerusalem, virtuous,

valiant, model Christian leaders who support the emperor and the Church,

displaying chivalric qualities, providing a complete contrast to the wicked

Jewish leaders and certain degenerate Roman emperors. These chivalric ideals

are encapsulated in Sabyn, a hero in the romance mould. He is a siker man of

armes (434) who leads many men into battle. In the height of battle, when the

Romans are in the midst of a gruelling attack on the city, he scales the walls,

killing six Jews before a seventh succeeds in slaying him with an vnhende

dynte (1198). This is an act of bravery like Gawain's in Arthur's battle against

Mordred at the end of the Alliterative Morte Arthure, and both are eulogised

after their sudden demise:

Ffor now is a duke ded pe dou3tiest y trowe,

pat euer stede bystrode or any steel wered. (lines 1203-4)

Thus Titus praises him for his ability to fight, to ride a horse, and for his

bravery. In fact the poem, for all its religious implications, never loses sight of

in rennynge. oper in grete dedes of strengpe, and made his oost use suche travayle and dedes forto make
hem konnynge by use, stalworpe, and stedefast efte sones whan pey schulde fi3te. I>anne he \\crred in
Galacia. and despisede pe manas of pe Romayns.
( IVpp.167-71)

116
chivalric ideals and foregrounds them, extolling the flower of Christian

knighthood rather than the values of Christianity. Sabyn's fame lives on. and

as we saw, Vespasian is concerned that his own good fame continues and that

he does not fall into disrepute, like Frederick in Matthew Paris's Chronica

Majora (V p.60), by not fulfilling his vow to capture Jerusalem. David Lawton

notes that Vespasian is depicted in the heroic mould: unable to sleep at night,

arising at first light, anning himself carefully and boasting in front of the city

(lines 729_84).142 Furthennore, knights are rewarded with worldly prizes:

Vespasian becomes emperor and the Roman anny enjoy the spoils of

Jerusalem. There is no mention of spiritual prizes to be gained in the next

world. These heroic ideals, however, are not meant to be taken at face value.

Sir Sabyn may be a heroic figure but the manner of his death suggests that

these chivalrous values are limited. The blow to his head causes his brain to

ooze out of his nostrils, illustrating the inglorious, rather squalid side of heroic

endeavour. In fact the Roman leaders are ennobled not through their actions in

war but through the miracles which cure them. These miracles raise an

interesting parallel with the depiction of saints in hagiography, as it is through

God's aid expressed via miracles that they overcome their persecutors. Despite

this, Titus' and Vespasian' s actions during the course of the siege are not seen

as unquestionably glorious, as the anned conflict causes them to act harshly

and cruelly. The poem sympathises with the suffering of their Jewish

opponents who are reduced to desperate straits due to the starvation and

deprivation rampant in the city of Jerusalem. Initially, Titus refuses to grant

142 I.a\\ Ion ( 1997) p.1 06.

117
the Jews mercy or to parley with their leaders as he fears treachery. He orders

his men to mine under the walls, while he and a number of spearmen and

knights assault the city and engage in combat with five hundred Jews. With the

help of Domitian and his men the Jews are soundly defeated and Titus:

.... toward his tentis tourne~ hym sone,

Make~ mynour[ s] and men , ~e myne to stoppe;
After profre~ pes for pyte ~at hr hadde,
Whan he wist of here wo ~at were withyn stoken. (lines 1129-32)

Titus subordinates himself to outer pressures, adapting his plans to conquer

Jerusalem in order to try to preserve the lives of its citizens. He submerges

strength in weakness, identifying himself with the starving people in the city.

Pity is based on a recognition of changeability as fundamental to human

existence, and meets that mutability with its own. It works to channel

changeability in positive directions, to provide a release from the static

deadlock of misery. However, Titus' pity is prevented from achieving any

positive outcome as a result of the intransigence of the tyrannical John and

Simon. Pity is not solely the preserve of the Romans, as Josephus aids Titus,

curing him by forcing him to overcome his anger and hatred of a certain

individual. Titus is not a perfect knight, although he is the recipient of God's

grace, and on this occasion he is guilty of lack of compassion. On the whole,

though, Titus is merciful and he encourages the suffering citizens in Jerusalem

to leave rather than endure further tribulation. Pity is fundamental to chivalry

and it is emphasised in many romances such as Sir Gawain and the Green

Knight and The Knight's Tale. However, it is unusual to find warriors

expressing compassion for their enemies while they are still engaged in battk

against them. Thus the poet is suggesting that pity is supremely important even

118
in times of war and that it may on occasion come into conflict with the other

virtues of chivalry.

Richard Coeur de Lion is a conscious attempt to turn the king into a

hero of romance, a figure comparable to Arthur and Charlemagne:

Ffele romaunses men maken newe,

Off goode kny3tes, stronge and trewe;
Off here dedys men rede romaunce,
Bope in Engeland and in Ffraunce:
Off Rowelond, and offOlyuer,
And off euery Doseper;
Off Alisaundre, and Charlemayn;
.... perfore now j wole 30w rede
Off a kyng, dOU3ty in dede:
Kyng Rychard, pe werryour beste
pat men fynde in ony ieste. (lines 7-13, 29-32)

Richard is aided by two Lincolnshire knights, Thomas Moulton and Fulk

D'Oilly, who each command a third of the crusader army. These knights are

not mentioned in any chronicle account of the Crusade, although they did

exist. Furthermore, in the long redaction they fight against Richard in the

three-day tourney and their inclusion is in accord with the writer's aim of

presenting Richard as a hero of ieste. 143 They are Christian warleaders who

trounce the wicked Saracens with military might and alacrity and the grace of

God. Richard has his foil, Philip Augustus his ally on the Crusade, just as

Charlemagne has Ganelon and Arthur, Mordred. 144 Philip Augustus is not just

weak and fickle, he is also devious and tries to engineer events so as to

advantage himself:

A tresoun pou3te pe Kyng of Fraunce,

To doo Kyng Richard a destaunce.

141 Finlayson (1990) p. 166.

144 Finlayson (1990) p.170.

119
 To Kyng Tanker he sente a wryt,
Pat tumyd hym sipene to lytyl wyt,
Pat Kyng Richard wip strenpe of hand
Wolde dryue out of his land. (lines 1677-82)

Tancred was ruler of Sicily and had good reason historically to dread the

intentions of the King of England, and this fear of Tancred was manipulated by

the French sovereign who wished to marry his sister to Richard. 145 In the poem

Richard tries to smooth over the tensions caused by the French, but he fails

and ends up having to seize Messina where he builds a wooden castle (1709-

1892). Thus the historical events are given a heightened literary presentation,

fitting them to traditional romance patterns. Hence the poet creates a romance

hero, an English knight to match those French and classical heroes, in a way

not paralleled in the Siege of Jerusalem where these values are presented in a

manner designed to raise discussion. The author of the Siege of Jerusalem

wishes to re-examine the horrors of warfare rather than describe heroes the

equal of the twelve peers. To this end he does not allude to other great

warriors, but concentrates on other elements, as we have seen.

In the Polychronicon we find descriptions of heroes like Julius Caesar

and Marcus Cato who display the same qualities as are admired in the

romances:

Fuerunt duo viri prreclari, Marcus Cato et Caius Julius, quibus genus,
retas, et e10quentia prope requalia fuere. Magnitudo animi par, sed
gloria divers a, Cato vitre integritate, magnus Julius magnificentia et
magnitudine. lUi severitas, isti liberalitas gloriam addidit, Cresar dando
Cato nihil largiendo laudatur, in Cresare miserorum refugium, in
Catone malorum supplicium. In Cresare laborare, vigilare, sua
negligere, nihil negare quod posset, bellum novum parare, triumphum
optare, dulce fuit. Catoni, quoque studium modestire, constantire,
severitatis, non divitiis cum divite, non factione cum factioso, sed

145 Finlayson ( 1990) p.170-1.

120
 virtute cum strenuo, pudore cum modesto, certabat magis esse bonus
quam videri bonus. Itaque quo minus petebat gloriam, ipsam magis
assequebatur. (Polyehronieon IV p.220)146

Both are worthy men, noble of speech, great of heart, honourable and so forth,

the conventional qualities of great men. We are constantly told of such

individuals, their actions, births and deaths. Their qualities are those extolled

by medieval society and this feature of the chronicle is emphasised in the

vernacular translations:

In quorum ultimo ita Cresar prene devictus fuerat, ut fugientibus suis

ipse seipsum occidere vellet, ne post tantam rei militaris gloriam ipse
jam senex in manus juvenum caderet, annos retatis lvi tunc habens. (IV
p.204)

Trevisa translates this as follows:

In pe laste batayle pereof Cesar was so nyh overcome pat his men fligh,
and he was in poynt to sle hym self leste in his e1de he schul de falle
into children hond, afterward grete worsehip and ioye and grete dedes
of ehivalrie. Cesar was poo sixe and fifty 3ere olde. (italicised words
are not in the Latin) (IV p.20S)

Jacobus de Voragine in his sermon on Benedict focuses on the special

demands and rewards of the religious life and not on the condition of the

average Christian, and this is true of his characterisation in the Legenda Aurea,
147
where saints appear as isolated, heroic figures. He values studying and

preaching highly, as did the Dominican order in general, and thus we see St.

146 I>ere were tweie noble men, Marcus Cato and Gaius lulius, weI nyh of [one] worpynesse of blood, of
age, and of nobel and real speche, and i-liche greet ofherte, but pey were ofdyvers ioye and worschippe.
Cato was greet in c1ennes of Iyf, and lulius in largenesse of 3iftes and in mildenesse. pat oon hadde
worschippe by cruelnesse, and pe oper by fredom of 3iftes. Cesar by 3iftes, Cato by 3evynge of none
3iftes is i-preysed. In Cesar socour and refute of wrecches and of nedy men. In Catoun, punschynge of
evel doers. In Cesar, wakynge and travayle for gendrynge of his owne, no ping weme pat he my3te do
arraye newe batailles, desire triumphis and worschippe as a victor of Rome, al pis Iikynge to Cesar.
Catoun loved besynesse of sobemesse, of stedfastnesse, of stumesse; he stroof nou3t wip richesse a3enst
pe riche, nou3t with tresoun a3enst pe traytour; but wip strenge a3enst pe stronge, wip honeste a3enst pe
sobre man: he desirede more to be good panne [to] seme good; so pat pe lasse he desirede more to be
good panne [to] seme good; so pat pe lasse he desired good worschippe pe more worschippe he hadde.
(IV p.221)

147 Reames (1985) p.I04. 148.

121
James preaching on several occasions and discussing matters of doctrine with

the other disciples. From an early age St. James is concerned with the total

conquest of carnal desires, the renunciation of all that is worldly:

Hic ex utero matris suae sanctus fuit, vinum et siceram non bibit.
carnes nunquam manducavit, ferrum in caput ejus non adscendit, oleo
non est unctus, balneis non est usus, sindone, id est veste linea, semper
indutus. Totiens in oratione genua flexerat, ut callos in genibus sicut in
calcaneis videretur habere. Pro hac incessabili et summa justitia
appellatus est justus et abba, quod est interpretatum munimentum
populi et justitia. Hie solus inter apostolos propter nimiam sanctitatem
pennittebatur intrare in sancta sanctorum. (p.296)148

Jacobus de Voragine nonnally expresses relationships between figures in

tenns of superiors and inferiors, emphasising the dignity and power of saints

rather than their humility and so forth.149 This sense of hierarchy permeates all

levels, with some saints exhibiting superior qualities to others, as in the case of

St. James:

Dicitur etiam, quod primus inter apostolos missam celebravit; nam

propter excellentiam suae sanctitatis hunc sibi honorem apostoli
fecerunt, ut post adscensionem domini primus inter eos mlssam
Hierosolymis celebraret... (p.296)150

The enemies of saints suffer dreadful punishments, torture, and even death,

with no fate too bad for those who will not submit to the authority of God and

His representatives. The Jews find this to their cost in De Sancto Jacoba

Apostola where Jerusalem is destroyed and many of their number are killed or

148 From his mother's womb he was holy. He drank no wine or strong drink, never ate meat, no razor
ever came near his head, no oil annointed him, he never bathed. His clothing consisted of a linen
garment. He knelt so often in prayer that his knees were calloused like the soles of his feet. For this
ceaseless and surpassing righteousness he was called the Just and Abba, which is interpreted to mean the
stronghold of the people and righteousness. Because of his eminent sanctity he alone of the apostles was
allowed to enter the Holy of Holies. (p.271)

149 Reames ( 1985) pp. 106-7.

150 It is also said that he was first among the apostles to celebrate the mass. In recognition of his superior
holiness the apostles awarded him the honor of being the first among them to otTer mass in Jerusalem
after the Lord's ascension. (p.271)

122
sold into slavery. Each step in the Christian's life arises not through any act of

his own but through the receipt of grace; hence one does not develop as a

person but is merely a receptacle for divine succor. lSI What mattered for

Jacobus de Voragine was the autonomy of saints, the strange otherness of God

who remains distant from the human realm, shrouded in mystery. 152 He

presents God as a stem judge who aids those worthy, not as the more

benevolent figure of the Siege of Jerusalem. Titus and Vespasian are indeed

recipients of grace, but they remain very human figures who can empathise

with human suffering and are capable of showing compassion to the plight of

ordinary Jews. The Jews themselves are more than blackened wretches who

suffer dire punishments for their intransigence to God's will as is the case in

the Legenda Aurea. In particular the Siege ofJerusalem presents Josephus as a

noble, scholarly man, although he does not convert to Christianity and at the

end of the tale he is brought to Rome where spends his days writing books:

Josophus, pe gentile clerke, a-jorneyed was to Rome:

Per of pis mater and mo he made fayre bokes. (lines 1321-2)

He is refered to as "gentile" or noble on two occasions in the poem, but we are

never informed in the course of the narrative that he has any leanings towards

the Christian faith.

V: The Marvellous

The Siege of Jerusalem contains a few miracles, most notably the two at the

beginning where Titus and Vespasian are cured of their illnesses (lines 169-84,

lSI Reames (1970) p.46.

152 Reames(1985)pp.139. 143.

123
241-52), and omens which predict the destruction of Jerusalem (lines 1217-

36).153 Most of the extraordinary elements of the poem, however, focus on the

Jews who use camels, elephants and dromedaries when' attacking the Roman

forces. The paucity of such material contributes to the greater realism of the

work and focuses attention upon its concern with the horrors of war, which it

endeavours to re-evaluate. In this greater realism and minimal employment of

fabulous stories, incidents and features, it is wholly unlike most romances and

saints' lives, being closer instead to clerical histories.

Thus there is little in the way of marvels as such in the work of Higden,

although it does contain numerous visions and phenomena such as portents,

comets, and meteorological anomalies. For instance, in the Polychronicon IV

pp.208-12 we learn that when Julius Caesar is stabbed to death no wound is

visible on his dead body. One hundred days prior to his death lightning struck

in the middle of Rome before an image of him and removed the first letter of

his name "Caesar". Furthermore, on the night prior to his demise he was

roused by a great noise and during the day before his unfortunate end three

suns appeared in the sky to east and united in the form of one sun. This

signified that the lordships of the three parts of the earth would be united in

one monarchy. All the world would know of the Trinity, three persons and one

God. Around this time an ox spoke to a ploughman claiming that he was

enslaved in vain, for in a short time men, not oxen or wheat, would fail in the

city. These marvels all clearly indicate the hand of God which is behind all

that happens. In the Siege of Jerusalem the omens are described but not

153 Sec Chapter One and Millar ( \999).

124
explained and two possible interpretations are put forward; that they signify

that the destruction of Jerusalem is due to the Jews' execution of Saint James ,

or their cruxifixion of Jesus (lines 1218-36).

There is need only to refer to one representative marvel from Richard

Coeur de Lion, the three magical horses. Richard is blessed with the aid of two

magical horses, Favel and Lyard, whom he has captured (lines 2334-402).154

He rides to battle on them (lines 4835, 5016, 5077, 5235 and 6478). When

Favel and Lyard are not available, the Sultan offers to give Richard a horse to

speed him into battle. Richard gratefully sends his thanks to his opponent and

graciously accepts his offer (lines 5511-5526). However, a magician is

employed by Saladin who uses the "ffeendes craft off helle" (line 5534) to tum

two fiends into horses, a mare and a colt. The idea is that the colt will run to

the mare in battle and this will result in Richard's downfall. Fortunately an

angel warns Richard about the plots that are afoot, and counsels that he find a

forty-foot pole and tie it across the steed's neck and secure the horse with a

strong bridle. Furthermore, Richard should arm himself with a steel spear

which will easily penetrate the Sultan's light armour. The king follows this

advice, remembering to plug the horse's ears with wax. After these

preparations he is able to:

...... brak asundry pe scheltrome;

Ffor al pat euere beffore hym stode,
Hors and man to grounde 30de,

154 Broughton ( 1966) pp.1 00-2. Roger Sherman Loomis (1915, pp.512-3) points out that the story of the
demon steed is also to be found in Peter de Langtoft's and Walter de Heminburgh's chronicles which
show no sign of having been influenced by Richard Coeur de Lion or its source. Tancred Borenius
(1943. passim) describes numerous depictions of this episode in art which testif)' to the popularity of this
story. more so than of other incidents in Richard's life. It was so influential that it became com entional
to depict combats between Christian and Saracen warriors in this format. Roger Sherman Loomis ( 1915.
pp.51.f-8) suggests that these illustrations could well have influenced the fourteenth-century t\ liddle
English romancer when he was composing his version of the incident.

125
 Twenty ffoote on euery syde.
Whom pat he ouertoke pat tyde,
Off lyff ne was there waraunt non.
porw30ut he made hys hors to gon. (lines 5786-92)

The Sultan's confidence wanes and he tries to flee from the fray, but is chased

by the Christian king. This incident establishes Richard as a great and valiant

hero:

At morwen, whenne Kyng Richard aros-

Hys dedes were noble and his los-
Sarezynes beffore hym come,
And askyd ofhym Grystyndome. (lines 5879-82)

He is aided by God's grace and angels, a true Christian knight. Finlayson

argues that marvels such as that of the demon colt or the angelic visitations are

more appropriate to the chanson de geste and saint's legend modes than that of
155
romance. They are also to be found in Sir Gowther and The Sege off

Melayne, but significantly they are not to be discovered in the Siege of

Jerusalem.

Marvels feature prominently in the Legenda Aurea where they are

retained from its sources, but their explications are not included, with the

result that they seem even more incredible. The saints thus seem less like real

people, and not genuine models for emulation. This "reductive fashion"

emphasises the power of saints over evil, how they should be revered and not

scorned, and an impatience with human weakness. 156 Ordinary folk, even the

followers of saints, simply provide occasions for them to illustrate their

miraculous power, bestowed on them by divine grace and in direct correlation

to their moral and theological virtues. For instance. in De Sanctv Petro

l'i'i Finlayson (1990) pp.166-7.

156 Reames ( 1985) pp.89. 93.

126
Apostola Peter restores one of his disciples to life who had been dead for fort\'

days, and no commentary is provided; it is just an example of the saint's power

(p.370).

Conclusion

As is clear from the above discussion, the poem is most certainly not a

straightforward history or a religious narrative, and conforms more to the

romance mode than to any other. This is evident in the construction of the plot

and its presentation, as it is a beautifully written, carefully constructed poem

which utilises direct speech and description imaginatively. Its use of

characterisation affirms this impression, focusing as it does on the motivation

of the protagonists and their reactions to the circumstances in which they find

themselves. The mixture of fictional and factual elements is common to all

three types of narrative, but it is significant that the Siege ofJerusalem focuses

less on the marvellous than most romances. Pertinently, the work never refers

to its sources, and the narrating voice never makes assertions of truth or

comments directly. This suggests that the poet wished to write a romance that

allows readers to interpret things for themselves within certain parameters. He

does not seem to want to teach a specific message or reveal overarching

patterns in the events he narrates, as is the case with works of historiography

or hagiography. Basically, he wishes his audience to examine for themselves

the moral issues involved in warfare and how individuals respond to extreme

situations. It is his attitude towards his subject-matter which is responsible for

these differences. and this perhaps explains the marginalisation of the poem in

modern criticism.

127
 CHAPTER THREE

THE REPRESENTATION OF THE JEWS

The Siege of Jerusalem has often been heralded by critics as a crusading text.

though no convincing argument for this has ever been made. Murray J. Evans

notes that it combines "the edifying and the heroic", recounting Titus and

Vespasian's sack of Jerusalem in order to avenge Christ's death.} He points out

that in BL. Ms. Caligula A.ii it is followed by the Cheualere Assigne which is a

romance that deals with an ancestor of Godfrey of Bouillon, Enyas, who rescues

a queen (his mother) and her children from an evil mother-in-law. He suggests

that the likely reason for the juxtaposition of these two romances is their

connection with the Nine Worthies, though this relationship with the Nine

Worthies is far from obvious. The Cheualere Assigne is about an ancestor of one

of them, while the Siege of Jerusalem recounts events in the Holy Land. This

distant connection between the siege of Jerusalem and the Nine Worthies is

discussed in some detail by Pamela R. Robinson in her study of the transmission

of Middle English verse-texts. Her study of manuscripts leads her to distinguish

three groups of texts, which regularly occur together, one of which focuses on

stories of Alexander, Arthur, Charlemagne, and the stories of the sieges of

Jerusalem, Thebes and Troy? She maintains that the narratives of the siege of

Jerusalem, although not involving any of the Worthies, came to be grouped

I Evans (1995) p.5t.

2 Robinson (1972) p.42.

128
together with the stories about the Worthies in preference to tales of Joshua

David and Judas Maccabeus "in an anti-Semitic age".3 She argues that the

account of the siege of Thebes was incorporated into the group due to its

connection with the siege of Troy in the minds of medieval people, and that a

sense of English identity ensured that there were fewer manuscripts containing

redactions of tales about Charlemagne than of the other stories in the groUp.4

However, she does not distinguish between the two renditions of the destruction

of Jerusalem story, the Siege of Jerusalem and Titus and Vespasian. Assuming

both to be anti-Semitic, she and Murray J. Evans, nonetheless, raise a very

interesting issue: is there a connection between stories of the sack of Jerusalem

and the Charlemagne romances which are deemed of crusading interest? Some

of the manuscript contexts of the Siege of Jerusalem suggest such a reading for

the romance, especially as it occurs in miscellanies with the Charlemagne

romances (see Chapter Six). Indeed, modem scholars such as Mary Hamel tend

to view the work as a piece of crusading literature, a reflection of the crusading

enthusiasm of the late fourteenth century, and suppose that the object of the

bigotry in the poem is not the Jews per se but the Saracens onto whom it has

been displaced. 5 In other words they are arguing that the Jews in the poem

represent the Saracens in the popular imagination. The Muslim world was

causing increasing threats to Christendom at this time, while the Jews had been

expelled from many European countries including England. Ralph Hanna

3 Robinson (1972) p.49.

4 Robinson (1972) pp.53-4.

5 Hamel (1992 a) pp.I77-94.

129
concurs with Mary Hamel that the depiction of the Jews displays some features

of orientalism, particularly in the description of their army and battle tactics. and

points out that the poem could have been inspired by similar thinking to that

behind the York pogrom of 1190 which was carried out by individuals on their

way to the Third Crusade. He goes on to make a case for the poem reflecting the

stance against Lollards in the fifteenth century on the strength of the possible

Lancastrian patronage of the Cambridge manuscript. 6 Although the Jews had

been expelled from England for a century by the time the Siege ofJerusalem was

written, they remained important ideologically, especially as they still existed

elsewhere.

Yet in my view the Siege of Jerusalem was not intended as a work of

crusading interest, nor does its attitude towards the Jews resemble the position of

other texts on the adversaries of Christendom. It may indeed be the case that the

poet chose a story to appeal to those swept up in crusading fervour, with the

intent of illuminating the horrors of warfare which are present in even

ideologically appealing military campaigns. It is a story that provides the poet

with the ideal opportunity to examine individual responses to extreme situations

and personal motivation. In order to appreciate what the poet is endeavouring to

do, it is necessary to consider the impact of crusading ideology and how this

affected other texts including accounts of the destruction of Jerusalem. As the

poet is interested in the moral issues entailed in warfare and personal motivation

he does not present all the Jews as rotten to the core. It is therefore useful to use

the tenninology devised by Gavin Langmuir to distinguish between the different

6 Ilanna ( 1992 a) pp. 109-21.

130
attitudes displayed towards the Jews in the Middle Ages - anti-Semitism,

doctrinal anti-Judaism, legal anti-Judaism and popular anti-Judaism.

Fundamentally, the poet presents neither side in the destruction of Jerusalem as

entirely virtuous or evil; he tries to depict the responses of both the Jewish and

Roman protagonists to the circumstances in which they fmd themselves. In this

he differs markedly from the approach of other literary texts which favour one

side heavily, especially if it is Christian, and are scathing to their opponents.

Although the poem is not anti-Semitic, there is an element of anti-

Judaism, which may be depicted as an opposition to the religious beliefs of Jews.

Anti-Judaism is fundamentally an antipathy which was expounded in doctrinal

terms by the Church fathers, such as Augustine, and which later became the

basis of legal restrictions on the Jews and was developed into a popular, more

virulently antagonistic form. This more extreme manifestation developed into

the anti-Semitism of the later Middle Ages as a result of social, political, and

economic pressures and is evident in the wild accusations levelled at the Jews

from the end of the twelfth century, such as that they perpetrated blood ritual

murders, and that they were inherently evil. There were differences in the extent

to which any individual subscribed to either anti-Judaism or anti-Semitism. The

Siege ofJerusalem poet is by no means in favour of the Judaic religion, but he is,

nevertheless, unable to justify the extermination of a people merely on the

grounds of their faith. His investigation of the moral issues involved in warfare

is manifest in the different orientation of his poem compared to other works on

the same topic. The attitude to the Jews in this work is indebted to the older view

of the Hebrew race encapsulated in the writings of Augustine. The more extreme

131
attitudes towards the Jews in the Middle Ages and the prevalence of crusading

ideology led to connections between accounts of the destruction of Jerusalem

and the crusades. A comparison between the Siege of Jerusalem and

Charlemagne romances such as the Sowdone of Babylone and The Sege off

Melayne, and crusade romances like Capystranus and Richard Coeur de Lion,

clearly illustrates the differences in outlook between it and other literary texts.

Crusading Literature

Crusading ideology and literature found a ready audience in the fourteenth and

fifteenth centuries when the Siege of Jerusalem and other texts such as the

Charlemagne romances were composed and copied. In the fourteenth century

Philip the Fair initiated a pamphlet campaign to popularise the crusades, aided

from Avignon by Pope Clement V. Philip VI took the cross in 1332, followed in

1336 by John the Good. 7 In fact, as late as 1390 Philippe de Meziers was

exhorting Richard II of England to follow Charles VI's example and go on

crusade. Pilgrimages to the Holy Land increased during the fourteenth century

providing the Republic of Venice with a profitable ferry service. 8 Giacomo di

Verona, one of many pilgrims to the Palestine, wrote an account of his trip, the

Liber Peregrination is, with a view to encouraging another attempt to recover the

sacred places. 9 The fourteenth century marked the peak in crusading propaganda,

"of enonnous bulk, it was generally characterised by a marked sense of devotion

7 Cook (1992) p.160.

8 Atiya (1938) p.155.

9 Atiya ( 1938) p.175-6.

132
and genuine enthusiasm for the salvation of the Holy Land."lo Burgundy proved

to be the centre of crusading fervour in the fifteenth century and it remained the

primary interest of the duchy until conflict broke out between the duke and Louis

XI. II Added to this was the creation of secular orders of chivalry with the

membership restricted to nobles. 12

In c.1291 a new type of crusading literature was born, namely the de

recuperatione Terrae Sanctae memoranda, which consisted of detailed military

plans to be followed in the taking o~,iIolY Land and an exhortationary element -

i'--

to come and fight the crusade.13 This type of text was immensely popular,

judging by the number produced. Many like Fidenzio of Padua were concerned

about the wealth and economic prosperity of the Saracens. He amongst others

(Marino Sanudo Torsello, Charles II of Anjou, Pierre Dubois, Henry II of

Lusignan) advocated th~ conquest of the kingdoms of Egypt, Carthage, and

Tunis, all territories which were once governed by the Roman Empire and were

"rightfully Christian property".14 Ramon Lull, the man believed to be the

"greatest missionary who worked among the Moslems in the Middle Ages",

wrote treatises and letters in which he declared himself to be in favour of a

military campaign to the Holy Land. ls This would pave the way for the

10 Atiya (1938) p.187.

II Atiya (1938) pp.189-90.

12 Housley (1992) pp.394-5.

\3 Schein (1991) pp.91-3.

14 Schein (1991) p.93-101.

15 Schein (1991) p.102.

133
conversion of the infidelS. 16 Furthermore, the treatises written in the wake of

1291 to provide counsel as to how to recover the Holy Land were equalled in the

fifteenth century by treatises providing guidance on a crusade against the

17
Ottoman Turks. Another popular vein of writing was that of the exhortatia -

appeals to go on crusade which could take the form of letters, speeches or

18
sermons. The impact of prophetic texts on crusading ideology is also

interesting, as people were expecting some crisis which would see the fulfilment

of all the prophecies circulating at the time, such as that of the coming of the

second Charlemagne. 19 Crusade ideology eventually succumbed to the

incongruity between Catholic modes of thought and the rise of new attitudes and

ways of thinking consequent on Protestantism in the sixteenth century, rather

than on lack of finance for the crusades and conflict among the nations of

Western Europe. 20

The loss of the Holy Land in the thirteenth century had a profound effect

on medieval society and provoked numerous responses in writing - analysis of

what went wrong, increased support for a new crusade, and an advocacy of

peaceful means of recovery? 1 In fact the fall of Acre inspired the most

pronounced period of pro-crusade fervour, with Acre being compared to

16 Schein (1991) p.l 06.

17 Housley (1992) pp. 383-4.

18 Housley (1992) p.384.

19 Housley (1992) p.390.

20 Housley ( 1992) p.428-9.

21 Schein (1991) p.ll3.

134
Jerusalem itself?2 At the council of Vienne in 1312 all the chief nations of

western Europe declared themselves in favour of a crusade.23 The papacy and

the secular rulers of Europe used the ideology of crusades to their own ends,

such as the exaction of tithes in peacetime and territorial expansion by war. At

the same time most of the projects discussed failed to come to fruition.24

Fundamentally, as Sylvia Schein concludes:

The crusade continued to be genuinely desired among large sections of

the population in the different regions of Europe; although it was no
longer a mass movement, neither aristocratic nor popular enthusiasm for
the crusade had faded. 25

Throughout the fourteenth to sixteenth centuries the crusades retained

their appeal, although attitudes to infidels changed. There was an increase in

contacts between Europeans and the Ottoman Empire, with several Europeans

travelling there and writing accounts of what they saw. Paradoxically, this led to

the creation of new stereotypes of the enemy as cruel and lascivious, rather than

an increased understanding of the Saracens?6 The rise of the Ottomans caused a

re-evaluation of strategy and goals, but did not alter emotions regarding

crusades. 27

22 Schein (1991) p.128-9.

23 Schein (1991) p.252-3.

24 Schein (1991) p.261.

25 Schein (1991) p.266.

26 Housley (1992) pp.382-3. In the early centuries there was little attempt to convert the Muslims, although
theologians in the Orient, Spain and Byzantium wrote polemical works against them. They seemed very
distant to those in Catholic western and northern Europe. The situation changed by the twelfth century \\ ith
papal bulls advocating conversion and anti-Muslim pogroms (e.g. Palermo in 1160). The leaders of the
French army on the Second Crusade wanted to convert or kill all those in Constantinople. The friars tried to
convert the Muslims in the same manner as they tried to convert the Jews. By 1240 crusades and conversion
were frequently linked (Kedar 1984). See Daniel (1975) passim and (1960) passim on images of the
Muslims in the Middle Ages.

27 Tyennan ( 1988) p. 229.

135
 Christopher Tyerman has shown that the crusades continued to be

popular in England until after the fall of Nicopolis, despite the advent of new

ideas. Lollard knights and others were capable of reconciling their beliefs with a

desire to partake in the crusades?8 There were many English pilgrims to

Palestine, though few recorded their travels, with the occasional exception such

as Thomas Brigg's terse Itinerarium in Terram Sanctam Domini Thomae de

Swynburne. Indeed, the ideal of crusading underpinned policies surrounding

truces and played a vital role in diplomacy. During the Anglo-French truce of

1389, Richard II and Charles VI discussed organising a campaign to quell the

Ottomans and liberate the Holy Land?9 Attention switched to Prussia where a

number of Englishmen frequently went on reysas up until the 1390s. 30 Added to

this is the evidence from accounts that survive from those collecting money for a

new passagium, which record a number of Holy Land legacies and a few vow

redemptions in England during the years 1317-78. 31 This widespread crusading

fervour can be seen in many artistic products, with the First Crusade remaining
32
by far the most popular in literature and art.

Such interest in the Holy Land and its history is reflected in the Siege of"

Jerusalem, and it may be that its account of ancient times was meant to have

relevance for the contemporary conflict. The Siege ofJerusalem is not concerned

28 Tyennan (1988) passim.

2<) Tyennan ( 1988) p.294.

30 Tyennan (\988) p.268.

31 Tyennan (1988) p.260.

Housley (1992) pp.392-3 notes Richard II's crusading ambitions, which he belie,es are reflected in the
J2

Wilton Diptych.

136
with forcible conversions, and although the poet notes that the campaign waged

against Jerusalem by the Romans is justified, he remains unconvinced that it is

necessary to kill and starve all the Jews even in this most just of wars. In the

context of this prevalence of crusading ideology, the Siege of Jerusalem cannot

fail but to raise questions about the validity of warfare.

Accounts of the Siege of Jerusalem

The connection between stories of the destruction of Jerusalem and crusading

fervour is most clearly to be seen in the late medieval dramatic tradition of

elaborate mystery plays on this theme. There is evidence that such plays were

once extant in England, and this, combined with what we know about the

patronage and performance of similar plays on the Continent, can tell us a lot

about the reception history of the story of Jerusalem's terrible fate.

A Vengeance of Our Lord play was performed after a Passion play in

Nevers in 1396 and 1432, financed by the city with 140 actors. Amiens, Metz,

Bourg, Abbeville and Aire-sur-Ia-Lys, Lille and Malines also orchestrated

performances of Vengeance of Our Lord plays.33 King Charles VIII himself

attended a performance of Eustache Marcade's play on this theme in Paris in

1490, and there is evidence that it was revived at Lutry in 1523, Reims 1531,

Troyes 1540 and Plessis-Piquer 1541. Marcade's play dates from the early

fifteenth century, and it was the inspiration for all the subsequent plays on this

theme in France. 34 The text of the play was printed in an expanded fonn by

3.1 Most of these cities either lie in Burgundian territories or in nearby areas.

34 Wright (1989) pp. 110-1.

137
Anthoine Verard, prefaced by a lengthy dedication to King Charles VIII who

often adopted the pose of a crusader-king in an effort to court public opinion. 35

The prologue, indeed, presents the king as the new Vespasian. We can deduce

from this that it appealed to a wide audience including the king and

townspeople. Bishop Conrad de Bayer de Boppard financed the performances of

Marcade's plays (Mistere de fa Passion and La Vengance Jhesucrist) in Metz on

a lavish scale, the two performances lasting eight days with elaborate sets,

possibly in honour of Duke Rene d'Anjou, King of Naples and Jerusalem, just

after his release?6 It is likely that Philip the Good, third Valois Duke of

Burgundy, also patronised performances of Marcade's play. He was a cultured

man who possessed numerous manuscripts and commissioned other plays. For

instance, the Chatsworth Ms. of La Vengance Jhesucrist with its twenty

beautiful miniatures was commissioned by the Duke. 37 Stephen Wright cites a

letter from Duke Philip dated Brussels 1 May 1459 in which he speaks of plays

which deal with "La Passion, Resurrection et Vengeance de Nostre Seigneur

Jhescrist". The letter goes on to state the Duke's commitment to funding the

staging of "jeu de mistere de la Passion, Resurrection et Vengeance de Nostre

Seigneur lhesucrist" in Aire-sur-Ia-Lys. Although intended for the townsfolk, it

was to be a splendid occasion. 38 The glorification of knighthood in the play

35 Wright (1989) pp.125-6.

36 Wright (1989) p. 118.

17 Wright (1989) pp.120-2.

1N Wright (1989) pp. I 17.

138
would naturally have appealed to Philip the Good, as indeed would the subject-

matter, as Philip desired above all to lead a crusade to liberate Jerusalem.

Day one of La Vengance Jhesucrist details the history of Judaea and

Rome from the time of Christ until forty-two years after His execution. 39 It

covers Vespasian's illness and cure, and the activities of Caiaphas, Annas and

Pilate. Day two is given over to learned exposition, the search for the relic and

Veronica, while the fmal day is characterised by violence. The poor man who

prophesies the end of Jerusalem is killed by a rock, Nero commits suicide, the

civil disruption and violent ends of Otho, Galba and Vitellius are re-enacted.

During the famine in Jerusalem women are depicted eating cats, dogs, and their

own children. Finally, the city is completely destroyed with much carnage, with

the Jews killed for their gold and foiled in their attempts to rebuild their city. La

Vengance Jhesucrist has six substantial sennons, each delivered by a preacher,

which provide moral and doctrinal instruction as well as explaining the actions

that occur in the play, rather like the Thuringian Ludas de assumptione beatae
40
Mariae Virginis and its series of sennons preached by the apostles. Preaching

was the chief means through which men were encouraged to go on reysas,

pilgrimages and campaigns. There are two expositors in La Vengance Jhesucrist,

one of whom is a preacher who exhorts the audience to learn from the fate of

Jews and apply what they discover to their own lives. Stephen Wright comments

that "Marcade pictures the Jews as radical nominalists who are trapped by their

39 See the microfiche of the text included in Wright (1989).

40 See the microfiche of the play included in Wright (1989).

139
own futile pursuit of pure rationality".41 They are thus incapable of perceiving

truth and accepting Christianity:

Comment oses vous soustenir

Par mauvaise inclinacion?
C'est grant orgueil, abhominaclon,
De vous si longuement tenir
En cest orgueil et maintenir
Que Jhesu, nostre doulz Sauveur,
N' estoit point vostre createur.
Bien vous en devroit souvenir,
Car vous verres sur vous venir
Pour ceste cause grant douleur. (5627-38)42

In the cannibalism episode we find that not merely does one woman kill her son

and eat him, but the other women witnessing her action decide to follow her lead

in a scene that echoes the massacre of the Innocents (lines 12695-12831). Jean-

Pierre Bordier argues that the play not only presents an opposition between

Rome and Jerusalem, but parallels the ferocious crimes of the Jews with the

pagans in Rome, and that the play is basically advocating a universal crusade to

convert the entire world to the way of God. 43 Each day begins and ends with a

preacher delivering a moralising sermon, and concludes with a homily on how

Titus and Vespasian were not completely Christian, despite their flawless

chivalry, as the preaching available was inadequate:

Et combien que ces deux seigneurs

Furent tous deux de bonnes meurs,
Comme il est assez avere,
Point ne furent regenere
Ou sainct sacrement de baptesme

41 Wright( 1989) p.169.

42 "How dare you maintain such wicked ways? It is great arrogance on your part, an abomination, to persist
so long in this pride and to claim that Jesus, our dear saviour, is not your creator. Indeed, you will be forced
to remember it, for someday you will see great sorrow come upon you for this very reason." (Wright, 1989.
p.167)

41 Bordier ( 1986) pp. 93-124 passim. See also Batany ( 1986) pp. 83-92 on depictions of the men of Rome.

140
 N'oncques ne receuprent Ie cresme
Que les bons cresti"ens rec;oivent.
Ceulx qui Ie dient se dec;oivent.. .....
Bien est vray que Vaspasi"en
Et Titus amerent tresbien
Jhesus et eurent bien creance
Qu'il estoit de haulte puissance,
Mais pour ce que les bons prescheurs
Estoient encore en cremeurs
Par la tyrannie Neron
Dedans Romme et la environ,
Et apres la mort des apostres,
Heures, sermons et patenostres
Disoient comme adevinchons,
Pout tant asses sc;avoir povons
Que Vaspasi"en et Titus
Ne furent point des fais de Jhesus
Informes ne de sa puissance,
De la foy ne de la creance,
Comme on les eust peu informer
Qui eust oser sermonner. (lines 14509-14516, 14519-14536)44

Wright comments that "the implicit suggestion to a Christian audience is that the

perfect spiritual conversion of the western empire is a mission which is yet to be

accomplished".45 This is possibly directed at the playwright's patrons, who were

men of political ambition, with dreams of crusading glory, which they had to

reconcile with their Christian beliefs. The earliest Vengeance of Our Lord play is

the Ludas de assumptione Beatae Mariae Virginis from Thuringia in the second

quarter of the fourteenth century. There is a link between the knights of the

Teutonic order and the Ludas de assumptione beatae Mariae Virginis and it was

44 Quoted by Wright (1989) pp.184-5: And although (as has often been established) these two kings wcre
both men of excellent character, they were never born again through the holy sacrament of baptism, nor did
they ever receive the chrism that good Christians receive. Those who say that they did are mistaken. Indeed,
it is true that Vespasian and Titus loved Jesus very much, and they certainly believed that he was a man of
extraordinary power, but because the good preachers were still afraid on account of the tyranny of Nero in
Rome and the surrounding region, we can easily imagine how they said their canonical hours, sennons and
paternosters after the death of the apostles, and that is how we know quite \vell that Vespasian and Titus
were never infonned about what Jesus did, nor about his power, nor about faith or belief, as thc;. could have
been if only someone had dared to preach.

4' Wright (1989) p.185.

