Pointing

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Pointing

Pointing is a gesture specifying a direction


from a person's body, usually indicating a
location, person, event, thing or idea. It
typically is formed by extending the arm,
hand, and index finger, although it may be
functionally similar to other hand gestures.
Types of pointing may be subdivided
according to the intention of the person, as
well as by the linguistic function it serves.
Children pointing at a Joshua Tree in Joshua Tree National Park

Pointing typically develops within the first


two years of life in humans, and plays an
important role in language development
and reading in children. It is central to the
use of sign language, with a large number
of signs being some variation on pointing.
The nature of pointing may differ for
children who have autism or who are deaf,
and may also vary by gender. It is typically
not observed in children who are blind
from birth.

Pointing may vary substantially across


cultures, with some having many distinct
types of pointing, both with regard to the
physical gestures employed and their
interpretation. Pointing, especially at other
people, may be considered inappropriate
or rude in certain contexts and in many
cultures. It is generally regarded as a
species-specific human feature that does
not normally occur in other primates in the
wild. It has been observed in animals in
captivity; however, there is disagreement
on the nature of this non-human pointing.
Definition and types

A diver pointing to their eyes as a standard hand symbol that something should be looked at by another[1]

The primary purpose of pointing is to


indicate a direction, location, event or thing
relative to a person.[2][a][3] Pointing is
typically defined as having either three or
four essential elements:

1. Extension of the index finger;


2. Flexing the remaining fingers into the
palm, possibly with the thumb to the
side;

3. Usually, but not always, the pronation


of the palm to face downward, or to
face the mid-line of the body; and

4. Extension of the arm.[2][4]

Gestures that do not meet these three or


four criteria are usually classified as a
"reach" or an “indicative gesture”, although
there is no clear consensus on how to
differentiate between the two.
Additionally, there may be little or no
behavioral or functional difference
depending on whether a gesture is
considered to be
pointing, reaching, or otherwise indicative,
and reaching may be considered a form
of whole-hand pointing.[4] In one review, 11
separate definitions were identified for the
related motions of reach, reaching-out,
reaching, indicating, and indicates.[4]

Imperative, declarative
and interrogative pointing

Types of pointing are traditionally further


divided by purpose, between imperative
and declarative pointing.[5] Imperative
pointing is pointing to make a request for
an object, while declarative pointing is
pointing to declare, to comment on an
object. As Kovacs and colleagues
phrases it, "'Give that to me' vs. 'I like
that'".[6] This division is similar to that
made by Harris and Butterworth between
"giving" and "communicative" pointing.[7]:
157–8
Determining the intention of pointing
in infants is done by considering three
factors:

1. Whether the behavior is direct


toward another,

2. Whether it includes "visual-orientation


behaviors" such as observing the
recipient of the pointing in addition to
the object pointed to, and
3. Whether the gesture is repeated if it
fails to achieve the intended effect
on the recipient.[8]

Declarative pointing may further be divided


into declarative expressive pointing, to
express feelings about a thing, and
declarative interrogative pointing, to seek
information about a thing.[8] However,
according to Kovacs and colleagues
interrogative pointing is clearly different
from declarative pointing, since its
function is to gain new information about
a referent to learn from a knowledgeable
addressee.[6] Therefore, unlike declarative
pointing, interrogative pointing implies an
asymmetric epistemic relation between
communicative partners.

