Perspectives - Asia 6 1
Perspectives - Asia 6 1
Perspectives - Asia 6 1
January 2018
ASIA
DigitalAsia
This edition of Perspectives Asia is
published jointly by the offices of the
Heinrich Böll Foundation in Asia
Beijing
Islamabad
NeW Delhi
Yangon
Bangkok
Phnom Penh
2 Introduction
4 The Curious Case of Vox Populi 2.0: ASEAN’s Complicated Romance with Social Media
Joel Mark Baysa Barredo and Jose Santos P. Ardivilla
19 You Are What You Share: How Social Media Is Changing Afghan Society
Sayed Asef Hossaini
31 Aadhaar: The Indian Biometric ID System Has Potential but Presents Many Concerns
Sushil Kambampati
Introduction
China’s social media platform Tencent is penetrating all aspects of daily activities
Holdings has become bigger than Facebook in the private and public spheres. In China,
and is now the fifth most valuable company facial recognition technology has perme-
in the world. India has left the United States ated day-to-day business. At the Beijing
behind in the race to become the largest Capital Airport, facial recognition helps to
source of digital talents. Indonesia has the streamline boarding. Students can enter
fastest-growing number of internet users their university halls by blinking into a cam-
worldwide. Such headlines have become era, and in some restaurants, you can pay for
commonplace, illustrating how digitaliza- your meal with a simple smile to a scanner.
tion is driving change in Asia. The region Digital trends are also heating up in less-
already accounts for half of the world’s 2.8 industrialized Asian countries. In Pakistan
billion internet users, and by 2025 fast- and Myanmar, digital platforms make the
changing technologies – including the search for healthcare professionals and the
mobile internet, the Internet of Things delivery of medicine to remote areas more
(IoT), cloud technology, 3-D printing, and feasible. They help provide information to
advanced robotics – are expected to bring a pregnant women or arrange phone con-
massive economic boost to Asia. This indi- sultations. Such businesses not only create
cates the impressive transformation that much-needed jobs, but also spur profound
lies ahead for the continent. social change. People who were formerly
Many Asian megacities have become excluded from social security benefits, due
vibrant ecosystems for startups and are to their far-off locations or lack of official
attracting a growing number of young identification papers, can now claim social
techies. Already, a third of the world’s app services or open a bank account with just a
developers are based in Asia. Southeast few clicks. Thus, the digital transformation
Asia is an especially appealing testing of the business sector offers new opportuni-
ground for digital products, due to an open- ties for inclusive and sustainable develop-
mindedness toward new technologies and ment – and for developing Asian countries,
an infinite number of potential customers. it is a chance to leapfrog.
Furthermore, companies can draw upon The success story of the digital economy
an immense workforce, which tends to is so promising that it is increasingly attract-
be highly educated and culturally diverse. ing the interest of political actors. «Digital
These are ideal market conditions for inno- first» has become a guiding principle for
vative companies to prosper. In fact, these every government that takes itself seriously.
properties have made some Asian cities Indeed, political leaders of Asian coun-
even more popular than some of the digital tries vie with one another in their glorious
hubs in the Western hemisphere. This year, visions to build fully digitalized and smart
for example, according to the website Nes- nations. «Made in China 2025,» «Digital
pick, Singapore overtook San Francisco as India,» Japan's «Society 5.0» and «Digital
the best startup city worldwide. Bangladesh Vision 2021» are just a few of the
People’s lives in Asia are strongly based prominent catchphrases that can be found
on digital technology, much more so than in the various national strategies aiming to
in other parts of the world. Digitalization put their countries at the forefront of dis-
Introduction 3
ruptive technologies. To reach these ambi- example. Pakistan passed an internet law
tious goals, governments are sparing no in 2016 that can be used to criminalize free
efforts. The Japanese government's vision speech online and gives unchecked powers
of a Society 5.0 for example aims to tackle to authorities. Such legal measures enable
challenges like the demographic change by governments to control nearly every detail
placing more robots in retirement homes of their citizens’ environment.
and therefore digitilizing not just the econ- What sounds like spooky Orwellian
omy but also other levels of Japanese society. fiction could become reality in a few years,
In Singapore, a newly created Government thanks to the rapid development of new
Technology Agency plans to digitize key technologies and the willingness of com-
functions of governance and public life, panies to comply. For fear of being banned
including municipal services and the sub- from the lucrative Asian markets, large
mission of a tax return. In addition, China IT companies are providing governments
recently announced that it will be stepping with comprehensive data. The Indian gov-
up its financial support – to more than $1.5 ernment, for example, launched a Central
billion – to boost manufacturing innova- Monitoring System in 2013, granting the
tion. This shows that Asian governments government centralized access to all the
are pushing hard for digital technology. metadata and contents of communica-
Whereas in Europe, some countries, such tion traversing through all telecommuni-
as Germany, are reluctant to make the cation networks in India. This means that
necessary investments to improve online the Indian government can listen to all
infrastructure, Asian decision- m akers calls, track all mobile phones, read all text
understand that better internet connec- messages, and see all the websites that an
tivity is an important advantage for local individual has visited. These developments
industry and may ultimately improve the pose a severe threat to privacy and demo-
lives of citizens. cratic freedom of expression.