141
perfonned on a scale comparable to the French dramatisations. In the Ludas de

assumptione beatae Mariae Virginis the king commands his knights to continue

their attacks on the Jews until they convert to Christianity (2641-4), and the

warriors do so with great violence. The play concentrates on individual spiritual

development and public ceremonies (baptism of royal couple 2578-606, the

retinue of knights become an order of Christian knights 2723-3604), rather than

on heroic deeds or battle scenes. Thus the stories of Titus and Vespasian' s deeds

could be and had been redacted in ways that promoted crusading feelings,

revealing a stance close to popular anti-Judaism in the desire to destroy or

convert all adherents of Judaism. This genre of plays proved quite popular with a

short play entitled Aucto de fa Destruicion de Jerusafem 46 surviving in Castile,

dating from the mid sixteenth century, while the earliest extant example from

England is a Latin Senecan tragedy composed by Thomas Legge in the late

sixteenth century, perfonned possibly at St. John's College, Cambridge, where

he was chancellor. At the same time in Coventry, city municipal and trade

records reveal that vernacular plays on the subject of the Vengeance of Our Lord

were staged and written for the townsfolk, with John Smith commissioned to

write a play along continental lines for the city.47

Anti-Semitism and Anti-Judaism

Christian anti-Judaism developed as a consequence of the fact that Christian

identity was heavily dependant on Judaic beliefs. Jews maintained a strong sense
"-
46See the microfiche of the text included in Wright (1989). Wright also reproduces the texts of Amorbacher
AfarienhimmelJahrtsspiel and Gothaer Botenrolle.

-17 Wright (1989) pp.195-20-1.

142
of identity and this seemed to pose a threat to Christianity, a challenge to its

integrity. From the very beginning Christian thinkers expended a great deal of

energy in rationalising the Jewish position as wrong. Pagan anti-Judaism had

simply seen Jews as completely different, an alien groUp.48 Christians tried to

prove that they themselves were the true followers of God and that most

followers of Judaism before Jesus and all of those subsequently were inferior

and the adversaries of Christendom.49 There were three forms of this argument:

doctrinal, legal, and popular. Initially Jews were tolerated and even protected by

the church as external witnesses to God, though they were blinded towards

Christ. Augustine had argued that the existence of the Jews proved the truth of

the Old Testament, and their dispersal and humbled position emphasised their

error in rejecting Christ. 50 The perspective of the Siege of Jerusalem resembles

Augustine's view of the Jews, as although the poet believes the Jews are wrong

he is sympathetic to the plight of the starving ordinary folk and does not

advocate their destruction. By the end of the fourteenth century this more

tolerant attitude towards the subscribers of the Judaic faith had been generally

superseded. The shift of power from the local level of the Catholic church to the

48 Langmuir ( 1990 b) p.7.

49 Langmuir ( 1990 b) p.58.

50 Cohen (1982) p.20. See Grayzel (1966) for a survey of papal attitudes to Jews and a collection of papal
letters and conciliar decrees on this topic. Cohen (1983) pp.I-27 describes how until the twelfth century the
Jews were held to have executed Christ as they were ignorant of His true nature. This was the view of
Augustine and biblical passages were cited in proof of this (Luke 23:34, Acts of the Apostles 3: 17, I
Corinthians 2:7-8). There were only occasional exceptions to this view, such as Bede. A change occurred in
the twelfth century with Anselm of Laon, for instance, distinguishing between the leaders of the Jews and
the general populace, arguing that only the latter were completely ignorant and that the former knew I II: wa'i
the Messiah, but failed to realise that He was divine. Robert of Melun concurred and stated that this
blindness stemmed from envy, and this is why they killed Him. It was not until the advent of the friars and
their domination of theological writing that doctrinal vicws of the Jews were completely revised. Duns
Scotus and Nicholas of Lyre removed the distinction between the Jews' awareness that Jesus \\as the
Messiah and their failure to perceivc His divinity. Their crime was therefore intentional and thus in the
thirteenth century the traditional policy of toleration of the Jews was abandoned.

143
papacy, and the Investiture Contest between the Emperor and the papacy over

the appointment of bishops and the beginning of the Papal Reform movement

initiated this process. Legislation was used to structure society according to

ecclesiastical doctrine, restricting contact between Jews and Christians, and

reducing the status of the former in order to prevent Christians being influenced

by wrong thinking. These attempts to legislate against the Jews did not gain full

momentum until the eleventh century when popular non-officially instigated

anti-Judaism appeared, which was particularly pronounced in northern Europe

and associated with the First Crusade. 5 I

Ecclesiastical authorities, as opposed to civic authorities, only turned

against the Jews when they were no longer useful for validating Christianity.

This coincided with the threat of heretical beliefs within Christianity. Thus in the

thirteenth century attempts to convert the Jews or expel them began in earnest.

Most of the impetus came from friars, who from their foundation in the early

part of this century oversaw virtually all the confrontations with the Jews, in

their varied roles as inquisitors, missionaries, disputants, polemicists, scholars

and itinerant preachers. 52 Many of the members of these orders came from the

middle classes and the involvement of individuals who came from families

involved in trade and so forth legitimised the profit economy. Their attitude

towards the Jews was violently antagonistic. The Franciscan Henry of Wadstone

was responsible for the decree in 1271 which banned Jews from holding

freeholds in England, and it was owing to his efforts that the Jews were

'\1 Langmuir (1990 b) pp.58-9.

52 Cohen (1982) p.13.

144
ultimately expelled from England in 1290. 53 Innocent III condemned heresy as

the worst sin and inaugurated special legatine missions to crush it. Gregory IX

gave the Dominicans special judicial powers to carry the work further. 54 This

had direct implications for the Jews, who were believed to assist heretics.

Nicholas Donin, a convert from Judaism to Christianity, was the first to direct

the attention of the Pope and the mendicants to the Talmud, attacking the very

foundation of the Jewries in Europe. 55 He was followed by Raymond de

Pefiaforte who established Dominican studia to teach Arabic and Hebrew to

equip missionaries to dispute matters of the faith and convert infidels. 56 The

thirteenth century brought the foundation of universities, scholasticism, unease at

the legacy of Greek philosophy, and a new-found awareness of the extent of

Muslim power. 57 Jews were seen as one element in the range of forces that were

threatening Christendom from within and without. Missionizing was envisaged

as a new alternative tactic to combat Muslims, Jews and heretics. Focus on one

group inevitably led to interest in the others. In many areas of Christendom Jews

were the only dissenting group. From 1242 onwards the Church and secular

53 Cohen (1982) p.43.

54 Cohen (1982) pp.44-5.

55 Cohen (1982) pp.60-76.

56 Cohen (1982) p.1 07. This kind of activity was carried further in the lines of argumentation expounded in
the works and actions of Paul Christian, Raymond Martin, Nicholas of Lyra and Raymond Lull (Cohen
1982, pp.108-225). Although these activities affected ecclesiastical views of Jews, they had little effect on
the general public. Thus Matfre Ermengand in his poetry, Berthold von Regensburg and Giordano da
Rivalto through sermons, endeavoured to carry this ideology to the people. Jeremy Cohen (1982) pp.2H-5
on the basis of his studies holds that the friars undoubtedly played a role in the stereotyping and hatred of
the Jews due to their greater contact with the laity as itinerant preachers. Peter IV of Aragon had to reproach
the Dominicans and Franciscans for preaching sermons that were so filled with animosity that they led to
Jews being murdered and their property destroyed (Cohen 1982, p.84). See Chazan (1989) pp.30-9, 5()-
180.

57 Robert Chazan (1989. pp.26-7) concurs that until the thirteenth century conversion of the Jews was not
that important and that it was believed that they would aU convert at the Day of Judgement.

145
authorities combined to force Jews and Muslims to attend sermons aimed at

conversion. 58

All this resulted in a change in the way most people thought and gave

nse to personal doubts concerning religious matters. 59 In the eleventh and

twelfth centuries new religious movements appeared, which placed emphasis on

the Holy Spirit and encouraged people to think for themselves. 6o This led to

debates over the Eucharist and Incarnation. It is in this context that popular anti-

Judaism developed, which was to find its fullest expression in the activities of

the popular crusaders in the area between the Seine and the Rhine in 1096. These

people lived in an area of accelerated social change which caused many

problems including a loss of a sense of identity, and roused by Peter the Hermit

they were inspired to commit massacres of the Jews, contrary to the normal

behaviour of the burghers and the secular and ecclesiastical authorities. By

banding together against enemies they discovered a sense of community. These

attacks consisted of mainly random violence, financial exploitation for

provisions, attempted forced conversions and a few military assaults. The forces

of Count Emicho in particular were inspired by Peter the Hermit and these bands

consisted of fewer soldiers than the other groups, which conveys how it wasn't

instigated by the state or church. Count Emicho of Leiningen believed that he

was summoned by divine revelation, a latter-day Saul. He and his followers

developed a "dissident reading of crusading doctrine", in which they saw the call

58 Chazan ( 1989) p.38.

59 Langmuir (1990 b) p.87.

00 Langmuir (1990 b) p.119.

146
to go on crusade as an opportunity to establish their identity in the face of all the
61
forces disrupting Christendom. They interpreted the crusading slogans in an

extreme way and sought to avenge the crucified Christ on the Jews, and not just

to capture the Holy Land. Secular and ecclesiastical authorities tried to curb their

actions with only limited success. During later crusades there was more church

control and similar outbreaks of violence were more or less contained, except for

a few cases at York and Stamford during the Third Crusade, in the Rhineland

during the Second Crusade and in France during the Shepherds' Crusades of

1251 and 1320.

Popular anti-Judaism, combined with the Jews' legal and economIC

demarcations, the rise of missionizing in response to Christian doubts and the

threats to Christian identity, facilitated the emergence of anti-Semitism. This

took the form of wild accusations, such as those that Jews were responsible for

the Black Death and host desecration. In 1136 and 1150 the first irrational

accusations against the Jews appeared when they were charged with crucifying

Christian children to gain revenge on Christ. 62 The allegation of host

desecration grew up in the thirteenth century as a response to the many doubts

surrounding the Eucharist felt by both theologians and the laity. These were

often explicated through tales relating miraculous proofs of its veracity. This was

confounded by the alienated position of Jews and their disbelief in the Eucharist.

The "Eucharist's vulnerability" was combined with the sense of "Jewish

otherness". Muri Rubin explains that "to the phobic psyche, and to the poor

61 Chazan (1987) p.65.

62 Langmuir ( 1990 b) p.232.

147
parish priest, and to the poor townsfolk, and to indebted knights, participation in

the narrative could be constructed as an act equally pious and advantageous:- 63

The result was that by the end of the thirteenth century irrational and fantastic

fears about Jews were commonplace and anti-Semitism had become part of the

culture.

The history of the Jews in England is dominated by financial

exploitation. In 1179 pope Alexander III demanded that the king intervene to

protect the monks of St. Augustine's, Canterbury, during business transactions

with the Jews. 64 The Jews in England were intrinsically linked to the Crown, and

they endeavoured to remain on good terms with the monarch, although with

decreasing success as time passed. When Richard I was crowned in London a

small group of representatives brought gifts, and all went well until some tried to

see the ceremony, an action which provoked violence and an attack on the

London Jewry.65 The Crusades sparked further violence, and the Jewries in

King's Lynn, Stamford, Lincoln, York, Dunstable and possibly Colchester,

Thetford and Ospringe came under assault. The culprits were later disciplined as
66
the attacks resulted in a decrease in the King's income from the Jewries. All

Jewish property was registered, and six or seven centuries of Jewish business
67
established, and this was regularly tapped by the King. From John's reign

63Rubin ( 1992 b) p.175. Giordano da Rivalto amongst others helped propagate this claim. See also
Langmuir (1990 b) pp.209-98 where he traces the history of many other wild allegations hurled at the Jews.

64 Roth (1964) p.18.

65 Roth (1964) p.19.

6b Roth (1964) pp.20-6.

67 Roth (1964) p.28.

148
onwards they were increasingly taxed and controlled. 68 Other factors aggravated

their problems: the civil war and the loss of Normandy which cut them off from

the continent. 69 England was the ftrst country to enforce the anti-Jewish code of

the Third Lateran Council of 1178-9, and in 1218 they were required to wear the

Jewish badge. 7o In the entry for the year 1137 in The Peterborough Chronicle we

are told of a little boy called William who was tortured and crucifted by the Jews

in Norwich on Good Friday,11 and in the following years many similar tales were

circulated. The Jews continued to ftgure prominently in royal ftnancial policy

and this led to them featuring in the struggle between Henry III and his barons.

By the time Henry III died they were ftnancially destitute as all their wealth had

gone in taxes, and due to new laws large fmancial undertakings were not

possible.72 By 1276 they were barred from moneylending and in 1290 they were

expelled. 73

Hence when the Siege ofJerusalem was written the Jews had long since

ceased to be a social threat in England and were important only for their

ideological signiftcance. Thus by choosing to write about them the poet is

attempting to raise certain issues, and the issues he decides to concentrate on are

whether warfare is justifted even against a people who are perceived to be God's

enemies. He is troubled by violence and the horrors of warfare and hence he

68 Roth (1964) p.32.

69 Roth ( 1964) pp.34-6.

70 Roth ( 1964) p.40.

71 A Book of Middle English (1996) pp.79-80.

72 Roth ( 1964) pp.59-68.

7.1 Roth (1964) pp. 70-85.

149
rejects popular anti-Judaism, which decreed that the Jews should be anihilated or

converted, and anti-Semitism, which demonised the Jews as inherently evil and

argued that they should be eradicated, and bases his approach on doctrinal anti-

Judaism. As he was particularly interested in the topics of heroism and war-

making he does not deal with legal anti-Judaism, the laws which regulated the

daily life of Jewish people in European countries. The result of this is that he

presents his story in a manner which runs counter to the dominant literary trends

of the time. The effect of this contrast between the poem and other literary works

highlights his project of raising awareness of the problems consequent on

military campaigns.

Literary Representations of the Enemies of Christendom

Many Middle English romances contain a similar ideological stance to the

dramatic representations of the destruction of Jerusalem. The Siege ofJerusalem

hears certain similarities to these romances, but differs greatly from them on

other points, due to its concern with the moral issues involved in warfare and its

consequent attitude to the foes of Christendom. If the Siege of Jerusalem were

anti-Semitic in orientation it should display the violent animosity towards

infidels that, for instance, Richard Coeur de Lion does. There are no other

romances in English which specifically deal with the Jews as the chief

adversaries, but Saracens were usually envisaged as the enemies on the edge of

Christendom, while the Jews were usually seen as the foes within, and

consequently attitudes to both were often similar. The Siege ofJerusalem. unlike

the dramatic texts, is not the product of popular anti-Judaism which proposed the

150
forced converSlOn and! or extennination of the Hebrew race. It advocates

doctrinal anti-Judaism, an opposition to Judaic beliefs but toleration of its

adherents, as the poet re-examines the reality of violent conflict. This is

evident in the way the Siege of Jerusalem deals with: (i) the representation of

Christians and non-Christians, (ii) violence, (iii) exotic elements and money. (iv)

religion, (v) Church representatives, (vi) conversion, and (vii) exhortations to go

on crusades, in the light of comparison with Middle English crusading and

Charlemagne romances such as Richard Coeur de Lion, Capystranus, The Sege

off Melayne and the Sowdone ofBabylone.

Richard Coeur de Lion was analysed earlier in Chapter Two, so it is

necessary only to introduce the other three texts now. The Sowdone of Babylone

is one ofa group of Charlemagne romances which relate the deeds of Ferumbras,

the Sultan's son. It survives in a single manuscript, Princeton University Library

Ms. Garrett 140, dating from the fifteenth century and is of east-Midlands

provenance. 74 Like most English Charlemagne romances it is probably based on

a French romance, though the original has not survived. It is an abridgement of

the action in the Destruction of Rome and Fierabras. Smyser concludes on the

basis of his study of the Sowdone of Babylone that it could have been written by

a bilingual Englishman who was working from memory, rather than directly

from a manuscript source. He finds that the poet had little sympathy with France

and was either unaware of or uninterested in Charlemagne legends, judging

74 See Paris (1879) p.479; Grober (1880) pp.163-70; Hausknecht (1884) pp.160-4. Brandin (1899) pp.489-

507 and Grober ( 1873) pp.I-48 discuss manuscripts of the Destruction of Rome. Bcdier (1888) pp. 22-51
looks at sources of the Ferumbras story. Ritter (1881) p.634 considers its popularity and Ailes (1989) passim
considers the development of the English and French romances of the tale, providing a critique of theories
proposed by earlier scholars (pp.270-350 focus on Sowdone of Baby/one).

151
from the freedom he displayed in his handling of the story, adding and omitting

much as hepleased. 75 Narrated at a lively pace, it displays what W.R.1. Barron

describes as "unabashed violence, crusading indignation" as well as "mutual

loyalty between comrades in arms".76 Unfortunately, there is a certain looseness

in structure and there are a number of inconsistencies. A vague correlation to

historic events is present in the poem, in that there was an expedition against the

Lombards who were threatening the Papacy in 773. At a later date the Lombards

were replaced by Saracens in the surviving verse texts of the Ferumbras legend

as a result of the prevailing fascination with the crusades. 77 Apart from the

spirited way in which it is narrated, the rendition is notable for its use of exotic

detail. 78 The English redactor adds facts about Saracen customs and more

Saracen names than appear in any version of Fierabras or the Destruction of

Rome. In the Sowdone ofBabylone Laban celebrates the fall of Rome by burning

frankincense to appease the gods, while his men blow brazen horns with cries of

"Antrarian". The celebration is crowned by a feast of milk, honey, the blood of

wild animals and snakes fried in oil (676-90). On three occasions Laban loses his

temper with his gods, repents of his anger and performs a religious ceremony to

regain their favour.

The Sege off Melayne was written in the second half of the fourteenth

century in northern dialect and survives in a sole manuscript, BL. Ms. Additional

75 Smyser (1931 a) pp.217-8, (1931 b) p.67.

76 Barron (1987) p.1 02.

77Billings (1901, 1927) p.49. See Smyser (1931 a) pp.185-218. (1931 b) pp.51-114; Roques (1901) pp.161-
81: Cowen (1996) pp.161-2; and Metlitzki (1977) pp.117-36 and Ailes (1989) pp.17-29 for the historical
background of Middle English romances about Arab subject-matter.

78 Smyser (1931 a) p.209.

152
31042. Though composed of stock elements from Charlemagne romances. 79 it

does not appear to have been part of the original cycle, but is possibly based on a

lost French original,8o though Dieter MeW hypothesises that it may have

"originated in England" on account of its focus. 81 It narrates the story of the

savage attack on Milan by the Saracens, and how this was avenged. The threats

to Milan, the replacing of Christian icons and crucifixes with idols, and the flight

of Alantyne are similar to incidents which one can find in the Destruction of

Rome,82 while the burning of Saracen advisers is comparable to the burning of

Lucafer in Fierabras. The Sege off Melayne shows signs of having been

influenced by the Pseudo-Turpin Chronicle. 83 The gifts given by the king of

Macedones to Garsie are similar to those Ganelon receives in the Pseudo-Turpin

Chronicle, and the visions of angels which Richard and Charlemagne have are

more than likely inspired by that in chapter twenty-five of the chronicle. 84 The

work focuses firmly on the necessity of bolstering the Christian faith with

several divinely instigated miraculous occurrences. 85

79 See Stones (1996) pp.169-203 for a detailed account of Charlemagne iconography.

80 Smyser ( 1931 b) p.21 O.

81 Mehl (1968) p.153.

82 Smyser ( 1931 b) p.211.

83 See S.H.A. Shepherd (1996) pp.19-34 on the Middle English Pseudo-Turpin Chronicle and its
connection with The Sege off Melayne. The Pseudo-Turpin Chronicle was extremely popular and survives
in several hundred Latin and vernacular manuscripts. It was reputedly written by the archbishop when he,
according to popular legend, survived the battle at Roncevaux. It is basically the fruit of "pious
propagandists eager to tum to the Church's advantage the broad appeal of popular poetic legend. and
unscrupulous enough to impose their fabrication on an unsuspecting public as an authentic chronicle \\ ith
an ecclesiastical imprimatur" (The Anglo-Norman "Pseudo-Turpin Chronicle" of William de Briane ( 1973)
p.l). See further Short (1970) pp.525-32; Smyser (1937) pp.433-8; Smyser (1936) pp.277-93; Short (1969)
pp.I-22.

84 Smyser (1931 b) pp.21 1. 214.

85 S~~ Barron (1987) p.97.

153
 Finally we come to Capystranus, a late Middle English metrical

romance, on the 1456 siege of Belgrade, first printed by Wynkyn de Worde

86
c.1515 which amply illustrates this long-tenn popularity of the crusades in

England and its influence on literature. It follows in the tradition of the

Charlemagne romances, containing conventional fonnulae and tags, and is

intended to raise enthusiasm for a new crusade against the Ottomans through its

panegyric of the fighting monk, Capistrano. The publication and the two reprints

highlight the importance of the subject matter, the Turkish threat to

Christendom.

i Representation of Christians and Non-Christians

In the Sowdone of Babylone Charlemagne and Laban are presented throughout

as polar opposites, with their personal power and religious beliefs contrasted. 87

Laban on no occasion during his life displays any pity or mercy, killing

Charlemagne's messengers (1682-3), and deriding the names of his own children

when he learns that they have become Christians. 88 Charlemagne, on the other

hand, is merciful to both Ferumbras and Floripas when he learns they wish to be

Christians and thanks them for their help. He even tries to spare Laban's life, and

have him baptised, but is foiled by Laban's spiteful temper (3165-70). The

86 Petrovics and Szonyi (1986) p.141. Eva Rona (1971) p.345, 350-1 holds that it was probably written
directly for the press, most likely based on eye-witness accounts, although several contemporary English
writers referred to the siege of Belgrade in their chronicles.

87See Bancourt II (1982) pp.829-906 on literary depictions of the political relationship behveen Saracens
and Christians and pp.600-20 on the Saracens' supposed dabbling in magic.

88 All quotations from Three Middle English Charlemagne Romances (1990). See also The Romauncl! of the
Sowdone of Babylone and of Femmbras His Sone Who Conquerede Rome (1881) and Paris (1882) pp.I.t9-
53.

15.t
Christian monarch is not an all powerful figure, for his rescue of the twelye peers

is delayed due to the treacherous tongue of Ganelon, who infonns him that they

are dead (2819-30). Ganelon is later hanged for his trouble when Charlemagne

discovers the truth. The result of this clear distinction between the Christians and

their enemies is that is impossible to sympathise with the Saracens and their

eventual destruction is to be rejoiced at.

Charlemagne is described in The Sege off Melayne as being superior to

all other kings (94_5).89 Fundamentally, the basic opposition between Christians

and non-Christians is presented in a similar manner to the previous text.

Contrasted to Charlemagne and his men are the Saracens who have wrongfully

attacked Lombardy, robbing the Christians of their wealth, destroying cities and

the power of the Pope. They are "cursede" wretches (310), and as the Duke of

Burgundy says when comforting the noble Christian knights, those who fight the

heathen shall escape the pains of hell (352-60). We are encouraged to celebrate

the violent crushing of the terrible enemies of Christianity.

In Richard Coeur de Lion the Sultan is depicted as devious, trying to

poison the water of the Christians with corpses (2747-56). A magician is

employed by him to use the devil's craft to try to kill Richard, an act "wip

schame" (5548), but fortunately Richard's attention is alerted by an angel.

Nothing is too bad for these infidels, and this comes across clearly when the

Sultan sends messengers to Richard (3376ff.). Richard orders his Saracen

captives to be killed and decapitated. Their severed heads are roasted and placed

89All quotations are from Three Middle English Charlemagne Romances (1990). St.:t.: also Sit \ fiddle
English Romances (1973) and The Sege offJlelayne (1880)

155
on platters with their names in front, and in this guise they are then served to the

Saracens who think that Richard is mad, and eat their countrymen's heads in

fear:

And slee pe Sarezynes dOunry3t,

Wassche pe fflesch, and roste pe hede;
Wip 00 Sarezyn j may weI ffede
WeI a nyne, or a ten
Off my goode Crystene-men. (3542-6)

A head is placed between each of two guests and one is served to Richard:

Beffore Kyng Rycharde a kny3ht in haste

Karff off pe hed, and he eet ffaste
Wip teep he grond pe flesch ful harde,
As a wood lyoun he ffarde,
Wip hys eyen stepe and grym. (3607-11)

Richard's aim is in fact ''to slee pe houndes non ne sparde" (4054), though he

allows those who converted and were baptised in Acre to remain alive. Here we

see that the heathen are despised by the poet and depicted as genuinely evil,

underhand and shameful, and no fate is too horrible for such monsters to endure.

Similarly in Capystranus the Turks are said to be "kene" (87), "hethen

houndes" (46) and dogs (105). Machymte, the Turkish Sultan, is treacherous,

"untrue" (58), and like the king Pharaoh, guilty of arson and the massacre of

men, women and children, desecrating churches and causing the streets to run

with blood in his conquest of Constantinople (lines 58-81). He tortures to death

the "doughty" Emperor of the city:

He bad them bete hym with scourges kene,

And, after, bore out his eyen
With wymbles hote and reed;
They plucked his here, by and by;
And bothe his eeres on hy
They cut afhis heed;

156
 With pynsors his tethe they brake .. (184-90) 90

Capistrano is aided in his endeavours by the good Earl Obedyanus, an English

knight Richard Morpath, a host of friars, and many others. The theme of heaven

versus hell runs throughout the narrative building upon the allusion to the

harrowing of hell in the opening section. We are told that when the Christians

die at the hands of the Turks:

Aungelles theyr soules bare above

To blysse and moche solace. (lines 91-2)

The Turks worship Mahounde who is equated with Satan (line 394). They are

continually called fiends and are destined for hell when they are killed (line 113).

If we compare this kind of characterisation to that in the Siege of

Jerusalem, we find that although there are certain similarities there are a great

many more differences. In the Siege of Jerusalem Titus and Vespasian are

depicted as noble men as opposed to the wicked Jewish leaders, similar to the

contrast posed between Charlemagne and Laban or between Richard and

Saladin. However, the focus is purely on Titus and Vespasian, with a brief

mention of Sabyn and Domitian, and there is no parallel to the twelve peers. The

Roman leaders are powerful and not victims of any treachery like that

perpetrated by Ganelon or by the French in Richard Coeur de Lion, and they

undertake the orchestration of the campaign themselves, not taking the back seat

to combats by other individuals as in the Sowdone of Babylone. The main

difference in attitude between the Siege of Jerusalem and the other romances is

their respective attitudes towards, and perceptions of, the adversaries. There is a

90 All quotations from .\lidd/e English Romances (\995).

157
certain amount of sympathy in the Siege ofJerusalem for the citizens of the city,

who are not depicted as dogs or fiends. They are simply tyrannised and forced

into an untenable position by their wicked leaders. Many wish to desert,

something which is encouraged by Titus who instructs his men:

To for[g]yue hem pe gult, pat pey to God wr03t;

And he grantep hem grace and gaylers bytaU3t. (1159-60)

In passages such as this, the poet expresses doctrinal anti-Judaism, that is to say

a hostility towards the tenets of the Jewish faith, but a willingness to forgive

upon conversion. This differs from popular anti-Judaism or anti-Semitism.

"hostility that had primarily economic and social causes", which aims at nothing

less than the destruction of the Jews. 91 Titus displays compassion for the plight

of ordinary folk:

Pan Titus toward his tentis tournep hym sone,

Makep mynour[ s] and men, pe myne to stoppe;
After profrep pes for pyte pat he hadde,
Whan he wist of here wo pat were withyn stoken.
Bot Jon pe jenfulle pat pe Jewes ladde,
An oper Symond of his assent forsoke pe profre. (1129-34)

On the other hand he shows little mercy to the wicked leaders of the Jews,

devising grievous punishments for Caiaphas and his men of law (693-724). They

are the ones who condemned Christ so they are tortured to death, but the

ordinary Jews, though in the wrong, had little choice as they were forced to do

what their leaders demanded.

ii Violence

91A distinction made by Langmuir (1990 a) and (1990 b) passim. Langmuir (1992) pp.77-92; ~loorc (1992)
pp.33-57 and Rubin ( 1992 b) pp.169-185 provide descriptions of the Jewish stereotypes that were created
and augmented by anti-Semitism and which fueled hatred of the Jews.

158
One of the features of these texts which undoubtedly appealed to their intended

audiences is the focus on violence. 92 The narrative of the Sowdone of Babylone

includes many accounts of single combats, such as that between Oliver and

Roland (see below), battles, as well as the siege of the tower in which Floripas

and the twelve peers are contained. The tower is attacked by 20,000 men hurling

stones and wielding mattocks and pickaxes. However, the virtuous Christians are

ultimately successful and the violence is seen as justified as the villains are

overcome.

Likewise The Sege off Melayne provides us with several prolonged and

detailed battle-scenes and combats between knights, such as Charlemagne'S fight

with a Saracen:

And Charles voydede his broken brande;

Owte he hent a knyfe in hande.
And samen thay wente full tytte.
Thay daschede full darfely with thaire dynt.
Mighte no steryn stele tham stynt.
So styffely bothe thaty smyte.
In sondre braste thay many a mayle;
Thaire hawberghes thurgh force gan fayle. (1066-73)

The killing of infidels is a pleasant and desirable activity and the poet takes great

delight in describing the violence.

In tenns of violent subject-matter, few texts can match Richard Coeur de

Lion. It relates acts of extreme cruelty, gruesome fighting, torture, and acts of

vengeance. For instance, when Jakes de Nys is captured by the Saracens.

Richard and his men are provoked to fight ferociously \\ith the intention of

rescuing him:

92 See Bancourt II (1982). passim. on literary depictions of the Saract:ns in combat.

159
 Many a Saresyn loste pere his bropir,
And manye off pe hepene houndes
Wip here teep gnow3 pe groundes.
By pe blood vpon pe gras
Men my3te see where Richard was!
Brayn and blood he schadde jnow3,
Many an hors hys guttes drow3. (5114-20)

In Capystranus we read of the atrocities of the vicious heathens and the

ferocious battles to quell them. The poet enthusiastically relates how the true

knights of Christendom decapitated the Turks and:

Y chone hewe on other with ire

That all the felde semed fyre
Also lyght as Ierne of thonder.
Every man hurte other in hast
And layde on basynettes to braynes brast;
And ever the false fell under.
The blode ranne all the felde
Of doughty men under schelde;
To se it was grete wonder. (537-45)

In contrast to this the Siege of Jerusalem poet narrates Titus and

Vespasian's mission as a just campaign, the ultimate aim of which is the

avenging of the death of Christ (491), but at the same time the poet queries the

necessity of so much violence. The siege is more realistically described, with no

challenges to single combat. The Romans have a belfry full of arms (386), which

is constructed with a tower (409-10). We read how Vespasian divides his forces

into three sections, one led by himself, a second by Titus, and the third by Sabyn,

and how he ensures that some men are left to guard the camp (425-38).

Meanwhile the Jews put up a stout defence, pouring lead and brimstone on the

assailants (670-2), to which the Romans respond by retreating and enclosing the

160
city with an earthwork, filling the ditches with corpses to create a stench and

cutting off the water supply (677-88).93

From the 1260s onwards there IS some evidence of opposition to

crusades, with the Franciscan Roger Bacon advocating peaceful means of

conversion, on the grounds that violence merely alienates gentiles and those who

are killed will go straight to hell. Similar sentiments were expressed by the

Joachites and Fra Salimbene, though the thinking of the majority remained in

favour of crusades, and felt as Humbert of Romans did that it was charity to send
94
unbelievers to hell. These are the kinds of issues present in the Siege of

Jerusalem, which as Elisa Narin van Court notes, has a "sympathetic narrative

strand that complicates what has been considered to be a straightforward and

brutal poetic.,,95 It raises questions about what it presents, considering why there

are such horrific events when it is apparently a just war, and querying the actions

that result from popular anti-Judaism. When Titus learns that such a large

number of Jews have died in the city through starvation that there is no room to

bury them, necessitating the disposal of the corpses over the city walls, he

beseeches Josephus to exhort the citizens to surrender and preserve themselves.

He instructs the Roman soldiers to be merciful to those who leave the city (lines

1147-54).

93 See Hebron (1997) pp.123-7; McGeer (1995) pp.124-9; Chevedden (1995) pp.131-65.

94Siberry (1983) pp. 107- 10. Haines (1981) pp.369-88 notes how there were some mass demonstrations for
peace in the Middle Ages, such as the "Alleluia" movement which took place in Italy in 1233. and the
flagellant movement in 1260. Furthermore, there were peaceful religious communities like the Penitents and
Humiliati. On the whole. though, pacifism or anti-war sentiment was a matter for the individual and was not
sanctioned by the Church or state. Theological and philosophical writings on the subject of peace were
ambivalent.

95 Narin van Court (1995) p.229.

161
iii Exotic elements and money

Laban in the Sowdone of Babylone, as has already been noted, on several

occasions berates his gods when the tide of battle goes against him:

"0 ye goddes, ye faile at nede,

That I have honoured so longe.
I shalle you bren, so mote I spede,
In a fayre fyre ful stronge.
Shalle I never more on you bileve
But renaye you playnly alle." (2431-6)

His advisers persuade him against this course of action as it is liable to rebound

against them all. Chastened, Laban decides to make an offering to his gods so

that they will not exact vengeance. On other occasions he vows by Mahounde to

take the city (where the twelve peers and his daughter are), or else appeals to

Jupiter (2059-60, 2252-4). It is all to no avail, as his gods are incapable of

helping him. 96 Finally, when he sees his treasure plundered he rejects them

completely (2487-92). When pitted against Charlemagne he sends for exotic

reinforcements from India Major, Asia, Ascolon, Venice, Phrygia, Ethiopia,

Nubia, Turkey, Barbary, Macedonia, Bulgaria and Europe:

All these people was gadred to Agremore,

Thre hundred thousand of Sarsyns felle,
Some bloo, some yolowe, some blake as More,
Some horible and stronge as devel of helle.
He made hem drinke wilde beestes bloode,
Of tigre, anti lope and of camalyon,
As is her use to egre her mode,
When thai in were battayle goon. (1003-10)97

9b Metlitzki (1977) p.209 notes that Islam was often linked with belief in pagan gods and my1hical figures

Q7 Aib (1989) p.672 points out that the Sowdone of Baby/one poet foclIses more than his sOllrces on the
barbarity and ferocity of the Saracens.
162
 This was a traditional way of characterising the enemies of Christian knights.

These oriental elements and the prodigious quantities of wealth rendered them

mysterious, on the periphery of society and as such to be feared. conquered and

civilised.

The Sege off Me layn e informs us that when Sir Garcy is crowned Sultan

he receives many splendid gifts: jewels, maidens, mounted knights with falcons

and cups of gold, greyhounds, and hunting dogs. The king of Macedonia comes

In person:

And broghte in his awenn hande

That was worthe thiese three:
Invisebill, a full riche stone,
A safre, the best that mYghte be one
To seke alle Crystiantee. (854-8)

Richard's enemies in Richard Coeur de Lion are also described as rich,

and the king seizes a great deal of treasure from them on one occasion (5157-

64). In fact, Richard's men are perturbed that the Saracens have great riches

(2783-6) and this store of wealth is used to bribe the French into relenting.

Saladin is aided by forces from exotic lands such as India, Persia, Araby and

Africa (4969-74). The fabulous also features in Capysfranus, where the Turkish

troops are said to ride into battle on dromedaries (432).98

Money and exotic elements highlight the decadence of the enemies of

Christendom. They emphasise how these foes do not live their lives in accord

with the valid standards of Christianity. Their manner of living is misguided.

their value-systems erroneous. However, although the Jewish religion is seen as

98See Bancourt II (1982) pp.571-85 on descriptions of the physical appearance of the Saracens and pp.999-
100 I on their association with fabulous animals.

163
false in the Siege of Jerusalem, there is little emphasis placed on this as the

Jewish leaders are seen as disrespectful to their god, burning the Temple to aid

defence, nor do we learn of any strange religious ceremonies in the Siege of

Jerusalem. When Caiaphas and his masters of the Law of Moses lead the Jews

out to battle they read from the Psalms of David and relate stories of Joshua and

Judas (lines 473-6). Both Judas Maccabeus and David are numbered among the

Nine Worthies. Thus Caiaphas and his followers are inspired by the heroic

stories of the Jews and are endeavouring to follow in the footsteps of these men.

They are therefore trying to live by a heroic code similar to that of the Roman

soldiers, which valued bravery and the glory that could be won in battle. The

Jews eat their gold to try and preserve it from falling into the hands of the

Romans, weakening their health in the process (1161-4). Both the Jews and the

Saracens are depicted as fond of money, as they are in the de recuperatione

Terrae Sanctae, and as having exotic reinforcements, an indication, as we have

discussed in an earlier chapter, that something is amiss (see Chapter One). Jews

were associated with moneylending in European economies and frequently

endured violent attacks as a result of this, particularly in conjunction with

crusades, when pogroms generally took place. 99 Lester Little writes in his

examination of the profit economy in medieval Europe that:

The principal mechanism at work in the complicated web of Christian-

Jewish relations was projection ..... Christians hated Jews because they
saw in Jews the same calculating for profit in which they themselves
were deeply and, in their own view, unjustifiably involved. It was above
all the guilt for this involvement that they projected onto the Jews. The

QQ Little (1978) pp.47-50, and above.

164
 Jews functioned as a scapegoat for Christian failure to adapt successfully
to the profit economy. I00

Hence the vices of Christian Europe were frequently transferred onto the other,

the Jews or even the Saracens, and the evils of wealth were favourite faults to be

laid against them.

Christine Chism notes how the desire to obtain riches is one of the three

goals of the Roman army. She also fmds that the exoticism of the Jewish army

owes much to the stereotypical descriptions of Saracens in crusading texts,

romances, and chansons de geste, and posits that this is due to the exigencies of

medieval trade. The markets of India, Persia and Ceylon which supplied spices,

expensive fabrics and other goods lay on trade routes dominated by the

Venetians and the Egyptians. Furthermore, European states were conscious of

the need to increase their stores of bullion and limit expenditure. She concludes

that the Jews and Jerusalem are metaphorically transformed into hoards of lucre.

101 It is true that the Roman soldiers rip open the bellies of the Jews who desert

the city to obtain the gold which they have swallowed, but this is "'[ wipou]ten

leue" of Titus; it is a wrongful act. Upon capturing the city he himself, though,

strips it of its riches, fulfilling the criteria of the rules of war. The Siege of

Jerusalem poet is aware of the economic issues of the late fourteenth century,

but is uncertain whether it is just to exploit even the enemies of Christendom for

plunder, particularly through violent means.

100 Little (1978) pp.54-5.

101Chism (1998) pp.31 O. 320-2. See in addition Hanna (1992 a) p.112 on the oriental ism of the
Jews in the Siege ofJerusalem.

165
iv Religion

The Sowdone of Babylone contrasts Labarr's paganism with Charlemagne's

strong belief in God, to whom he appeals in times of crisis, such as during

Oliver's combat with Ferumbras:

"0 Lord God in Trinite,

That of myghtis Thou arte moost,
By vertue of thy majeste
That alle knoweste and woste,
Lete not this hethen man
Thy servaunte overcome in fyght,
That on The bileve ne kan,
Jhesu Lorde, for Thy myghte! .. " (1311-8)

He is rewarded by a visit from an angel, sent by God to tell him that God had

heard his prayer and would grant his request. In fact the peers and

Charlemagne's advisors are depicted as more aware of the religious significance

of their cause in the Sowdone ofBabylone than in any of the other versions of the

legend, with the king himself being portrayed as more piOUS.102 In fact, faith in

Christianity ultimately brings them success in battle.

Similarly, The Sege off Melayne opens with the lord of Milan besieged

by Saracens and calling on Christ and the Virgin Mary for succour and advice.

His entreaties are heard, and an angel is sent to inform him that Charlemagne

will come to his aid (61-108). That same night Charlemagne has a vision in

which he thinks he sees a bright angel who gives him a sword with which to

avenge the injury done to God, and to attack Milan:

The walles abowte Melayne townne

Hym thoghte the angele dange tham downn
That closed in that cite,
Sythen aIle the laundis of Lumbardy

I()~ Ailes (1989) pp.733-40.

166
 Townnes, borows and bayli.
This was selcouthe to see. (127-32).

Upon waking he fmds the sword beside his bed, and shortly afterwards he learns

the sad tidings from Lombardy, which the Saracens have conquered. 103 Later

when Roland is captured by the Sultan he is told that he should renounce his

belief and turn to Mahownn. Roland responds by explaining the mystery of the

Holy Trinity (385-414) at which the Sultan laughs and, referring to crucifixes,

comments:

"Ane hundrethe of youre goddis aIle hale

Have I garte byrne in firre with bale
Sen firste I wanne this wone.
I sawe at none no more powstee
Than att another rotyn tree
One erthe, so mote I gone." (416-20).

He decides to prove this by burning a crucifix. Roland and the other knights

recite the creed and beg God to provide them with a miracle to foil this

sacrilegious act. Their request is fulfilled and the Saracens are unable to bum it,

try as they might. At this the sultan becomes incensed and swears that it will be

incinerated before he ceases, ordering brimstone, pitch, tar, and hot torches to be

thrown into the fire to speed this process, but the fire extinguishes itself several

times. Then all of a sudden there is a crash, and flames shoot up and blind the

eyes of the Saracens, procuring the escape of Roland and his fellows (421-504).

Turpin is most distressed when he learns that Roland has been defeated by the

heathen, and immediately performs the consecration of the mass (560-1). When

the combined forces of the monarch and the bishop march to the outskirts of

Milan, Turpin has an altar prepared and administers the Eucharist. thanking God

103 See Trotter (1985) pp.127-31 on analogues of the sword.

167
and the Virgin Mary and beseeching them to give the anny strength (874-909).