Linguistic function

Pointing in Chinese Sign Language

"Number one" "Number eight"

Types of communicative pointing may


be divided by linguistic function into
three main groups:[9]: 43
1. Objective pointing - pointing to an
object within the visual field of both
the pointer and the receiver, such as
pointing to a chair which is physically
present[b]

2. Syntactic or anaphoric pointing -


pointing to linguistic entities or
expressions previously identified,
such as pointing to the chair which
is not physically present[c]

3. Imaginative pointing - pointing to


things that exist in the imagination,
such as pointing to a fictional or
remembered chair[d]
Additionally, pointing in children who are
deaf may be divided between diectic or
"natural" pointing, which is shared with
hearing children, and symbolic pointing
used specifically in sign language, learned
by observing and imitating others who

sign.[11]: 34

Development
Pointing is the first communicative
gesture that develops in human infants.[12]
It is not clear to what extent the behavior
may first emerge as a form of
meaningless ritualization,[e] whether some
infants may comprehend and visually
follow the pointing of others without yet
pointing themselves, or whether pointing
begins as a form of meaningful imitation,
where an infant learns they can produce
the same effect in adults as adult produce
in them, by mimicking the action of
pointing, and drawing attention to an

object.[11]: 33–4

Pointing generally emerges within the first


two years of life, weeks prior to a baby's
first spoken word, and plays a central role
in language acquisition.[2][f][13]: 352 The onset
of pointing behavior is typically between
seven and 15 months-of-age, with an
average of between 11 months and one
year.[13]: 353 By eight months, parents
reported that 33% of babies exhibited
pointing behaviors, with pointing to nearby
objects usually occurring by 11 months,
and pointing to more distant object by 13
months.[2] By one year of age, more than
half of children will exhibit pointing
behavior.[4]

As early as 10 months-of-age, children


have been shown to spend more time
being attentive to novel objects when
they are pointed to by others, when
compared to objects that are merely
presented to them. This time is increased
if the object is also labelled verbally.
Pointing by
children is associated with a high rate of
verbal response from adults, specifically
labeling the object pointed to.[7]: 129 This
interaction allows the child to check for
words labeling object they do not yet
know, and, when combined with
declarative verbal statements on the part
of the child, may allow them verify the
accuracy of words they have already
learned.[14]: 62

Infants may begin to point in situations


where no one else is present, as a form of
egocentric expression, termed "pointing-
for-self". This is differentiated from
"pointing-for-others" which is done while
looking at a "recipient" of the pointing, and
done as a communicative
gesture.[13]: 353–4 Kita specifies this variety
of pointing in the context of being a deictic
gesture, which is done for the benefit of an
audience, as distinct from what are
deemed "superficially similar behaviors".[2]
Demonstrating this, as they mature infants
will first point at an object, and then
visually verify whether the recipient is
being attentive to the object, and by 15
months-of-age, will first verify that they
have the attention of the recipient, and
only then point as a means of redirecting
that attention.[7]: 157
Children are more likely to point for
adults who respond positively to the
gesture. At 16 months they are less likely
to point for adults who are shown to be
unreliable, adults who have mislabeled
objects the children already know the
correct word for.[g] At two years-of-age,
children have been shown to be more
likely to point for adults than for children
their own age.[6]

Relationship with language


Pointing and labeling objects plays an important role in language acquisition, and children tend to be more
attentive to objects pointed to by others, as well as to objects pointed to that are verbally labeled.[7]: 129

A meta-analysis by Colonnesi and


colleagues found a strong relationship
between pointing and language, including
between pointing at an early age and
language ability in later life, and pointing at
an early age as a predictor of two-word
vocal combinations. They concluded that
only a "few studies" had not found a strong
correlation between pointing and the
development of language.[13]: 354 Research
has also shown that the frequency of
communicative pointing from ages 9
months to 12.5 months was positively
correlated with vocabulary size for
children at age two.[15][h] The relationship
between language development and
pointing tends to be stronger in studies
which examined declarative pointing
specifically or pointing generally, rather
than imperative pointing.[13]: 355, 361

In school age children, finger-pointing-


reading (reading while pointing to words
or letters as they are spoken) can play an
important role in reading development, by
helping to emphasize the association
between the spoken and printed word, and
encouraging children to be attentive to the
meaning of text.[16]: 36–7
Deaf speakers of sign language
Pointing plays an important role in sign
language, which as much as 25% of signs
being a variation of pointing.[2][i] Children
who are deaf have been shown to begin
pointing at a similar age to non-deaf
children, but this did not confer any
advantage in the acquisition of pronouns
in American Sign Language.[13]: 353–4

Initial observations give some indication


that deaf children acquiring the use of
American Sign Language (ASL) may
exhibit self-pointing behavior earlier than
hearing children who are acquiring
speech.[17] Pointing to a location begins
being deictic for deaf children and hearing
alike, but becomes lexicalized for more
mature signers. There is a distinction
between linguistic pointing in ASL and
gestural pointing by deaf users, the latter
being identical for deaf and hearing
people.[18]

One small-scale study found that the


errors in pointing behavior produced by
autistic deaf children and autistic hearing
children were similar.[19] Both deaf and
hearing children use pointing abundantly
while learning language, and initially for
the same reason, although that starts to
diverge as deaf children acquire signs.
Pre-verbal hearing infants use pointing
extensively, and use a combination of one
word plus one gesture (mostly pointing)
before they can produce a two-word
sentence. Another study looked at deaf
Japanese infants acquiring language from
ages four months to two years, and found
that the infants moved from duos (where
a point plus an iconic sign referred to the
same thing) to two-sign combinations
where they referred to two different
things. As they grew, the latter grew more
frequent and led to the development of
two-sign sentences in Japanese Sign
Language.[20]
Those with autism

A woman along with a child with autism pointing at fish in an aquarium

Children with autism show marked


differences compared to others, and
greater difficulty in their ability to interpret
pointing as a form of communication, and
a sign of "something interesting". This is
similar to difficulties they may experience
with other deictic communication, which
depend on an interpretation of the
relationship between speaker and listener
or on particular spatial references.[7]: 159 A
lack of declarative or proto-declarative
pointing and the inability to follow a point
are important diagnostic criteria for
children with autism, and have been
incorporated into screening tools such as
the Modified Checklist for Autism in

Toddlers.[11]: 34 [21]

Other factors

Pointing is dependent on vision, and is not


observed in children who are blind from
birth.[2] A number of differences have been
observed regarding the onset of pointing
behavior and gender, and the tendency to
point using the right or left hand, with girls
being more likely to point up to 15 degrees
into the left visual periphery using their
right hand, and being ambidextrous further
to the left, while boys are typically
ambidextrous for 15 degrees to the left
and right of center.[2]

Cultural variations
Iranian scholar Mohammad Khatami pointing during a speech given at the Mausoleum of Ruhollah Khomeini in 2003

The gestures used for pointing and their


interpretation vary among different
cultures.[22][23] While studies have observed
index finger pointing in infants across a
range of cultures, because those studied
are also ones where adults frequently use
this type of pointing, further study is
needed to determine whether these are
examples of imitation of behaviors
performed by observed adults, or whether
it indicates pointing may be biologically
determined.[2][j]
In much of the world, pointing with the
index finger is considered rude or
disrespectful, especially pointing to a
person.[24] Pointing with the left hand is
taboo in some cultures.[25] Pointing with an
open hand is considered more polite or
respectful in some contexts.[26]: 51 In
Nicaragua, pointing is frequently done
with the lips in a "kiss shape" directed
towards the object of attention.

Different cultures may point using a range


of variations on index finger pointing. In
Japan, pointing is done with the fingers
together and the palm facing upwards.[27][28]
[29]
Those of Indian heritage
may point using the chin, whole hand, or
thumb. They may consider index finger
pointing rude, but further distinguish a
point using two fingers for use only at
someone considered inferior.[30]: 12 In
those living near the Vaupés River,
Dixon noted at least three distinct types
of pointing:

pointing with the lips for "visible


and near" ... pointing with the lips
plus a backwards tilt of the head
for "visible and not near" ...
pointing with the index finger for
"not visible" (if the direction
in which the object lies is
[25]: 69
known)