Having performed this religious office he removes his habit and dresses for

battle (910-21).

Although there are no actual religious ceremonies in Richard Coeur de

Lion, Richard prays constantly to God for strength:

On knees prayden pe Cristene hoost

To Ffadyr, and Sone, and Holy Goost,
Be ny3t and day wip good entent:
"Geue Kyng Richard amendement!" (3061-4)

His men express gratitude to Jesus and Mary for curing him of his illness at

Acre:

Glad was bope leryd and lewyd,

And panked Ihesu and Marye. (3122-3)

Indeed, the motivation for his campaign is "to venge God off hys enemyes"

(3346).

Capystranus relates how its hero departs barefoot for Hungary preaching

as he goes, and duly fells the false Turks who serve Satan. In the heat of battle he

raises a crucifix to inspire his men, and frequently calls upon God and the Virgin

Mary. He gives absolution to each man before they go to battle (382-3) and

conducts a beautiful mass with all the priests singing the Te Deum (420).

In like manner the Siege of Jerusalem commences with an account of

Christ's life and the story of Veronica and the Vernicle, setting the context for

the poem (see Chapter One). No religious services are related as such in this

work, but Titus and Vespasian do invoke God's help on several occasions. For

instance, Titus thanks God when Josephus cures him of his mysterious illness

upon learning that Vespasian is to become emperor. Thus it, like all the other

168
romances, conveys the power of God and the value of believing in Christianity.

It is clearly influenced here by the other romances and the traditions underlying

them. Significantly, this is one of the few clear similarities between the Siege of

Jerusalem and the other texts, and one which the poem does not seek to invert,

alter or query; it is a point on which it concurs with the sentiment of the period.

Unlike other texts, however, despite this staunch belief in Christianity the poet

remains unsure whether fighting for the Christian cause justifies slaughter.

v Church Representatives

The role of Church representatives in these texts is quite significant and in some

cases very prominent. In the Sowdone of Babylone we read how the Pope, upon

learning that Duke Savaryz was slain, sends a message to Charlemagne ordering

him:

That he come with his dosyperys

To reskue Cristiante fro this hethen. (373-4)

The Pope himself is in great danger, besieged as he is by the infidels. He leads

the way in battle, though with little success (547-74). When Charlemagne

secures the victory he calls Bishop Turpin to baptise those of the Saracens who

wish to become Christians. Secular and ecclesiastical authority complement each

other.

The characterisation of Turpin is the most striking feature of The Sege off

Melayne, and Margaret Gist amongst others comments on how unusual it is to

find the clergy depicted in a prominent martial role in romances, such as Turpin

169
 I
pays . 1Th e Sege off Melayne. 104 Mehl sees strong parallels between the
In I

romance and Saints' legends 105 and Alan Lupack adds that it "borders on being a

character study".106 During the battle for Milan he fights valiantly and acquits

himself well, receiving grievous injuries in the process, which he refuses to have

treated until they have won the battle against the heathen and instead spends

three days fasting. Charlemagne weeps and extols him thus:

"And thou dy, than dare I saye

The floure of presthode es awaye,
That ever hade schaven crownn.
For there ne is kynge ne cardynere
In Cristyndome may be thi pere
Ne man ofreligiownn." (1582-7)

The relationship between Turpin and God and the Virgin Mary is presented in

feudal terms, and earlier, during the initial assault on Milan, when the direction

of the combat is not what he desires, the bishop vents his fury at the Virgin and

flings his mitre and staff to one side (541ff.). Ultimately, this contract between

the Christians and God is honoured through triumph in battle, whereas the

arrangement between the Saracens and their gods is a complete failure. \07

Capistrano earns his reputation through being an inquisitor, preacher,

performer of miracles, missionary and persecutor of Jews. \08 Capystranus

recounts how he "Goddes knight" (lines 230), a holy man, is granted permission

104 Gist (1947) p.151.

105 Mehl (1968) p.156.

106 Three Middle English Charlemagne Romances (1990) p.1 06.

107 Sec Cowen (1996) pp.157-9.

10K Pctrovics and Szonyi (1986) p.144.

170
 ...
\ ... ~~.. by the Pope to defend Belgrade and Hungary. He requests one important item to

speed the victory:

A baner of Crystes Pyssyon,

That mannes soule dyde redempcyon
And brought them from payne to lyght;
Holowe it with thy hande.
The people may the better stande
That under it dooth fyght. (lines 283-8)

Thus Capystranus depicts the Pope rather than a secular lord as the supreme

figure of authority and the instigator of the military campaign.

With the Siege ofJerusalem the case is rather different, though St. Peter

is held up as a noble figure and Veronica puts herself and the Vernicle in his care

with great reverence:

And whan }:>e womman was ware, }:>at }:>e wede owede,
[Of] Seint Peter}:>e pope 30 platte to}:>e grounde,
Vmbe-felde his fete and to }:>e freke saide:
"Of}:>is kerchefand my cors}:>e kepyng y}:>e take." (217-20)

It is also fitting that Vespasian consults him over the truth about Veronica and

the veil. Interestingly, ecclesiastical authority is presented as of secondary

importance to secular power in the Siege of Jerusalem, which is the reverse of

the situation in The Sege off Melayne and Capystranus and is also dissimilar to

the complementary nature of power roles in the Sowdone of Babylone. The

power rests firmly with the Roman generals and the Emperor whose permission

the generals acquire for the campaign to the Holy Land. Essentially St. Peter

does the bidding of Vespasian, coming when summoned and responding as he is

told. The war in Judaea is depicted as the result of a secular power struggle.

although it can be deemed a just war to avenge Christ. By bringing out the

171
subordinate nature of ecclesiastical authority at the time of war the poet is again

highlighting the moral issues involved in warfare and the question of motivation.

vi Conversion

Much of the action in the Sowdone ofBabylone is orchestrated by several vibrant

characters such as Floripas, the Sultan's daughter, with greater attention to the

emotions and motivation of the characters than in other versions. I 09 As the

enamoured Muslim princess she is one of the four stock characters which

Dorothee Metlitzki finds are featured in Middle English Charlemagne romances,

with the other three being the converted Saracen, the defeated Sultan, and the

Saracen giant who is overcome. IIO Floripas is motivated by her long-enduring

love for Sir Guy, Duke of Burgundy, whom she has never met. Because of her

passionate feelings for this individual, she aids the knights who are captured by

the Sultan, and is inspired by Sir Guy's example to become a Christian:

"A, him have I loved many a day

And yet knowe I him noght
For his love I do alle that I maye
To chere you with dede and thought.
For his love wille I cristenede be
And lefe Mahoundes laye." (1891-6)

When Oliver and Roland are captured she persuades her father to imprison them

rather than execute them, so that they can use them as hostages to trade for her

brother Ferumbras, who is in Charlemagne's camp. They are imprisoned without

food or drink and with little attention to their injuries (1491-1550). Floripas

109 Ailes (1989) pp.466-739.

110 Mctlitzki (1977) p.16 \. Bancourt II (1982) pp.691-727 provides a detailed account of the com~ntional
liberation of a capti\~ Christian knight by a Muslim princess. Meredith Jones (1942) pp.201-25 lists th~
attribut~s of the conventional Saracen in the chansons de geste.

172
devises a stratagem whereby she can rectify this situation. First she tricks her

governess into looking out of the window:

Maragounde lokede oute; Floripe come nere

And shofed hire oute into the flode.
"Go there," she said; ''the devel the spede!
My consail shaltowe never biwry
Whoso wole not helpe a man at nede.
On evel deth mote he dye." (1577-82)

Having silenced her governess, she proceeds to treat the jailer of the knights in

the same manner. She informs her father that he was behaving treacherously and

secures the post of jailer for herself (1585-1662). All the subsequent knights

captured are delivered to her care and she is able to succour them. Later when

Laban, the Sultan, besieges her and them in the tower, she is able to alleviate

their hunger with her magic girdle that nourishes whoever wears it (2275-2318).

An accepted means of rehabilitating high-ranking infidels was to marry them to

Christians, as love of a Christian was likely to lead the Saracen to emulate the

example ofhislher partner, as in the case ofFloripas. 111

Ferumbras, her brother, also rejects the heathen faith, but the manner of

his conversion is rather different. I 12 He rides to Charlemagne and beseeches that

he may be granted the opportunity to fight six of Charlemagne's best knights,

Roland, Oliver, Guy, Neymes, Ogere and Richard. The king calls upon Richard

to take up the challenge, but he refuses. There follows an unsavoury incident in

III See Warren (1914) pp.341-58 and Metlitzki (1977) pp.136-60 for analogues of this marriage theme and
Metlitzki (1977)pp.169-74 for a discussion of the episode in the Sowdon of Baby/one. Pierre Dubois
advocated in his 1306 treatise On the Recovery of the Ho/y Land that a number of Catholic girls should be
selected and trained and then given in marriage to Saracen chiefs so that they could convert them (Kedar
1984, p.20 1).

112 Metlitzki (1977) pp.I77-85. Ailes (1989) pp.693-4 notes that Ferumbras's role in the rescue 01
Charlemagne is expanded and his murder of a monk in order to steal relics is omitted. making him a more
sympathetic character.

173
which the monarch hits Richard, giving him a bloody nose, and Richard is

restrained by barons before he can retaliate. At this juncture Oliver leaves his

sick bed and begs leave to respond to the challenge, a favour he is granted.

Oliver pretends to be a young newly-dubbed knight called Generyse. Ferumbras

fights him, although he believes that combat against such a knight is beneath

him. He makes repeated appeals for him to renounce his Christian beliefs and

promises Oliver a dukedom, his sister's hand in marriage and his kingdom:

..... "Olyvere, yelde the to me

And leve thy Cristen laye,
Thou shalte have alle my kingdome free
And aIle aftir my daye." (1339-42)

Eventually Oliver overcomes him and he concedes defeat, denouncing his gods:

"Hoo, Olyvere, I yelde me to the,

And here I become thy man.
I am so hurte I may not stonde;
I put me ale in thy grace.
My goddis ben false by water and londe;
I reneye hem aIle here in this place.
Baptised nowe wole I be." (1353-9)

Bishop Turpin baptises him, and from that day forth he is a Christian knight and

fights for the French. Alan Lupack describes Ferumbras as "the fortitudo that

complements Floripas's sapientia."t \3 Even before his conversion he refuses to

kill the Pope when he has him at his mercy in battle as he is a cleric, and later he

rescues Charlemagne who has been stranded among his foes due to Ganelon' s

treacherous activities. Ferumbras is converted through defeat in battle, and this

was the aim of the crusades, according to Philippe de Meziers, to convert the

heathen by force (see above). The actions of both Floripas and her brother would

III Thrce ,\fiddle English Charlemagne Romances (1990) p.3.

174
be reprehensible if they were not performed in the cause of Christianity~ Flori pas

displays a ferocious determination to overcome obstacles that leads her to

commit murder and perjury, to reject her father, and blackmail the French

knights to achieve her goal, while Ferumbras betrays his father and people.

Marianne J. Ailes notes that there is no "delicacy" in her actions, that she

displays "an obvious pleasure at witnessing death", and she possesses

superhuman strength when forcing Maragounde from the window. I 14

Sometimes all attempts end in failure as with Laban, when the only

option left is to kill the unrepentant heathen. The final victory is Charlemagne's,

and he himself captures Laban. Having accomplished this, he orders Bishop

Turpin to come and bring a large vat to baptise the sultan, and he will act as

godfather. Laban, unarmed, is led to the vat by Turpin:

He smote the bisshope with a bronde

And gaf him an evel bronte.
He spitted in the water clere
And cryed oute on hem aIle
And defied aIle that Cristen were.
That foule mote him byfalle! (3165-70)

For this act he is executed and his soul is seized by devils and brought to hell.

The Sowdone of Babylone thus suggests that violence, warfare and any means

available are appropriate in order to convert non-Christians, and that if all

attempts fail then execution of the intransigent heathens is the only alternative.

As noted earlier, the troubled Duke of Milan in The Sege off Melayne is

pressurised by the Sultan to convert to the Saracen faith. The powerful infidel

also tries to prove to Roland and the other captured knights the inefficacy of

114 Ailes(1989)pp.701-5.

175
Christianity. This reveals the concerns about contacts between Christians and

heathens, which might lead to Christians being corrupted. There is no mention of

converting Saracens; they simply should be killed.

In Richard Coeur de Lion Richard, upon capturing Acre, allows those

who convert and are baptised to live. It is one of the few occasions in which he

displays mercy:

A bysschop he leet come anon,

And dede hym crystene euerylkon.
Lytyl, mekyl, lasse, and more,
In pat tyme crystenyd wore. (5375-8)

The poet is concerned about the possibility of Christians being corrupted as in

the case of Feraunt, who is referred to as "wurs pan an hound" as he had

converted from Christianity to heathenism.

Capystranus, like the Sowdone of Babylone and Richard Coeur de Lion,

highlights that Saracens can become noble figures if they convert. Sir John

Black, once he converted from the ways of Islam, automatically becomes:

......... a curteys knyght,

I lete you wete, and a wyght,
And stedfast in our lore. (352-4)

Once again we find this fear of corruption by the heathen, with the Turks trying

to force the Christians in Constantinople to convert to heathenism under threat of

torture (202).

Anxieties about the possibility of Jews enticing people to follow Judaism

are not to be found in the Siege of Jerusalem, nor are there any attempts to

convert any of its adherents. On the other hand both the chief protagonists are

converted to the Christian faith after being healed miraculously through the

176
grace of God. This leads to them and all their men being baptised~ and their

authority is seen as stemming from their belief in God (see Chapter One). Thus

the stance towards Christian belief is similar to that in the other romances, but

the attitude to the enemies of Christendom is more tolerant, which accords with

doctrinal anti-Judaism. Ecclesiastical figures tried to protect the Jews during the

preparations for crusades, as we have seen above. The Jews were fundamentally

"a truly desirable enemy", a foe who reinforced Christian identity by differing
IIS
from it. Unlike most romances, the poet depicts non-Christians in a relatively

tolerant manner, knowing that this would set up a contrast between the Siege of

Jerusalem and other texts. Through setting up such a comparison he intended his

readers to re-evaluate whether this "kill or cure" policy regarding the foes of

Christianity is really acceptable.

vii Exhortations to go on Crusade

In the Sowdone of Babylone there are no explicit statements encouragmg

crusading fervour, but as we already saw, there is a great deal of emphasis on the

need to convert Muslims, and if they cannot be saved then they must be killed.

This, combined with the need to defend Christian lands from the attacks of these

enemies, is in itself an injunction to go on crusade.

Richard Coeur de Lion displays an uncompromising attitude extolling

crusading goals, as one would expect from this account of the Third Crusade.

Even the French are derided in this romance, as they are only capable of fine

words, belying their true nature as cowards:

115 Chism (1998) p.331.

177
 But whene pey comen to pe mystere,
And see men begynne strokes dele,
Anon pey gynne to turne here hele,
And gynne to drawe in here homes
As a snayl among pe pomes;
Slake a bore of their bost! (3860-6)

Richard will not be bribed by the heathen gold, but the French sell out ""for a

porcyoun of golde" (5455), preventing the taking of Babylon. Richard denounces

the French monarch as a:

"Traytour! Ffalse man!

Ffor couaytyse off tresour
He dos hymselff gret dyshonour." (5472-4)

This attitude is shared by Capystranus which is about the defence of

Belgrade on the occasion when it was besieged in 1456. Capistrano succeeded in

raising the siege with the aid of John Hunyadi and poor peasants, and it was to

be 65 years before the Turks subdued cities in Hungary again. The poem starts

by invoking the Holy Trinity (lines 1-33) and asking that Jesus will reward those

who listen to the work just as he inspired knights of old against the heathens

(lines 34-57). The sense of urgency in the poem acts as an exhortation to go on

crusade:

The Turke his purpose is,

I lete you wete withouten mys,
To wynne al Hungree.
Therfore, fader, put thy holy hande
And helpe to warre Goddes lande,
His true vycar yfthou be.
He brenneth chirches in every place;
Crysten men gothe to deth apace .... (241-8)

If Christendom is not defended immediately the consequences wi II be

devastating.

178
 One significant scene in The Sege off Me layne provides us with the key

to its outlook. Ganelon treacherously counsels Charlemagne to remain where he

is and defend the lands that he holds, rathel Lhan avenge Roland's defeat at the

hands of the infidels. The king accepts this advice to be berated by the bishop,

who feels that it is heresy not to fight against God's own enemy:

..... "By Goddes Tree,

Or that Charls doo so with mee
Full ill it saIl hym lyke!
I shall hym curse in myddis his face.
What! saIl he nowe with sory grace
Become ane errtyke?" (667-72)

He claims that the king is a coward and worse than any Saracen to consider such

a course, and promises to assemble all the clergy to come and join the struggle:

The Bischoppe sendis ferre and nere

To monke, chanoun, preste and frere
And badd tham graythe thaire gere
And keste thaire [care] clene tham froo,
Come helpe to feghte one Goddis foo,
All that a swerde may bere. (619-24)

Turpin rides out with his force to attack the city in which Charlemagne and his

men are assembled. In the light of this, Neymes counsels the king to repent and

beg the bishop's forgiveness and absolution, to which the monarch agrees and:

.... undid his hede aIle bare-

The Bischopp wele hym knewe-
And appon his knees he knelid down
And tuke his absolucyoun.
Theire joye bygone to newe. (785-89)

As one can see from this, the theme of the romance is the defence of

Christianity, not the narration of the great deeds performed by Christians as in

the case of the Siege 0.(Jerusalem. The Sege offMelayne concentrates on the role

of militant Christianity, the importance of the Church and its representati\'l~s on

179
earth. S.H.A. Shepherd fmds similarities between it and the excitatoire or

exhortatia to go on crusade which we discussed earlier. I 16 Certainly,

Charlemagne's vision concerning the significance of the sword he is presented

with, and his scolding by Turpin on account of his reluctance to fight the

Saracens, convey this message. Each individual is required to serve God. not

simply delegate his responsibility as Charlemagne initially tries to do with

Roland. S.H.A. Shepherd claims that there is only one analogue close to The

Sege off Melayne, the Descriptio (an account of Turpin's career linked to 'the

Pseudo-Turpin Chronicle), in which Constantine, responding to the Patriarch of

Jerusalem's plea for assistance to quell the Saracens, is advised by an angel to

procure Charlemagne's help. I 17

The mighty weaponry of the Saracen hoards is contrasted to the less

sophisticated and potent arms of the Christian troops, the point being that,

despite the weakness of their position they are able to overcome their foes with

divine assistance. Malcolm Hebron highlights this in his study of sieges in

Middle English romances and emphasises how:

in order to emphasise the moral and feudal codes shown at work in a

siege the mechanical aspects are given less attention: as in Capystranus,
the Christians in The Sege of Melayne are shown as being less equipped
technically than their adversaries, armed only with simple weapons and
"bowes of devyse" against the springalds and other engines of the
Saracens (1283-90). Crusading siege warfare in these poems shows the
strength of the spirit overwhelming the machinations and material
118
advantages of the heathen.

116 S.H.A. Shepherd (1991) p.117.

S.H.A. Shepherd (1991) p.120. See S.H.A. Shepherd (1991) pp.113-9 for a sUr\ey of other critics vie\\ s.
117

Mehl (1967) pp.152-6. and Six Middle English Romances (1992) pp.ix-:xv.

118 Hebron (1997) p.90.

180
 Jean Subrenat and Marie-Genevieve Grossel provide evidence from

French texts that crusading romances and histories very often reflect a sense of

pilgrimage. Subrenat argues that the expedition against Jerusalem in La conquele

de Jerusalem is a pilgrimage as well as a war. The sufferings, famine, thirst and

watches are part of a penance they undergo to gain forgiveness and their eternal
119
reward. To this end numerous religious services and prayers are detailed in the

work, as they are in The Sege off Melayne and Capystranus,120 but there is

nothing of the sort in the Siege of Jerusalem. Nor do the threats of

excommunication and damnation that Turpin hurls at Charlemagne when the

king is intransigent have any parallel in the Siege of Jerusalem. Titus and

Vespasian are of course God's champions like Charlemagne, but the focus is on

the glorious deeds they perform and not so much on the need to kill God's

enemies at all costs. Jonathan Riley-Smith in his study of the links between

pogroms of Jews and the First Crusade notes that "crusaders in the well-

equipped army of French, English, Flemings and Lorrainers, which met with

Emich at Mainz, claimed that the pogrom was the start of their service against

the enemies of the Christian faith" and that "German crusaders announced their

intention of clearing a path to Jerusalem which began with the Rhineland

Jews.,,121 The need to avenge Christ comes out clearly in the Siege ofJerusalem.

but it is tempered by a criticism of the senselessness of extreme violence. Chism

argues that the objectives underlying the Roman campaign include a desire to

119 Subrenat (1995) p.23.

120 Subrenat (1995) pp.21-36 and Grossel (1995) pp.37-58.

121 Riley-Smith (1984) p.66.

181
define and destroy the Jews in order to reclaim the Holy Land and Judaeo-

Christian texts, and the need for a war to unite all the various regions in the
122
Christian Roman Empire. Initially, she argues, Christianity is a private faith

practised by individuals (Nathan and Veronica), and through the conversion of

Titus and Vespasian it becomes a public religion. 123 There is not only an

opposition between the Jews and the Romans, but between the pagan Romans

and the Christian Romans, with the heathen Roman emperors destroying

themselves and being succeeded by the Christians Vespasian and Titus.

However, there is nothing in the Siege of Jerusalem to suggest that all these

disparate regions have been united, nor are the Jews wiped out. It would be true

to say that the Siege of Jerusalem is on one level about leadership. Josephus,

although a Jew, is a clever, good man and leader; Titus and Vespasian also

display the qualities necessary to lead people competently and beneficially. On

the other hand, Galba, Nero, Othis, John and Simon represent tyranny. The

ordinary people follow those who rule them, as we have seen, hence wise

governorship is essential in order for society to fulfill its potential and live in a

moral and constructive manner. The Roman empire embraces this by electing

Vespasian as emperor, but the Jews could also do this if they so wished.

Fundamentally, the outlook of The Sege offMe layne toward the crusades and the

enemies of Christianity resembles that of Capystranus and Richard Coeur de

Lion, and differs sharply from the perspective of the Siege ofJerusalem. with the

Sowdone of Babylone taking a stance between the two.

122 Chism (1998) pp.309-11.

123 Chism (1998) pp.314-5.

182
 It may be concluded from all this that the subject-matter of the Siege of

Jerusalem with the exotic elements, particularly the description of the Jewish

force and its fabulous accoutrements, and the extreme violence of scenes such as

Caiaphas's execution, parallel what is to be found in crusading works. It displays

anxieties about the money possessed by non-Christians, but is not perturbed by

the possibility of corruption of Christians by these forces ranged against them.

The presentation of the story, and the attitudes expressed concerning enemies of

Christendom and the realities of war, constitute the main differences between it

and crusading romances, as represented by these four very different tales, the

Sowdone of Babylone, The Sege off Melayne, Richard Coeur de Lion, and

Capystranus. Hence it is difficult to see how the campaign against the Jews

reflects the contemporary outlook on Saracens or the fifteenth century view of

Lollards as Hamel and Hanna argue. Likewise, although it is firmly Christian in

orientation, secular authority dominates over the power of the Church.

Furthermore, none of the ideology surrounding the crusades, conversion through

force, particularly military campaigns, or conversion through marriage, is present

in the Siege of Jerusalem. We are not encouraged to go on a campaign with the

exhortation that Christianity is under threat, and informed that it is our duty to go

and heresy not to. On the other hand, the dramatic representations of Titus and

Vespasian's campaign, which we looked at earlier, were designed as a medium

for crusading ideology. The dramas are not as vindictive towards the adversaries

of Christendom as Richard Coeur de Lion, but are similar to The Sege ofl

Melayne in that they hold that enemies should either be converted or rooted out.

They contain the religious emphasis of these crusading romances. with their

183
sermons and concentration on spiritual matters. The Siege of Jerusalem looks at

the same incidents from a different perspective. These findings undermine the

observations of Robinson and Evans about the grouping of Titus and Vespasian

and the Siege of Jerusalem with the Nine Worthies. For, although some

manuscript contexts may suggest a thematic link with romances about these

figures, others do not, and there is nothing inherent in the Siege of Jerusalem

itself to promote such a link (see Chapter Six). Hence, in contrast to other

retellings of the destruction of the city, the Siege ofJerusalem was not written as

a crusading romance, or a vehicle of popular anti-Judaism, nor is it anti-Semitic;

it is a measured account of the glorious conquest of Jerusalem that displays the

influence of doctrinal anti-Judaism and raises the moral issues involved in war-

making and the heroic ethos.

184
 CHAPTER FOUR

TITUS AND VESPASIAN AND THE SIEGE OF JERUSALEM

The Siege ofJerusalem and Titus and Vespasian are contemporary treatments of

the story of the destruction of Jerusalem, which differ radically in outlook. The

Titus and Vespasian poet believes that the conquest of Jerusalem is justified and

that the irradiation of the enemies of Christendom is necessary and desirable,

while the Siege of Jerusalem poet highlights the latent contradictions in the

material, encouraging his audience to re-consider the legitimacy of warfare. Both

writers are writing in English, but interestingly, they choose different styles, that

of the four-stress couplet and alliterative poetry. This choice has implications

that relate to the different associations of these forms as well as the intrinsic

nature of these verse-forms. A.B. Taylor tellingly comments that the popular

"short-lined couplet was not sufficiently weighty or impressive for most themes,

but could be used with good effect in a fairy type of romance like Sir Orfeo." 1

Metrical romances are more popular in orientation dealing with a variety of

subject-matter. They survive in relatively high numbers of manuscripts, many of

which are poor in quality rather than luxurious and were intended to be read

rather than displayed. In the main they consist of rather poor, abridged

translations of French romances, which display little appreciation of intellectual

concerns and artistry. Alliterative poetry tends to engage with historicaL

I A.B. Taylor (1930) p.158.

185
political, moral and religious concerns and displays on the whole a certain

gravity. Geoffrey Shepherd finds a unity of theme and outlook among alliterative

poems, which is primarily serious, didactic and historical:

Alliterative poems in theme and treatment of theme stand in a

continuum: the terms in this continuum are moral insight and historical
truth. 2

The high status of the verse-form gives the Siege of Jerusalem the space to raise

awareness of the horrors of warfare and the limitations of the heroic code. Titus

and Vespasian avoids such issues and presents the story from the perspective of

the anti-Semitism which was widespread at this time.

Titus and Vespasian was evidently widely read, smce it survIves m

twelve manuscripts in two different versions, a long narrative and an abbreviated

version. 3 It is more popular in tone, giving a more sensational, less learned

account in which are dotted a series of admirable characters. Moralistic

comments are provided at every tum in Titus and Vespasian, following the lead

of its chief source La Ve,yance Nostre Seigneur. Similarly there are constant

references to how the destruction of the city was foretold. The disparate purposes

of Titus and Vespasian and the Siege of Jerusalem are evident in their choice

and use of sources. There are several features which serve to distinguish the two

poems: the verse-form, use of source, and the quality of the texts, as well as the

2 Geoffrey Shepherd (1970) p.72. He is cited by Derek Pearsall (1982) p.46, who also notes how several
alliterative writers, including the Siege ofJerusalem poet had an expert knowledge of Latin historical texts,
perhaps indicating access to a monastic library (p.44).

J Moe (1963) pp.22-5 records references to Titus and Vespasian in fifteenth-century book lists. Although
popular in the Middle Ages the work has not found favour with modern scholars. See Moe (1963) pp.26-
47 for a summary of previous criticism.

186
differences in the genre. Titus and Vespasian is a metrical romance and as such

is associated with a different body of works from the Siege of Jerusalem. All

these differences stem from the fact that the Siege of Jerusalem poet is

endeavouring to raise the subject of violent conflict, while the Titus and

Vespasian poet subscribes to late fourteenth-century views of non-Christians. It

is therefore probable that the Siege of Jerusalem was intended to be received by

a highly educated audience who would be interested in the issues it raises, while

Titus and Vespasian was to be a straightforward account aimed at a readership

who desired an accessible popularist narrative.

Titus and Vespasian and the Siege of Jerusalem fit into a long line of

narratives about the destruction of Jerusalem in England. The sheer number of

narratives about or alluding to this story provides us with further indications as

to the reception of these poems and the intentions of their creators. The Gospel

of Nicodemus in both the Latin original and Old English translation occurred on

occasion in manuscript compilations with the Vindicta Salvatoris (Bodleian

Library Ms. Selden Supra 74, Bodleian Library Ms. Bodley 90, Cambridge,

University Library, Ms. I.i.2.l1, BL. Ms. Cotton Vespasian D.xiv). The

numerous texts of the Vindicta Salvatoris, Gospel of Nicodemus as well as the

Legenda Aurea, both in Latin and in translation into Middle English and Old

English which survive in manuscripts in the United Kingdom testify to the

popularity of this material in England throughout the Middle Ages. This is

augmented by the large number of manuscripts of the Latin translation of

187
 Josephus' The Jewish War, and Hegesippus that circulated in Medieval England.

Accounts of post-Passion Christian history, the plight of the Jews and the life of

St. Veronica were of immense interest to a wide number of people in this period.

This led to their transmission in other texts of English origin. These

works are quite varied, including chronicles such as the Polychronicon, where

the destruction of Jerusalem is related in full, though briefly, in addition to

didactic religious texts where the story is alluded to. The historical works in

Latin follow Josephus and Hegesippus and appealed to a primarily clerical

audience,4 while religious writers base their allusions on the material in the

Vindicta Salvatoris, Gospel of Nicodemus and Legenda Aurea. The South

English Ministry and Passion refers to Titus and Vespasian and their destruction

of Jerusalem four times (lines 1423-8, 1591-2, 1985-6, 2424-6), while the

Southern Passion alludes to it on a similar number of occasions (lines 315-20,

103-4, 1448-550,385-90).5 The Meditations on the Life and Passion of Christ is

the source for The Southern Passion and Marx contends that The Harrowing of

Hell and the Destruction of Jerusalem 6 is the basis for the allusions in The

4 See Chapter One.

5 See The South English Ministry and Passion(1984) and The Southern Passion (1927).

6 As C. W. Marx points out (The Devil's Parliament, The Harrowing of Hell and the Destruction of
Jerusalem (1993) pp.116, 121, 126), the importance of this poem is not the text itself, which exists in one
manuscript from the second quarter of the fifteenth century, but that the position it occupies in relation to
The South English Legendary and other temp orale texts. The manuscript, Cambridge, St. John's College
Ms.B.6, is well-produced in clear Anglicana with red initials by a professional scribe who refers to himself
as Rose, from South-East Norfolk. The compilation also contains Old Testament History. The South English
Nativity of Mary and Christ, The South English Ministry and Passion and saints' lives and movable feasts
from The South English Legendary. The Harrowing of Hell and the Destruction ofJerusalem is preceded by
the lives of Longinus (item 4) and Pilate (item 5). In fact items 2-6 give an account of Christian history from
the nativity to the vengeance for Christ's Passion. There are twenty-two other major manuscripts containing
the associated text, The South English Legendary and many more of small extracts or fragments. \\hich

188
Meditations on the Life and Passion of Christ. Furthennore, this text mentions

Veronica wiping Christ's face (lines 1775-1778) and The South English

Legendary relates the story of Veronica and the curing of Vespasian in the life of

Pilate (vo1.2, lines 111-154).7 The related temporale text, A Stanzaic Life of

Christ also recounts the story of Vespasian being healed, as well as the lives of

Pilate and Judas in lines 6428-7052. 8 Leaving aside this network of texts from

the south, there is an account in The Northern Passion, a work based on a French

poem, of the story of Veronica (lines 1-31) and of the Sydonye (Vemicle).9

These texts all date from the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. We can infer

from all this that stories of the vengeance of Our Lord and the destruction of

Jerusalem, and of Veronica appealed to a wide audience and were received in

testity to its popularity. Gorlach (1974) pp.20, 85 discusses the question of the audience of The South
English Legendary and related texts and finds that some manuscripts can be linked with monasteries and
friars. Its prologue informs us that it is intended to provide those who enjoy listening to romances with more
wholesome, but still entertaining tales. As the editorial title of the poem indicates, it consists of two parts,
the first based on the Gospel of Nicodemus and the second based on Chap. 67, De Sancto Jacoba Aposto/a,
from the Legenda Aurea, with some touches from the Speculum Historia/e of Vincent de Beauvais. The
poet provides a faithful rendering of his sources in verse with the intention of providing the facts in a
popular form. The second half, lines 335-542 relates the warnings to the Jews, martyrdom of St. James,
Pilate's letter, Vespasian's illness, Albon's voyage, Vespasian and Titus' campaign, Vespasian becoming
emperor and the Jews' attempts to rebuild their city. In this section the poet employs some devices used in
preaching, such as intervening to connect the incidents related to contemporary times and to comment on
what happened. He comments thus on the Jews who escaped punishment by fleeing to other lands:
At a priuy posterne po schrewis in a schip ful awey stele
Into oper londis, 3ifpei my3t, with myldere men to dele
And of hem comyn aile po schrewis pat among vs wonyn here.
Litil harm it had be pow3 slayn aile hadde ben pere,
But napeles God it wolde nou3t for he seyde pat pei schulde
Domys day abyden and cristen be; ellis men hem quelle wolde.
(lines 475-480)

7 The South English Legendary (1956).

8 See A Stanzaic Life of Christ (1926). The emperor is told of Christ's healing powers and duly sends
Velusian to find Him. Velusian encounters Veronica and discovers that she had His Image painted. The two
return to Rome and the Emperor is cured of his malady.

9See The Sarthern Passion (1913) p.180. Christ asks for a cloth to wipe His face while carrying the cross
and this cloth then retains His likeness. It is brought to Rome, where it is the subject of pilgrimage.

189
various ways, with most interpretations accepting the historicity of the events

and the religious interpretation of them which was promulgated in spiritual

works.

The story was continually adapted for new audiences and to confonn to

new literary tastes. Titus and Vespasian itself was the source for a fifteenth-

century prose account of Midlands provenance entitled The Siege of Jerusalem.

It survives in Ms. Porkington 10, which is a modest manuscript written partly on

paper and partly on vellum in nineteen different hands. 10 The manuscript dates

from c.1500, and the work most likely dates from the second half of the fifteenth

century. Interestingly, The Siege of Jerusalem is divided into thirteen sections, II

indicated by large capitals rather like the eighteen chapters into which Titus and

Vespasian is divided in Pierpont Morgan Library Ms. 898 (M), perhaps in

response to fifteenth century taste. The Siege of Jerusalem is based on the

abbreviated version of Titus and Vespasian (BL Ms. Additional 10036 (F),

Cambridge Magdalene College Ms. Pepys 2014 (R) and M), which excludes the

account of the Passion and details from the Gospel of Nicodemus found in the

long version of Titus and Vespasian lines 1-814 and the life of Judas lines 4487-

4884. Auvo Kurvinen in the introduction to his edition of The Siege of

Jerusalem discusses the relationship between the prose text and Titus and

Vespasian, and concludes that the fonner is based directly on the latter and lists

10 The Siege ofJerusalem (1969) p.1 O.

II The SicKc ofJerusalem ( 1969) p.9.

190
 12
passages where there are verbal agreements between the twO. However, The

Siege of Jerusalem is considerably shorter than the metrical romance, and this

brevity is achieved through omission and summary.13 This is interesting as it

indicates that the shorter version of Titus and Vespasian could be later than the

longer redaction. Phyllis Moe has argued that the short version must be earlier

on the grounds that the excluded passages are "tenuously related to the rest of the

romance", and merely retard its development while adding nothing to its
14
thematic content. However, similar criticisms could be levelled at many other

passages in the romance and this weakens Moe's hypothesis. Manuscript

evidence in support of her theory is also lacking, for, as John Holmes Wilson

points out, "no special authority can be given to either group of manuscripts"

and the oldest manuscript contains the longer text. IS Thus the desire to

abbreviate the long romance into a shorter version, to divide it into chapters as in

Pierpont Morgan Ms. 898 (M) indicates fifteenth-century literary taste which

culminated in the short prose text of The Siege of Jerusalem. None of the three

manuscripts of the short version is complete and, in fact, M is the only one

which approaches a complete text. Furthermore, Moe bases her argument on an

examination of M and the editions of Herbert and Fischer. She did not see the

manuscripts of the long text and was unaware of the existence of Coventry City

Record Office Ms. 32511 (T). The three short redactions are all independent

12 The Siege ofJerusalem (J969) pp.19-27.

13 The Siege ofJerusalem (J969) pp.27-32.

14 Cited by John Holmes Wilson (J967) p.xxviii.

191
recensions, but on the whole F and M are closer in their readings than either of

them is to R. R is frequently closer in its readings to the longer redaction.

Furthermore, the manuscripts of the longer recension are not uniform in their

readings. Moe's comparison of the two versions simply highlights the

inappropriateness of Herbert's choosing BL Ms. Additional 36523 (G) as his

base text, as it is neither the oldest manuscript, nor does it offer the best reading.

Manuscripts of both redactions are of similar date, with the oldest being a text of

the long recension. If we turn to the other evidence Moe puts forward in support

of her hypothesis it amounts to little more than literary taste, which is at best

subjective. She feels that the shorter text is of higher poetic merit than the longer

version. She suggests that the opening section of Titus and Vespasian is likely to

be an addition as it uses material from more than one chapter of the Legenda

Aurea. However, Titus and Vespasian uses information from a number of

sources so why should not the poet draw upon more than one chapter of the

same work. She then goes on to argue that although the life of Pilate interrupts

the narrative it is appropriate to the subject-matter of the romance, while the

following tale of Judas is not sanctioned as it interrupts the flow of the text.

There are several problems with this argument. First, tales of Pilate and Judas

were very popular and often narrated in the same work or compilation.

Moreover, although Moe tries very hard to argue for the priority of the shorter

text on the grounds of higher poetic quality she has to concede that both versions

are written in very loose octosyllabic couplets. Thus it is impossible to say which

"John Holmes Wilson (1967) p.X\.x.

192
 redaction is later and has transposed and altered the lines of the other. She

concludes that:

the shorter text does offer a rendition of the poem which is, in several
respects more aesthetically pleasing than the text printed by Herbert ...
The diction is less awkward, the phrasing less clumsy. Finally the shorter
text offers satisfactory readings for lines which are garbled in Herbert's
edition. 16

These comments are an accurate criticism of Herbert's edition of G which is not

a very clear text. If a modem scholarly edition of all nine manuscripts were

completed or if all nine manuscripts were compared with the three manuscripts

of the shorter version it might easily prove that the longer recension is the poetic

equal of the short. The answer to this question must however await further

research. In the present discussion I shall be referring to the longer redaction as it

survives in a larger number of manuscripts, many of which are of better quality,

more complete and earlier than those of the shorter rendering, and because the

longer version is likely to be the earliest.

Clearly then readers had ample choice of religious and historical

accounts of the story, so the Titus and Vespasian poet choose to compose a

romance, which related the story in an entertaining manner drawing upon the

tropes associated with this genre. These he uses in the conventional manner

following the accepted view of the matter. His uninspired and entirely

conventional treatment of the story serves to highlight the innovativeness of the

Siege of Jerusalem poet, how the alliterative poet troubles the notion of genre

16 Moe (1963) p.122. See further Moe (1963) pp.l 04-6.

193
and raises the validity of warfare through juxtaposing the historical reality of the

military conflict with its Christian reading.

Romances were essentially part of well-established traditions, both those

compositions of metrical variety and those of alliterative long-line. The more

standard romances rely heavily on these traditional materials, while the more

innovative and! or more serious-minded romances tend to breathe new life into

these forms. These traditions were vast repositories of stock phrases, set pieces

and type-scenes which authors, performers and scribes could draw upon at will.

Common features include the repetition of stock phrases (especially descriptive

phrases), words, situations and ideas, direct address to the audience, clear

signalling of change of topic, assertions of truth, and religious beginnings and

17
endings, all of which is very much true of Titus and Vespasian. William E.

Holland points out in his study of the manuscripts of A rthour and Merlin that the

material most commonplace in the romances is that which is most likely to be

altered, omitted or displaced in the process of being copied. 18 This material is the

standard fare of romance tradition and therefore is easily changed through

improvisation and it, in fact, triggers such activity. Albert C. Baugh lists

innumerable examples of the use of formulae, themes and predictable

complements in his study of a group of Middle English metrical romances in

"Improvisation in the Middle English Romance" .19 He finds that this does not

17 See Crosby (1936) pp.99, 102-4, 107-8; Baugh (1967) pp.I-31 passim.

18 Holland (1973) p.1 05.

19 Baugh (1959) pp.418-54 passim.

194
necessarily mean that the poems were improvised as in many cases the romances

are faithful reworkings of a French origina1. 20 It is virtually impossible to

produce a critical text of many of the metrical romances and he attributes this to

the fact that once a romance was composed it could fall prey to alterations at the

hands of reciters and that the manuscripts represent records of these

performances. Quinn and Hall in their study of the transmission of Middle

English romances suggest that jongleurs were the main channels for the

circulation of narrative romances? 1 A manuscript could represent both oral and

written transmission. 22

There was a continuous development from late Old English verse in The

Anglo-Saxon Chronicle through The Worcester Fragments to La3amon and

20 Baugh (1959) p.431 .

21 Quinn and Hall (1982) pp. 1,68. Taking King Horn as their example, they investigate the possibilities that
it was a record of an oral perfonnance or that it was rewritten by a scribe. From an analysis of its systematic
end-rhymes they find that eighty percent of King Horn is improvised. "We may hypothesize that the
repetitive rhyme-words which a jongleur would actually employ to improvise his couplets should be a
relatively small subgroup of each cluster's total rhyming vocabulary ..... this results in recallability of a
system of end-rhymes" (p.43). Rosamund Allen in her edition of King Horn concedes that it is possible that
the ancestor of the three exis~ing manuscripts was an oral perfonnance and certainly sees a role for
jongleurs/ perfonners in the ;transmission of the text (King Horn: An Edition based on Cambridge
University Library Ms. Gg.4.27 (2), 1984 pp.33-5).