Alternatively, among Aboriginal Australian


speakers of Arrernte, researchers
identified six distinct types of pointing:
index finger, open hand palm down, open
hand palm vertical, "'horn-hand' pointing
(with the thumb, the index finger and the
pinkie extended)", pointing with a
protruded lip, and pointing with the eye.
[25]: 69

When pointing to indicate position-in-time,


many, but not all cultures tend to point
toward the front to indicate events in the
future, and toward the back to indicate
events in the past. One noted exception is
that of speakers of Aymara, who instead
tend to associate what is in the past, what
is known, with what is in the front, what is
seen, and vice versa.[25]: 71

In non-human animals
There is considerable disagreement as
to the nature of pointing behaviors in
non- human animals. Miklósi and
Soproni described pointing as a "species
specific, human communicative gesture"
not regularly used by any other species
of primates living in the wild.[31]: 82 Kita
concluded similarly that "on the evidence
to date only humans use the pointing
gesture declarative to share attention
with conspecifics."[2] Kovács and
colleagues state "pointing as a referential
communicative act seems to be unique to
human behavior."[6][k]

However, the claims that pointing is a


unique human gesture have not gone
unchallenged. A study in 1998 by Veà and
Sabater-Pi described examples of explicit
declarative pointing in bonobos in what is
now the Democratic Republic of the
Congo through these observations:
“Noises are heard coming from the
vegetation. A
young male swings from a branch and
leaps into a tree... He emits sharp calls,
which are answered by other individuals
who are not visible. He points—with his
right arm stretched out and his hand half
closed except for his index and ring
fingers—to the position of the two groups
of camouflaged observers who are in the
undergrowth.”[32] This was one of the only
observations of pointing in the wild by
primates for years, but recently other
possible examples have been
documented.[33] Researchers claimed to
observe imperative pointing gestures
produced by bonobos when attempting
to initiate genital rubbing,[34] as well as by
chimpanzees when reaching towards
objects they desired,[35] although even
these researchers admitted the rarity of
chimpanzee pointing in the wild.[35] In the
wild, both chimpanzees and bonobos
have been shown to seemingly signal and
gesture to direct each other’s attention,
through acts like beckoning[36] and
“directed scratching.”[37] Thus, while it is
clear that other primates use gestures to
direct attention, it is still uncertain as to
whether this is done overtly as in humans
through pointing.[33]

Although the question of whether primates


point in the wild is still up for debate,
pointing in captivity is widely established
in primates. Leavens and Hopkins note
that pointing behavior has been observed
in captivity for a range of species. In some,
such as apes, the majority of such
behavior is spontaneous (meaning without
explicit training to do so), but occurs only
rarely in others, such as monkeys.[4] When
present, this may be accompanied by
visual monitoring of the person being
interacted with, the audience of their
gesture, rather than being attentive only to
the object pointed at.[4] Moreover, it seems
that non-human great apes also take the
perspective of the communicative partner
in order to produce clear, unambiguous
points.[38] Studies have found that apes
point with the dual goal of directing
attention and requesting food, and
additionally that they are sensitive to the
looking behavior in response to their
pointing gestures.[39] There remain
questions as to whether this constitutes
"true pointing",[14]: 71 and whether non-
humans have the social or cognitive
abilities to understand the intentional
communicative nature of pointing.[40]: 124
These questions arise especially due to
the nature of these primate pointing
gestures. They are only produced for
humans and not for other apes, and often
use the full hand instead of the typical
extended index finger that humans use.[41]
However, this may be countered with
observations in apes trained to use sign
language, which do point with the index
finger.[41] Recently, studies have also
indicated that chimpanzees in captivity
use pointing as a flexible signal, by raising
their arms in order to point to objects that
are further away.[42][43] Thus, while apes
certainly can point, it is difficult to
ascertain whether they point naturally.
However, this debate may result from the
fact that there are procedural differences
in how non-human primates are tested,
making it more difficult to ascertain if non-
human primates do point.[44] The
experimenter must be safe, as a result of
testing non-human primates, thus a barrier
is introduced between the participant and
experimenter. Dogs and infants do not
have this precaution. However, Udell and
colleagues [45][46] tested dogs with and
without a fence, using the object choice
task in a similar manner to that of a
barrier. The authors reported that the
barrier produced a decrease of 31% in
terms of success for canines. This has
also been shown in pointing as well, where
barriers that are present for dogs showed
lower success rates than when absent,[47]
highlighting that this debate may be
partially the result of systematic
procedural differences.