22 Quinn and Hall's [( 1982) pp.7-8, 123-6] theory is that a jongleur tried to memorise the entire work, but
that during recital it was easy to forget the precise wording, so he drew upon a store of memorised small
sub-groups of words to fill the lapses. They propose that texts of romances represent a blurring of the
distinctions between oral and written poetry. They classify the reception and composition of romances thus:
fonnulaic (simultaneous composition), memory absolute (devised prior to recital), memory supplemented by
systematic improvisation, memory supplemented by free improvisation, public reading and private reading.
Michael Chesnutt (1987) pp.48-67 passim similarly argues in favour of minstrel recitation. However, much
of the evidence he cites is from predominantly sixteenth and seventeenth century sources, so that its
relationship to the extant manuscripts is not clear. Furthennore, Rastoll (1982) pp. 96- 107 documents how
the minstrel guilds tried to control professional competition, maintain a certain standard of behaviour and
standards, regulate apprenticeships, and encourage the development of minstrelsy. Such infonnation pron:s
that a tradition of minstrel recitation in some fonn was in existence throughout this period. Hoyt N. Duggan
(1976) pp. 267, 279, speaking of Middle English alliterative romances, concurs that each text could be the
product of the combined activities of a poet and performer. This would be particularly noticeable if the
perfonner also acted as scribe, as he would base his copy on both the exemplar and "his aural memo,! of his
own perfonnances."

195
Middle English alliterative poetry?3 Indeed, Old English rhytlunical alliterative

prose or poetry survived into Middle English and probably inspired this later

genre of verse. 24 The narratives of Middle English alliterative poems and

romances were constructed from a series of traditional themes which were

"lexically formulated".25 The themes and formulae used were not memorised but

adapted facilitating the reception of the written or heard text. Once such works

were written down it was possible to incorporate more complex subject-matter

and to compose narratives which were capable of being interpreted in several

ways. Written alliterative romances still show evidence of having being

influenced by oral traditions, but they tend to contain fewer formulae and those

which are retained are used with greater freedom. 26

Alternatively, the repetition, stock phrases and so forth could be

attributable to a conscious desire on the part of the poet to evoke minstrel

performance. He may have wished, as Andrew Taylor suggests, to create for "the

solitary reader the pleasures and consolations of an imaginary community". 27

This was a period of transition in reading habits, with people enjoying having

amateurs and professionals read to them, even if they could themselves read, as

in the scene where Criseyde reads romances to her ladies in Chaucer's Trolius

and Criseyde. Furthermore, when people read privately they read aloud. H.J.

2J Kooper (1994) p.118. See in addition Turville-Petre (1977) pp.16-26; Cable (1991) pp.52-65.

24 Blake ( 1969-70) p.120.

2'Bauml (1984-5) pp.2, 3.

26 Bauml (1980) p.251.

27 Andrew Taylor (1992) p.62.

196
Chaytor makes the point that the medieval reader had an auditory memory and

not a visual and auditory one like a twentieth century reader. 28 He recognised

words by saying them aloud. In fact as Joyce Coleman states:

What one finds in later medieval England, at least, is a state of acute

mixedness, manifested both in the voiced textuality of the read-aloud
manuscript and in the interactions of the mode of reception with private
reading as ascribed by authors to themselves or to their aUdiences. 29

Chronicles, romances, poetry, and miraculous matters were read in a relaxed

atmosphere for enjoyment, while the Scriptures, Saints' Lives and homiletic

treatises were read with a more serious intent. 3o This transitional phase in

reading practices was evident also in writing objectives. Poets combined

traditional oral idiom with more sophisticated style elements possible when

writing rather than improvising. This traditional idiom was a constant growing

treasury built from "traditional rules".3) Sylvia Huot has found what amounts to

almost an obsession on the part of the writers of French romances "with

processes of oral and written transmission, with transcription, translation,

compilation and interpretation.,,32 A similar situation existed in Middle English

texts, especially of metrical romances where writers deliberately cultivated

orality by alluding to listeners, using tags and c.

lormuI'
alC
d"IctlOn. 33

28 Chaytor (1945) passim. See also Bauml (1980) pp.237-65 passim.

29 Joyce Coleman (1996) p.27.

)0 Joyce Coleman (1996) p.129.

)1 Foley (1991) p.38.

1" Huot (1991) p.218.

JJ See Machan (1991 b) pp.229-45.

197
Fundamentally, the way a text interacts with orality and literacy provides us with

information about its objectives.

If we look at the opening of the two poems we can see immediately the

differences in the presentation of material in the romances. The Siege of

Jerusalem poet adapts the traditional formulae to conform to the issues he

wishes to raise, unlike the Titus and Vespasian poet who adheres slavishly to

them and is unable to rise above them. The Siege ofJerusalem begins by relating

how:

In Tyberyus tyme, pe trewe emperour,

Sire Sesare hym sulf seysed in Rome,
Whyle Pylat was prouost vndere pat prince riche
And jewen iustice also, in Judeus londis.
Herodes vnder his emperie as heritage wolde,
Kyng of Galile ycalled, whan pat Crist deyed.
l>ey Sesar sakles were, pat oft synne hatide,
l>row Pylat pyned he was and put on pe rode;
A pyler py3t was doun vpon pe playn erpe,
His body bonden per to, beten with scourgis;
Whyppes of quyrboyle by-wente his white sides,
Til he al on rede blode ran, as rayn[ i]n pe strete.
Sup stoked hym on a stole with styf Mannes hondis
Blyndfelled hym as a be and boffetis hym ra3te:
"3 if pou be prophete of pris, prophecie, "pey sayde,
"Whiche [beryn] here aboute boIled pe laste!"
A prange pornen croune was praste on his hed,
V mbe-casten hym with a cry and on a croys slowen.
For al pe harme pat he hadde hasted he n03t,
On hem pe vyleny to venge, pat his veynys brosten,
Bot pay taried on pe tyme, 3if pey toume wolde,
3af hem space pat hym spilide, pey hit spedde lyte,
XL wynter, as y fynde, and no fewere 3yryS ..... (lines 1-23)

Thus the poet commences by establishing the historical setting. rather than

invoking God or creating the illusion of oral performance. This leads directly to

198
the account of the crucifixion of Christ. Pilate was provost at this time and also

responsible for Christ's condemnation. The significance of the events is

conveyed through the stark images of blood and torture and the taunts Jesus had

to endure. Christ is depicted as passive, the victim of strong men, bound and

blindfolded to render Him helpless. This passive figure is beaten with quyrboyle

whips. There is a contrast between the silent Christ and the Jews who taunt Him.

calling upon Him to prophesy. His white body becomes submerged in blood

which pours forth like rain and the Jews are described as bursting His veins. Yet,

despite this violence, Christ does not hastily exact vengeance on them, but

allows them forty years to repent. The contrast between the violence of the Jews

and the serenity of Jesus amply sets the context for the destruction of Jerusalem.

There is no need to recount the miracles He performed. Although a listening

audience could have stored this dense and carefully worked out series of images

for later reflection, the intricacy of the passage suggests that the work was

intended for private contemplation. They would thus be in a position to note the

juxtaposition of the historical situation and the religious perception of the events

which the poet sets out and which is key to how his narrative develops.

Titus and Vespasian commences rather differently and in more

traditional style:

Listeneth aIle pat ben in live,

Bothe Cristen man and wive.
I wil 30U tellen a wonder caas,
How Jesu Crist byhatede was
Ofpe Jewes felle and kene;
pat was on hem sithen seene.
The Gospelles I drawe to witenesse
199
 Of pis matere more and lesse;
And the passioun ofNichodeme,
If pat 3e take Pereto good 3eme;
And of the geestes of emperoures
That tellen ofPese aventures:
How Jhesu Crist was do on to deed
Thurgh pe Jewes false reed.
Firste they deden hym grete despyt
Er pat he dyede, I telle 30u 3et.
I trow pat pei bilogh hit noght;
For after they hit dere aboght,
As 3e may heereafterward lere.
Listeneth lordes and 3e shall here.
3e wite well, and sooth it is,
That many man gylteles hangede is.
Right soo byfell on Jesu Criste,
As us shewed the Evangeliste;
For oure trespas, and noght for his,
He soffrede here grete shame, I wys .... (lines 1-26)

In this passage we are invited to listen to the tale through conventional devices.

In lines 1-3 the poet asks us to listen as he tells of a wonder caas. He then cites

several authorities which validate his account. One finds romance tags such as 1

wys and I tele 30u 3et. The passage consists of roughly the same number of lines

as that quoted from the Siege of Jerusalem and yet in it the poet has only

managed to get us to listen. It takes a further 800 lines to relate the chief events

of Christ's life. In contrast to the concise style of the Siege of Jerusalem, the

opening of Titus and Vespasian is characterised by repetition and demand for

attention, listeneth aile, listeneth lordes and so forth.34 A social occasion is

invoked, with the poet addressing listeners, rather than readers, and this suggests

that the poem could have been intended to be performed as well as read. All this

is very much part of the traditions of metrical romance. There is no attempt to

14 See Burrow ( 1971 ) and Burrow ( 1984).

200
highlight profound issues, the difference between historical and religious

accounts of the happenings.

One finds similar distinctions in the use of sources by the two poets. The

sources named by Titus and Vespasian are the canonical Gospels as well as the

Gospel of Nicodemus, Josephus, The Seven Sages/ 5 and "the Gestes of

Emperours,,36(lines 1-26). F. Bergau, having considered the evidence, concludes

that Josephus, The Seven Sages, the Siege of Jerusalem and the Old English

versions of the Veronica legend are not sources of the poem. 37 He finds that the

main source of the poem is the Old French La Venjance Nostre Seigneur. The

Titus and Vespasian poet is simply interested in relating a popular account of the

story and not with dealing with the contradictions latent in the material which

become apparent when one consults other sources such as those used by the

Siege ofJerusalem poet.

From line 1696 Titus and Vespasian follows a version of La Venjance

Nostre Seigneur. This French tale was not a stable text in either its chanson de

geste or prose versions and it is not possible to establish which the poet was

using as his source. There are ten manuscripts of the poem and twenty-one of the
38
prose, which have been divided into two families by Ford. On the whole Titus

35 Titus and Vespasian (1905) pp.xxv-xxvi.

36 Neither Bergau (1901) p.96 nor Herbert Titus and lespasian (1905) p.xvi have been able to trace this
text.

37 Bergau (1901) pp.52-3, 83.

38 La Vengeance de .\'ostre Seigneur. The Old and .\1iddle French Prose I'asions: The J'ersion ofJapheth

(1984) pp. 3-7. Sec in addition Chapter Two.

201
and Vespasian seems closer to the chanson de geste than the prose La Venjance

Nostre Seigneur. Bergau came to this conclusion, but was unable to fix on which

extant version of the French text is closest to the poem. All editions consist of

reproductions of the text of one manuscript, and there is no critical edition of all

the manuscripts and this adds to the difficulty in determining a precise source

text. Bergau postulates a lost version close to Ms. L.IV. Biblioteca Nazionale di

Torino as the most likely.39 This problem led Herbert to suggest that Titus and

Vespasian was based on the lost Latin original of the chanson de geste, but he

provides no evidence for this. More recently, A.T. Gryting has, however,

established the sources of the French text as the Vindicta Salvatoris and De

Pylato,40 discrediting this theory.

Titus and Vespasian follows La Venjance Nostre Seigneur fairly closely

from laisse six, where Gai has his dream and devises the ruse of pretending to go

on a mission to collect tribute from Pilate:

And al pis nyght me met a dreem

I>at I was at Jerusalem;
Me thoght I stode witerly
Byside pe temple ofKyng Davy,
And pere bothe I herde and say
Fele thynges to my pay.
And, sire, if 3e wil do on aftur me,
I shall doo wenden to pat citee,
And brynge 30U tipinges, if I can,
If I may heren oght of pat man,
And if oght of hym might be founde
I>at myght make 30U hool and sounde ... (lines 1695-1706)

39 Bergau ( 190 I) p.96.

40 The Oldest Version of the Twelfth-Century Poem "La Venjance Nostre Seigneur" (1957).

102
Once there he meets a Christian called Jacob whom he decides to take into his

confidence. Jacob offers him help and shelter in his quest (lines 1753-1788). He

explains that a fool foresaw the destruction of Jerusalem and that he himself was

present at Christ's crucifixion. Furthermore, his daughter was one of the four

Marys (lines 1789-1850). The narrative of the destruction of Jerusalem is similar

in both poems, with Vespasian receiving baptism and three ships of Jews being

set adrift, which end up in Flanders, Germany and England (laisses 98-99; lines

4247-4288,4887-5044).

Indeed, with the exception of the opening and the ending of the French

text, the English poet remains quite faithful to this source. He omits the opening

five laisses of La Venjance Nostre Seigneur41 where the French writer invites his

audience to listen, sets forth his theme and explains how Vespasian is stricken

with leprosy in order to bring him to the Faith. The fourth and fifth laisses relate

how Vespasian asks Gai to go and search for a remedy. Vespasian promises a

reward to the finder of a cure and vows to give the man who heals him half his

lands. He questions Gai about the prophet who was crucified in Jerusalem. This

section is not incorporated into the English text as the English poet has already

spent 1695 lines introducing his tale based on other sources (see below).

Similarly, the end of the chanson de geste is quite unlike the English, but there is

no obvious reason for this divergence on the part of the English poet. In laisse

102 Josephus makes a long statement of faith and is baptised. Pilate undergoes a

41 All references are to The Oldest Version of the Twelfth-Century Poem "La Venjance Nostre Seigneur"
( 1957).

203
trial in Rhone before imprisonment head-first down a well, and after two years

confinement he is swallowed by the earth as are all evildoers (laisses 103-106).

Laisse 107 rounds off the poem with a moral that no one can triumph against

God. In the French prose version we learn that Pilate is removed from the welL

that his face looks black as any fiend and the devils come and collect him. The

ending of the French tale is much better structured than the rather long series of

unconnected incidents in Titus and Vespasian.

The English poet makes a number of omissions, some of which hann the

sense of the narrative. Josephus' attempts to convert his family in laisse 65 are to

be found only in the French, although it would have been in keeping with the

theme of the English poem. Explanatory remarks such as that it snowed and

froze so hard that the inhabitants of Haifa could not flee (laisse 36) are ignored

by the Titus and Vespasian poet, even though this explicates how the siege of

Haifa was won.

Many of the changes made by the Titus and Vespasian poet are minor

alterations, some of which seem irrelevant. A number of episodes are transposed

in the English redaction, simply because they are. For instance, the English poet

transposes the encounter between Velocian and Pilate, placing it before

Veronica's introduction, instead of immediately after (lines 1857-1950). After

this Veronica appears and it is she herself who narrates her story (lines 1951-

2048), not Jacob before her arrival as in the French poem laisses 12-15. There is

no explanation for the repositioning and it does not appear to add anything to the

204
narrative. Beautiful descriptions are curtailed, and it is obvious that the English

poet did not appreciate decorative touches or the use of images to convey

meaning, such as those we saw in the opening passage from the Siege of

Jerusalem.

The main focus of Titus and Vespasian is didactic, and in accord with

this the poet adds long speeches expounding the Christian faith. One of the most

important of these is Clement's long account of creation, sin and redemption

(lines 2333-2428). Likewise he adds Josephus' speech to the effect that he and

the other Christians would have surrendered long ago if Vespasian had been

baptised (lines 3675-3700):

"For had pi lorde Vaspasian

Ymade hymself a Cristen man,
And his sone, with alle his oste,
Er pou come hider, weI pou wost
For hym, hit had ben sikemesse,
Pan had we 30lden, more and lesse.
3et is us lever to dye hereinne
Pan 3elde us to a Sarazyne...... (lines 3687-3694)

The result of this very specific purpose on the part of the poet is that

other elements of the destruction of Jerusalem story are compressed and made

less important. For instance, the details of the tactics employed during the siege

and campaign in Judaea are considerably fewer than in the Siege of Jerusalem

and are derived from La Venjance Nostre Seigneur, not the Polychronicon or

Hegesippus. No mention is made of Josephus' ruses, for instance, and, in fact.

205
Josephus himself does not play a very large part. According to Herbert.

Josephus' prophecies (lines 889-914) are inspired by The Jewish War iii 842 :

"The day wil come pis toun shall falle

And pe Jewes ben confoundet aIle.
pis citee shall ben overthrowe,
The hegh paleys shall be fullowe.
Messias shall sende 30u amonge
Sorwe, meschaunce and wrech stronge ......... (lines 893-898)

However, they are more likely to have been taken from the De Sancto Jacoba

Apostola and there is nothing in these lines from Titus and Vespasian to indicate

otherwise. It is clear that the Titus and Vespasian poet consulted this text, but

there is no evidence elsewhere in the poem to suggest that he knew Josephus'

work. More time is spent on the story of Mary (also true of the French text) than

on the campaign in Judaea. The orientation of Titus and Vespasian is clearly not

historical, unlike the Siege of Jerusalem which is based in part on a Latin

chronicle. Furthermore, both La Venjance Nostre Seigneur and Titus and

Vespasian refer on several occasions to how Vespasian, who is predicted to

avenge Christ, will do so by laying siege to Jerusalem, causing such a severe

famine that a woman eats her infant:

Ad Vapasianum ot puis mout grant mestier.

Sil vint puis en la terre nostre Seignor vanger,
Que firent Ii Juyf en la croiz travaille(r)
Et plaier et navrer et tot crucifier.
Cist fist lherusalem par effors asseger;
Laianz en la cite ot si grant destorber
Que la mere i covint son anfant a menger.
.xxx. JuIs dona l'emperere(s) au denier. (laisse 20, lines 396-403)

42 Titus and I 'espasian (1905) p.xxiv.

206
Later Josephus is depicted inquiring of his relatives:

"Or avons [nos] Ie wai que cil aloit querant

Qui fu morz en l'estor d'un fort quarlel tranchant;
Tot ainsi l'avrons nos,ja n'en avrons garant."
Seignor, n'est pas men<;onge, por ice vos en chant,
Puis manga la dedanz la feme son enfant. (laisse 65, lines 1468-1472)

Some of these comments are omitted by the Middle English writer, although

most are retained. The repetition of certain allusions concerning the prophet who

was killed (named in the Siege of Jerusalem as Jesus son of Ananias), retained

from the French, drives home the same point time and again, giving Titus and

Vespasian a moralistic, contentious and anti-semitic tone. In lines 1794-1804

Jacob relates to Velocian how this fool has predicted the destruction of

Jerusalem. The knave, who was killed in the streets, is referred to once more by

the poet in lines 3155-3166 and lines 3205-3208:

Hereth now, lordinges efte,

For I mot telle pere y lefte,
Of pe knave, the prophete,
I>at was slayn in pe strete.

He concludes the poem by referring yet again to this churl who prophesied and

was killed in the streets (lines 5155--5156). The differences between the remarks

in the two works is that the Titus and Vespasian poet concentrates on the

references to the prophet who was killed and not on those concerning the child

being eaten by his mother. These references are not necessary as the poet has

included a long account of the prophet and his predictions, as well as of the other

signs which foretold the destruction of Jerusalem, towards the beginning of Titus

207
and Vespasian. The effect of the repetition of these remarks combined with the

detailed narrative relating what the prophet said and did is to weight the poem

against the Jews and attempt to stifle any possibility of sympathy for them. It is

interesting that the poet chose to omit the references to the infamous act of

cannibalism, perhaps because they could be seen as raising complex theological

issues. This is certainly true of the account in the Siege of Jerusalem. The Titus

and Vespasian poet did not wish to delve into such issues.

Not only are the readers of Titus and Vespasian discouraged from feeling

any sympathy for the Jews, they are guided in how to interpret other matters

presented in the poem. The additions of the large homiletic sections such as

Clement's speech emphasise this.This is wholly unlike the situation in the Siege

of Jerusalem where although the vengeance is seen as justified, the picture

presented is altogether more complex. In the Siege of Jerusalem we learn of

unsavoury facts about Roman emperors, and the killing of the Jews for their gold

is not seen as a just punishment but as a shameful act. In Titus and Vespasian

(lines 4163-4246) the incident occurs after the siege when the Jews are punished

for their actions. The Christians who survive in Jerusalem inform Vespasian of

how the Jews have swallowed their gold. He is delighted to learn of this and

orders the Christians in Judaea and his soldiers to attend an auction of the Jewish

captives. He sells groups of thirty for a penny and instructs the buyers in what

they must do to obtain the treasure:

".... Everych take his part of all,

Of everych heed, as wil befall.
In her wombes pei have it broght;
208
 Hit thar not forther ben ysoght.
Whan 3e have out pat tresour,
pat 3e see pere nys noo more,
Loke 3e do on hem all pc peyne
Pat any man can thenke or seyn.
Hange hem, brenne hem, doo hem drawe,
Flee hem, bore hem, doo hem sawe,
Roost hem, scalde hem, bete hem, and put,
And all to peces her limes kut,
And pus fordoon hem lif and lyme;
Soo shull we qwenchen her venym.
And Goddes blessyng pei have ay,
pat serveth hem [so], til domesday.
Cometh now, and byggeth fast,
Ever whil pi lif willast. "
They comen and boght up everychoon,
And everych openede his anoon,
And after dede hem her inwyse
As hem was beden, pe same wise. (lines 4221-4246)

The effect of the positioning of this passage is to justify the actions of the

Romans. The poet certainly feels that it is the correct course of action and has

Vespasian express the belief that they shall gain God's blessing for it. The

passage exults in sensational detail, dwelling on the mutilation and torture of the

Jews. The chief feature of the passage is amplification through variation, as in

lines 4229-4232. In these lines in particular the jangle produced by the rhymes is

accentuated by the parallel construction of imperative and hem, so that the lines

read like a chant. Vespasian's rhetoric is designed to arouse the Christians to do

their worst to the Jews. In the Siege of Jerusalem this episode occurs when on

Josephus' exhortations some Jews flee the city before its final destruction:

Myche peple for pe prechyng at pe posteme 3atis

Tyen out of pe toun and Tytus bysechep,
To for[g]yue hem pe gult, pat pey to god wr03t;
And he grauntep hem grace and gaylers bytaU3t.
Bot whan pey metten with mete, vnmy3ty pey were
209
 And fode to defye, so faynt was here strengPe,
Fful pe gottes of gold eche go me hadde:
Lest fomen fongen hem schold, here floreyns pey eten.
Whan hit was br03t vp abrode and pe bourd aspyed,
[Wipou]ten leue of pat lord, ledes hem slowen,
[G]oren euereche a gome, and pe gold taken;
Ffayn[ere] ofpe floreyns [pan of] pe frekes aIle. (lines 1157-1168)

Both the Jews and the Roman soldiers give way to greed. The Jews who

surrender, faced by the prospect of death and believing the preaching of

Josephus, still want to preserve their gold and do so by swallowing it. The

Roman soldiers, preferring the money to the men, goren the Jews. Titus is not

consulted, and indeed he had already granted these men mercy. Thus the killing

of the Jews for gold is an underhand and shameful act. A distinction is drawn

between the Jews who throw themselves on the mercy of the Romans and the

Roman soldiers who take advantage of this and murder them. The presentation

of this episode in the Siege of Jerusalem raises questions about the validity of

military campaigns even if the cause is apparently just.

There are several substantial additions in Titus and Vespasian to the

account of the destruction of Jerusalem as presented in La Venjance Nostre

Seigneur. These additions consist of long biographies of Pilate, Judas, Saint

James the Less (lines 917-990) and Christ. They accentuate the episodic

structure of Titus and Vespasian and are superfluous to the narrative of the

poem. The main source for these additions is the Legenda Aurea of Jacobus de

Voraigine, using material from three tales: Cap.45 De Sancto Mathia Aposto!a.

210
Cap. 53 De Passione Domini and Cap. 67 De Sancto Jacoba Apostola. For

example, in its relation of Pilate's life Titus and Vespasian follows De Passione

Domini very closely43:

Fuit quidam rex nomine Tyrus qui quandam puellam nomine Pylam,
filiam cujusdam molendinarii nomine Atus carnaliter cognovit et de ea
filium generavit, Pyla autem ex nomine suo et nomine patris sui, qui
dicebatur Atus, unum nomen compo suit et nato puero imposuit nomen
Pylatus. Cum autem Pylatus tres annos haberet, ipsum pYla ad regem
transmisit: habebat autem rex filium de regina conjuge sua, qui fere
Pylato coaetaneus habebatur; isti dum annos discretionis attigissent,
saepius luctamine, pugna, et funda ad invicem colludebant. Sed regis
legitimus filius, ut genere erat nobilior, sic in omni loco Pylato
inveniebatur strenuior et omni genere certaminis aptior. Ob hoc Pylatus
invidiae livore commotus et felleo dolore stimulatus fratrem suum
latenter occidit. ........ (p.231)44

Similarly, Titus and Vespasian lines 1493-1510 read:

Hit was a kynge pat highte Tyrus,

Of Spayne, I understande pus.
A mylners doughtur of his lande
He knowlached, I understande.
She hight Pila, her fader Atus.
Her sone was sithen merveillous;
Pilatus pei clepede hym poo
Aftur hem bope two.
The kynge on his wife dere
Gate a sone the selve 3ere.
This Pila sithen broght hoom hir sone,
With his fader the kynge to wone.
These children were togedre longe,

43 Pilate's life is recounted, beginning with his birth in Spain to King Tyrus and Pita. He kills his half-
brother and is sent to Rome. Once there he murders the son of the king of France. The Romans make him
governor of Pontus, from whence he derives his name. Herod admires his slyness and makes him governor
of Judaea (Titus and Vespasian lines 1489-1582).

44 There was a king, Tyrus by name, who seduced a girl named Pyla, daughter of a miller called Atus, and
had of her a son. When her son was born, Pyla gave him a name composed of her own and her father's.
and called him Pylatus or Pilate. When Pilate was three years old, his mother sent him to the I..ing,
his father. The king already had a son born of the queen his wife, and this son was almost the same age as
Pilate. As they grew older the two often competed with each other at wrestling, boxing and shooting \\ ith a
sling, but the king's legitimate son just as he was of nobler birth, showed himself more vigorous and skilful
in every sort of contest, and Pilate consumed with jealousy and suffering from liver trouble. killed his
brother in secret... ..... The Go/den Legend I (1993) p.211.

211
 Til pat pei were bigge and stronge.
In alle dedes, thurgh kynde,
Pilat was alway byhynde;
This agrevede Pilate sore,
He slogh hym privelich perfore .....

The only departure the Titus and Vespasian poet makes is that Pilate is a friend

of Herod's and receives the governorship of Judaea from him, whereas in the De

Passione Domini Pilate goes behind Herod's back and acquires the governorship

over him from the Romans and later sends Christ to Herod to engineer a

reconciliation. The trial, condemnation and burial of Pilate at the end of Titus

and Vespasian lines 4289-4348, 4365-4486 also come from this source.

However, for the origins of his imprisonment in a steel barrel (lines 4349-4365)

we have to look elsewhere. Particularly striking is the story of Christ's tunic45

which is derived from De Passione Domini p.232, as this is not present in many

versions of the story.

The life of Judas (lines 4488-4884)46 is lifted by the Titus and Vespasian

poet from De Sancto Mathia Apostola pp.184-6. It serves little purpose in the

45 Pilate is brought to Vespasian and the emperor loves him. An old man explains that this strange
occurrence is due to Pilate's possession of Jesus' girdle, which was woven by the Virgin Mary. The girdle
saves him from famine and the wrath of his enemies. Vespasian has it removed and the spell is lifted (Titus
and Vespasian lines 4289-4348).

46 Judas is born to Ruben and Ciberia in Jerusalem. His mother has a vision at his conception which
predicted his future wickedness, but Ruben ignores it. When the child is born they decide to set him adrift
on a boat. The boat drifts to the Isle of Scariot. Here the boy is spied by the Queen who adopts and names
him Judas Scariot. Later she has a child of her own. Judas fights with the younger boy and is informed that
he is merely adopted. In a fit of jealousy he kills this boy and runs away to Jerusalem. There he gains the
goodwill of Pilate. One day Pilate sees an apple tree in Ruben's orchard, the fiuit of which he craves. He
dispatches Judas to acquire some apples. While Judas is employed in this task he is discovered by Ruben.
They fight and Ruben is killed. Ciberia appeals to Pilate for redress and he tells her not to worry. Pilate
marries her to Judas. She tells Judas all about her son and he realises what a crime he has committed. In
remorse he becomes one of Jesus' apostles. He continues his thieving ways. taking one tenth of all the alms.
He values Mary's ointment at 300 pence and when he is not permitted to sell it, he betrays Christ for thirty
pence. Later he repents of his actions, returns the money and hangs himself on an elder-tree (Titus and
'"espasian lines 4488-4884).

212
poem, other than it being an example of another "wicked bird" as Furnivall

quaintly termed both him and Pilate in his collection entitled Early English

Saints' Lives and the Two Wicked Birds Judas and Pilate. 47 Lives of Pilate and

Judas frequently circulated together, as Du Meril tells us, and this is perhaps why
48
the poet included Judas' life. The account interrupts the narrative of the

destruction of Jerusalem and the conclusion of the poem and after it has been

related, the poet says:

Lete we Pilate and Judas dwelle;

Ofpe Emperour I wil30U telle. (4885-4486)

The purpose of these additions seems to be that the poet wished to tell of all the

popular stories which were even tangentially related to his narrative in order to

entertain his audience and reconfmn antipathy to the Jews.

This is reinforced and augmented by passages based on the Gospels and

the Gospel of Nicodemus, which are extremely long and deal with the life of

Christ, and the activities of Joseph of Arimathea and Nicodemus who occur

nowhere else in the poem. Like the lives of Pilate and Judas, they read like self-

contained episodes which could be removed without destroying the sense of the

poem. Indeed, their removal would improve its structure. Lines 1-296 are a

summary of incidents from the Gospels which are to be found in the lectionary

readings, with Caiaphas' prophecies which were to be found in the readings for

47 Early English Saints' Lives and the Two Wicked Birds Judas and Pilate (1862) pp.1 06-19.

48 Poesies Populaires Latines du Moyen Age (1947) pp.335-68. See in addition Rand (1967) pp.306-16 on
the legend of Judas; and La Venjance de Nostre-Seigneur. The Old and Middle French Prose r 'ersions: fhe
Lura Sanitatis Tiberii. ... (1993) pp. 31-2 on Judas and pp.27-34 on Pilate.

213
Easter.q'J Lines 390-684 are based on the Gospel of Nicodemus. and relate the

conspiracies hatched while Jesus is away. Twelve men defend His honour and

these are quickly joined by two rich men, Nicodemus and Joseph of Arimathea.

Nicodemus reproaches the Jews for their actions as does Joseph of Arimathea

(lines 501-520), with the latter going on to declare himself a Christian.

infuriating the Jews who imprison him. He is released by Christ, greatly

disturbing Annas and Caiaphas (lines 521-590). We are then provided with a

detailed account of Joseph's preaching which leads to further conflict with the

Jewish authorities, from whose grasp he is once again rescued through divine

aid. Joseph of Arimathea's second imprisonment in a town-wall and his release

originate in De Sancto Jacoba Apostola. Other elements derived from the

Gospel of Nicodemus include details concerning the Resurrection, Christ's

miracles and Pilate's letter to Tiberius in lines 1385-1460 which is based on the

Gospel ofNicodemus p. 392.

A number of minor additions based on the De Sancto Jacoba Apostola

are added by the poet, but contribute little to the narrative. Titus' illness is a case

in point, the account of which is quite close in Titus and Vespasian, apart from

the fact that the incident is split in two at lines 3171-3180 and 3930-4016. This

is possibly because the incident serves little purpose, but the poet wished to

include it because he had it before him:

Reliquit autem Vespasianus Titum filium suum in obsidione Jerusalem.

Titus autem, ut in eadem hystoria apocrypha legitur, audiens patrem

49The precise origin of these accretions I have been unable to find. It is possibly a missing French tcxt or
homily, as it seems unlikely that the Titus and Vespasian poet would summarise the matcrial himself.

214
 suum In Impenum sublimatum, tanto guadio et exsultatione repletur.
quod nervorum contractione ex fregiditate corripitur et altero crure
debilitatus paralysi torquetur, Josephus autem audiens Titus paralysi
1aborare , causam morbi et tempus morbi diligentissime inquirit. Ca~a
nescitur, morbus ignoratur, de tempore autem, quoniam audita patris
electione hoc sibi acciderit, aperitur. Josephus autem vir providus et
sapiens ex paucis multa conjecit et ex tempore morbum et causam
invenit, sciens, quod gaudiio et laetitia superabundanti debilitatus fuerit.
Animadvertens itaque, quia contraria contrariis curantur, sciens etiam
quia quod amore conquaeritur, dolore frequenter amittitur, quaerere
coepit, an aliquis esset, qui prinicpis inimicus obnoxius teneretur. Et erat
ibi servus adeo Tito molestus, ut sine vehementi conturbatione
nullatenus in eum posset respicere, nee etiam nomen ejus audire; dixit
itaque Tito: si curari desideras, omnes, qui in mea comitatu venerit,
securus habeatur et salvus. Tunc Josephus cito prandium fieri praecepit
et mensam suam mensae Titi oppositam locavit et servum a dextris suis
sedere fecit. Quem Titus respiciens molestia conturbatus infremuit et, qui
prius gaudio infrigidatus fuerat, accensione furoris incaluit nervosque
distendens curatus fuit. Post hoc Titus et servum in sui gratiam et
Josephum in sui amicitiam recpit. (p.301)5o

On the other hand, several useful additions which illuminate the

destruction of Jerusalem are derived by the Titus and Vespasian poet from De

Sancto Jacoba Apostola. From it he derives the details surrounding the portents

(lines 991-1162), Nathan's mission (lines 1281-1385), Vespasian's illnesses

(lines 1230-1240), the flight of the Christians (lines 2809-2828), Josephus' flight

50 Vespasian left his son Titus in charge of the siege of Jerusalem. We read in the same apocryphal
history that Titus, hearing of his father's accession to the empire, was so filled with joy and exultation
that he caught a chill and suffered a contraction of nerves and muscles that left him painfully paralysed
in one leg. Josephus heard that Titus was paralysed, and diligently sought information regarding the
cause of the disease and the time that it had struck. The cause was unknown, the nature of the illness was
also unknown, but the time was known: it happened to Titus when he heard of his father's election.
Josephus, quick and foresighted as he was, put two and two together, and, knowing the time, surmised
both the nature of the ailment and its cure. He knew that Titus had been debilitated by an excess of joy
and gladness, and, keeping in mind that opposites are cured by opposites, knowing also that \\ hat is
brought on by love is often dispelled by dislike, he began to ask whether there was anyone \\ ho was
particularly obnoxious to the prince. There was indeed a slave who annoyed Titus so much that the very
sight of him, and even the sound of his name, upset him completely. So Josephus said to Titus: "If you
want to be cured, guarantee the safety of any who come in my company." Titus: "Whoever comes in
your company will be kept safe and sound!" Josephus quickly arranged a festive dinner. set his 0\\ n table
facing that of Titus, and seated the slave at his right side. When Titus saw the fellow. he growled with
displeasure; and as he had been chilled by joy, he was now heated hy his fit of fury: his sinc\\s were
loosened, and he was cured. Thereafter Titus granted his favour to the slave and took Joscphus into his
friendship. The Golden Legend I (1993) p.275
215
from Jerusalem and conversion (lines 3843-3942), and the Jews' attempts to

rebuild Jerusalem (lines 5087-5134). Minor alterations to the account of the

destruction, which mainly follows that in La Venjance Nostre Seigneur, have

been made in accord with De Sancto Jacoba Apostola. These include the fact

that Veronica suffers from a flux of blood rather than leprosy. In La Venjance

Nostre Seigneur Veronica suffers from leprosy which is healed by touching the

cloth (laisse 13). Furthermore, the Titus and Vespasian poet refers to Gai as

Velocian in accord with most other accounts of the Veronica legend and the

destruction of Jerusalem story, including the Legenda Aurea and the histories.

The news of Nero's death and Vespasian's trip to Rome (lines 3165-3199) is

derived by the English writer from the same source, De Sancto Jacoba Apostola.

Vespasian has to return to Jerusalem as the English poet is using La Venjance

Nostre Seigneur as his chief source and Vespasian plays a prominent role in it.

The number of Jewish dead (lines 4269-4288) and the succession of Titus to the

imperial throne (lines 5045-72) are of similar origin. The portents at the

beginning come after an extended account of the martyrdom of James the Less,

which disrupts the structure of the poem. The only differences between the

English and Latin works at this point is that the English text provides the poor

man who prophesies with a very different speech and informs us of how he is

killed. The Middle English poet learnt of his death in La Venjance Nostrc

Seigneur, where it is alluded to frequently. All of these additions denigrate the

216
Jews and glorify Christianity, emphasising the justness of the war and the

necessity of eliminating Judaism.

Thus the choice of chief source made by the Titus and Vespasian poet is

very different from that used by the Siege of Jerusalem writer. as he follows in

the main a French romance. These choices of source provide evidence of the

intentions of both writers. Robert Mannyng of Brunne wrote his Story of

England in English in order to make it available to:

.. po pat in pis lande wone,

pat pe Latyn no Frankys cone. (Prologue lines 7_8)51

Thorlac Turville-Petre argues that Manning writes in English as it is part of his

strategy to present himself as a member of the community, as a "priestly author"

instructing a lay audience. 52 Thus writing in English would make a text available

to a wider audience, and this is certainly true of Titus and Vespasian. Moreover,

it is a typical metrical romance, consisting mainly of a poor quality translation of

a French romance, while at the same time sharing Manning's aim of instructing

the audience. There the similarities end, as unfortunately the poet is unable to

distinguish between what would contribute to the theme of the poem and what is

superfluous. In complete contrast to this, the Siege of Jerusalem is based in part

on the Vindicta Salvatoris and not on La Venjance Nostre Seigneur. It follows

the Latin closely, changing to other sources only when the narrative requires it.

51 Rolf Berndt (1972) p.349 provides extensive evidence that French was the language of \\ ritten
communication of an elite minority. M. Dominica Legge (1963) records how up until the end of the
fourteenth century Anglo-Norman texts were written for courtly audiences, with many being commissioned
hy women, as they did not read Latin.

52 Turville-Petre ( 1996) pp.34-48.

217
The alliterative poem is beautifully written, containing elaborate descriptions.

which help convey its theme, a point on which all critics agree, even those who
53
find the poem morally repugnant. Although, for the most part the Miter of the

metrical romance follows a similar French work, he did attach large amounts of

didactic religious information, which he has extracted from popular texts that

enjoyed wide circulation in both their original Latin and in translation. As M. T.

Clanchy points out, English writers using French as their medium frequently

state that "their work is expressed in that language so that everyone, 'great and

small' (Ii grant e Ii mendre), can understand".54 Such remarks are used to justify

the fact that they are not using Latin. One can concl ude from this that the status

of French was not considered equal to that of Latin in certain spheres, such as

history and doctrine. Therefore, if a writer used primarily a French source for a

work in English it would carry less weight than a text which had the authority of

a Latin source. The function of these additions mainly to be found at the

beginning of Titus and Vespasian is to give it authority and explain the accepted

view of the events surrounding the destruction of Jerusalem. The link between

the destruction of Jerusalem and the passion of Christ, which is to be found in

the readings for the tenth Sunday after Pentecost, is emphasised in Titus and

Vespasian. The audience of the poem is deemed to need instruction. This does

not negate its popular, recreational purpose, for as Glending Olson points out,

S3 Spearing (1987) pp.165-172, Narin van Court (1995) pp.227-246, Pearsall (1988) pp.II-35. Hamel
(1992) pp.I77-194, Hanna (1992 a) pp.I09-121, Kopka (1887), Lawton (1997) pp.l05-117.

54 Clanchy (1993) p.203. See Short (1991) pp.229-49 and Ferrante (1982) pp.586-600.

'218
many dIdactic religious texts were considered to be recreational and

entertaining. 55 However, the manner in which the religious material is presented

in this poem is entirely different from the Siege of Jerusalem. If we look at the

story of Mary and her son we can see this clearly. In the Siege of Jerusalem this

story is used to raise complex ideas surrounding the Eucharist and the eating of

the body of Christ, while in Titus and Vespasian the incident is presented merely

as the fulfilment of a prophecy and illustrates the suffering of Christians at the

hands of the Jews. The gender of the child is said to be female, as in La

Verifance Nostre Seigneur, which avoids parallels with the Eucharist and the

sacrifice of Christ. This is perhaps because the audience of the metrical romance

would have had less interest in complex arguments. The Siege of Jerusalem, on

the other hand is intended for a more sophisticated audience, possibly a clerical

readership, as is indicated by the subject-matter and the use of sources. Helen

Suggett notes in her survey of the use of French in the later Middle Ages that

Latin was generally reserved for correspondence to or between ecclesiastical

figures, while French was the standard medium for written communication

among the nobility and to officials. 56 Therefore, the redactor of the Siege of

Jerusalem was likely to have been a cleric as he had access to Latin sources and

moves easily among them, hence his interest in complex theological matters. My

contention is that the purposes behind the two works are very different, that the

Titus and Vespasian poet intentionally writes a poem in which the reader is not

SS Olson (1982) passim.

56 Suggett (1946) pp.61-83. See in addition Clanchy (1993). passim. on the generallls~ of rr~nch and Latin.
219
required to be aware of external information or other texts, while the Siege of

Jerusalem poet composes an intellectually demanding work which requires such

knowledge. This perhaps explains the choice of sources (including their

language and genre) by each writer. This distinction between the two works is

not lessened by the fact that the Siege of Jerusalem is also written in English, as

alliterative verse was an accepted medium for composing weighty works (see

above).

The Siege of Jerusalem incorporates material from the Vindicta

Salvatoris, which was related to the Gospel of Nicodemus, as well as from the

Legenda Aurea. However, the poet does not cite the names of the works he is

drawing on, unlike his contemporary, the Titus and Vespasian poet, who

repeatedly invokes authorities, even ones which he does not use such as the

Seven Sages of Rome. 57 This is a significant difference between the two poems.

It suggests that Titus and Vespasian is constructed by a writer who simply

accepts the orthodox view and does not wish to interpret material himself.

Furthermore, he uses overtly didactic religious material, such as the accounts of

the life of Christ and the activities of Nicodemus and Joseph of Arimathea, to

give the legendary elements in his poem authority. This would impress his

audience with the veracity of his didactic, anti-semitic poem. The Siege of

Jerusalem, on the other hand, is carefully composed by threading together

information from various sources, and intended for a more educated audience as

57Having compared Titus and Vespasian with the Seven Sages of Rome (1933). I found no evidence to
suggest that any passages in the former are based on the latter.

220
it weaves in texts such as Christ's prophecy from Luke 19: 41-4 without citing its

origin. Vespasian vows that:

Or Yto pe walles schal wende and waiten aIle ouere;

Schal no ston vpon ston stonde, by y passe. (lines 351-352)

When this Biblical text is quoted in Titus and Vespasian (lines 705-720) it

occurs as part of Christ's prophecies concerning Jerusalem and the audience is

not required to know its origins, because it is told. This suggests that the Siege of

Jerusalem poet expected his audience to possess a certain knowledge of

religious issues and to be acquainted with the sources. Otherwise the

intertextuality of the poem would not be perceived.

However, the Siege ofJerusalem is also based in part on a French source,

Roger D'Argenteuil's Bible en Franfois. Roger D'Argenteuil's work is an

instructional text, based in part on the Old and New Testaments and expounding

tenets of the Christian faith. The English poet uses it with a clear purpose in

mind and not simply because it was available. Both the genre of this French

source, a work of instruction dealing with theological matters including the

sacraments, and the use made of it by the poet, imply that the composition of the

Siege of Jerusalem was motivated by a desire to raise certain issues and not

simply to provide recreation for a popular audience. 58

F. Bergau and Kolbing and Day have considered the potential influence

of the Siege of Jerusalem on Titus and Ve.spasian. Bergau lists the similarities

58 See Chapter Six.

221
 59
and differences between the two poems and on the whole it has to be admitted

that the similarities consist of only very general elements of the story which can

be found in most accounts, while the differences are both more numerous and

substantial. Having said this, there is one interesting feature which the two

poems share, though it is a small point on which to base an argument. This is the

fact that Pilate asks for a knife to peel his pear and not an apple. K51bing and

Day argue that this was an innovation on the part of the Siege ofJerusalem poet,

prompted by the, exigencies of alliteration,60 and it is followed by the Titus and

Vespasian poet:

I>e wye pat hym warded, wente on a tyme,

Hym-self fedyng with frut and feffyt hym with a pere,
And forto paren his pere, he praiep hym 3eme
Of a knyf, and pe kempe kest hym a trenchour,
And with pe same he schef hymself to pe herte,
And so pe kaytif as his kynde corsedlich deied. (Siege ofJerusalem
lines 1325-1330)61

I>at of oon he borwede a knyfe

For to paren a pere - he drogh,
And perwith hymselfhe slogh. (Titus and Vespasian lines 4388-4390)

This raises the possibility that the Titus and Vespasian poet was aware of the

Siege of Jerusalem and chose to write a poem on the same subject-matter in a

different style and focusing on different aspects of the story. However, the

evidence is far from conclusive as the earliest manuscripts of both works date

S9 Bergau ( 190 I ) pp. 79-83.

60 The Siege ofJerusalem (1932) p.xxvi.

61 See MED under paren where there are several references to this story. The earliest to mention, the paring

of a pear is the Siege of Jerusalem. See further Arvidson (1916), passim, on the language of Tltlls and
J°espasian.

222
from the end of the fourteenth century, so Titus and Vespasian could

conceivably have inspired the Siege of Jerusalem poet to write a more

intellectually demanding text.

This leads us to consider the quality of Titus and Vespasian in relation to

the Siege of Jerusalem. The Siege of Jerusalem has a coherent outline with the

poet following one source at a time and changing source only when the narrath"e

outline dictates it. Unfortunately, the same cannot be said of Titus and

Vespasian. The religious sections at the beginning fit badly with the rest of the

poem, with the poem lacking a sense of continuity. The ending is, as we can see

from the previous discussion, interrupted by the tale of Judas which has little to

do with the rest of the narrative. The early history of Pilate also constitutes a

long and needless digression. The Siege of Jerusalem poet edits out even details

surrounding Pilate's demise, which he found in his source, in order to avoid

deflections from the focus of his poem. In fact, at times one gets the impression

that the redactor of Titus and Vespasian was more concerned with including

everything he knew on the subject than with creating a coherent narrative. This is

particularly true of the section on the portents, which follows the innumerable

prophecies and which is alluded to constantly throughout the rest of the poem.

Jesus and Josephus amongst other figures prophesy at length. The Lord bewails

Jerusalem's fate:

"Ifpou wist as myche as I

pou most wepe, I seye pe why .....
There shall noo stoon on oper bi leve,
But doun pei shul pe to-dreve."
Foure prophetes seiden right pus
223
 Longe byforn oure Lorde Jesus:
Bothe Moyses and Ysaie
And Ely and eke Jeremye ..... (lines 705-720)

......Pe noble clerc, Maister Josephus,

Amonges.Pe Jewes he seide pus
"The day wil come pis toun shalle falle
And pe Jewes ben confoundet alle ..... (lines 891-894)

This repetition is due to the poet's inclusion of all the information which he

found in the two different sources he was using, when he should have selected

just some of the material.

At times the narrative in Titus and Vespasian is difficult to follow, such

as the section concerned with Josephus' escape and stint in the cave:

Josephus unswared as a man

Ful coyntelich, as nede was than:
"Nay, it wil not weI be soo.
Castest cut, bitwix two and two,
Which of us shal o.Per ete,
And whech we shal on live lete .
.... pus ech of hem oper name,
Til hit to Josephus cam
Pat he cut shulde falle upon.
Dye he shulde right anoon;
But God wolde [not] he dyede pan,
For his wyt helpede many a man..... (lines 3879-3892)

It is not clear what the point of this incident is until we look at the source for it,

the Legenda Aurea, where the episode is tied in to a description of Josephus'

character. This description illuminates the incident by showing how Josephus, an

honourable man, was driven to this extremity. The poet also appears to have

misread the French text where it relates how Japhell survived at Haifa. These

difficulties are not to be found in the Siege of Jerusalem, where the narrative is

224
always clear. Josephus' escape is omitted by the alliterative poe~ although he

was aware of it, having consulted the Legenda A urea for other details.

In fact most of the extra length of Titus and Vespasian. 5182 short lines

compared to 1334 long lines of the Siege of Jerusalem, is taken up with

extraneous material, the lives of Pilate and Judas, the martyrdom of Saint James

and so forth. These are examples of evildoers, whom one should not imitate

unless one wishes to suffer a similar fate, and of good people. This is the

outstanding impression which one gains of this metrical romance, that it is a

series of exemplary tales. We read of the Creation, Resurrection, of saints and of

the "wicked birds". A sense of narrative continuity is not present as it is in the

Siege of Jerusalem, where each episode leads carefully to the next. In the Siege

of Jerusalem details about other sieges are not included nor are life histories of

characters as these are not pertinent to the story. Fundamentally, a comparison of

the Siege of Jerusalem with Titus and Vespasian illustrates how one can

compose a fascinating poem, like the Siege of Jerusalem, out of a mass of well-

known legendary material if one has clearly defined aims. Alternatively, one can

end up with a rather tedious text if one does not have a strong controlling idea

and sense of organisation.

This is certainly true of Titus and Vespasian, which shares many of the

features commonly associated with rhymed romances. It is written in four-stress

couplets, using some romance tags and repetition. It is mainly episodic,

consisting of a series of stories and incidents with little attempt to link them. The

225
poet is not interested in the beauty of descriptive sequences, and is concerned

solely with including as many stories and incidents as is possible. The

differences between Titus and Vespasian and most rhymed romances is th\?

choice of subject-matter, the destruction of Jerusalem (most details concerning

siege warfare are omitted) and stories of Pilate and Judas, rather than a tale of

love or secular battle. This is a deliberate retelling of material widely available in

theological and historical texts in a more popular vein. It is thus intended for

recreational, though morally improving, purposes rather than as an attempt to

stimulate intellectual debate.

Furthermore, like many metrical romances, it is impossible to compile a

single critical edition of the poem. Fundamentally, it exists in two versions. as

noted above; a short redaction with lines 1-812 and 3114-5184 missing and a

long narrative and there are many local differences between manuscripts. It

exists in two modem printed editions: Herbert's 1906 edition of the latter for the

Roxburghe Club and Rudolf Fischer's 1903-4 edition of the former in Archiv

111 and 112, and an unpublished trial edition of the first 3,000 lines by John

Holmes Wilson. 62 Scribes did not take the same liberties with the Siege o{

Jerusalem text (most of the manuscript copies are virtually complete apart from

BL. Ms. Cotton Vespasian E.xvi), which suggests that this work was treated

62 Herbert based his edition on BL. Ms. Additional 36523 collated with BL. Ms. Additional 10036. HI..
Ms. Harley 4733, Bodelian Library Ms. Digby 230 and Bodelian Library Ms. Laud Misc. 622. Fischcr
edited Pierpont Morgan library Ms. 898. John Holmes Wilson compiled a trial edition of the first 3.0()()
lines of the Osborn Ms., collated with Pierpont Morgan Library Ms. 898. Cambridgc. Magdaknc
College Ms. Pepys 2014, Bodelian library Ms. Laud Misc. 622. BL. i\1s. Harley .1733 and BodclJan
Library Ms. Digby 230 and a transcription of the rest of the Osborn Ms. See in addition i\ Inc ( 196.1)
pp.l0-5 for a critical assessment of Herbert's edition.

226
more respectfully and appreciated for the manner in which its author composed

it. Titus and Vespasian seems to have seen as a repository of tales that could be

altered as need dictated. The numerous surviving manuscripts of Tilus and

Vespasian provide some evidence for the reception of the work and how its

audience differs from that of the Siege of Jerusalem and this confinns the

contrasting purposes of the poets. 63 As there are twelve manuscripts of the

metrical romance, most of which are quite similar in appearance, I shall confine

myself to brief general statements about them and their relationship to the Siege

of Jerusalem manuscripts,64 before examining specific issues relating to the

presentation of Titus and Vespasian.

Figure 2

BL. Ms. Additional 10036 (F)

BL. Ms. Additional 36523 (G)
BL. Ms. Additional 36983 (H)
Bodleian Library Ms. Digby 230 (I)
Bodleian Library Ms. Douce 78 (J)
Bodleian Library Ms. Douce 126 (K)
BL. Ms. Harley 4733 (N)
Bodleian Library Ms. Laud Misc. 622 (Q)
Cambridge, Magdalene College Ms. Pepys 2014 (R)
Coventry City Record Office Ms. 325/1 (T)

63 The following analysis is based on consultations of the four manuscripts in the British Lihrary and on the
descriptions of the manuscripts in Catalogue of Manuscripts containing ,\fiddle English Romances (1976)
pp.108-11, 143-5, 159-72, 178-9, 186-8,206-8, 226-8, 257-61, 285-8, 303-4. For New York, Pierpont
Morgan Library Ms. 898 see Buhler (1961) pp.20-4; Cambridge, Magdalene College Ms. Pepys 201-t see
Catalogue of the Pepys Library at Magdalene College vol. v, part 1 (1992) pp.45-6. See also the
Supplement to the Index of Middle English Verse (1963) no.1881 p.219. Phyllis Moe and John Holmes
Wilson argue that Bodleian Library Ms. Laud Misc. 622 (Q c.1400) and BL. Ms. Additional 10036 (F
a.1425) are the oldest manuscripts. The Aldenham Ms. sold at the Goldschmidt sale in 1938 (now Cleveland
Public Library Ms. W qu 91.92-c.468) has been identified as a further manuscript of Titus and Vespasian.
Moe ( 1963) pp. 123-77 discovered in the course of her research that it is, in fact, an English redaction of the
Bible en Fran~ois. She notes that it dates from the mid fifteenth century and is of East Midlands
provenance. The manuscript consists of one hundred unruled folios with 34-41 lines per page, initial letters
in blue and red, paragraph marks in red and underlinings in red arid black. There are four English texts in
this compilation; The Brut, a prose chronicle of England to the year 1419 excerpted from the Polychronicoll.
34 lines of verse (a translation of the Cur mundus militat) and the Bible en Fram;ois. The last ikl11 has not
only been misidentified as Tius and I 'espasian, but also as the Vindicta Salvatoris and the Destruclivll 0/
Jerusalem.

64 See Chapter Six.

227
 Osborn Ms. (0)
Pierpont Morgan Library Ms. 898 (M)

Interestingly, the quality of the manuscripts of the Titus and Vespasian

compares quite favourably to those of the Siege of Jerusalem. There are two

well-produced manuscripts, Bodleian Library Ms. Digby 230 (I) and Coventry.

City Record Office Ms. 325/1 (T), just as there are of the Siege of Jerusalem. as

we have already seen. I is a vellum .manuscript containing also a selection of

religious poems and moral recipes in English. It is set out in double columns

with each line beginning with a capital, punctuation marks at the ends of lines.

rubrics in the columns, illuminated borders of foliage in gold and blue and some

decorated initials in gold, violet and blue. It contains a small number of

annotations and owners' names (Merget Brabason f.191 v; Roger Brabason

192r).65 On the flyleaf at the end of the manuscript, recto, there is the following

signature and inscription: "Fran:1 Richardel If happ helpe not! Hope is hindered

William Gresley" and on the same leaf, verso,: "to deith endurit! Clyfton".66

There is a sizable number of scribblings in the margins especially in the first part

of The Troy Book, where several passages have been marked by a later reader in

a careless hand as warranting attention, often with the word "'nota".67 The

various sets of signs in the manuscript have been examined by Ian Doyle. who

concludes that they do not suggest that it is a composite manuscript, but rather

65 Catalogue of Manuscripts containing Middle English Romances (1976) p.258; Moe (1963) pp.12-3.

66 Lydgate 's Tro:v Book IV (1930) p.29.

67 Lydgate 's Siege of Thebes II (1930) pp.44-5; Lydgate's Troy Book IV (1930) pp.25-9.

228
that it was compiled gradually.68 Similarly, T containing a collection of poems

by Chaucer, Hoccleve and Lydgate, along with Mandeville's Travels and Tilus

and Vespasian, is a vellum volume with illuminated borders and decorated

initials. It comprises two or three sections with separate but continuous quire-

signatures in different scripts. Ff.I-95 are written in untidy anglicana [onnata

while the rest is done in fere-textura, both of which can be dated to the second or

third quarters of the fifteenth century. The language of the manuscript suggests

that it was compiled in the London region, possibly in a bookshop. It is

decorated as one would expect of a manuscript of this quality and date with

initial capitals adorned with sprays of foliage. On f.l r there is a framed

illustration of a man dressed in white with a hood and skullcap standing in front

of green hills, which A.I. Doyle and George B. Pace suggest could be intended to
69
be Aristotle who was thought to have written the Secreta Secretorum. On

ff.l67 v -168r a late fifteenth-century hand has added 24 quatrains on mortality in

English, the first 22 of which are preceded by Latin verses.

Significantly, BL. Ms. Additional 36523 (0), a Middle English

miscellany which includes The Lay Folk's Mass Book and Maydestone' s

metrical rephrasings of the Seven Penitential Psalms, has a fine painted

miniature of the Virgin and Child in its opening initial, and this is of infinitely

superior quality to the only illustration in the Siege of Jerusalem manuscripts.

that of BL. Ms. Additional 31042. It is a vellum manuscript executed in single

68 Cited in Catalogue of Manuscripts containing Middle English Romancf!S (1976) p.1 II.

69 Doyle and Benson (1968) pp.23-6.

229
columns with a seven-line initial in red at the beginning, small red initials

throughout, red paragraph marks, proper names occasionally underlined in red

and containing no readers' names. Titus and Vespasian is in two parts, with the

second which starts at line 2735 headed "Here bygynneth the passage of

Vaspasian and Titus".7o The scribe occasionally replaces obsolete words of OE

origin with French loan words and glosses unusual phrases. 71 Finally. in BL.

Ms. Additional 36983 (H), a Middle English miscellany containing amongst

other works The Three Kings of Cologne, two verse Saints' Lives, religious and

moral poems and two prose texts concerning the Abbey of the Holy Ghost. the

ascenders of the top line, the descenders of the bottom line and the opening

initials of each intennediate line are exaggerated and embellished so that

swirling patterns extend from them. The text of The Prick of Conscience has

72
paragraph marks and capitals which indicate subdivisions. There are a few

scribbled comments on f.l relating to sheep.73

However, the majority of the surviving manuscripts of both poems are

unassuming. Bodleian Library Ms. Douce 78 (1) is a rather small manuscript

with nothing exceptional to recommend it. Guddat-Figge points out that it might

have originally been composed of two separate booklets with Titus and

7°Catalogue of Additions to the Manuscripts in the British Museum 1900-5 (1907) p.12.t: 1\1o~ (1963)
pp.9-IO.

71John Homes Wilson (1967) p.xiv. For instance, er in line 1014 is replaced with so, iude in line IOH9
with Juwery and najJeles in line 1115 is replaced with nevertheless.

72 Lewis and McIntosh (1982) p.155.

73Calalogue of Additions to the Manuscripts in the British Museum 1900-5 (1907) p.2()l): I\h: (1963)
pp.17-8.

230
 74
Vespasian in one on its own. On f.93 there is a note dated August 18. 1499.

The contents of the volume are in English and consist mainly of religious works

in verse such as the Lament of the Virgin and the Complaint o/Christ. Like\\'ise

BL. Ms. Harley 4733 (N) is a modest volume, in Middle English. French and

Latin (Proverbs of Old Philosophers and the Disticha Catonis) \\ith some

rubricated initials. It is a late manuscript and contains many independent

variants. The scribe is working from more than one exemplar and encounters

difficulties due to this which he tries to resolve by simplifying the syntax.

Unfortunately, he pays little attention to the rhythm and often lengthens a line or

adds more without improving the sense. 75 Significantly, it contains many

annotations in both Latin and English recording the contents of the folios, as

well as the names of possible owners in sixteenth-century hands on ff.1- 3, 27,

127v (John Lynell, John russell, John Pygyn, John Bland, John Legus,

Brampton).76 On f.26 there is an earlier ascription: "Master John Penyngton,

schole maister of Wurcesture, ys possessor of thys booke." Meanwhile BL. Ms.

Additional 10036 (F) is very neatly executed and fairly uniform, though small, in

single columns with two-line initials, titles and Latin lines picked out in red.

Unlike the majority of the manuscripts this largely English volume (apart from

Maydestone's rephrasing of Psalm 51 which is in Latin and English) displays

74 Catalogue of Manuscripts containing Middle English Romances (1976) p.259: Moe (1963) pp.16-7.

7SJohn Holmes Wilson (1967)pp.x, xv-xvi.

76 Catalogue o/Manuscripts containing Middle English Romances (1976) p.207; \1(l( (1963) pp.II-2.

231
 77
few signs of having been used. Bodleian Library Ms. Douce 126 (Kt a

compilation of Middle English religious verse, is a fair though unexceptional

compilation with occasional 1-3 line capitals in red which indicate subdiyisions

in the texts, annotated in Latin and English and containing four personal names

(hary Chamly grocer on f.3 and Wylliam hogson on ff.15, 22. both c. sixteenth

century/8 as well as a note in Latin prose concerning archangels and a further

note in English dating from Henry VIII's reign on f.93. The large, moderately

well produced Bodleian Library Ms. Laud Misc. 622 (Q) is a miscellany of

works in English (religious verse and prose, a metrical Saint's Life, Kyng

Alisaunder and Adam Davy's metrical account of five dreams) with three line

initials in blue and red, each column marked off with a box enclosing the text

and dividing the two columns. It contains two personal names of fifteenth

century date (Joh. Downe f.64v; Honorius Gonereid f.71 f) and a seventeenth-

century note on a flyleaf: "Thise poems seem to have been wrote by one Adam

Davy, as may be gathered from Fo1.28 col2b coll lin.7".79 New York, Pierpont

Morgan Library Ms. 898 (M) which is of east-midlands provenance, though the

language contains traces of southern forms, is also modest. It is fifteenth century

in date and has chapter headings in red and rubrication in blue. Significantly. it is
so
the only manuscript to contain Titus and Vespasian on its own. Cambridge.

77 Moe ( 1963) pp. 10-1.

78 Lewis and Mcintosh (1982) p.99.

791\YflR Alisaunder (1957) pp.I-3; Moe (1963) pp.13-5.

80 Moe (1963) pp.19-20. 48-60; John Homes Wilson (1967) passim.

232
Magdalene College Ms. Pepys 2014 (R) is a well-written, though not elaborately

produced, late fourteenth-century or early fifteenth-century parchment

manuscript from the Northampton region containing the Chronicle of Popes and
81
Emperors and an English verse chronicle. The texts are written in a clear

anglicana hand in black ink with some rubrication. The manuscript has se\'en-

line initials in blue decorated with flourishes which extend down the margins.

small blue capitals at the beginning of lines and marginal apparatus for items one

and three. It contains some erased inscriptions, the names Johanni Spycer son of

Wille/mo Spycer, the dates 1469 and 1493 and a merchant's mark, which is

repeated. 82 Finally, the Osborn Ms. (0) is an early fifteenth-century vellum

manuscript written in east-midlands dialect with some northern fonns. It

contains a mixture of single and double columns and is not decorated apart from

some initials in blue and red. There is a two-line inscription in Latin on ff.39-40

which is undeciphered as yet and the signature of Thomas Redyng, a possible

sixteenth-century owner, on f.40v.83 The scribe is very careless on occasion in

transcribing the text, although he does sometimes emend lines improving their

clarity.84 This certainly provides us with an indication of the later audience of

this manuscript, which suggests that the manuscripts were produced in order to

be read and not for display.

81 See The Chronicles of Rome: The Chronicles of Popes and Emperors and The Lollard Chronicle
( 1999).

82 Catalogue of Manuscripts containing Middle English Romances (1976) p.46

83 John Homes Wilson (1967) pp.vi-vii; Moe (1963) pp.19-21.

84 John Holmes Wilson (1967) p.xiii.

233
 Thus the manuscripts on the whole display evidence of being r~ad

extensively. We can infer that they were popular for a long period. jUdging b:

the number of personal names which occur in some of the manuscripts. The

personal names are mainly of men, though there is at least one woman's nam~

(Merget Brabason), with many possessing the rudiments of Latin as is indicated

by the language of some of the scribbles. Three manuscripts of Tilus and

Vespasian, N, K and 0, contain annotations in Latin, just like U and L of the

85
Siege ofJerusalem. The manuscripts it occurs in consist of exclusively English

pieces, with but three exceptions as we have noted. The conclusion to draw from

this is that Titus and Vespasian is less likely than the Siege of Jerusalem to be

included in compilations with substantial Latin texts, indicating that it appealed

to a less learned audience which included merchants and women.

Fifteenth-century taste in manuscript presentation is evident with several

of the copies of Titus and Vespasian containing devices which render the text

easier to follow. For instance, H contains red initials decorated with foliage and a

bird on f.24S v and f.248 f which divide the poem into sections. R and N are also

divided into sections through the use of small blue/ red initials and G with

paragraph marks, while M goes further and presents the romance in an entirely

new form. In this manuscript the romance consists of eighteen chapters \\ith

86
chapter headings in red, some with prose resumeS. This undoubtedly represents

an adaptation of the romance for fifteenth-century taste. Furthermore, R and I

85 See Chapter Six.

234
mark the end of each line with a punctus and the opening with a capital. and G

highlights the opening of each line in red. Interestingly, the names of people are

written in red. The most significant feature is the use of a marginal apparatus in

some of the manuscripts, such as R and G. These consist of brief comments on

the content of the main text. In N these comments are continued in red from
V
f.55 (initially just in black ink), with the numbers of the portents, contained in

the main text written in Latin and executed as well in red to highlight their

importance. This suggests that scribes and patrons felt free to adapt the romance

for their own needs.

Let us now turn our attention to the position of Titus and Vespasian in

these manuscripts and its relationship to the other texts, and consider the

evidence this provides of its reception and how it was received in a different

manner to the Siege of Jerusalem. In F Titus and Vespasian is the first item,

followed by the Assumptio beate marie in verse (the earliest version of this work

is the source of The Assumption of Our Lady in the Cursor Mundi), and A

question of the peynes of helle and how soules desirejJ to haue rest in pat place

(Vision of St. Paul) in prose. 87 Item 5 is a prose manual for the instruction of

parishioners in English, Manuale Curatorum, which contains The Lord's

Prayer, Ave Maria and Psalm 51. Titus and Vespasian is obviously meant to

provide exempla to be followed, and warn of the dangers of sinful living. This

context emphasises the homiletic elements in the poem. In G TilliS and

81lMoe (1963) pp.50-1 notes that the summaries are simple and concise. Buhler (1961) pp.20·-l lists
these chapter headings and prose precises.

235
Vespasian is again the first item and introduces a selection of verse pieces (On

Will and Wit, Maydestone's version of the seven penitential psalms and The La)'

Folk's Mass Book), which indicates that the poem was read as an instructional

text of how to lead one's life. This is certainly fitting in the light of the series of

examples of good and bad people in the poem. The Lay Folk's }vlass Book

suggests a probable lay audience for the compilation. N presents Titus and

Vespasian as the third item, preceded by the Disticha Catonis with verse

paraphrase and the Proverbs of Old Philosophers in Latin, French and English

by Benedict Burgh, suggesting that it was read as a didactic text. The romance

appears as the final item in J, a collection of moral and devotional poetry, and

follows a Prayer to Christ. It is obviously read as a didactic, religious text in this

composite volume. On f.l r there is an account of Fortune and her wheel, which

would appeal to readers interested in the exempla of Titus and Vespasian and

vice versa. This is followed by A Lament of the Blessed Virgin and A Complaint

of Christ. The Prick of Conscience prefaces Titus and Vespasian in K, while

How Bernard spekyth to oure Lefdy to wetyn of Godys Passyoun and of here

suffering and a poem on the Passion follow it. 88 The metrical romance is thus

read as pertaining to the aftermath of the Passion and is intended to arouse the

conscience of readers. The inclusion of a hymn on virginity and a piece in Latin

discouraging matrimony, Sultus Eris, suggests a clerical or monastic audience. Q

presents the poem in a slightly different, but still religious context. It is

87 The Siege ofJerusalem is associated with the Cursor Mundi and the ,\'orthern Passion in ,\

236
sandwiched between a song of Advent from the South English Legendary and

the vision of St Alexius. Interestingly, the opening item in this compilation is a

selection from the Old Testament and the final item deals with a pilgrimage to

Holy Land. This confirms that the poem was read as a religious text. I is very

unusual in that it associates Titus and Vespasian with two poems by John

Lydgate, The Sege of Thebes and The Sege ofTroye. Guddat-Figge discounts the

possibility that it is a composite manuscript, so we are left to infer that Titus and

Vespasian was here being read as a siege narrative, rather like the Siege of

Jerusalem in D.89 T provides a similar reading of Titus and Vespasian. The

manuscript contains a selection of poems by Chaucer, Hoccleve and Lydgate. On

closer inspection this is not so incongruous as it first appears, as many of these

texts are quite moralistic: for example there is Chaucer's Lak of Stedfastnesse

and Hoccleve's Learn to Die. Titus and Vespasian is preceded by Mandeville's

Travels and is followed by Lydgate's The Sege of Thebes. So it seems likely that

it was received as presenting tales of exotic lands and an account of siege

warfare, but also as fitting in with the moral tone of many of the other poems in

the manuscript. H also contains some Chaucerian poems: Truth and the ABC

Poem. Titus and Vespasian is the sixth item and is preceded by The Three Kings

of Cologne (prose) and is followed by the legend of St. Michael (a collection of

pseudo-scientific material included in the third part of his life). Thus it is

88The Siege of Jerusalem occurs in two collections with The Prick o/Conscience. E and D. while Ms.
Porkington 10 contains both The Prick of Conscience and The Siege 0/ Jerusalem (prose).

89 Catalogue of Manuscripts containing .\fiddle English Romances (1976) p.258.

237
associated with saints' lives, popular religious works and also with a historical

text (The Three Kings of Cologne) that it is to be found with the Siege of

Jerusalem in two manuscripts. R (one of the three short versions) presents Titus

and Vespasian as a history together with two chronicles. It is the second item,

placed between The Chronicle of Popes and Emperors, a translation of the third

redaction of the chronicle of Martinus Pelonus, and a chronicle of England in

Middle English couplets which is attributed to Robert of Gloucester in other

manuscripts. 90 The former text includes a life of Christ, thus making it possible

that Titus and Vespasian was interpreted as a religious text as well. Thus on the

whole Titus and Vespasian was received as a moral, religious text and read in a

less varied manner to the Siege of Jerusalem. It occurs in primarily religious

contexts, with but three manuscripts differing from this rule. Of these, two still

allow the text to be perceived in a religious, moral light. Interestingly, it

sometimes occurs with fashionable and non-clerical works such as those by

Lydgate, Hoccleve, Chaucer and Mandeville. The nature of the manuscripts

confirm that it could have been received by a lay audience, particularly the

evidence of the three short versions, and that it also appealed to a religious

audience.

We can infer from all this that stories of the vengeance of Our Lord and

destruction of Jerusalem, and Veronica appealed to a wide audience and were

received in various ways. It ranged from popular metrical romances, which were

90Catalogue of Manuscripts containing Middle English Romances (1976) p.46; The Chronicles of
Popes and Emperors and The Lollard Chronicle (1999)

238
more sensational and moralistic, to historical and religious accounts such as the

Polychronicon and the Vindicta Salvatoris. If we consider Titus and Vespasian

and the Siege of Jerusalem in the light of this, we find that the former displays

greatest similarities with the popular tradition in its treatment of sources and

choice of verse-form, while the latter, written in a metrical format usually

reserved for weighty subject matter, is more closely aligned with historical and

theological accounts. Titus and Vespasian exhibits the moralising and

sensationalistic tendencies, as well as the conventions of metrical romances. In

contrast to this, the Siege of Jerusalem is often perceived as history and a

religious work in recognition of its juxtaposition of the historical reality of the

events with the religious interpretation of them in order to provide a re-

consideration of the validity of warfare. However, the complex narrative of the

Siege of Jerusalem led to its being linked with crusading narratives as well,

while on occasion Titus and Vespasian was valued as of historical interest due to

the interest in historical accounts of the destruction of Jerusalem. On the whole,

though the manuscripts are similar in quality, the compilations in which Titus

and Vespasian is contained do not suggest the same variety of readings for this

romance as do the manuscript contexts of the Siege of Jerusalem. The main

finding of the comparison of Titus and Vespasian to the Siege of Jerusalem is

that both poems represent very different treatments of similar material, which

stem from the different aims of each work, with the former a popular religious

account and the latter an intellectually stimulating historical and theological

239
narrative. Thus once the poems entered manuscript circulation they were often

received by a similar audience and not necessarily the one they were intended for

(as is confirmed by the comparable nature of the manuscripts), but were read in

different manners on probably different occasions.

240
 CHAPTER FIVE

THE TRIBULATIONS OF WAR

As we have seen, the Siege of Jerusalem follows an established tradition of

writing about the destruction of Jerusalem, yet the various accounts differ in

emphasis and interpretation, although the writers believed that what they were

writing was the truth and historically accurate. In all of these texts - even the

Legenda Aurea which incorporates only some of the material relating to the

destruction of Jerusalem into a brief saint's life - the story of Mary and her son

appears. I No two versions of the episode are identical, but the fact that each

author includes it suggests that it represented something fundamental to the

writers and can be made to signify different things. It is basically a short tale in

itself, concerning characters who occur nowhere else in the siege. This implies

that one can read the story on its own terms or in the context of its position in the

work as a whole. The story of Mary is more than an anecdote: it has a deeper

significance which depends upon its relationship to the texts in which it occurs.

It is the forces underlying the incident which interest the redactors: violence,

cannibalism, and the concepts of motherhood, the body and sacrifice. This motif

of mother-child cannibalism has serious implications as regards the poet's

attitudes to the Jews and violence. He portrays the Jews not so much as

I See Chapter Three for the presentation of this incident in dramatic accounts. In The Oldest Version of

the Twelfth-Century Poem "La Venjance Nostre Seigneur" (1952) lines 1672-1787 Mary is described a"
a queen and the story is held to foretell the end of Jerusalem. The M.E. Prose Translation of Roger
D 'Argenteuil's Bible en Fran~ois (1977) p.86 mentions the woman who ate her son. Chism (1998.
p.319) states that the Jews are reduced by desperation to eating their 0\\ n children, but this comment
more appropriately describes the dramatic representations of the story than the Siege of Jerusalem. She
goes on to argue, with little textual justification, that the sympathy expressed for Mary is twisted to make
her and the Jews seem even more monstrous (p.327).
241
inherently evil, but as misguided, blind and tyrannised by wicked leaders. In the

Siege ofJerusalem the episode stands as an emblem of the tribulations caused by

war and the desperate acts to which people can be driven. In the other accounts it

is used quite differently to reinforce prejudices against the Jews. The poet

intends his audience to examine for themselves the validity of warfare and the

chivalric ideal. He achieves this by bringing out the contradictions latent in the

basic story and conveying how people behave in barbaric and uncharacteristic

ways when they are in extreme situations. The few females who are mentioned

in the poem are almost invariably described as mothers. Due to the tribulations

of warfare, though, the Jewish lady called Mary murders and eats her son in a

cannibalistic Eucharist. The poet bases the story on the account in the

Polychronicon, which is quite brief and contains much less background

information than the other versions of the tale.

,
Christ's Body, the Virgin Mary and Medieval Society

According to medieval thinking, Christ's body is present in each element of the

Host. In fact, the Fourth Lateran Council in 1215 decreed that Jesus was both the

priest and the sacrifice, and that His body and blood were contained in the

sacrament. 2 Sarah Beckwith argues that the human body was the bond between

the self and society and that Christ's body symbolises this. Indeed, the Host was

sometimes described or illustrated as changing into a body, with Christ the priest

•
2 Beckwith (1993) pp.3. 31.

242
 3
offering himself. The body is a potent symbol intrinsically connected with

people's perception of society, hence it "affords a cognitive1y accessible forum

for the projection and ritual resolution of concerns vis-a-vis social and physical

well-being.,,4 Basically, it was the scene of conflict through which people tried

to work out their relationship to the community as a whole and their position in

it, as one of those saved by Christ. The Eucharist strengthened the notion of

community identity through emphasising the difference between those who

partook of the sacrament and those that do not, such as the Jews. s Every aspect

of the ceremony - lighting, wording, actions, clothing, and objects - was

carefully designed to transmit the symbolism of the Eucharist. 6 The Corpus

Christi feast was established in the thirteenth century as a means of

demonstrating the "hegemonic sacramental world-view" of the Church, the

7
teaching, doctrine and the overarching power of the Christian institution. From

the ninth century on, the nature of the Eucharist was debated vigorously and it

came to be linked with penance. 8 Penance is a private act of conscience which

precedes Holy Communion, "the universal, cosmic, timeless, supernatural

intervention in the world.,,9 The meanings associated with this sacrament of the

3 Walker Bynum (1987) p.77.

4 Sanday (1986) p.82.

5 Rubin (1992 a) p.44. See also Beckwith (1992) pp.65-8.

6 Rubin (1992 a) p.50.

7 Rubin (1992 a) p.51.

S Rubin (1991) p.15. 84.

9 Rubin (1991) p.85.

243
Eucharist varied from text to text; for Mirk it was the focal point of beliefs.

while Aquinas in De Sacramentis associated it with charity. and illustrated this

with the story of Abel's offering and the sacrifice of his life.1O The Eucharist

reveals the power of God orchestrating the forces of nature, just as any miracle

does, but transubstantiation proves how "regular and reliable intervention" is. II

By the twelfth and thirteenth centuries it increases in importance. and one finds

manuscript illustrations of the sacrament with the Christ child replacing the

bread. 12 The sacrifice of Isaac came to be associated with it and, indeed, images

of infanticide play an increasingly prominent role in discussions of the

Eucharist. 13

In addition to discussions about Christ's presence in the bread and wine,

the Virgin Mary's relationship with the sacrament came to be debated. A strong

tie was seen between Mary and the mass, as Christ's body was born of the

Virgin Mary and reborn each time the Eucharist was celebrated. Her role was

expanded into that of "a mediator, celebrant, the person who intimately

constituted the sacred.,,14 Images of the Virgin adorned many altars, and vierge

ouvrantes were developed, objects which took the form of a nursing Virgin that

opened to reveal the enthroned Christ, and monstrances in which the Host is

10 Rubin (1991) pp.99, 102.

II Rubin (1991) p.113.

12Rubin (1991) p.136 cites the example from the Flemish Ms. of the Queste del Saint Graal dating from
1351 which depicts the Last Supper Table with the chalice and Christ child (instead of the bread).

13 Rubin (1991) p.136, 139.

14 Rubin (1991) p.142.

244
held by the body of Mary. 15 She was frequently depicted as a priest. as in the

c.l437 panel painting of "The Priesthood of the Virgin" from Amiens

16
Cathedral. Rubin discusses the discourse of bread and food, whereby Mary is

seen as the provider of food to Christ, and Christ to all Christians. 17 According

to medieval physiology, a mother's milk originated in the transformation of her

blood. 18 Thus Christ ultimately drank the blood of the Virgin Mary, and hence in

a sense it is her blood which is spilt at the Crucifixion and is the basis of Christ' s
19
blood, the food of Christians. Furthermore, she is the archetypal mother

exemplifying all the desirable qualities, a model for other woman. Mothers were

envisaged by medieval writers as displaying certain attributes: generation and

sacrifice, love and tender care, nurture?O In other words she gives birth despite

pain and risk to her life, she adores her child and feeds him with her own milk.

IS See Rubin (1991) pp.143-4 and Walker Bynum (1992) p.l01 ff. for some examples.

16 Rubin (1991) p.146 ..

17 Rubin (1991) pp.145-8; Walker Bynum (1992) p.l01-4.

18 Walker Bynum (1992) pp.93-100.

19 Walker Bynum (1982) p.132, (1987) pp.270-1. Warner (1990) pp.199, 203, 206-223 notes how
Mary's breasts and the wounds of Christ were connected in iconography - Maria Lactans, French
Miracle Plays, Italian "laude" - and hence she encourages His intercession with God the Father on
account of her role as nourisher. The Mater Dolorosa Virgin weeping at the foot of the cross for her
Son is also important in this context. Atkinson (1991) pp.103-6 describes how the Cult of the Virgin
Mary arose in the twelfth century and how this image of the weeping mother was focused upon. Inde~d.
the Virgin mother crying for her son or holding Him as in the Pieta exalted the similar ideas concerning
motherhood. Mclntemey (1996) pp.157-82 and Sprung (1996) pp.183-99 both discuss the importance of
images of Jesus as mother, which they argue provided a route to salvation for women. Walke~ Bynum
(1987) passim explains that female saints were most often connected with Eucharistic devotIOns and
VISIOns.

20Walker Bynum (1982) pp.131-3. See de Nie (1995) p.106-17 on the role of t\lar: as mother in the
Gospels and the Protoevangelium ofJames, and medieval interpretations of it.

245
Motherhood was used to symbolise the role of the Church which provided the

hope of etemallife to individual Christians, whom it cared for and nourished. 21

"Motherhood" is an idea and a social institution as well as a personal

reality, and women who mother children (whether or not they give birth
to them) necessarily participate in motherhood as defmed and understood
in their societies.22

As the debates concerning the Eucharist intensified, the meanmg of

eating was examined. Theologians looked at what it meant to eat the Host: did it

make people cannibals and was it appropriate for the body of Christ to be filtered

through the digestive system? The discussion widened, considering other forms

of cannibalism, and it was generally believed that digested human flesh would

be returned to its original owner in the next life and the cannibal would have to

suffice with non-human matter?3 It was the most serious crime a Christian could

commit as it threatened personal identity and raised problems at the Day of

Judgement. 24 Each age has its own concept of the body, and the materialistic

interpretations current in medieval society defining resurrection in terms of

rising from death in material form, reinforce the "social, sexual and religious

difference for eternity", thereby emphasising the importance of religious and

moral systems in that society.25 Cannibalism was feared as it indicated death and

decay, fragmentation, the inability to participate in the Day of Judgement as only

21 Walker Bynum (1982) pp.112-6, 138-58 explains that this symbolism was particularly exploited b~
the Cistercians.

22 Atkinson (1985) p.139.

23 Walker Bynum (1992) p.244.

24 Walker Bynum (1995) p.31-3.

25 Walker Bynum (1995) p.11 O.

246
the whole could enter Heaven. Walker Bynum cites Cantos 32-3 of the Inferno

where cannibalism is the root of evil. They tell of two conspirators who plotted

together in life with one starving the other to death. Not only did he starve his

collaborator to death, he treated his sons in the same manner. As they died these

children advised their father to consume their flesh as he originally pro\'ided

them with it. The act they suggest is a hideous sin, "a twisting of fertility and

generation, an expression of despair.,,26 Fragmentation represents eviL despair,

while wholeness signifies Paradise; thus saints endure horrid torture at the hands

of their persecutors - frequently dismemberment of some sort - which they "'ill

overcome with God's aid at the fmal Resurrection?7 The notion of cannibalism

is associated with trepidation over social breakdown and is never concerned

solely with the problem of food. 28 It results from famine, and its control

"physically enacts a cultural theory (of order and chaos, good and eviL death

and reproduction) that enables humans to regulate desire, to build and maintain

a social order,,?9 Jesus was sacrificed in order to create a unified community

3o
in which there were no distinctions between Jews and Gentiles. The legends

of the Trobriand Islands recount tales of famine and cannibalism, in one of

which there is "a symbolic equivalence between a human victim and items of

26 Walker Bynum (1995) p.299.

27 Walker Bynum (1995) pp.308-17.

28 Sanday (1986) pp.3, 122,

29 Sanday ( 1986) p.214.

30 San day ( 1986) p. 193.

247
wealth.,,31 Prolonged deprivation causes a society to disintegrate. raising the

possibility of cannibalism and causing the unproductive members of society to

be abandoned and allowed to die. 32

Even as a symbol of evil, cannibalism is about control and

reproduction - because by providing a map of the unthinkable, people
affirm the expected in the socialization of new generations. 33

Comparison of Texts

Let us now turn to the texts themselves and see how these ideas are reflected.