In contrast to the production of pointing,


some non-human animal species can
appropriately respond to pointing
gestures, preferring an object or
direction, which was previously indicated
by the gesture. Cats,[48] elephants,[49]
ferrets,[50] horses[51] and seals[52] can
follow the pointing gesture of a human
above chance, while dogs can rely on
different types of human points[53] and
their performance is comparable to that
of 2- year-old toddlers in a similar task.[54]
However, it seems, that the default
function of pointing is different in dogs
and humans, because pointing actions
refer to particular locations or directions
for dogs[55] in an imperative manner, while
these gestures usually indicate specific
objects in humans to ask for new
information or to comment on an object.[6]

There is considerable debate as to


whether apes are able to comprehend
pointing gestures as well, and it has even
been argued that dogs are better able to
understand pointing than apes. Some
hypothesize that pointing comprehension
should be more prevalent in species with a
stronger tendency to cooperate, which
would explain negative results in apes due
to the mainly competitive relationship
present in most species of apes and
monkeys.[31] However, wolves fare poorly in
pointing comprehension tests as well, and
are a highly cooperative species,
countering this hypothesis.[31] More recent
studies have refuted the claim that apes
are poor at comprehending pointing, and
provide evidence that the tests used to
evaluate pointing comprehension are often
inaccurate, especially in apes.[56] Thus
there is conflicting evidence and debate as
to whether apes fully comprehend pointing
gestures.
See also
Deixis, words and phrases that
cannot be fully understood without
additional contextual information

Joint attention, shared focus of two


people on an object, resulting from
pointing or other cues

List of gestures used in non-verbal


communication

Ostensive definition, conveys the


meaning of a term by pointing out
examples

Pointing breed, dogs trained to find and


indicate the direction of game
Pointing device, an input interface for
inputting spatial data into a computer

Semiotics, the study of meaning-making,


sign process, and meaningful
communication

Sign (semiotics), something that


communicates a meaning that is not the
sign itself

Notes
a. "The prototypical pointing gesture is a
communicative body movement that
projects a vector from a body part. This
vector indicates a certain direction, location

or object."[2]
b. "deixis ad oculos et aures", or "referent in
the domain of common accessibility of
speaker and hearer"[10]: 226

c. "to something which is to be looked for and


found in places of speech"[10]: 226

d. "deixis at the phantasma" ... "situations of


recollection and imagination similar to
perception"[10]: 226

e. For example, if an infant receives positive


interaction when pointing, they may begin
to point as a means of gaining positive
interaction itself, and not as a means of

intentional communication.[11]: 33

f. "Pointing emerges out of its antecedent


behaviors, such as undirected extension of
the index finger, several weeks before the
first spoken word."[2]
g. For example, labeling a cat as a ball, citing
Begus K, Southgate V. Infant pointing
serves an interrogative function.
Developmental Science. 2012;15:611–

617.[6]

h. This was true for both users of sign


language and spoken word.[15]

i. "...pointing is ubiquitous in our day-to-day


interactions with others. ...Even when we
talk about the referents that are distance in
space and time, we often point to the
seemingly empty space in front of us.
...'every four signs in signed discourse is a
pointing sign'"[2]
j. "Is infants' index-finger pointing a
biologically programmed choice? ... A more
conclusive answer to these questions
requires a future study ... in a culture where
adults do not use index-finger pointing at all

or do so only rarely."[2]

k. Referencing Tomasello M. Why We


Collaborate? MIT Press; Cambridge:
2009.[6]

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