The Siege of Jerusalem poet is writing a romance in which the historical reality

of the siege is juxtaposed to religious interpretations of it. Thus this version of

the story differs from that of the first-century Jewish historian Josephus, who

was writing for the Romans, the fourth-century Latin translator Hegesippus, and

the thirteenth-century friar Jacobus de Voragine. His work also differs from that

of the mid-fourteenth-century English Benedictine chronicler Ranulf Higden and

the later Titus and Vespasian. 34

In the Siege of Jerusalem (lines 1065-96) Mary kills her son out of the

madness of hunger, and her actions and confession cause the citizens to weep

and decide that it is better to die in battle than to prolong their suffering.

Although at one level her action can be seen as murder, in the context of the

) I Sanday ( 1986) p.29.

)2 Sanday (1986) p.30. Hunger is after all a fonn of extreme vulnerability (Walker Bynum 1987, p.66).

JJ Sanday (1986) p.32.

34See Chapter One for a discussion of the background of Josephus. Hegesippus. Jacoh~s d~ Voragine.
and Higden and their relationship to the Siege oj Jerusalem. and Chapter Four for a detalkd anal:~I'" of

248
whole poem it can be seen as a sacrifice. This sacrifice may be understood as

establishing a connection "between the potent world of supernatural beings and

the impotent world of humanity".35 As Christ was sacrificed to save mankind

from sin, so Mary's son in the Siege ofJerusalem was sacrificed to elucidate the

horrors of war - the breakdown of society, loss of identity, evil - to the Jews. to

the Romans, and to those who read or learn of it. 36 The immediate context of the

sacrifice of Christ was the blindness of the Jews to the message of God, while

the immediate context of this sacrifice is the blindness of the Jewish leaders to

anything outside their power-struggle against the Romans. The story is set in the

midst of the poem, and this is crucial to our understanding of it. As the narrative

progresses, the Roman commanders become ennobled and the depravity of the

Jewish leaders is emphasised. On one level Titus and Vespasian resemble the

confessor saints discussed by Charles F. Altman, in that they start off as

members of society but then acquire a more exalted role. 37 Initially they are

afflicted by terrible illnesses, which impedes them in their nonnal daily routines

and business. Both are cured as a result of divine intervention, which inspires

them to undertake to avenge the death of Christ. Their illnesses which bear

striking resemblances to leprosy, can be taken to suggest past sinfulness as the

leper was believed to be morally depraved and immersed in the secular with his

the differences and similarities between Titus and I'espasian and the Siege of Jerusalem. See further
Chapter Two on Jacobus de Voragine and Higden .

.l~ Leach (1983) p.98.

36 The Titus and Vespasian poet feels uneasy with the gender of the child so he follows his French
source and changes it to a girl.

37 A ltman (1975) pp.I-11.

bodily corruption nurronng his spiritual state. 38 The poem does not fully
I"

confr~y to the test-reward structure, as Titus and Vespasian are converted and

then carry out apparently good deeds in honour of God, v.ith no explicit

reference to any previous misdemeanours on their part, though they are ennobled

by their experiences. The Romans settle down to wait for the Jews to surrender.

spending their time in noble pursuits such as hunting and hawking, while the

siege continues (lines 885-9). This separates them from the city where Mary is

driven through the madness of hunger to eat her own child, representing the

breakdown of social identity and order. Titus assaults the city once more after

this and we are aware that God is on the side of the Romans with the

manifestation of divine power in the form of the marvels which occur. Titus and

the Romans return to Rome not merely as a successful general and a conquering

army, but as the champions of God. This is the basic outline of the story, but the

Siege ofJerusalem is troubled by the effect of this war, although ostensibly ajust

punishment on the ordinary citizens of Jerusalem. He chooses to confront this

issue and explore the consequences of military conflict in the episode of Mary

and her son.

The name Mary is perhaps itself significant, as it suggests Mary the

mother of Jesus. People visit her, not to give her gifts, as they do to Mary and

Christ in the stable, but to take her possessions in an inversion of the Christ

story. She eats her son, just as one eats the body of the Son of God in the

J8Brody (1974) pp. 146-96.

250
 39
Eucharist. Mary's son is sacrificed to appease war, while Christ was sacritlced

to redeem mankind from sin. The sacrifice of the little boy is therefore a result of

the sin of human beings, and it can be resolved only by Titus. God's agent.

Mary's name is thus a form of communication in the episode, suggesting the

attributes of Christian motherhood which are subverted in this tale. Earlier in the

poem the role of the Virgin Mary is alluded to, when Nathan relates to Titus the

wondrous life of Christ (lines 100-5) and it is clear that the poet wished these

allusions to be perceived.

Mary starts off as a myld wyf, then she roasts and eats her son, which is

not the act of a good mother. And yet her name conjures up images of the

Blessed Virgin, the archetype of mothers. The Blessed Virgin is Queen of

Heaven and is frequently depicted in medieval verse as crying for her son. In the

poem Mary addresses her son "with rewful wordes" (line 1079) expressing

sorrow for their plight, then turns to roasting and eating him. Hungry people

break in the door, and she informs them of her actions and how she has saved

them some of the meat. She is not punished or shunned for her deed as the other

people realise that they themselves are responsible for what she has done. and

because her action has taught them how foolishly and atrociously they have been

behaving.

The Siege of Jerusalem poet dispenses with any prefatory remarks

expressing horror at this incident and does not provide any background

39 Noted also hy Chism (1998) p.316.

251
information. In just thirty lines the story is related in stark detail. In a mere m:o

lines Mary, a myld wyf(1 077), progresses to roasting her own son:

On Marie, a myld wyf, for meschef of foode,

Hire owen barn pat 30 bare 30 brad on pe gledis. (1077-8)

The phrase " pat 30 bare" is significant as the poet wishes to emphasise that the

infant is her flesh and blood. If we compare this to a lyric about the Virgin Mary

we can fmd some interesting parallels:

"Moder, reu upon thi beren!

Thou wasse awey the blodi teren;
It doth me werse than mi ded."
"Sune, hu micti teres wemen?
I se tho blodi flodes emen
Ut of thin herte to min fet." (Stond wei, moder, under rode 13_8)40

This complaint of the Virgin Mary is written in a tradition of affective piety,

which aims to arouse the heart of the sinner, rather than stimulate intellectual

debate. In the complaint the Virgin Mary weeps for her son's plight, while he

consoles her by explaining that his sacrifice is for the sake of mankind. These

two roles are combined in the Siege of Jerusalem. Mary expresses her pity for

her son, and explains that his sacrifice is necessary to save her:

.. "Sone, vpon eche side our sorow is a-Iofte,

Batail a-boute pe borowe, our bodies to queUe,
Withyn hunger so hote, pat ne3 our herte brestyp;
perfor 3eld pat I pe 3af and a3en toume,
And entre per pou cam out!" ...... (1080-4)

She thus changes from a good, considerate mother into the slayer of her son.

When the people break down the door to find the individual who has

withheld food they find the worjJi wif (1089). She is indeed a noble \\oman as

4() From A Selection of Religious Lyrics (1975) p.19.

252
she has saved them some food and duly fetches it. The speech she utters to them

both horrifies and fascinates:

....... II'In a wo de h unger

Myn owen bam haue I brad and pe bones gnawen;
3it haue I saued 30u som. II (l 089-91)

The reference to gnawing bones is added by the poet and it augments the

gruesomeness of the occasion, so much so that the greedy citizens depart

weeping, and exclaiming:

"Alas, in pis lifhow longe schul we dwelle?

3it beter were at 0 brayde in batail to deye,
Pan pus in langur to lyue, and lengpen our [p ]yne." (1094-6)

They thus undergo a transformation as a result of what they witness, from

starving and therefore greedy, violent citizens to repentant, saddened individuals,

who are shocked that they have reduced a mother, one of their own society, to

such a heinous crime.

Mary is a kind of priest figure at the sacrifice of her son, as the Virgin

Mary is often depicted in medieval art, and this action renders her an object of

pity not of hate. Thus by committing a tabooed act she is transformed into a

tragic figure, a measure of the horror of the situation, an illustration of the dire

famine in the city. This famine is self-inflicted, because the Jews refuse to

surrender and accept mercy from the Romans; they are therefore destroying and

consuming themselves. Her son is sacrificed as a consequence of the misguided

beliefs and actions of the Jewish leaders, and she is the means of his being

sacrificed, as Pilate was the instrument of Christ's death. Formerly she was a

source of food for plunder to the star\'ing citizens, and played a maternal role.
 This refers to two other fundamental systems of communication, food and

kinship, the significance of both of which is inverted. By eating her child i\.1ary is

transgressing the rules of kinship in that she kills her son and commits a hideous

crime, eating a tabooed meat. By breaking social taboos her actions conyev the

breakdown of social systems. This is something to which she has been dri yen by

society and the terrible circumstances in which she finds herself.

It is a gruesome scene, and its shocking nature obviously contributed to

the popularity of the story. The popularity of horror is reflected in the medieval

taste for hideous gargoyles and the detailed descriptions of torture in medieval

saints' lives, for instance Lu vie Sainte Fey, virgine et martire or the legend of St.
41
Katherine. They were also meant to be inspirational and convey something

fundamental, how a Christian suffers for the sake of God. Gruesome torture in

saints' lives, therefore, presents an opposition between good/evil, sufferer/

torturer. Likewise, Mary and her son suffer and are tortured by the Jewish

leaders' refusal to surrender, and are made vulnerable to the attacks of other

citizens. Driven mad by their victimisation and consequent hunger she becomes

41 Translation of an Anglo-Nonnan poem from BL Ms. Additional 70513 cited by Jocelyn Wogan-Browne
in an unpublished paper entitled "Men, Women, and Flesh-hooks: How Horrid is Hagiography?" given at
the Medieval Institute, University of Nottingham 23 May 1996:
They stripped St Faith and laid the maiden on this [bed of brass]. Completely naked, the maiden was
extended on this bed; they stretched out her tender limbs. [She was very delicate, young and tender so that
her limbs were very weak). Those who did not love the lovers of God kindled a fire beneath as they \H:re
commanded; the cruel sergeants placed burning firebrands there in a cross of fire: they threw grease on the
flame, those wretches who did not love God; these evil-doers threw grease on the flame, but she bore this
pain, this tonnent, well in the name of Jesus our Lord for whom she had very great 10ve ..... It is impossible to
utter or describe the cruelty of her martyrdom.
Saint Katherine, shocked at the slaughter of animals in Alexandria at a festival in honour of the
Greek gods, went and remonstrated with Emperor Maxentius. She was duly thrown into prison for her
audacity and broken on a wheel, but despite the tonnents she endured she retained her spirit and triumphed
over her persecutors with God's help. .
Graphic accounts of torture also raise uncomfortable questions about the saladous ,l"peC\ pI
sensationalist masochism! sadism in the description of suffering female saints.

254
instrumental in her son's death. When the neighbours smell the roast they break

down the door and demand to have what she has cooked.

Her actions are dictated by the interests of those in a position to make

decisions, as they are responsible for the war. The poet notes that the destruction

of Jerusalem is undertaken in response to Nero's loss of tribute and to avenge the

death of Christ:

I>e dep ofpe dereworp Crist dere schal be 301den.

Now is, Bethleem, py bost y-br03t to an ende;
Jerusalem and Jerico, for-juggyd wrecchys,
Schal neuer kyng of 30ur kynde with croune be ynoyntid,
Ne Jewe for Jesu sake [i]ouke in 30u more. (296-300)

Like organised religion and magic, war is a group activity which forces people to

confront dangerous unknown forces and conditions and emphasises the

importance of "social control". In these situations, issues such as the meaning of

life and the value of society are raised. War is therefore a "virtual magico-

religious magnet", as through it people's beliefs are challenged and the basis of

society called into question. 42 Immorality and hardship are a consequence of

war, and thus chronicle accounts of war, such as the history of Fulcher of

Chartres, feature cannibalism. 43 War follows an established format with rules

and conventions just like any other human activity, and this extreme story is

used to shock us into an awareness of its futility, its potential for chaos, its loss

42 Ferguson (1990) p.46.

4] Fulcher of Chartres (1969, p.69) relates how during the siege at Archas many of the Christians h~si~glllg
the city, maddened by excessive hunger, sliced flesh from the buttocks of dead Saracens. \\ hld1 they then
roasted and devoured.

255
of control. Mary's plight is therefore not the result of any malignancy inherent in

herself, but is a direct consequence of the war:

Sayp: "Sone, vpon eche side our sorow is a-Iofte,

Batail a-boute pe borwe, our bodies to quelle,
Withyn hunger so hote, pat ne3 our herte brestyp." (1Q80-2)

The war affects the other people as well, driving them into anti-social beha\'iour:

I>e smel roos of pe rost ri3t to pe walles,

I>at fe1e fastyng folke felde pe sauere;
Doun pei daschen pe dore dey scholde pe berde,
I>at mete yn pis meschef hadde from men loyned. (1085-8)

Thus the poet encourages his audience to view the incident in the light of the

horrors consequent on war and the chaos which results from the overturning of

social and religious systems. The Jewish people are not depicted as inherently

evil, just tyrannised by wicked leaders who refuse to see reason, withholding
44
tribute and failing to atone for Christ's execution. This contrasting of religious

and political motifs for the Roman campaign in Judaea detracts from the honour

and integrity of the Romans and suggests that all wars arise due to a

conglomeration of factors. One can infer from this that the imperial army must

share the blame for the hardship in Jerusalem.

Fundamentally, the poet is using Mary to communicate what he

wishes to express, and to achieve this end he chooses, omits and adds details. He

deliberately does not sketch in her background (social standing and origin) as in

other versions , and this omission makes her a more universal type of figure. The

44The story is thus not used to reflect anti-Semitism in the way that Chaucer's The. Prioress 's ~a~e docs.
See Meale (1997) pp.56-7. Restrictions of space prevent me from fu~er elaborat~ng on the dltlcn:n(cs
between this poem and the Siege of Jerusalem at this point, but a detailed comparison of the two worb
wi II form the basis of a future paper.

256
episode consists of the following elements: a woman named Mary: her child: her

home in Jerusalem; the fact that it is two years into the siege; people eating shoes

and leather; the plundering of Mary's house; the killing and roasting of the child;

her speech concerning why it is better that he does not live; people attracted bv

the aroma; her saving of part of the meat; her reasoning over why they should eat

it; the reaction of the people. These elements are included in some fonn and

order in all six versions of the story examined here. The outlook of the Siege of

Jerusalem poet differs radically from other romancers (the Titus and Vespasian

poet), chroniclers (Josephus, Hegesippius and Higden) and religious writers

(Jacobus de Voragine), none of whom are concerned by the fate of the Jews who

they deem to be wicked.

The most detailed account of the siege is that of Josephus, with the

episode of Mary eating her son occurs in the middle of the account of the siege

in The Jewish War, Book 6, pp. 433-9. It follows a long description of the

obstinacy, viciousness, greed, and misuse of power on the part of John and

Simon, the Jewish leaders. Josephus is delegated by the Romans to urge the

Jews in Jerusalem to surrender (pp. 313-33). He informs them that it is futile to

struggle against famine and that, because of the atrocities they have committed,

God is on the side of the Romans. He goes on to say that the Jews were never

successful in battle, losing to Babylon, Antiochus, and Pompey. The followers of

John and Simon endeavour to prevent any leaving the city, while the wealthy are

daily slaughtered, allegedly for trying to desert, but in actual fact for their

property. Houses are searched for provisions; wives snatch food from husbands.

257
children from their fathers, mothers from their babies. Meanwhile Simon and

John pursue a policy of persecution of the rich. Titus exhorts Simon and John to

accept mercy, but his offer is scorned. When Titus sees this he calls God as his

witness that he is not responsible, and augments his offensive on the city.

Simon's atrocities are enumerated and we learn how John plunders the Temple.

It is at this point that we hear the tale of Mary. The sufferings of the citizens

increase; people die in large numbers, plagued by the brigands who search them

in case they might be hiding a morsel of fO,od. Necessity forces the starving to

eat belts, shoes, leather, grass and gold.

As one can see from this summary Josephus depicts the war as a futile,

vain, obstinate attempt at defiance by the Jews in the face of a far superior force.

Josephus argues that fate decrees that imperial powers such as Rome will simply

sweep through other nations, conquering as they pass. The Jews therefore cannot

possibly expect to defy mighty Rome indefinitely, a sentiment which would

appeal to Josephus' intended Roman audience. It is in the light of this

inevitability that we are to interpret the episode of Mary and her son.

Having established the background to the incident Josephus continues:

But why tell of the shameless resort to inanimate articles of food induced
by the famine, seeing that I am here about to describe an act unparalleled
in the history whether of Greeks or Barbarians, and as horrible to relate
as it is incredible to hear?
(Book 6, pp.433-5)

He sketches in Mary's background~ she is a noble woman of great fortune from

the village of Bethezuba in Peraea who has managed to bring most of her assds

with her to Jerusalem. where they were plundered hy Jewish leaders daily. This

258
is significant, as one of the two reasons that Josephus cites for her actions is rage

at the loss of her possessions. One of the chief features of Josephus' account of

the siege is the Jews' desire for money and possessions. Simon and John rob.

plunder and kill their own people in order to augment their wealth, and do not
45
abstain from raiding the Temple. This is matched by their disregard for human

life. Simon slays Mathias, who opened the gates of the city for him on top of the

bodies of his dead sons. Furthermore, they allow no one to leave, though many

wish to surrender to the Romans. Mary, as a woman of wealth , is directly.

affected by their policy of persecuting the rich, and also of their followers

searching for food. It is this specifically which deprives her of her possessions

and food and leads her to commit an act "against nature" (Book 6, pp.435-7) to

satisfy her hunger with meat, and her anger with revenge. She explains to her

son that his death will provide her with both. It is the followers of Simon and

John who are attracted to the house by the aroma of her roasted child. After her

long speech they leave and Josephus finishes by saying that they are:

in this one instance cowards, though scarcely yielding even this food to
the mother. The whole city instantly rang with the abomination, and
each, picturing the horror of it, shuddered as though it had been
perpetrated by himself. (Book 6, pp.437)

4S In the Old Testament we read of several prophecies of the final desolation of Judaea because of the
Jews' corruption, greed, and violence, as in Ezekiel 6 and 2 Kings 6. Lamentations .t: 9-10 describes the
terrible state of the country due to the prevalence of these vices:
They that shall be slain with the sword are better than they that be slain with hunger: for these
pine away stricken for want of the fruits of the field. The hands of the pitiful women ha\e
sodden their own children: they were their meat in the destruction of the daughter of my
people.
In II Kings 6: 24ff. Ben-hadad, king of Syria besieges Samaria causing severe famine and depri\ alion for
the inhabitants of that country. As the king of Israel passes by a city wall he hears a woman cry tor help
and goes to her aid. She explains that another woman came to her and persuaded her to agree III a plan
that would satisfy their hunger. This entailed eating one of their sons one day and t~e other the next. Her
son was boiled and eaten but the next day when it was the other mother's tum to kill her son she hid the
boy. All quotations and references are fr~m The Holy Bible: The A ur/zori::ed King James I'ersion ( lIn I ).

~59
The reaction of the partisans, and their abstention from the meat. implies that

they realise that the woman's action is a direct consequence of theirs. and each

citizen realises that it could have been him, rather than Mary, who perpetrated it.

as each is a victim of the regime in Jerusalem. It suggests the collective

responsibility of the community for this act of barbarity. Her act of cannibalism

conveys the complete breakdown of social order, and loss of identity, conveying

how the Jews are now reduced to animalistic behaviour. The fact that she is

motivated by fury as well as hunger indicates that she is an agent as well as a

victim of the events in Jerusalem, and this renders her less sympathetic. Titus

feels impelled to destroy the city for this latest atrocity.

The episode is dominated by greed and anger. Mary is wealthy and finds

her riches a prerequisite to life, so much so that one of the reasons she kills her

son is to gain revenge upon those who deprived her of her possessions. 46 She is

robbed by the Jewish leaders and their followers, who are equally greedy, and

are prepared to stoop to any level in order to acquire more wealth. Furthermore,

both Mary and the Jews lay 'little store on human life; Mary kills her son, Simon

slays Mathias, the rich are slain for their gold and so forth. The focus is not so

much on the quality of Mary's motherhood, but on her relationship to her wealth,

with her son as simply one of her possessions. In the Old Testament, indeed.

46 In the film entitled The Cook, the Thief. his Wife and her Lover, written and directed by Peter
Greenaway (1989) the wife is disgusted by the brutal behaviour of her husband and takes a Iln a. When
this lover is gruesomely murdered by her husband she engages the sef\ices of the cook and has her Inver
roasted whole and served to her husband at a feast. He is forced to eat some of the roasted man hetllre
she shoots him. Thus the concept of using cannibalism to gain re\ enge is still a very powerful idea

260
having children was regarded as extremely important. 47 This valuing of children

has become perverted to a love of goods - the consequence is destruction. Her

behaviour is a futile act of defiance, for through it she loses her son as well.

though she saves her own life temporarily. Had she and the Jews accepted their

fate all this would have been unnecessary. It is not just the leaders who are at

fault but the Jewish people, all preying upon one another.

Hegesippus changes the emphasis of the war in his account: it is no

longer a grim struggle among various factions in Judaea and of Jews against

Romans, but instead it is a conflict between the Romans, on whose side God is,

and the barbaric Jews, who are all envisaged as rotten to the core. In his prologue

(p.3) he states that he wishes to give Josephus' narrative a more Christian

interpretation. The civil war material is not mentioned, and the conflict is like

that of the morality plays, a binary opposition between good and evil. The

Romans are exalted above the Jews as shining examples of how people should

behave. This comes across clearly in the impassioned speech Titus makes upon

learning of Mary devouring her son. He raises his hands towards heaven and

invokes God as his witness. Hegesippus is also very interested in classical

authors and rhetoric, and this grounding in rhetoric and the classics is reflected

in the new material he incorporates into the narrative. It also leads him to

amplify the speeches, so that one finds extended monologues expounding

events. This is the chief innovation which he makes in the Mary episode (Book

47 See Genesis 30 which relates how Rachel and Leah strove to bear Jacob children. especially sons:
And when Rachel saw that she bare Jacob no children. Rachel envied her sister: and said unto
Jacob, Give me children, or else I die.

261
V 40-1, pp.381-8). Her initial speech is considerably lengthened, as is her speech

to the intruders and Titus' summing up of what has occurred. Josephus merely

has her enumerate the difficulties surrounding the child, and ask the child to

provide food and vengeance for her, and to be a wonder for the world.

Hegesippus expands her speech with an impassioned plea to her son to save her.

his mother. She speculates over what to choose as a burial-mound, selecting her

womb as the most suitable burial chamber, and concluding that he is duty-bound

to save her. His body will provide the nourishment, so that she may survive; thus

her body will be a living sepulchre. The toning-down of the revenge-motif is

striking as it breaks down the distinctions between the Jews. The partisans

demand her food in a threatening manner, and she begs them not to be angry and

provides them with what she has. She assures them that the food she provides

them with is her own, and does not belong to others. She speaks to her son as she

serves his flesh, in a priest-like role, calling him the checker of assassins and

provider of festival foods. The reaction of the intruders is not noted as it is

superfluous after this dramatic monologue displaying the woman's reasoned

madness. Her insanity is evident in how she speaks to his roasted remains,

informing him that he has saved her life and is also catering for her guests. She is

thus providing the dead body with roles of some importance in order to justify

her actions. She addresses him as if he were not dead, but serving an active

useful life of which he should feel proud. By envisaging him thus she can wipe

her deed from her mind and try to convince the intruders of its justification.

Mary says that at first she acted as pity dictated, but that now she must act out of

262
the necessity of hunger. She is also angry at being plundered, but this is not

foregrounded. However, she does generously offer some of the meat to the

people who arrive, and she explains why they both can and should eat it. All we

learn about the people who come is that they are many in number and are enticed

by the aroma of the meat. Their reaction is not given, but the deed IS soon

infamous among Jews and Romans.

Titus' reaction is recounted over several pages. The very length of his

speech (pp. 384-8) suggests his extreme repugnance and how he will make them

atone. He comments on how the Jews are worse than animals, for even animals

treat their young with tenderness:

Ad bellum quidem uenimus sed non cum hominibus dimicamus.

Aduersus omnem rabiem beluarum ac ferarum, quid sensibilia loquar?
Aduersus omnem rupium immanitatem decernimus. Diligunt ferae fetus
suos, quos etiam in fame sua nutriunt, et quae alienis corporibus
pascuntur, a consimilium ferarum abstinent cadaueribus., Hoc ultra
omnem acerbitatem est, ut membra quae genuit mater uorarit.
(Book V 41, 384_5)48

Higden, by the very nature of his work, an encyclopaedic history, gives

us a very succinct version of the story. He follows Hegesippus quite closely at

this point in terms of the story-line, but omits the rhetorical flourishes and

dramatic speeches (Chap. 10, pp.444-7). He omits Mary's background and status,

merely stating that she is a stranger, and confines himself to reporting the purport

of her speeches and Titus'. Her initial speech to her son consists of three lines:

48 The translations of Hegesippus are my own. I have followed the Latin as literally as possible: ,
"We came to this war, but we do not contend with men. Against every madness of beasts and \\ lid
animals, what should I speak feelingly? Against every monstrosity of uncivilized pcople \'oC
proclaim judgment. Animals hold dear their young, which they nourish in their h.unger. and thc:
feed their bodies, they abstain from the bodies of similar animals. This abovc all IS cruelty, that a
mother devoured the limbs, which she begat."

263
 Fili mi, sreva omnia te circumstant, bellum, fames, incendium, latrones:
re~d~ vel ~emel matri quod ab .ea s~psisti. Redi in id secretum a quo
eXIstl. FecI quando que quod pletatls erat, faciamus modo quod fames
persuadet. (Chap. 10, p.444)49

It contains echoes of the equivalent speech in Hegesippus, except that in the

latter's version it is a page long:

saeua te circumstant omm~ bellum, fames, incendi~ latrones.

ruinae .... redite in illud naturale secretum .... fecimus quod pietatis fuit,
faciamus quod suadet fames.
(Book V 40, pp.382-3)50

This incident is a verified event that took place during the siege. Higden lets the

actions speak for themselves, not commenting on them as Josephus does, or

dramatising them as Hegesippus does. He simply records the incident along with

many others in his work, as part of his history of the Roman world. It conveys

the desperate straits of the losing side as the Roman army sweeps onwards to

triumph. For Higden history had an inevitable course to run, as God was behind

it all. He therefore does not dramatise specific incidents or make the protagonists

in his account rounded, fully developed characters. What the incident teaches, if

we perceive it in the light of Higden's objectives as laid out in his prologue, is

that only dire consequences can be expected when one opposes God's will. 51

Mary's action is the consequence of the Jews' opposition to divine authority.

49 The translation is from BL Ms. Harley 2261 included in Joseph Lumby Rawson's edition p.445:
"My son, aile crueHe pinges compasse the abowte, bateHes, hungre, brennenge, and thefes,
wherefore restore to thy moder that thow haste receyvede of here; goe into that secrete place from
whom thow come. I did somme tyme that pite requirede, now lete us do ~at hungre inducethe and
movethe."

50
"You are surrounded with all harsh things, with hunger, with fire. with robbers. with
ruins ..... Go back into that natural secret place .... we did what pity suggested. we will do what
hunger encourages."

51 Iligden concludes his prefatory remarks with the analogy that the present work is divided into ~e\en
rivers. following Isaiah's prophecy, that the path of God may be clear for his people to follow.
264
She is suffering from severe deprivation of food when first introduced, and

quickly decides that it is necessary to take her son's life. Necessity turns to dire

necessity when people turn up and threaten her for some food. She offers them

some, expounding valid reasons for dining with her, but her action and words

serve only to cause widespread horror.

The context of the episode of Mary eating her son (Chap. 63, pp.301-2)

in the Legenda Aurea is very different. It is included in the saint's life De Sancto

Jacoba Apostola. This commences with the etymology of the saint's name and

contains a brief account of his life. The connection between the saint and the

destruction of Jerusalem is that the devastation of that city was possibly

permitted in response to the Jews' killing of the saint. Jacobus de Voragine cites

Josephus as the authority for this, only to disagree with Josephus' suggestion,

saying that it was mainly on account of the death of Christ. He goes on to say

that God does not desire the death of any sinner, and so when preaching failed to

have any effect on the Jews, he tried other means (Chap. 63, p.298). In the end

he inspired Titus and Vespasian to besiege Jerusalem. At this point De Sancto

52
Jacoba Apostola follows the Cura Sanitatis Tiberii version of the Veronica

legend, which relates the miraculous healing of Vespasian, who had worms in

his nose (Chap.63, pp.299-300). Jacobus de Voragine does not recount the

whole story of the siege, limiting himself to a few incidents, each of an

extraordinary nature. The story of Mary is one such incident, and it is closer to

Josephus' version than to Hegesippus', though Jacobus refers to both \\Titers. The

265
implications are that Jacobus had access to considerably more information than

he chose to include and that he deliberately selected the extraordinary elements.

Saints are figures that one is supposed to emulate and hence those who obstruct

them or thwart them are people to be rejected or destroyed. The Jews slew both

Saint James and Christ and refused to be guided by any warning provided by the

Lord. This saint's life deals with the blindness and the obstinacy of the Jews in

the face of the wonders of the Lord. Hence God's miracles, such as the curing of

Vespasian, and Josephus' curing of Titus, illustrate the power of God to help

those who believe in him. Mary's eating of her son signifies the depths to which

people are driven when they oppose God. This interpretation of the episode in

the Legenda Aurea is confirmed by Jacobus de Voragine's account of what

happened when the Jews tried to rebuild Jerusalem. On the first morning when

they commenced work they found crosses drawn in dew sprinkled all over the

ground, and so they fled. The following day each beheld a cross of blood on his

clothes and fled. On the third day when they began work, a fire came from the

earth and devoured them. The focus is not on the conflict between good and bad,

but on the wicked Jews and their actions. This is a demonstration that the Jews

will not tum from evil, and are duly punished by God.

The implications of all this are that Jacobus de Voragine interprets the

story of the destruction of Jerusalem as the manifestation of God's power. The

might of God's will is evident everywhere in the saint's life, and failure to

recognise it has dreadful consequences for the Jews. Had they recognised it. the:

52 See DodschOtz ( 1899) pp.163 **-189**.

266
would have received mercy, as God did not wish any sinner to die. This

elucidates how we are to perceive the mother, who is not named. She is a rich.

noble woman, concerned with worldly things, who falls prey to thieves. Thus

she intends her roasting of her son in part to provide a scandal to the robbers and

a warning to the ages. Later she informs the robbers that it is her 0\\ n son. in

other words her possession, which she has cooked. God pennits this to happen in

order to warn the Jews how their behaviour and motivation is undesirable and

does not benefit themselves or society.

Titus and Vespasian is a poem which dwells both on the evil-doers. and

on the Christians and Romans. Unlike Hegesippus' Christianised paraphrase of

Josephus, Higden's presentation of the story in the light of God's providential

plan, or Jacobus de Voragine's dwelling on the manifestation of God's wilL this

work concentrates on highlighting Christian figures at every point in the story.

Fundamentally, we receive a series of examples to follow - Mary, Josephus,

Titus, Vespasian - and a series of examples not to follow - Judas, Pilate, Simon.

John, a series similar to a daisy chain, rather than like Hegesippus' morality play

structure. The Titus and Vespasian poet is writing for a less learned audience

than Hegesippus, and to this end he simplifies the structure of the narrative into a

linear sequence of examples and dwells on horrific incidents including, for

instance, more than one story of cannibalism. This fascination with horror is

comparable to what we find in the legends of Saint Fey and Saint Katherine.

which were mentioned earlier, and was obviously part of the appeal of this

popular romance. as it was in saints' lives. People enjoy exploring the extremes

267
of behaviour, while at the same time being reassured by a happy ending. In TilU5

and Vespasian the Romans conquer and destroy Jerusalem, while Saint Fey and

Saint Katherine receive their reward in the next world. The implications of this

for the poem are that we must understand the material in the light of simplitied

Christian ideology which divides people into good and bad examples, \\1th all

the good examples being Christians.

The version of the Mary incident related by this poet includes many

interesting changes (lines 3394-3546).53 Mary is described as a Christian, who

comes to Jerusalem, not to find safety, but to visit a friend called Clarice. She is

thus not merely acting out of the desire for self-preservation, but to renew a

friendship. Her friend is as virtuous as she and the two of them spend their time

"in penance and in oresones" (3424). Their virtue and religious zeal render them

exemplary figures. They live in "grete distresse" (3426) due to the famine and

thievery in the city. It is due to this famine that Mary's daughter dies from

hunger. This is of the utmost significance as the poet has decided to change thc

sex of Mary's child, even though all of the other accounts state that it was a boy.

He probably deems it inappropriate, as a male child leads to comparison with the

Virgin Mary and Christ. Furthermore, the poet describes how the little girl dies

of natural causes, rather than being murdered. This alteration necessitates other

changes such as the omission of Mary's speeches concerning why she is justified

in killing her child. The poet is conditioned by fourteenth-century English

society and religion and feels compelled to omit anything which might suggest

~.l All references are to Titus and '"espasian (1905).

268
the breakdown of motherhood and religion. The eating of a child bv. his moth er.

which is in Titus and Vespasian, illustrates the breakdoVvTI of social taboos _

forbidden food, failure to care for one's child - but the killing of an infant by his

mother, which is not in Titus and Vespasian, is in breach of three of the Ten

Commandments - committing murder, failure to respect one's neighbour.

coveting of others' possessions. The poet does not wish to dwell on matters such

as the validity of violence, unlike the Siege of Jerusalem poet, and apparently

feels compelled to omit anything which might suggest the breakdown of

religion. Mary refuses vehemently to eat the dead child, despite Clarice' s

encouragement, not wishing to succumb, like Clarice, to the disintegration of

social values prevalent in Jerusalem, and she beseeches the Lord to send them

grace. God sends an angel bidding her to follow Clarice's advice, in order that

the prophecy of the destruction of Jerusalem will be fulfilled. Mary must

participate in the depravity prevalent in Jerusalem in order to illustrate the folly

of the Jews who have created this situation, as God wishes to make an example

of them. The introduction of the angel is significant, as it suggests parallels with

an Old Testament story, the sacrifice of Isaac by Abraham. This story would

have been quite familiar to the Titus and Vespasian poet and his audience, for

example through the mystery play cycles. Like Abraham, Mary in Titus and

Vespasian obeys God's command to eat her daughter, just as Abraham is willing

to sacrifice his son. The aroma from the roasted chi ld attracts not only partisans

but Pilate also. He dispatches his servants to find and seize the food. which they

do, leaving the women with nothing. He thus acts as God' s angel docs in the

269
Abraham-Isaac story, saving Mary from continuing to behave in this heinous

manner in eating her daughter, by having the human flesh taken from her. She.

however, has already partaken of this repast (line 3468). People are reduced to

eating gold and silver, but these do not alleviate hunger, so they begin to devour

human flesh. Pilate forbids cannibalism, but before long they recommence:

Yche opur man his neghbour ete,

As for deynte pei helde hit swete. (3513-4)

There is a distinct difference between representing named characters involved in

cannibalism and referring to it in a general statement about the atrocities in an

enemy city. There is also a great difference between murder and consuming the

remains of one's child upon the instructions of an angel of God. Both actions are

horrific, but the fact that one is acting reluctantly upon God's instructions shows

the straits one can be reduced to as one of God's chosen by the misdeeds of

others. The emphasis is placed on the fact that Mary must do this against her will

to fulfil the judgement decreed upon Jerusalem by God.

It is significant that Mary is depicted as a Christian. just as Josephus is

when he is introduced shortly after this episode, for we are only allowed to have

sympathy with Christians. The Christian victim, Mary, is preyed upon by Pilate.

who of course executed Christ. Hence, although the poet removes one

comparison with Christ, he introduces another, more acceptable one; the mother

as victim, just as Christ was an innocent victim. The Jews are responsible for the

suffering of Christians, as their ways are \\Tong and inhuman. The incident is

followed by Jacob's conversation with Josephus. Vespasian sends Jacob to

270
inquire how the citizens in Jerusalem are faring. Jacob goes to the wall and

engages in a discussion with Josephus, during the course of which Josephus

reveals that he is a Christian, having been healed of a grave wound through a

miracle of Christ's. Jacob responds by relating how Veronica healed Vespasian.

and explaining that Vespasian will show no clemency to the Jews. Josephus

explains that he and other like-minded Jews would have surrendered long since

if Vespasian had been baptised. It is clear from this that the poet envisages the

siege as a struggle between Christian and Jew, good and evil, the enlightened

and the blind, clearly signifying those whose example we should follow and vice

versa (3567-3708). A little later, Josephus and eleven others escape to a cave

where they conceal themselves. Josephus will not surrender to Vespasian as he is

not a Christian. When their food supplies are exhausted they cast lots to decide

whom to eat. Eventually Josephus alone survives, having presumably eaten the

flesh of his companions, and is forced to surrender himself to Vespasian. Jacob

pleads for him with the result that Josephus is shown mercy (3850-4022). The

implication of this story seems to be that it is only as a last resort that one should

submit to non-Christians. These people make a conscious decision to use lots in

this manner and to resort to human flesh as food. The desperation of the measure

illustrates the gravity of submitting to the non-Christian Romans after escaping

from the Jews. This episode is a little ambiguous as the poet does not explicitly

tell us how to interpret it. He perhaps feels that it is easy to understand in the

light of what he has already recounted of JosephUS. De SancIa Jacoha Apos/alll

in the Legenda Aurea contains an earlier version of the incident \vhere \\e learn

271
that Josephus and his eleven companions take refuge in an underground vault

after the fall of Jotapata. Josephus' eleven companions refuse to surrender to

Vespasian and resolve to offer themselves as a blood sacrifice to God. Josephus

as chieftain must be the first to die, but he persuades them to choose the order of

sacrifice by drawing lots. He takes charge of the procedure and makes good his

escape. Jacobus de Voragine's description of Josephus as strong, agile and

prudent, which elucidates the episode, is omitted by the Titus and Vespasian

poet and this implies that he felt that the story was amply explained by his earlier

delineation of Josephus' character. Josephus is a Christian and therefore an

example to be emulated. His reasons for suggesting the lots must therefore be in

accord with this earlier statement that the Christians in Jerusalem will not

surrender to Titus and Vespasian as they are not baptised.

The conclusions to be drawn from these incidents (the story of Mary and

the later events) are that the Titus and Vespasian poet has created two sides in

Jerusalem; the Jews and a Christian minority. He was perhaps influenced by the

literature and accounts of the Crusades, such as that of Fulcher of Chartres,

which deal with the rescue of Jerusalem and other cities from Saracens. There

was of course a Christian minority in Jerusalem in the Middle Ages and this is

reflected in the text under discussion, which highlights the wickedness of the

Jews and provides a focus for the reader's sympathies, leaving no doubt as to the

justification of destroying Jerusalem. As we can see, Mary is a good person. a

Christian, an example to be emulated, while Pilate is a bad man, non-Christian.

and certainly not to be copied. Clarice is also a good person. a Christian.

272
 although she is not so exalted an individual as Mary, giving in to her hunger

through desperation and proposing to eat the little girl. For this reason she is an

. example who provides more attainable standards of goodness. and also a

measure by which to estimate Mary's excellence.

The foregoing analysis elucidates the handling of the Mary episode by

the Siege of Jerusalem poet in many ways. He changes the Mary episode

fundamentally - omitting Mary's background, the thieves and the focus on greed.

the reference to civil strife in Jerusalem, long speeches - in order to bring out its

implications with regard to Christian history. His poem is concerned with the

deep underlying structures, the facts and actions, but not with vilification. His

account is succinct, and is closest to Higden's version in terms of details and

interpretation. He depicts the Jews, not so much as evil, but as misguided, blind

and tyrannised by wicked leaders. Mary, a Jew, seems more realistic in his

account, due to the addition of everyday phrases such as "rostyp rigge and rib"

(1079) and "with rewful wordes" (1079) bringing out the pathos of the situation

and the desperate acts to which people can be driven, so that they become

animals:

Wo wakned pycke as wolues pey ferde. (1074)

He does not include Titus' speech denouncing the Jews as worse than animals as

do Hegesippus (pp.384-388) and the Polychronicon (p.448). This \'ersion.

therefore, is not merely a section forming part of a diffuse history, encyclopaedic

chronicle, or homiletic work, but part of a carefully structured poem exploring

the tribulations caused by war. The contrast between it and TilliS and' 'e5pasian

273
is crucial to our understanding, as it conveys the difference betv·..een an explicitly

didactic, heavily religious work, which borders on religious propaganda. and a

more weighty account focusing on the nature of warfare and the motivation of

those involved. Thus the Mary episode in the Siege ofJerusalem is very different

from that of the other five texts, although it is based on the same material. 5~ The

gruesomeness of the episode obviously added to its appeal, but the changes each

writer saw fit to make illustrate how the writers perceived it to have deeper

significance, so much so that the story endured from the first to the sixteenth
. 55
centunes.

S4 Sec above and Chapters One and Six.

~~ See Chapter Three.

274
 CHAPTER SIX

THE MANUSCRIPT CONTEXTS OF THE SIEGE OF

JERUSALEM

The Siege ofJerusalem survives in more manuscripts than any alliterative poem

other than Piers Plowman, probably because of the issues it raises. In addition to

this it deals with very popular subject-matter and is selective and astute in its

handling of sources. It occurs in a variety of miscellanies and this suggests that it

could be read in different ways, reflecting the complexity of the narrative, its

concern with the validity of warfare, and its historical and religious subject-

matter. Each of the eight extant manuscripts is an individual witness as to how

the poem was received. In order to understand its reception, therefore, we need

to examine it in the light of the texts with which it is preserved. By looking at the

poem in its medieval contexts we will be able to understand more fully the

themes pursued and the issues raised by the poet. Furthermore, some of the

scribal variations which are to be found in the different copies illustrate the

impact of the poet's preoccupation with motivation and people's behaviour in

extreme circumstances. Examining the contemporary audience of the Siege of

Jerusalem and their reaction to the text will elucidate what we have already

discovered about the poem and will enable us to see why this poem appealed to a

larger audience than most alliterative works.

Most manuscripts were commissioned, or produced by bookshops with a

specific customer in mind, and this dictated the type of volume produced. V.J.

Scattergood notes that in the court of Richard II the evidence of library

275
catalogues, inventories, and the wills of the aristocracy suggests that, although.

they had a preference for didactic Latin and French literature, they also enjoyed

romances (mainly in French) for recreational reasons. 1 The career diplomats,

civil servants, officials and administrators welcomed the serious-minded poetry

of Chaucer and others and by the early fifteenth century this taste for Gower and

Chaucer had spread to the aristocracy? From this we can deduce that the

audience for romances in English, as opposed to those in French, is more likely

to consist of members of the gentry and merchant classes than of the nobility.

Middle English romances appealed to "earnest-minded lay readers from the

middle strata of medieval society". 3

The Siege ofJerusalem, like most fourteenth-century romances, survives

in mainly fifteenth-century manuscripts and this is sometimes one reason for the

divergences between copies of romances. In order to render these fourteenth-

century narratives more appealing to their audiences, compilers sometimes

adapted them to accord with the fashion at the time. For instance, as Derek

Pearsall points out, the surviving manuscripts of a romance such as Beves of

Hamtoun suggest that the copying of the work was almost "an act of

recomposition",4 while the independent fifteenth-century version of Guy of

Warwick in Cambridge, University Library Ms. Ff. ii. 38 adds a description of

I This evidence is problematic as the sparsity of English works in wills and inventories could be
accounted for by the low esteem of works in this language as opposed to texts in French or Latin and the
consequent plainness of the manuscripts.

2 Scattergood (1983) p.40-1.

1 Boffey and Thompson (1989) p.292.

4 Pearsall (1975) p.126-7.

276
the dubbing of Guy and his friends, and concentrates on chivalric elements rather

than violence and vulgarity.s He concludes that:

What might be s~en, from the point of view of the textual purist, as
debased texts of lIttle value, may be seen from this point of view in a
more fruitful way as part of a process of literary transformation and
metamorphosis of which we in the end are the inheritors, not the
resurrectors. 6

Due to the changing nature of the audience for literature, with increasing

numbers of lay readers texts began to be presented in new ways. Greater care is

taken to indicate how to read a text, and particularly English works as these
/

would appeal to those who had not enjoyed the benefits of monastic training,

with its emphasis on the importance of Latin. Fifteenth-century copies of

romances are often divided into strophes, fitts, passus, paragraphs and chapters,

even where the original fourteenth-century work does not appear to have any, as

in Titus and Vespasian (see chapter five). The Wars of Alexander and Piers

Plowman begin each passus with a Latin incipit, perhaps appealing to the secular

clergy and certainly providing these works with an air of authority, and clearly
7
signalling the end of each section. One can find a series of romances in two fitts

and these systems of fitt or passus in romances can be linked to the structural

pattern evident in these poems, a series of linked battle scenes or an exchange of

speeches. The significance of these divisions is that they divide the text into

shorter more manageable segments that are reader-friendly like chapters in

modem novels or chapters and subsections in academic monographs. The

5 Pearsall (1976) pp.62-3.

6 Pearsall (1984) p.129. See also West (1973) pp.12-29 on the nature of manuscript transmission and

discrepancy and pp.47-53 on variants.

7 Hardman (1992) p.75.

277
segments are indicated by manuscript evidence (increased size, form or colour of

letters, paragraph signs in the margin) and textual evidence (occasions of appeal.
8
announcement of a new subject). This is paralleled by the situation in academic

books, as throughout the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries the production of

research aids, such as capitulationes, correctoria and concordantiae increased.

paralleling the improvements in the organisation of texts, and this trend

accelerated in the fifteenth century. The desire was to make both academic and

literary texts easier to use,9 something which is much in evidence in the various

copies of the Siege ofJerusalem.

The amount of differences between copies of individual texts varies and

may be conscious, reflecting current styles or the traditions of improvisation, or

accidental. 1O It is important, however, to make a distinction between metrical

and alliterative romances. On the whole metrical romances display more

pronounced differences in texts of the same romance, so much so that it may be

well nigh impossible to find one authoritative text, as we noted earlier. 11 It is

8 See Burrow (1984) pp.61-4.

9 Minnis (1979) p.385.

10 Nicolas Jacobs (1992) pp. 61-70 lists seventeen types of scribal substitution in his study of Cambridge,
University Library Ms. Ff.ii.38. These seventeen categories cover the replacement of obscure words, lexical
and syntactical glossing, attempts to heighten or tone down style, changes to metre and rhyme, as well as
misconstructions, inattentive copying, misreading, omission, inversion of couplets, misdivision of words
and casual errors. An idea about the kind of changes he finds can be gained from the following selection
from the lists he supplies on pp.31-41, where he provides instances of lexical glossing: 26 po] when, 33
turneying] justynge, 57 abiden] dud a byde; syntactical glossing: 32 sschal] schulde, 33 mai] myght, 80 ne
wot neuere] wyste not; alterations irrespective of sense: 5 and sec hen ] to seke, 12 mochel idouted] moost
doghtyest; misconstructions: 158 perwhile 3he mi3te 3he] the whyle sche may; reminiscence of pre\ ious
Iines or anticipation of what is to come later: 139-40 anon... euerichon] euerychone .. .forth anone:
homeographs: 91 30ng] poght, 495 wei a fin] well and fYne. Glossing or paraphrasing occurs when the
transcriber is attempting to clarify what he finds in his exemplar, while most of the other alterations are
symptomatic of reading in order to copy a text rather than to follow its content. Moreover, as Benskin and
Laing (1981) p.56 note, scribes rarely leave the language of their exemplar unchanged, either converting it
thoroughly or partially into their own dialect.

II See Brunner (1958) pp.64-73 passim on the manuscripts of Middle English metrical romances

278
also true that there are considerably more surviving metrical romances and that

they are more likely to exist in multiple copies, whereas few alliterati\'t~

romances are found in more than one extant manuscript. Furthermore, the

northern tradition of alliterative romances (Siege of Jerusalem, Destruction of

Troy) consists of redactions of historical material from Latin or French,

rendering substantial differences in copies less likely, as they were intended to

have a didactic as well as a recreational purpose. 12

Although it is possible that the purpose and subject-matter of texts

affected the way in which scribes dealt with them, it is more likely that the

complexity and tightness of the alliterative line dictated the way in which they

were transcribed; short rhyming couplets may lend themselves to improvisation

based on systematic use of rhyme-words, but the alliterative line is altogether

more complex. Many models and explanations have been proposed to explain

the complex patterns of Middle English alliterative verse, of which Robert

William Sapora'sl3 and Hoyt N. Duggan'sl4 are but two. With such a rich

tradition available to the poet in terms of phrases and of metrical patterns he

could easily have produced completely metrically regular poems, if he so chose.

The text with which the scribe finds himself confronted may well be full of

12 This is not an airtight rule, for although it is generally true that metrical romances show more variation
than alliterative romances, Piers Plowman is an alliterative work which survives in fifty-three manuscripts,
and at least three very different authorial versions, with considerable scribal corruption.

13 Sapora (1977) deals with four-beat lines, rather than with half-lines, and theorises that greater vari at ion is
to be expected in the stressed positions in the first half-line than the second. Matonis' reservations (19H--l)
concerning the assumption that alliterating words will always be stressed have now been discredited by Hoy t
N. Duggan. She had argued that sometimes metrical and dramatic considerations take precedence mer the
requisites for alliteration.

14 Hoyt N. Duggan (1986) demonstrates, based on evidence which he has gathered from a computer-~ided

study of a corpus of 25, 606 half-lines from fifteen poems, that unrhymed alliterative poetry is a highly
structured fonn. See in addition Hoyt N. Duggan (1994) pp.I31-5--l on the connections hetween

279
intricate syntactical forms rather than short couplets with many interchangeable

phrases. Thus the metrical, alliterative and syntactic patterns render large-scale

variation between copies of alliterative works difficult, as to alter the lines

continually would disrupt the sense and verse-fonn. Hence, although many of

the 1334 lines of the Siege of Jerusalem differ slightly from manuscript to

manuscript due to scribal variation and dialect changes, it is still possible to

construct a critical text of the poem, unlike some metrical romances. In other

words there are no substantial reworkings of passages, large omissions or sizable

innovations.

Minor alterations were inevitable in the process of transcription due to

the nature of manuscript production, which occurred through the copying of

exemplars that could exist in the form of complete volumes or of separate quires.

A.1. Doyle adds to this that quires, which were often made up into individual

booklets, could be easily assembled and bound up with other quires to form

miscellanies,15 or a text could be copied from different booklets leading to

variations in quality.16 These booklets differed in size, consisting of one or

sometimes several gatherings, determined by their content. 17 In fact, medieval

manuscripts could be small libraries. Philippa Hardman discusses the idea of a

library 'in parvo' in relation to Ms. Advocates 19.3.1 which consists of a series

of booklets, almost all by the same scribe, with a few consisting of more than

phonological conditions and the fixed metrical forms of the alliterative long ~ine. G?lsto~ (1997) and Cable
(1991) provide interesting descriptions of the hermetic nature of Middle EnglIsh AllIterative metre.

15 Doyle (1989) p.112.

16 Robinson (1980) p.61.

17 Robinson ( 1980) pp.46-69.

280
one quire; 18 these were assembled at a later date to fonn the existing volume. 19

These processes of reproduction are interesting, as it means that a scribe could

copy a long text such as the Siege of Jerusalem from the quires of different

copies of the romance, thereby producing a hybrid text. He would borrow a

section of text, copy it and return it before borrowing the next part. This appears

to be the explanation behind the text of BL. Ms. Cotton Caligula A.ii (C), as it

was copied from two exemplars representing two different traditions of the

poem. 20

These divergences between manuscript copIes, the presentation, the

contents of the compilation and the annotations provide information about the

"social, commercial, and intellectual organization"of texts. 21 In recent years

scholars have begun to study texts in terms of their codicological contexts rather

than as separate entities. This approach, known as materialist philology, is based

on the premise that codices are not simply objects which preserve works, but are

in fact planned in accordance with a specific agenda which affects the way that

the texts they contain are read.

As Ralph Hanna argues, to appreciate fully the nature of "miscellaneity"

in compilations such as those in which the Siege of Jerusalem occurs, "one

18 Hardman (1978) pp.262-73.

19 Furthermore, the pecia system, practiced mainly on the continent, made available loans of quires from
stationers to students in order that the-latter could build up their own copies of texts gradually and
inexpensively They would hire a quire of the work they desired and copy it before retum~ng i.t and at a
subsequent date they could obtain a further quire of this text or some other and tranSCrIbe It. ,thereb)
producing their own compilations of texts or excerpts of long works which they could then use tor thetr
studies [Griffiths and Pearsall (1989) Introduction p.4].

20 See discussion below.

21 Nichols and Wenzel (1996) p.1

281
cannot be satisfied with a reading demarcated by the tools of codicology or

textual criticism: as did its compilers, one must read the texts , for they. embody. a

. I strategy.
rhetonca ,,22 If .
one examInes the whole of a volume like Winchester

College Ms. 33, it is possible to distinguish a thematic core. In other words the

compiler starts off with a specific project in mind, to produce for instance a

volume·of crusading narratives. However, he may compromise his intention ifhe

is unable to find exemplars of all the texts he desires or if he acquires the

temporary use of an unthematically related exemplar which he may not ever see

again. Thus the producers of volumes endeavoured to utilise all the materials to

hand to maximum benefit and this renders compilations both thematic and

random in nature. 23 Individual texts are, therefore, contextualised and read in

alternative ways in different miscellanies. The number of interpretations possible

of any work is limited only by the type of material it contains. For instance, if a

narrative contains historical and religious subject-matter, as does the Siege of

Jerusalem, a multiplicity of readings are feasible. On the other hand, fewer

thematic readings are possible of medical treatises. Pertinently, Hanna notes that

"fourteenth- and fifteenth-century vernacular book production tends to imitate

prominent forms of literary production", the "miscellaneous poem".24 Popular

works range from The Canterbury Tales, which is fundamentally a collection of

stories framed by the idea of a pilgrimage, to narratives, which although they

appear unified on first sight like The Prick of Conscience, do actually cover a

22 Hanna ( 1996) p.44.

21 Sec Hanna (1996) pp.47-8.

24 Hanna ( 1996) p.49.

282
variety of themes. Indeed, this is possibly the reason why the Siege ofJerusalem

exists in more manuscripts than any other alliterative poem apart from Piers

Plowman, for although it has a single unified narrative, the poet is at pains to

bring out the contradictions inherent in his material and highlight a range of

serious issues. 2s

To summarise the arguments so far in this chapter, the variations in texts

could be due to the reciters of the romances, or scribes influenced by the

traditions which informed the composing and reciting of the works. The

technicalities and subject matter of alliterative romances, often historical and/or

derived from Latin sources, render large-scale differences in copies less likely.

though this is far from being a general rule. Furthermore, the penchant in the

fifteenth century for more elaborate formats of presentation and the changing

composition of the intended audience (more lay readers) affected the way

miscellanies were compiled. This makes the manuscript contexts of works

extremely important, as the sorts of literature with which a work is associated

indicate how it was received, the items in any miscellany and the order in which

they occur being determined by preference of the patron or the interests of the

scribe and how he envisaged the volume and its contents. Therefore, an

examination of the manuscripts of a specific text, in this case the Siege of

Jerusalem, should provide us with some indications as to the reception of the

work, how and by whom it was read, and, indeed, whether variations between

25 Titus and I 'espasian, a contemporary Middle English romance on the same subject sur.' ivcs in twelve.
manuscripts and its greater popularity is probably due to the fact that it is a more fashIOnable typc tIt
work: explicitly didactic and encyclopaedic, incorporating every item the poet found which \\ as C\ cn
tangentially relevant.

283
the manuscripts make any substantial difference at all to our understanding of

the text.

The Manuscripts

There are eight manuscripts and one fragment of the Siege ofJerusalem: they are

BL. Ms. Additional 31042 (A), BL. Ms. Cotton Caligula A.ii (C), BL. Ms.

Cotton Vespasian E.xvi (V), Bodleian Library Ms. Laud Misc. 656 (L).

Cambridge University Library Ms. Mm.v.14 (U), H.E. Huntington Library Ms.

HM 128 (E), Lambeth Palace Ms. 491 (D), Princeton Robert Taylor Ms. (P) and

the fragment in the Devon Records Office. I am taking Hanna's work on the

manuscripts of the Siege of Jerusalem as my point of departure as he has

established the stemma for the manuscripts (reproduced in figure 2), which takes

into account their dialect and date. It is my intention to build on this to see what

we can learn about how the different copies of the poem were read. Hanna

divides the manuscripts into three groupS?6 The first group consists solely of the

Oxford manuscript (L), the transmission of which Hanna finds difficult to

account for, except that its "producers did, as a matter of routine, acquire

products of other literary communities. ,,27 Hanna hypothesises that beta, the

archetype for all the other manuscripts, was a text which existed in the same

general area as the author. He notes that both the Taylor and Thornton

manuscripts (P and A), the oldest of the texts from the gamma branch. are of

firm Yorkshire provenance and contain other texts which were popular in that

26 Hanna (1997) pp.83-93.

27 Hanna ( 1997) p.92.

284
area. In addition to this, a sizeable quantity of northern! North Midland spellings

survive in the Cambridge manuscript (U), the oldest delta text, the alternative

tradition derived from beta, indicating that its exemplar can be traced back to the

North. Hanna has argued that later gamma manuscripts (mid fifteenth-century)

filtered down into the Midlands in accord with his hypothesis of "the Midlands

trickle-down" of texts, whereby works were copied into other dialects and

transmitted outside the original area of composition?8 This leaves the southern

manuscripts of D and U, which date from the second quarter of the fifteenth

century. Hanna suggests that:

Here we may be dealing with some variety of patronal distribution, in

which the fruits of a provincial culture have been marketed by that patron
within the ambit of a developing national, capital-based culture. 29

He finds three possible avenues for this: that the Clifford earls of Skipton,

patrons of Bolton Abbey where he argues the poem was possibly composed,

were responsible for its reaching London; that it arrived there through Duchy of

Lancaster sources; or that the patrons of the Lambeth scribe's work provided him

with yet another alliterative text to copy. Other alliterative works, such as the

H.E. Huntingdon Library Ms. HM 114 Piers Plowman B-text, exist in

manuscripts transcribed by this individual reflecting the interests of his

commissioners. The Huntington and Caligula copies (E and C) most likely

represent a dispersal of exemplars from London for the provincial market.

Interestingly, the scribe of C had access to a text both in the gamma and the delta

traditions, resulting in a hybrid text.

28 Hanna ( 1989) p.123.

2Q Hanna (1996) p.93.

285
 Figure 3
The stemma of the manuscripts of the Siege ofJerusalem is reproduced from
Ralph Hanna III (1996) Pursuing History p.91.

L Bodleian Library Ms. Laud Misc. 656

P Firestone Library Robert Taylor Ms.
D Lambeth Palace Ms. 491
U Cambridge, University Library Ms. Mm.v.14
E H.E. Huntington Library Ms. HM 128
A BL. Ms. Additional 31042
V BL. Ms. Cotton Vespasian E.xvi
C BL. Ms. Cotton Caligula A.ii
Ex Exeter, Devon City Record Office Ms. 2057

286
 I shall start by giving a brief description of each manuscript in order to

present a picture of the surviving copies, before going on to draw some general

conclusions from this and to discuss specific issues to do with the final products

of the. poem and its context in relation to the other contents of the manuscripts. 30

Let us begin with the most luxurious of the copies, such as it is, Cambridge.

University Library Ms. Mm.v.l4 (U), containing the Historia destruccionis

Troie by Guido de Colonne, the Liber Magni Alexandri tocius orbis

conquestoris in xi} annis and the Siege of Jerusalem, which has illuminated

borders in gold, blue, red, and white and some decorated initials, though not in

the Siege of Jerusalem section. Guddat-Figge points out that the Siege of

Jerusalem is not so elaborately illuminated as the two Latin pieces, perhaps

because it is merely in Middle English.31 This volume, which appears to be the

work of the scribe Richard Frampton,32 has many annotations in English and

Latin, as well as several names in later hands,33 which confirms that it was a

manuscript that was used extensively over a long period of time. One can infer

from the fact that the Siege of Jerusalem is to be found with the two Latin

histories in the same hand that the intended audience of the manuscript was well-

educated and possessed more than the mere rudiments of Latin.

30 I have consulted BL. Ms. Cotton Caligula Aii, BL. Ms. Cotton Vespasian E.xvi and BL. Ms. Additional
31042, studied a microfilm of Cambridge, University Library Ms. Mm. v. 14, as well as looking at xt:roxt:s of
sections of the other texts. For the Exeter fragment see Swanton (1990) pp.l 03-4.

31 Catalogue o/Manuscripts containing Middle English Romances (1976) p.109.

32 See below.

33 Arthur Maynwaring 1567 f.l'; Robert Cotton in Greek ~etters f.1', f.. 207'.; Rich~rd BrO\e~\' 1,2 til',' :
Edwardus Savage Capillanus f.208 v ; Johannes Redmayn f.208 ; Johannes Ayngsmn of Endbern I _08 . ~I,;l
. preserved In
.. / Catalogue of the ManUSCripts " theb [' '. ·t-.o.rC
LI rary C! j" thennerSI" OJ ambrido,
t-t
IV (1980) pr .~::!O-
I.

287
 The majority of the surviving manuscripts of the poems are less grand.

with Lambeth Palace Ms. 491 (D) described by Guddat-Figge as "plain". In its

present form it consists of two fifteenth-century manuscripts, the first part

containing the Siege of Jerusalem in mixed parchment. The second part, \\ith

which it has been bound, is really quite separate and I shall not deal with it. J4

The text of the Siege of Jerusalem is of southern provenance, though some

northern characteristics are retained, and the scribe has difficulty with unfamiliar
35
northern names. The scribe is a regular copyist, possibly John Carpenter,

secretary to the City, a man who is known to have transcribed two other
36
volumes. Significantly, the manuscript shows extensive evidence of use,

having soiled pages and containing several scribbles and the names of owners in

later hands with no indication of date. 37 Two of these men have been identified

as John and Thomas Pateshale from Barking, who were probably connected with

the company of mercers in the late fifteenth- and early sixteenth centuries. Julia

Boffey and Carole Meale hypothesise, on the basis of extensive research, that it

is likely that the Patsalls or Pateshales became wealthy merchants and invested

their money in land, particularly in Essex, rising to the ranks of the gentry. 38 The

Patsalls' interest in Arthurian romances is typical of persons from the London

34 Lewis and Mcintosh (1982) pp.80-1.

35 Hooper (1934) pp.38-9.

36 I am grateful to Ralph Hanna for suggesting this to me in a personal communication.

r
J7 Jhon pattsall ff.8 r, 30\ 117v, 139v, 152 r, 167v, etc.; dymond mertyn UO ; carrier martyne f.30': Thomas
r
7
Patttsal if.8 r, 47 r, I 68 r ; Jhon pressoun f.54 v ; Thomas sharpe t1116 , 130 ; Jhon hays tr~32'. 39 ; ~otc t~)
v

Jhon Pysanl by Til. Palsall f.284 v ; Thomas Palsall delybyng in the tone of barakyng ff.22 . 123.' 1.t9 .. 198 .
v
etc; Rychard Persey tf44 r, 109v, 172 r, 265 r ; Thomas Pysanl if. 1137 211 v; Edward shambt>t 1.198'. Sec A
Descriptive Catalogue of the Manuscripts in the Library of Lambeth Palace: The .\fedleval .\fanuscrtpts
(1932) pp.681-.t.

3S BofTey and Meale (1991) p.161-2.

288
 area, where a high percentage of the extant manuscripts originate. Furthermore.

several of these volumes were in the possession of merchants. D's varied

contents encompass the Tractatus Anglicus de gestis Anglorum Brute Vulgariler

nuncupatus (English prose), The Three Kings of Cologne, The Awyntyrs off

Arthure at the Terne Wathelyne, a piece on the four types of animals associated

with venery, as well as the Siege ofJerusalem.

BL. Ms. Additional 31042 (A), a diverse miscellany of twenty-six items

in both prose and verse ranging from romances to biblical paraphrases, prayers

and a dietary assembled by Roger Thornton for personal use, is designated by

Guddat-Figge as "modest", although comparatively large in size with red

capitals for paragraphs, and borders and initials in red and blue. 39 It has the

further distinction of being the only copy of the Siege of Jerusalem which

contains an illustration, the decorated opening initial on f.50 r , which contains

fine examples of the leaf-forms popular in the fifteenth century, as well as male

and female profiles and a grotesque face, all in black ink. This and a similar one
r
on f.33 at the beginning of The Northern Passion are the only decorative initials

in this manuscript, which suggests that Thornton considered them of greater

importance than the other texts and believed them to be linked in subject-matter,

or at least that his exemplar treated them as thematically connected, and hence

illustrated them in that manner. There was a range of decorative techniques

available which could be used depending on the importance of a text. Some of

the Latin items in the Thornton's other manuscript (Lincoln Cathedral Ms. 91)

39 See Thompson (1987) passim; Hanna (1984) pp.122-30 passim; Hudson (1984) pp.70, 78 and K~is~r

(1979) pp.158-79 passim.

289
contain a much higher degree of rubrication than any of the other texts which he

copied, although the Marte Arthure and Octavian in the same manuscript do

contain borderwork of animals, grotesques and leaf-forms and the former

romance even has a full page of ink sketches of two knights, the upper body of a
4o
third, and a horse. Karen Stem concurs that the scribe deals more carefully

with devout texts, poems on sacred history, than other works, providing them

with coloured capitals and so forth.41 The miscellany was compiled gradually, as

Thornton's signature occurs on separate sections probably indicating ownership

of the parts before they were all bound together. 42 Not only had Thornton regular

access to materials which he copied, he also illustrated the collection himself.

This ties in with the procedures Pamela de Wit and A.I. Doyle describe, of

individuals such as students copying works piecemeal and thereby building up

their own collections. Thornton was a prominent citizen of Ryedale in the North

Riding, who had responsibility for the collection of taxes and was connected

professionally with men such as William Gascoigne and Brian Stapleton,

members of parliament. These two individuals were related through marriage to

the Scropes, the Rooses and the Percies, families where possession of books is

recorded. 43 The works which Thornton copied were owned by men of differing

social statuS. 44 The evidence of wills, though far from conclusive, suggests that

40Thompson (1987) pp.56-7, 59. Hardman (1994, pp.250-74) argues that there are spaces left in both the
London and Lincoln manuscripts for illustrations to be added later. It is still significant that these
decorations were added. See The Thornton Manuscript (Lincoln Cathedral Ms. 91) (1975).

41 Stern (1976) p.33.

42 Thompson (1987) p.2.

43 Keiser (1979) p.164, 168. See further Keiser (1983) pp. 111-9 on the life ofThomton.

44 See Keiser ( 1979) p. 169.

290
romances were rare in Yorkshire and those which do exist are more likely to be
45
in French. This statement needs to be heavily qualified by the fact that wills

tend to mention only certain kinds of books, especially religious and liturgical

volumes. At the very least this suggests a different attitude to copies of texts in

the vernacular, that they were not valued so highly. On ff.49 f and 139v of the

Thornton manuscript the name John Nettleton appears and this has led to

speculation that he was a later owner. Two John Nettletons, a father and son of

Hutton Cranswick in the East Riding of Yorkshire (both noted book collectors in

the sixteenth century) have been proposed as likely owners. A further name

Willa Frostt appears on f. 73 v in red ink and he is possibly yet another owner of

the manuscript.

Similar in physical appearance to this volume is BL. Ms. Cotton Caligula

A.ii (C), a compilation of forty-one items, most of which are narrative texts

(several romances and a chronicle), while the rest are didactic and devotional

(medical recipes, prayers). This manuscript is small in size, containing a mixture

of single and double columns (prose and long verse lines in single columns and

couplets in double columns), with initials in red, the opening of lines and

decorative flourishes highlighted in red and yellow, as well as some blank spaces

left for capitals. It is written in cursive hand, apart from the titles, running heads

and colophons which are done in book-hand. Frances E. Richardson argues that

the manuscript's features indicate that it was compiled in a bookshop. There are
r
two personal names - one in part one, Donum Jo. Rogers f.3 , and one in part

two, Thomas Cooke f.144v.

45 Keiser ( 1979) p.173.

291
 Another comparable manuscript is H.E. Huntington Library Ms. HM 128

(E), a predominantly religious collection that also contains both a fragment and a

copy of Piers Plowman, and a section from the liturgy beginning at f.9t which

was possibly bound in afterwards. It is unassuming, written by as many as six

scribes in Anglicana with occasional secretary forms, ruled in lead, though much

of this has faded, with single boundary lines. On f.l there is a carefully

delineated eight-line initial in blue and red, filled with vine leaves, which

extends downwards along the margin. Folio 113 has a similar opening initial,

except it is larger, roughly twelve lines in length. In the pieces copied by scribe

one, each new section of an item commences with six- to four-line red and blue

initials with decorative swirls, while scribes two and four use three- and two-line

initials for this purpose. All three have paragraph marks in both colours,

underline Latin biblical quotations in red, and employ running headlines. Scribes

three, five (who copied the Siege of Jerusalem) and six use three- and two-line

initials and paragraph marks in red only.46 The manuscript contains the names of

probable owners, Richard Rychard on f.l in a sixteenth-century hand,

Alleksander London in a late fifteenth-century or early sixteenth-century hand on

f.lOl f , cysley in a fifteenth-century hand on f.l44 v, betoun brygges c.l500 on

f.149\ and in the same hand on f.l53 Maude. 47 Added to this is the well-known

note by John Bale in Latin saying "Robertus Langlande, natus in comitatu

Salopie in villa Morimers Clybery in Clayland and within viij miles of Malvern

hills, scripsit piers ploughman, IiI. In somer season .... " and another sixteenth-

46 Guide to Medieval and Renaissance Manuscripts in the Huntington Library (1989) pp.161-2.

47 Lewis and Mcintosh (1982) p.I.t7.

292
century note stating that "Robert or William Langland made pers ploughman".
48
both inside the cover on the same leaf. R.B. Haselden and H.C. Schulz argue

on the basis of these inscriptions that this is the manuscript mentioned by John

Bale in his Index Britanniae Scriptorum as being in the possession of William

49
Sparke. Finally on f.l v there is a list of the contents dated in pseudo-medieval

arabic numerals 1751 and the same individual has annotated the manuscript,

particularly ff.95-6, and on f.92 he notes at line 9138 of The Pricke of

Conscience "The other manuscript ends here" which could be a reference to BL.

Ms. Egerton 657 as both it and E belonged to Adam Clarke (1760?-1832).50

Ralph Hanna III argues that the collection was produced for a religious

community. The B-text of Piers Plowman was copied to open the third booklet,

and two later scribes expanded it to include the Siege of Jerusalem and The

Goode Wif taught hir doughter fele tyme and ofte gode. 51 Furthermore, A.I.

Doyle argues that the nature of the hands and the presentation of the collection

suggests that it may have been compiled for pedagogic reasons. 52

This leads us to Bodleian Library Ms. Laud Misc. 656 (L), an assorted

religious collection which also contains the C-text of Piers Plowman; it is a neat

manuscript with running titles containing a Latin entry on the last fly-leaf which

explains that it was owned by Joh. cemp in Ticehurst in Kent, now in East

48Cited in a Catalogue of Manuscripts containing Middle English Romances (1976) p.304. See Kane
(1965) pp.42, 44.

49 Cited in Guide to Medieval and Renaissance Manuscripts in the Huntington Library (1989) p.163.

50 Guide to Medieval and Renaissance Manuscripts in the Huntington Library ( 1989) p. 163.

51 Hanna ( 1997) p.25.

"2 Doyle (1982) p.94.

293
Sussex, a man of whom nothing else is known, though the contents of the

volume indicate that he could have been a priest. Possibly he is the same John

Kempe, Archbishop of Canterbury (c.l440-1454), who came from this area. The

manuscript, on the basis of dialect evidence, appears to have been compiled in

the Oxfordshire area towards the end of the fourteenth century. 53

Finally, let us tum our attention to BL. Ms. Cotton Vespasian E.xvi (V),

a plain volume decorated with red and blue initials very much in the same mould

as the majority of the books containing the Siege of Jerusalem. 54 A.1. Doyle

notes that the quires containing the Siege ofJerusalem originally formed part of

a large volume and are written in three or four secretary hands that resemble

more closely those of clerics than of Thomton. 55 It could have been compiled for

a monastic audience, as such an audience would have been interested in both the

scientific and religious items which it contains: The Three Kings of Cologne, An

Account of Prester John, and three treatises on the calendar, science and

physiognomy. It continued to be of interest to the religious and was later bound

with a thirteenth-century register of Lincoln cathedral charters and a Latin

chronicle of Lichfield.

Although generally the Siege of Jerusalem is copied in single columns,

as this is commonly deemed the most appropriate for the long lines of alliterative

poetry, there is one exception to this, Princeton Robert Taylor Ms. (P). This is

possibly due to the fact that it is one of the oldest manuscripts from the end of

53 Doyle (1982) p.93.

54 See Catalogue of Romances in the Department of Manuscripts I ( 1883) pp. 185-6.

55 Doyle(1982)p.95.

294
 the fourteenth century. It is written in elaborate Bastard Anglicana and according

to N.P. Ker originated at the Augustinian priory in Bolton, although Doyle

disputes this. 56 The selection of contents for this miscellany appears to have been

dictated by an interest in religious items, especially those which deal \\ ith the

Passion, as is indicated by the Pseudo-Bonaventuran Meditationes passionis

Christi.

Thus the physical appearance of the manuscripts containing the Siege of

Jerusalem provides us with a great deal of information as to the reception of the

poem. The manuscripts display, on the whole, an uniformity in character and

appearance. There are two beautiful, well-produced manuscripts, U and the

fragment Exeter Ms. 2507 (Ex).57 This suggests that the manuscripts were

produced in order to be read and not for display. This is complemented by the

evidence of use and ownership to be found in these manuscripts which confirm

extensive use. We can infer that they were popular for a long period, judging by

the number of personal names in later hands which occur in some of the

manuscripts. The personal names are mainly of men, with many possessing at

least the rudiments of Latin as is indicated by the language of some of the

scribbles. Two manuscripts, U and L, contain annotations in Latin; the former

inscription relating to the subject-matter in the first item of that manuscript, and

the latter connecting the other volume with its owner Joh. cemp. The

presentation of the codices, the annotations, the use of Latin and the nature of the

productions suggest that four of the manuscripts were intended for a religious

56 Doyle (1982) p.93.

57 Swanton (1990) pp.1 03-4. It was discovered in a binding and is too fragmentary to pro\iJ~ us with

much information. hence we shall not consider it at length here.

~95
audience (E, U, V and P), one for a priest (L), two for members of the minor

gentry (A and D) and that one is the product of a bookshop (C). Such a

readership gives substance to the view that the Siege of Jerusalem was valued

for its raising of serious issues (motivation, human behaviour, warfare). its

discussion of historical and religious matters. This type of audience (religious

persons, clerics, gentry) appreciated serious-minded poetry and would have been

interested in how the poet brings out the contradictions inherent in his material

and highlights the dilemmas of warfare. All the manuscripts are compilations, in

which the Siege ofJerusalem is but one item. The types of compilations that we

discern among the manuscripts provide us with more information about the

reception of the poem.

Presentation

Let us now tum our attention to the presentation of the text of the Siege of

Jerusalem in each of these volumes in the expectation that this will throw light

on the nature of the readership envisaged by each scribe or editor. The first point

to note is that there is a strong desire to divide the text into easily accessible

sections, with most copies clearly marking the caesura in every line so that one

can perceive the metrical pattern (U, C, E, V and L). In addition, in C and E we

find that it is divided into four-line strophes, indicated by scribal marks in the

margins, so that the reader can process small units of information at a time.

Meanwhile, E, P, V and U also contain slightly larger unit divisions, paragraphs.

signalled by paraph marks in the margins in E and U, while P and V use large

296
opening initials. In the case of the Cambridge manuscript these paragraphs tend

to consist of roughly eight lines, although they vary considerably. The scribe

treats them as small units of sense approximately twice the size of the strophe

divisions in other manuscripts and varies the number of lines, depending on

where it is more appropriate to end a unit. In E, P and V the paragraphs are much

larger and fulfil a similar function to the passus divisions found in four of the

Siege ofJerusalem manuscripts. L, the oldest of the manuscripts dating from the

end of the fourteenth century, divides the Siege ofJerusalem into four segments,

which each end with a half-line tag, "Now blesse vs our Lord!"; " & god 3yue vs

grace"; "& god 3yue vs joye"; now rede ous oure lord". The first passus consists

of lines 1-441 of the printed text (the exploits of Nathan, the conversion of Titus

and Vespasian, the start of the campaign in Judaea, the Romans' preparations for

battle and their assembling on the field of combat). Passus two commences with

the Jews gathering to meet them, going on to deal with the battle itself, Caiaphas

and his demise, another battle, Josephus' ruses, the Romans' decision to starve

the Jews into submission, and how they occupy themselves with hunting and

hawking. At this point there is a definite turning point in the narrative, because at

line 893 attention shifts to Nero and the imperial succession: However, the latter

part of this section tells of Mary and her son, the famine in Jerusalem, how Titus

refuses mercy to the Jews, the renewal of attacks on the city. The final passus

begins at line 1109 for no apparent reason as it simply divides the account of

these onslaughts. U presents the poem in eight numbered passus, with each

number referring to the passus which has just been completed. These segments

are iust as arbitrary as those in L. For instance, there is a division at line 185 in

297
the midst of the scene where Nathan converts Titus. He has just explained to

Titus all about Christianity, Veronica and Christ. Titus is impressed and

expresses his new-found belief in God and vows to avenge Christ's death, at

which point his cancer is cured. The next passus begins with Titus asking

Nathan for a token and learning of the Trinity and baptism. This subdivision of

the text disrupts their conversion and is completely inappropriate. U is unusual

in that it has both paragraphs and passus divisions; the compiler obviously felt

the need to arrange the text into large sections and then slightly smaller sections

within them. There are elaborate initials at the commencement of each passus,

with the paragraph marks on the same folio executed in a complementary

manner, displaying a great deal of leaf-forms and other typical fifteenth-century

ornamentation. Each passus is separated from the next with the word passus and

the number in Latin placed in central position on the line dividing one passus

from the next. In C the passus division is indicated by the word pass us in the

margin, followed by the number in Roman numerals. The segments correspond

reasonably closely to those in U, with passus four commencing in C at the

equivalent of line 635 in the printed text and line 633 in U, and passus six

starting at line 893 in both. Similarly, Thornton's copy (A) also incorporates this

feature, but none of its five passus is numbered. We find a large modest initial at

the beginning of each section. Here the word passus is placed in the central

position of the dividing line. The first, third, fourth and fifth divisions

correspond to those in L, while the second occurs at the same point as the fourth

in U, at line 633. In the exerpt in V we find the words "Septem passus" in the

margin opposite what would be line 1109 in the printed edition (the scribe

298
probably only had access to booklet(s) containing the later part of the text).

Having examined these divisions I have to concur with Hoyt N. Duggan that

they are scribal rather than authorial. 58 Only one of the passus divisions occurs at

a natural break in the text, with the rest simply disrupting the flow of the

narrative. They were probably incorporated in an early copy and thereafter

transcribed or adapted by subsequent scribes. This would explain the similarity

in some of the passus breaks and recurrence of the tag phrases which we noted in

L in the other texts. The religious had had access to education and manuscripts

throughout the middle ages, while from the beginning of the fifteenth century

onwards there appears to have been a more widespread availability of texts to lay

people. Thus there was a move to render copies easier to follow for those less

accustomed to reading manuscripts. This fashion for subdividing texts pervaded

all areas of book production in the fifteenth-century and this treatment of the

Siege of Jerusalem indicates that its compilers considered it a narrative which

raised issues that were still relevant in the half-century following its composition

and therefore updated its fonnat to appeal to later audiences. 59 The other feature

to note about the physical appearance of the manuscripts is that in E there are

line numbers every five lines in the margin, added by the scribe. This adds to the

effect of the other devices used in this copy to divide the text into a reader-

friendly fonn.

58 Hoyt N. Duggan (1976-7) p.224.

59 See Chapter Four on the presentation of Titus and Vespasian.

299
 Local context

The Siege of Jerusalem IS to be found in four religious miscellanies. two

historical compilations, one historical and religious collection and one

manuscript containing religious and scientific pieces. This suggests that the

poem was perceived as a weighty text of either religious or historical interest or

both, which raised issues worthy of contemplation. The language of the items in

these compilations contains further indications as to what kind of audience was

interested in such texts. U is a predominantly Latin codex, containing two

lengthy Latin chronicles in addition to the Siege ofJerusalem, the first of which,

is about Alexander. It appears to have been particularly valued by its owner

judging by the number of Latin notes scribbled in the margins. The poem occurs

in three other manuscripts with substantial Latin texts (disquisitions on the

calendar and science in V, prose chronicle in C and Sequentiae in dominicis et

festis totius anni in E), and one with a little Latin (doggerel and a Latin and

English macaronic metrical paraphrase of Psalm 51 in A). Furthermore, the

Siege of Jerusalem is to be found in two compilations which also contain Piers

Plowman (L and E). Ann Middleton has shown that the audience of Piers

Plowman was "interested, by virtue of social location and experience, in the

foundations of Christian authority, and right relations as well as faith within the

Christian community.,,6o It included a large clerical body, as well as laymen

involved in similar activities (counsel, education, administration. care for the

community).

60 Middleton (1982) p.1 04.

300
 ~ l'ts
Interestingly, the local context of the Siege oifJerusalem . l' .\.. POSt't'IOn

in the manuscripts and its relationship to the texts which precede and follow the

poem, provides further evidence as to how the poem was received and read. In U

the Siege of Jerusalem follows a Latin prose history of Alexander and a Latin

history of the destruction of Troy and it is apparent that the poem is here

intended to be read as a straightforward history. Indeed, Frampton the scribe

responsible for this volume/ also copied the same two Latin chronicles into an

extensive codex entirely in Latin, which is to be found in Glasgow University

Library. Other manuscripts such as A suggest more than one possible reading for

the poem. As Guddat-Figge points out, the Siege ofJerusalem is the third item in

A and along with the two previous texts (extracts from Cursor Mundi and The

Northern Passion)61 forms part of the Christian story, starting from the Creation,

and continuing with the birth of the Virgin Mary and ending with the destruction

of Jerusalem. The redaction of the Siege of Jerusalem is followed by The Sege

off Melayne. This may indicate that the Siege of Jerusalem is perceived by

Thornton to be a Christian history and also a siege narrative. He knew that he

61 The Cursor Mundi is a Northumbrian poem which narrates the creation of the world up to the time of
Christianity and is a compendium of religious legends. It is divided into seven ages: (I) The Creation to
Noah; (2) the Food to the Tower of Babel; (3) Abraham to the death of Saul; (4) David to the captivity
of Judaea; (5) The parentage of the Virgin Mary to John the Baptist; (6) The baptism of Jesus to the
finding of the Cross; (7) The Day of Doom to the state of the world after Doomsday. It ends with a series
of short poems on topics such as the Festival of the conception of the Virgin Mary. Thornton transcribes
selections from the fifth and sixth ages, lines 10630-14933, and lines 17111-17188 of the EElS edition
which recount the childhood of Mary, the early life and ministry of Christ and a debate between Christ
and Man. It is full of elaborate metaphors with the birth of Christ being compared to a sun beam passing
through glass and marvellous stories as when the child Jesus, during the flight to Egypt, orders a palm
tree to bend down so that they may eat its fruit. The tree remains bowed down until it is commanded to
return to its normal position and on account of its obedience a spring bursts from its roots and It \\ ill
later be replanted in heaven. See Cursor Mundi ( 1874, 1893), i-iv, ed. Rev. Richard Morris.
The Northern Passion concentrates on the later stages of the life of Jesus - the council of thL'
Jews, the Entry into Jerusalem, the Supper at Simon the Leper's, the Bargain of Judas. the Last Supper.
Gethsemane, the Trial before Caiaphas and Denial of Peter, Death of Judas. First Trial hdorL' PIlate.
Trial before Herod, Second Trial before Pilate, the Legend of the Cross, the Forging of the 1\aJls. the
Road to Calvary and Crucifixion, the Harrowing of Hell, Longinus and the Entombment. the SL'tI 109 .ot
the Guard, Resurrection, the Appearance to Mary Magdalene, the Bribing of the Guard. "L'l' The
.vorthern Passion (1913,1916) i-ii, ed. Frances A. Foster.
301
was going to copy the Siege of Jerusalem immediately after The Xorthern
r
Passion as he ruled the first part of f.50 in double columns for the end of The

Northern Passion, and the second part in single columns for the Siege 0/

Jerusalem. Naturally, he would have wanted to select a suitable text to follow

them, and John 1. Thompson suggests that The Sege off Melayne fulfils this

criterion and was not copied simply because of its account of a siege. but

because it formed part of a sequence with the two previous texts. Unfortunately.

the incomplete nature of The Sege off Melayne prevents it from fulfilling its

intention of describing the miracle of the Virgin Mary as well as the miracle of

Christ. 62 These miracles complement the healing of Titus and Vespasian in the

Siege ofJerusalem and also link in thematically with the history of Christianity.

Philippa Hardman goes further than this and proposes that items 5 and 7 were

originally intended to be integrated into this thematic core relating Christian

history, the lives of the Virgin Mary and Christ, and the continued significance

of these stories. These two items are short lyrics, one addressed to Mary and one

on the Passion. 63 They are interrupted by Pe Romance of Duke Rowlande and of

Sir Ottuell of Spayne off Cherlls of Fraunce, a second Charlemagne romance.

This romance was possibly selected on the grounds of its resemblance in subject

matter to The Sege off Melayne. Both are crusading poems, and this may suggest

that the Siege ofJerusalem might have been held to be of crusading interest. The

other noticeable feature of this manuscript is that items 12. 25 and 26 are The

Quatrefoil of Love, The Parlement of the Thre Ages and A Tret)'s llnd god

112 Hardman (1994) pp.263-4.

63 Hardman (1994) pp.264-5.

302
schorte refreyte bytwixe Wynnere and Wastoure, three alliterative poems. The

latter two poems consist of debates between Youth, Middle Age and Old Age.

and the principles of saving and squandering. Youth and the spendthrift are

depicted as young knights and the poems certainly reflect upon the moral

attitudes and concerns of youth and knighthood. Thus the Siege of Jerusalem is

perhaps also valued here as a fine example of alliterative verse. Furthennore. it

was probably selected for this miscellany as it raises matters of concern to the

interested and educated lay reader. The Siege of Jerusalem is concerned with

personal motivation, human behaviour in extreme circumstances and the

justness of warfare. It is placed, though, in the section containing religious

narratives, rather than romances. Thornton preferred to organise his miscellanies

around subject-matter than around genre, as Karen Stem points OUt. 64 However,

like all compilers, he tried to utilise whatever exemplars were to hand and his

volume is thus both thematically and randomly organised.

Similarly, C presents the Siege of Jerusalem in a context where multiple

readings are available. The opening item is The Pistil! of Susan, an alliterative

tail-rhyme poem which narrates the tale of Susan and the Elders which is

ultimately derived from the Book of Daniel in the Vulgate. However, the Siege

of Jerusalem is copied as item 35 in the predominantly religious last three-

quarters of the miscellany, which implies that it was deemed to be of religious

import. This reading is confirmed by the fact that it is followed by the Chellelen'

A ss igne , a semi-alliterative chivalric romance of crusading interest. and

Isumbras, a religous romance which relates a variant of the St. Eustache legend.

64 Stem (1976) p.213.

303
Interestingly, item 34 is a Latin prose chronicle from Brutus to Richard III ,110m
h.

which we might infer that the poem was deemed to be of historical interest. like

the texts with which it is associated. The fact that the poem is associated with

the Cheuelere Assigne also indicates that the poem may have been held to have

relevance to those interested in the crusades. The final two items in the

compilation are two saints' lives excerpted from the South English Legendary,

St Jerome and St Eustache. Thus the Siege of Jerusalem is presented in a

thematic cluster which deals with saints, eminent persons from history and pious

knights, persons to be emulated. The compiler most likely believed that Titus

and Vespasian were figures of comparable status to those who feature in these

other texts.

V is a strange compilation, where the last three items deal with the

calendar, science and physiognomy. The two items which precede the Siege of

Jerusalem (item 3) are a prose narrative of The Three Kings ofCoiogne6S and An

Account of Prester John, an historical text. The volume appears at first sight to

have been compiled from whatever examplars were to hand, as there seems to be

little connection between the contents, apart from the focus on historical subject-

matter. The Three Kings of Cologne is a copy of a c.1400 Middle English

translation of the Historia Trium Regum. This was written by John of

Hildesheim, a Carmelite friar, between 1364 and 1379. The inspiration tor the

chronicle was the translation of the three bodies of the kings to Cologne in 1164

by Rainald of Dassek and the fact that a finger from each of the cadav~rs was

preserved in the cathedral at Hildesheim. John of Hildesheim recorded the

0' Sec The Three Kings a/Cologne (1886).

304
legend to magnify the importance of Cologne and by extension Hildesheim. He

based his account on the Bible, the Fathers, popular traditions and a variety of

documents that were available in the locality. It was an extremely popular work.

translated into many languages, which tells the story of the three kings who

visited the infant Christ with presents and of their later martyrdom. More than

half of the narrative consists of digressions which deal with the customs.

geography, politics and locale of the East. Much of this is retained in the

abridged English version. These descriptive elements about the East which

resemble the information one finds in travel books like Mandeville's Travels

would certainly fit in with disquisitions about science and physiognomy. The

second text also deals with the East, indeed a brief account of Prester John is to

be found in The Three Kings of Cologne. According to John of Hildesheim he

was selected by the three kings to be their successor and was named after John

the Baptist. He was emperor of India (the Middle East and Africa) and promoted

Christianity in his lands. He had problems with the Nestorines, a heretic sect,

whom he was tricked into helping with their wars against the Tartars. He later

repented of this and order was restored, with the Nestorines defeated and

dispersed. Thus the first three texts in this manuscript all deal with the East.

history, religion (particularly the Passion of Christ) and warfare (against the

enemies of God), forming a thematic cluster, which is linked in a general way

through its information about the East with the second half of the volume. the

more explicitly scientific materia1. 66

Travel literature was heavily influenced by the language of chivalry and romanc~s and crusading
66 1t:\!S
were similarly influenced by the exotic accounts of foreign lands. See Goodman (1998) rasslm

305
 In fact, several manuscripts allow the Siege of Jerusalem to be read as

both an historical and a religious narrative. D provides another example of this.

with the Siege of Jerusalem capable of being read as an historical narratiYe.

preceded as it is by the Tractatus Anglicus de gestis Anglorum Brute Vulgariter

nuncupatus, a chronicle of English history up to the death of Edward III. The

Three Kings of Cologne follows it, indicating an alternative religious context for

the poem. It is possible that The Three Kings of Cologne could haye been

received in this manuscript as a historical rather than as a religious text, but it

seems impossible that its religious significance would have been ignored

entirely. This text, indeed, seems to have been connected in the minds of some

with the Siege of Jerusalem, as it is also linked with the poem in V. The

Awyntyrs offArthure at the Terne Wathelyne is transcribed after this text and this

supports the view that the Siege of Jerusalem was felt to be of moral value. The

Awyntyrs off Arthure at the Terne Wathelyne juxtaposes two incidents, the

appearance of the ghost of Guenevere's mother to her daughter and a combat at

the court of King Arthur. Its theme is the vanity of the world and the limitations

of the chivalric ethos, querying the nobility of violence and warfare. This ties in

with the concerns of the Siege ofJerusalem poet who deliberately highlights the

contradictions in the story of the destruction of Jerusalem in order to encourage

his readers to question the validity of combat and the motivation and behaviour

of those involved. The Three Kings of Cologne, in parts, also deals with battles

and the questions of when fighting is morally acceptable, as we ha\'l~ seen

earlier. The manuscript not only contains romances such as The AH~l'f1tyrs ott

Arthure at the Terne Wathelyne which were held to be edifying as well as

306
entertaining and capable of raising historical and moral issues, but also incluJ6

a chronicle of English history.

In the other manuscripts, the Siege ofJerusalem is clearly interpreted as a

work of theological merit (L, E and P). In L the Siege of Jerusalem is preceded

by a later addition on the flyleaf in the scribal hand containing some moral

precepts and it is followed by Piers Plowman. The Siege ofJerusalem. like Piers

Plowman, is thus seen in the context of works that discuss religious topics and

more general concerns about life, and may be intended here for a clerical

audience. The items that are transcribed after Piers Plowman confirm this. a

selection of quotations from the Bible, perhaps for a sermon on the Creed. a

sermon on the Ten Commandments and quotations from the Scriptures. all in

English. This suggests that the manuscript may have been designed for a parish-

priest in part as an aid to sermon writing. E once again contains both Piers

Plowman and the Siege of Jerusalem, but in reverse order. The compilation is

introduced by The Prikke of Conscience, and is concluded with The Goode Wit'

taught hir doughter fele tyme and ofie gode. Felicity Riddy suggests that this

later text might have been intended for a clerical audience, as clerics would be

employed in instructing girls. 67 Thus the poem was possibly regarded as a

religious didactic text, dealing with theological concerns. Similarly. in P the

poem appears to have been valued for its theological focus and discussion of the

aftermath of the Passion. It is preceded by the Middle English translation of the

68
Pseudo-Bonaventuran Meditationes passionis Christi. This text is quite a

67 Riddy (1996) pp.73-5.

68 I Ianna ( 1997) p.84.

307
learned work and would have appealed to clerics and like-minded individuals.

and this confirms the reading suggested by the previous compilation.

According to Ralph Hanna III, the different compilations in which the

Siege ofJerusalem is to be found allow it to be interpreted in alternative ways as

we have been discussing. He notes that the Siege ofJerusalem is associated with

romances in C, that in A it is associated with a poem of crusading interest. and

that in U it is read as a classical history.69 On these points there is little room for

dispute, as we have seen. However, he claims that the Siege ofJerusalem is read

as "a quasi-scriptural narrative, a pendant to the Passion" in P, L and D. and

probably V and E.70 This is possibly overstating the case. 0 presents the poem

more as an historical than a "quasi-scriptural narrative". The prose narrative of

the three kings of Cologne deals with the infancy of Christ and also, briefly, with

His Passion, but is similar to the Siege of Jerusalem in being of both religious

and historical interest. It certainly could be termed "quasi-scriptural", though not

perhaps "a pendant to the Passion". However, Hanna is obviously not basing his

designation of the reception of the Siege ofJerusalem in the Lambeth manuscript

on this connection with the story of the three kings of Cologne, because if so he

would have held the reading of the text in V to be precisely the same. As for L it

contains both the Siege of Jerusalem and Piers Plowman, both of which arl?

complex narratives that are neither solely nor chiefly concerned with the Passion.

Indeed the only manuscript in which the Siege ofJerusalem appears to be read as

"a quasi-scriptural narrative" is A, which Hanna holds associates thl? poem with

69 Hanna (1997) p.84 and Hanna ( 1992 b) pp.123-4.

70 Hanna ( 1997) p.84 and Hanna ( 1992 b) pp. 123-4.

308
"gospel-based interest" and "crusade poetry". This simplifies the situation. for. as

we have seen, almost every manuscript of the Siege of Jerusalem provides a

context in which multiple readings of the poem are possible. Thus not onh do

we have to consider the differences between the eight compilations. \\ e also

have to examine the alternatives raised by each individual copy. Pamela R.

Robinson and Murray J. Evans' theories about how the Siege o(Jerusalem was

received must therefore be rejected, as each copy of the romance provides varied

readings, not the self-same one. 71

Finally, there is the question of the provenance of the manuscripts. and of

who would be interested in commissioning miscellanies containing a northern

alliterative romance. The manuscripts were transcribed in the dialects of N\\'.

Oxfordshire (L), West Yorkshire (P), North Yorkshire (A), London (U hy

Richard Frampton), the East Midlands possibly East Anglia (C). Rayleigh. Lssex

(0), the East Midlands possibly Rutland (V), Central North Midlands (Ex) and

South Warwickshire (E).72 This demonstrates that the poem inspired more than

the regional interest described by Michael J. Bennett and other scholars. though

the work could have appealed to those of similar standing outside this region.

Michael 1. Bennett argues that the north-west Midlands was a highly cultured

area due to Richard II's advancement of men from Cheshire. and that this created

73
the milieu in which alliterative poetry thrived. Elizabeth Salter postulates that

the alliterative movement coincided with the period of co-operation bet\\ een the

71 Robinson (1972) pp,42-57 and Evans (1995) p.50-1. S~C Chapter s" for a fuller discu~'llln ,l\ thclr
theories.

n Lawton (1989) p.147: Hanna (1997) pp.83-93.

309
King and barons in the mid-fourteenth century. The nature of western alliterati\,e

romance was dictated by the availability of sources. The Bohuns. who

commissioned William of Palerne, for instance, had a collection of

predominantly moral and historical materia1. 74 James R. Hulbert once argued

that the castles of the Mortimers, Bohuns and Beauchamps and other barons

were social and cultural centres which encouraged the writing of poetry.75 He

adds, somewhat less convincingly, that they were in opposition to the king and

76
wanted something more English. This theory has been challenged and

discredited by Lawton and others, as neither the dates nor the historic situation

77
validate Hulbert's proposition. Thornton certainly fits into the class of country

gentleman, being a professional man prominent in his local community in

Yorkshire and connected with members of parliament. Two of the other

miscellanies have been linked to religious establishments on the basis of their

contents, as we have already seen. The likely owners of the other manuscripts

are men of professional status with moral and social responsibilities (as outlined

by Ann Middleton), or clerics. The provenance of the manuscripts means that the

scribes or their predecessors were confronted with a dialect not their own, while

the southern scribes also had to deal with an alien poetic tradition. This naturally

led to great variations between the copies of the poem, particularly in the

southern texts. Scribes felt impelled by their training and lack of reverence for

73 Bennett (1979) pp.63-88; Bennett (1983) pp.26-40; Bennett (1992) pp.3-20 for a r~\ I~~J \~rsi()n of thi~
theory.

74 Salter (1966 a) pp.146-50.

7S Hulbert (1930-1) p.412.

76 Hulbert (1930-1) p.406.

310
any dialect in particular, as we noted earlier, to alter what they found in their

exemplar. Mary Hamel suggests that Thornton was a more accurate scribe as he

was an amateur. He certainly corrected his work diligently. adding missing

words and perhaps supplying words of his own invention (as. for example.

seynt), and although he has a tendency to change the dialect into his own. he

does not always do SO.78

Scribal Variations

Fundamentally, the manuscripts of the Siege ofJerusalem reflect late fourteenth-

century and early fifteenth-century taste in presentation and decoration. They

conform to what we know about the ownership of vernacular romances, with

two of the manuscripts sharing a common readership with Piers Plowman. The

pronounced religious and historical character of the romance meant that it

appealed to clerics also. The poem was copied in various areas by scribes

proficient in different dialects, with the southern scribes, who lived outside the

areas where alliterative poetry thrived, confronted by the unfamiliar conventions

of the form. We shall now examine two sections from each of the copies of the

Siege ofJerusalem to see what changes resulted from the translation of the poem

into different dialects , the confusion over the conventions of alliterative verse.

and the effects of fifteenth-century taste. These may affect the way the poem is'

was read, and confirm or refute the readings suggested by the poem's positioning

in the manuscripts.

77 Lawton (1989) p.143.

78 Hamel (1983) p.123.

311
 The section which I shall examine consists of lines 1077-1094 from the

incident of Mary and her son. The passage is in seven of the manuscripts. but

unfortunately it is illegible in my copy of P. The transcripts of these sections are

to be found in Appendix One, and it is on the basis of these that the following

analysis is made. The second passage is of interest because it is an excerpt from

one of the memorable battle-scenes in the poem.

Most of the variations which are to be found between the different

manuscripts are not particularly significant in themselves, but the cumulati n~

effect can be of importance. It tells us that each scribe felt the need to translate

the poem at least partially into his own dialect, perhaps as it was easier to

transcribe it thus since these forms came naturally, or to render it more

accessible to his patrons. The omissions are most likely due to inattentive

copying, as are some of the minor differences in spelling. Deliberate changes in

words or phrases are of more interest, as although these rarely alter the sense of

the line, they do tend to disrupt the alliterative patterns of lines. Line 526 is a

typical example of the kinds of changes which scribes made. In U and C the

pattern of this line is aa/ aa 79 ; in D, A, Land P it is aal ax; and in E it is aaJ xx.

The first half-line is basically the same in all the manuscripts, though some

possess the conjunction and and some do not. The second half-line does not

remain constant. In U and C it reads, "and trumpe(r)s ful(l) triel trye," while 0

varies this by replacing trie with crye. Trie is a form of the verb trien. which in

the past particle can be used as an adjective meaning "choice. excellent. or

· t" ·t·· .. J s\lIahk

79 See Appendix One. A represents an alliterating stressed syllable and x a non-a II Itera mg!\ n:S"l -.

312
fine,,,80 and this ties in with the adjective curious in the previous line of both

these manuscripts. Crye could be a reminiscence of how the clarions cried.

Alternatively and more plausibly, it could be a case of misreading on the part of

the scribe, as the similarity between the letter forms "f' and "c" in manuscripts

render confusion easy. A, L and P are all very different, describing what the

instruments are doing: "tyndillede one harde," "tonelande loude," and "tutill ai r
hye." Tonelande is a past participle that conveys the "producing of sounds like

thunder, thundering" and the MED cites L line 526 as an example of its use. 81

Tyndillede is perhaps a misreading of tonelande, or a variant of tink/en (to tinkle.

ring lightly, resound) as it is a word I have been unable so far to find elsewhere.

and is intended to mean something similar. 82 TutUl, however, can be traced back

to tutelen, a verb that means to "whisper, speak, suggest, say", and is not vcry

suitable in this context. 83 The scribe is trying to follow the alliterative sequence.

but either he misreads his exemplar, or it is corrupt and he inserts a verb that

does not quite carry the meaning of the line. He endeavours to rectify this by

adding "pai hye" to suggest the loud noise of the instruments. In E neither of

the two stressed syllables in the second half-line alliterates, "and mynstracys

ynowe." Mynstracys is a variant spelling of mynstralcys, musical instruments,

which ties in with the trumpets and pipes, but does not convey the loud sounds

resonating through the battle as such. 84 It is possibly an attempt to complete a

80 MED "trien" and "tri(e)".

81 MED "tonelande",

82 MED "tinklen",

83 MED "tutelen".

84 MFD "mynstralcys",
313
line which was not legible in the exemplar or incomprehensible in its vocabulary

and thus the transcriber confines himself to finding a phrase that will suit what

has just been said, rather than trying to follow the metre and alliteration.

Although these variations have important implications for the metrical form of

the line, they do not alter its sense radically. In fact alternative phrasings in

passage one, which is in itself a variation on a common topos, the opening 0 l' a

battle scene, are unlikely to generate much difference.

The case with the passage to which I want to draw attention is a little
85
different. If we look at Mary's epithets we find that in line 1077 she is referred

to as myld(e) (U, A, V, L, D), good (C) and mydewyf (E). MydeWlf is a

misreading of mylde wyf which alters the emphasis of the line, while the

alteration to good changes the sense slightly. Mydewyf can refer to a midwife in

our modem sense of the word, but it can also suggest a "saint who aids women

in childbirth" like St. Mary Magdalene. 86 My/de is an adjective with a range of

meanings - merciful, forgiving, lenient, soft, kind, gracious, humble, gentle,

friendly, pleasing, lovely, excellent - and was often used as an epithet of the
87
Virgin Mary - ladie milde, maide milde, milde moder. Fundamentally, four of

the manuscripts ascribe qualities to this woman that the Virgin Mary was

commonly believed to exemplify, while a further manuscript associates her with

childbirth. What interests me about this line is, that in four of the texts we read

of one Mary or Marion, whereas in A we learn of 0 saynt lyfarie. The use of the

85 See Chapter Six for a detailed examination of the episode and its analogucs and S\lLJr(c~

86 MED "mid-wit".

s' MED "mildc".

314
word saynt is fascinating, as it suggests that upon seeing the name Mary,

Thornton immediately thought of saints and the Virgin, and a comparison

between the story of the Virgin and Christ-child and this incident was set-up in

his mind, an issue which is expounded in Chapter Five. In line 1089 the woman

is referred to in A, V and L as the worthiliche/ worthy/ worpi wife, while in U, 0

and E this is omitted, and in C it is replaced with wofull. Thornton maintains this

comparison between the Virgin and the woman, which he makes more explicit,

and the V and L scribes also follow this course, though without making it so

clear. In E, D and U, whatever the reasons for the omission of the adjective,

whether it was inattentive copying or not, it highlights how the woman has

changed. She is now simply a wife, no longer mylde. The seventh manuscript

raises another possibility; the employment of the word wofull suggests that the

woman is an object of pity, a person reduced to this by force of circumstance. In

E, line 1092 is entirely replaced to emphasize the horrific nature of the action of

the woman as she partakes of a morsel of roasted human flesh:

And fette forth of here child. a gobat red yroosted.

The initial reaction of the intruders is omitted to accommodate the change. This

develops the reading suggested by the omission of worthy in line 1089.

Thornton, significantly, adds a line just after 1079:

Sayse entre thare pou owte come and etis the rybbis.

Although this is an instance of anticipation (of line 1084), it does drive home the

theme of cannibalistic behaviour, making a stark contrast with the use of the

word saynt three lines earlier.

315
 Thus Thornton interprets the episode as reflecting the horrors of war.

reducing a saintly lady to consuming her son in a kind of cannibalistic Eucharist.

The woman herself is not blamed, but sympathised with. Her action shocks the

other citizens into re-evaluating their actions. There is certainly no criticism of

the Jews as a barbaric people who are likely to commit such acts as we find in
88
dramatic retellings. The other manuscripts do not bring out these parallels to

the Virgin and Christ-child to the same extent. C, however, does indicate that

she is deserving of pity. V and L concur that the woman is a worthy person

despite the condition to which she is lowered. In contrast to this U, D and E

suggest a change in the woman in the course of the episode. She alters due to the

deprivation of war and becomes capable of committing an act of extreme

violence. E emphasises the abjectness of her action by omitting the reaction of

the intruders and replacing it with a graphic description of the roasted corpse.

These three manuscripts suggest that the woman has been transformed by the

war, making her a less sympathetic character. Thus the nature of the scene and

the scribal variations which indicate different interpretations of it raise important

questions about the horrors of warfare, and the actions to which people are

driven by extraordinary events.

The conclusion to be drawn from all this is that the nature of the

manuscripts does affect the way the Siege of Jerusalem was/ is read. The types

of compilation in which it is copied reflect the historical and theological weight

of the material in the poem. However, these miscellanies also suggest other

readings for the poem, that it could be read in the light of crusading literature or

88 Sec Chapter Three.

316
(8)}1~Y~' ~}1111111;
other alliterative poetry, as well as being a text dealing with vengeance for

Christ's Passion. The subject-matter and manuscript evidence suggest that it

appealed to a similar audience to that of Piers Plowman, although not

exclusively so. This is implied by the presentation of the text, which conforms to

fifteenth-century taste, and the fact that many of the volumes were probably

intended for a clerical audience. Textual variations between manuscript copies

can add to the multiple readings available of the text in the case of certain

incidents in the poem, but on the whole they merely indicate how the poem

inspired interest in areas outside where it was written, and beyond the traditional

centres of alliterative verse. In fact, one of the most fascinating features of the

poem is its complexity, which has led to all this interest and makes possible a

variety of readings and interpretations.

317
 CONCLUSION

The range of evidence presented in this multidisciplinary study of the Siege of

Jerusalem emphasises the uniqueness of the text. One all-encompassing

theme, a thread that runs right through the previous pages, is that the intention

behind the poem is to raise the moral issues concerned in warfare, human

motivation and people's reactions to extreme circumstances. As we have seen,

analysis of the text in terms of its social and literary contexts and its

unparalleled structural design demonstrates that it was the result of an

intelligent, innovative, and highly refined reworking of traditional sources, the

product of careful redaction and conscious invention guided by clearly

established traditional tropes, verse-forms and genres. The Siege of Jerusalem

is not merely an attempt to translate history and religion into poetry and

romance, but is instead designed to examine contemporary issues such as the

importance of the Eucharist, attitudes to the Jews, and the validity of war, as

well as the imagined past. It bears witness to how its author and audience

perceived their place within the twin schemes of political and salvation

history, and understood their present condition. This is probably why it exists

in several manuscripts and why it deserves wider scholarly attention.

318
 APPENDIX

I have transcribed the following extracts myself, from the manuscripts in the

British collections, together with copies of the two codices in the United States.

The first passage occurs in seven of the manuscripts (BL. Ms. Cotton Vespasian

E.xvi starts at line 966). The second passage occurs in all eight manuscripts, but

it is unfortunately illegible in Princeton Robert Taylor Ms. Most abbreviations

have been expanded, and this is indicated throughout by the use of italics, except

in those instances where it is unclear what has been contracted. I have also left

ampersands where they have been used instead of the conjunction and. An

attempt has been made to suggest the devices used to divide the text of the poem

in the various manuscripts.

Passage 1: lines 522-540

Cambridge, University Library Ms. Mm.v.14 (U)

Stedes stamnped in stede; vnder stele wedes

Stiffe men vpon stedes; striden vpon lofte
Knyghtes crossen hem self; and catche her helmes
Clarions cried fast; and curiouses pipes
Tymbres and tabours; and trumpes ful trie
Thei yaf a shrike in a shoure; tho shrinked the lewes
As wommen shrillen on hye; when water hem neghes
Thei laughten launces on one; and lopen togeder
Os fyre out of tlyntstone; thei hewen on harde
Dust droue vpofi loft; and dryued abo ute
As thunder in thik reyne; thrilles the skyes
The bolde beems there aboute; brusten her speres
Knyghtes kneled a doun; to the colde erthe
Fighten fast on fote; and ay the fals vnder
Titus toumes him on one; telles of the best
For iustith the ioliest; in ioyning of werre
And sen with a bright bronde; betes on harde
That the brayne and the blode; on the bronde left
319
Lambeth Palace Ms. 491 (D)

Stedis stampid in pe stede vndir stele wedis

Stiff men in stiropis strydyn vp on loft
Knyghtis crossyn hem self cacchyn her helmys
Clarions cried faste and cornmuse pipes
Tymberers and taberers & trompers crye
They yaf a shrike in a showte to shame wip pe iewn
As woman wepith & waylith whan watre her neigh
I>ei laught launces a none & lepyn to gidris
As fire out of flynt stone hit ferd hem bytwene
Dust drove vp a loft drivyng aboute
As thundur in thik reyne pirlid pe skyes
They bare bemys purgh out brost her speris
Knyghtis knelyd a downe to pe cold erthe
Fightyn fast in pe feld and ay pe fals vndir
Titus tumith anone and tollith of pe best
Fornistid pe iolyest with ioynyng of werre
And sethin with a bright bronde betith on hard
pat pe brayn and pe blood on pe bronde last

BL. Ms. Cotton Caligula A.ii (C)

Stedes stamped in pe place; vndur pe stele aray

Styffe in pe styrropes; stryden vp on lofte
Kny3tes and crossen hemse1fe; & cacchen her helmes
Claryones cryden faste; & curyous pypes
Tymbres, tabers; & trumpers full trye
They 3afe a shryke & a showte; for to shrynke pe jewes
And wymmen wepyn on hy3e; whene watur he ny3eth
They kaW3te launces a noue; & leppen to gydur
As fyer out of flynte stone; thus faredde hem by twene
Duste drofe vp on lofte; dryuynge a bowte
As pounther in thykke rayne; persheth pe skyes
The berne barnes per abowte; brosten here speres
Kny3tes kneled a downe; to pe colde erthe
And foW3ten faste in pe feeld; & euer pe fals vnpir
Tytus tumede hym a noue; & tolleth of pe beste
Forthjusteth pe joly kny3te; with joynynge of werre
And aftir with a bry3te swerde; betheth on faste
That pe brayn & pe blode; vp on pe swerde lafte

BL. Ms. Additional 31042 (A)

320
 Stedis stampefi one the felde stuffede stele vndir
And styffe mefi in sterapis strydefi one lofte
knyghtis crossede thaym selfe and caste one thaire helmys
With lowde claryons crye and cormous pypis
Trompis and taboreres tyndillede one harde
With a schakande schowte thane schrenked the jewes
Ais womefi weltir solde in swonn when watir thaym neghys
thay laughte launces anone and leppefi to gedirs
Ais the fyre owt of flynte stone ferde thaym by twene
the duste draue appofi lofte the dale all abowte
Ais thonowre and thike rayne threpande in skewes
thay bere beryns thrugh brustyfi with launces
knyghttis thruschefi downe thraly vn to pe colde erthe
thay fyghte faste in the felde and aye the false vndir
downe sweyande one swatte with wttyfi sware more
Titus turnes hym to and tollis of the beste
lusters of the jolyeste with pynynge of werre
And sythyfi with a bryghte brande brittynes one harde
that the blode and the brayne appofi the bent lefte

Bodleian Library Ms. Laud Mise 656 (L)

Stedis stampen in pe felde; stif steil vndere

Stipe men in stiropys; striden aIofte
kny3tes croysen hem self; cacchen here helmys
With loude clarioun cry; & aIle kyn pypys
Tymbris and tabourris; tonelande loude
3euen a schillande shout; schrynken pe jewes
As womman schal in a swem; whan hire pe water ne3ep
lacchen launces a non; lepyn to gedris
As fure out of flynt ston; ferde hem bytwene
Doust drof vpon lofte; dymedyn aile abo ute
As ponder and picke rayn; prowolande in skyes
beren burnes prow; brosten launces
kny3tes crosschen doun; to pe cold erpe
Fou3t faste in pe felde; & ay pe fals vndere
Doun swowande to swelt; with out swar more
Tytus toumep hym; to toIles ofpe bestes
for justes pe jolieste; with joyned of werre
Sup with a bri3t bronde; he betip on harde
Tille pe brayn & pe blod; on pe bent omen

H.E. Huntington Library Ms. HM 128 (E)

stedes staunped in pat stede; vnder steel wedes

stef men in styropes; stredyn vp on lofte
(475) kny3tes crossyd hem self; & cawthen hem helmys
~ Clarions cryed faste~ & coryous pypes
321
 tymbres & tabres; & mynstracys ynowe
whan pis noyse was ymaad; po tremblyd pe iewes
as wommen wepeth an hey; whan pat sorwe hem ney3eth
~(480) Thei lawgthen launces anon; & lepyn to gydres
As fyr owt of flynt stoon; it feerde hem betwene
dust dref vp on lofte; & dryued abowte
as thunder in thikke reyn; hurleth in pe skyes
~ The bare barnes thorw owt3; burstyn her sperys
(485) kny3tes knelyd adoun to pe colde herthe
foughtyn faste in pe feeld; & ay pe iewes vnder
pere was non mercy at al; but alle to deth wente
~ Tytus turnyd hym anon; & kylleth of pe beste
For iusteth pe iolyest; with ioynyng of werre
(490) & also with a bry3t brond betyth on harde
that pe brayn & pe blood; on pe brond lafte

Firestone Library Robert Taylor Ms. (P)

Stedes stampes in pe felde stith stele vnder

Sithen in pair stiraps pai striden on lofte
Knyghtes crossed paim selfe & tachid pair helmes
With loude clarions pai crye & with cormus pypes
Tymberes & taburus tutill pai hye
Lachyn launces onone lepyn to geder
Ais fyre oute of pe flyntstane ferde pai be twene
Duste dryuen on lofte & dymmed abouten
Ais thonour in a thikrayne & thrymbland schoures
Beryns borne er thurgh brysten pair launces
Knyghtes croschid doune to pe colde erthe
Faght faste in pe felde & ay pe fals vnder
Titus tomes paim to & tolles of pe beste
For lusted ofpe lolyeste for lunynge of were
Sithen with a bright brande betis on faste
pat pe brayne & pe blode on pe bent rann

Passage 2: lines 1077-1094

Cambridge, University Library Ms. Mm.v.14 (U)

One marion a mylde wyf; for meschief of fode

Hir owen child that she bare; braid on the coles
Rosted ribbes and rigge; with rewely wordes
And son on ilk syde; sorough is on honde
Aboute the burgh bataille; vs all forto quelle
With inne hunger so hote; that nyghe the hert bresteth
Now yelde me that I the yaf; and ayen turne
322
Entre there thow out kome; and etes a shulder
The smelle aros sone 0 lofte; al in to the strete
There fele fastyng folk; feled it sone
Doun thei casten the durre; dyen she shuld
That mete in that meschief; fro hem had ykept
Then saiden the wyf; in a wode hunger
Myne owen barn haue I brad; the bones al to gnauen
Yit haue I saued yow sum; and a syde fetched
Of the barn that she bare; and then her blode chaungeth
Forth thei went for wo wepand ful sore
Said alIas in this lyf; how longe shal we duren

Lambeth Palace Ms.491 (D)

One marion a myld wyf for myschef of food

Her owne barne llat she bare bred on the colis
Rostyd rybbis and rigge with rulich wordis
Seyd sone on eche syde sorowe ys on honde
About lle borow batayle our bodyes to quelle
With yn hungir so hote llat myn hert brestith
Now yeld me llat y lle 3af and ayen tume
Entre llere llow out come and etys lle shuldir
The smelle ros of lle roost right in to lle strete
Ther fele fastyng folk fastyd had longe
Doun dasshid llei lle dore dye shold lle bierde
That mete in llat meschef from men had yloynd
Than seyd this wif in llat wood hungur
Myn own bame have y bred & lle bonys gnawyn
Yet have y savid yow some & a syde fecchyd
Of lle barne llat she bare & her blood chaungid
Forlle llei went llan for wo wepyng ful sore
& seyd alas in llis lyf how long shul we dure.

BL. Ms. Cotton Caligula A.ii (C)

Oon marye a good wyf; for myschefe of foode

Here owen chylde llat she bare; leyd hit on lle coles
She rostedde rybbe & syde; with rewfull wordes
Dere sone sche seyde on eche a syde; sorowe is on honde
And sore batayle with oute forth; oure bodyes to kylle
With inne hongur is so hoote; llat ny3e oure herte breketh
And llerfore 3ylde to me llat I lle 3afe; & a3eyne tume
Entur }ler llou out come; & llanne eete sche a shuldur
The smell rose of lle roste; a bowte in lle strete
That many fastynge folke; ller felede lle sauour
Downe dasschedde lley lle dores; dye llat womman schulde
That mete in llat myschefe; frome menne hadde i keppte
And llanne sayde llat wofull wyfe; in a wode hongur
323
Myne owen chylde haue I roste; and pe bones gnawefi
3ette haue I saued 30u somme; and pe syde fette
Of pe chylde pat she bare; panne all her bloode turned
Forth pey went for woe; wepynge full sore
Alas pey seyde in pis lyfe; how longe schall we lyfe

BL. Ms. Additional 31042 (A)

o saynt marie a mylde wyfe for meschefe of fode

hir awen barne that scho bare made brede one the gledis
Scho ruschede owte ribbe and ryge with rewefull wordis
Sayse Entre thare pou owte come and etis the rybbis
And sone appone ilke a syde oure sorowe es newe
AIle with owttyfi pe burghe oure bodyes to melle
And with inn es hungre so hate that nere our hertis brystis
And therefore 3elde pat pou 3afe and a3ayne tome
Entre pare pou owte come and etis the childe
the smelle rase of the roste righte in the strete
that fele Fastande folke felide the sauoure [addition in margin]
And downe thay daschen the dore and hastely thay askede
Why that pat mete in pat meschefe was fro men laynede
than sayde that worthiliche wyfe in ane wode hungre
myfi awen barne es my brede and I the bones gnawe
3itte hafe I sauede 30w some and a syde fechide
Of the barne pat scho bare bot than thaire ble chaungede
And furthe wente pay with woo wepande full sore
And sayde alIas in this lyfe how lange schall we lenge

Bodleian Library Ms. Laud Misc. 656 (L)

On marie a myld wyf; for meschef of foode

Hire owen barn pat 30 bare; 30 brad on pe gledis
Rostyp rigge & rib; with rewful wordes
Sayp sone vpon eche side; our sorow is a lofte
Batail abo ute pe borwe; our bodies to quelle
With yn hunger so hote; pat ne3 our herte brestyp
I>erfor 3eld pat j pe 3af; & a3en toume
& entre per pou cam out; & etyp a schouldere
I>e smel roos of pe rost; ri3t to pe walles
I>at fele fastyng folke; felde pe sauere
Doun pei daschen pe dore; dey schul de pe berde
I>at mete yn pis meschef; hadde from men loyned
I>an saip pat worpi wif; in a wode hunger
Myn owen barn haue j brad; & pe bones gnawen
3it haue j saued 30u som; & forp a side fecchep
Ofpe barn pat 30 bare; & aIle hire blode chaungep
324
 A way pey went for wo; wepyng echone
& sayn alas in pis lif; how longe schul we dwelle

H.E. Huntington Library Ms. HM 128 1(E)

~(lOOO)Ther was on marion a mydewyfpat for defaute offode

Her owne chyld pat she leyde vppon pe colys
And roostyd bothe ruege and rib with wol rewely wules
3he seyde soone on eche syde our sorow is on honde
~ Aboute pe town is bataill oure bodyes to queUe
(1005) Wythynne hunger so hard pat myn herte bresteth
Now 3eelde me pat I the 3af and a3en tu3ne
In to my body ther thow com out & eet faste of his shulder
~ The smel ros of pat rost anoon in to pe strete
& many fastyng folk felt it soone
(1010) & doun dryuyn pe doore and deye 3he shulde
For mete in pat meschef fro hem dode kepe
~ Thanne seyde wyf in her wod hunger
Myn owne child haue I brend and pe body gnawe
But 3it haue sauyd sum to parte with 30w pis tyme
(1015) & fette forth of here child. a gobat red yroosted
Forp pey went for woo wepyng wol sore
~ & seyde alas in this lyf how longe schal we dure
It were better at abreyd. in batayle to deye

BL. Ms. Cotton Vespasian E.xvi (V)

And one marion a mylde wif; for defaute of foode

Her owen bam pat she bare; brad hit on pe gledes
Rostes rib and rigge; with reufuU wordes
And said sonne on eche side; oure sorowe comes on honde
Bataille with outen burgh; oure bodies to queUe
Withynne is hungur so hote; pat negh oure hertes bresten
l>erfore yelde pat I pe yafe; and againe tume
Entre pere pou oute come; and etes a shuldre
l>e smel arose of pe roste; right in pe strete
l>at fele fastannde folke; felten pe sauoure
Doune pey dasshedin pe dore & said dien shulde pe barin
l>at in myscheff had from men good mete leyned
l>anne said pe worthy wif in wode hungre
Myn owne barin haue I brede and pe bones gnawen
Yette haue I saued you somme; and a side fette

IThe xerox for this section was unclear and difficult to read and in places I have had to consult the list pI
variants for this manuscript in Siege ofJerusalem (1932).

325
Of pe barin pat she bare; and al her biode chaungede
Furthe wente pey for woo; wepande sore
And said alIas in pis liffe; howe Ionge shull we dwelle

326
 BIBLIOGRAPHY

Unprinted Primary
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BL. Ms. Cotton Vespasian E.xvi
BL. Ms. Harley 4733
BL. Ms. Royal 8. xv
BL. Ms. Royal 9.A.xiv
Cambridge, University Library Ms. Mm. v.14

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