Against this background, it is not at Digitalization in Asia offers both oppor-
all surprising that Asia is leading in digital tunities and risks. Although it allows people
innovation and is ahead of other regions, to be better connected and makes busi-
including Europe and the Americas. Anyone ness processes more efficient, uncontrolled
who wants to learn about the latest digital access to personal data allows companies
trends must now look to the Far East. Trave- and governments to intrude deep into the
lers to Asia are often baffled when they see daily lives of citizens. It is therefore impor-
how technologically advanced certain areas tant that decisions about digitalization
are, and businesspeople come in droves to are not left solely to big corporations and
spot new, inspiring, and disruptive business governments. Civil society needs to play
models. However, not all that glitters is gold. an active role in shaping our digital future.
Many Asian countries see digitalization as When privacy is at risk, the question of who
a means to attract business and generate owns data is crucial. It does not suffice to
economic growth, but they also realize that grant people access to digital services when
new technologies are being used by govern- they have no control of the data being gen-
ments to secure their own political power. erated. Civil society organizations need to
In times of shrinking civic spaces, online stress that privacy is no longer a mere eti-
media and digital technology are sometimes quette or social norm in Asia, and that the
used as modern tools of state repression. protection of private digital data must be
Non-democratic states are especially prone rooted in legal standards. If digital rights
to this abuse of power. The digital visions of are treated as human rights, many of the
authoritarian regimes entail the use of big innovative technologies in Asia could rep-
data – collected by billions of sensors – and resent more than just means of amusement
the evaluation of citizens’ internet profiles. or tools of convenience – they could actually
The Chinese political leadership is already empower the people.
making wide-ranging efforts to manage the
internet within their national borders. A
new cyber security law obliges foreign com- Fabian Heppe
panies to store their data about customers Project Manager for the
and employees in China. Once it is central- Asia Department
ized in one location, sensitive data would Heinrich Böll Foundation,
no longer be protected from government January 2018
access. Other countries are following this
4 Southeast Asia
Asia The Curious Case of Vox Populi 2.0: ASEAN’s Complicated Romance with Social Media
for Lee Kuan Yew in 2015, Yee shared his Indonesian President Joko Widodo
«unconventional» thoughts about the late ( Jokowi) is the most social-media-savvy
Singaporean founder on YouTube. Both among ASEAN leaders. His campaign for
the government and its loyal supporters presidency utilized social media in its early
found his video disrespectful and offensive. stages. As president, he posts video logs, as
The Singaporean government eventually if in real time, to inform the public of his
pressed charges against him, and he was activities – be it having dinner with the King
temporarily detained. Yee recently filed for of Saudi Arabia or arm-wrestling with his
asylum to the United States to escape harsh son. This enabled Jokowi to reach millions
penalties and social persecution. Despite of young voters. Social media proved to be
this, Amos was able to gather support from an asset in Jokowi’s quest for maintenance
within and outside Singapore via online and power by not only creating a connec-
platforms that had gotten him into trouble tion, but also gaining traction with young
in the first place. voters. Instead of fiery rhetoric and hum-
drum campaign promises, viral videos and
hashtags have proven to be quite the engag-
The social and political ing alternative for political discourse.
might of social media: A One notable example deals with the hor-
rendous Jakarta automobile traffic. Utilizing
closer look at Indonesia and snappy music video editing, one viral video
the Philippines had a song on the time-wasting and soul-
draining traffic, matching it to snail-paced
In recent years, the internet has contrib- bureaucracy. The seamless interconnection
uted a great deal to human rights and of national bureaucratic redress, catchy
fundamental freedoms as well as to the slang in Bahasa Indonesia, and global pop
extensive progress of social knowledge in culture has rendered the discourse of poli-
most parts of the ASEAN region. Indone- tics easily digestible for young voters.
sia and the Philippines – two of the more As president, Jokowi utilizes social
advanced democratic nations in the region media to establish himself as a digital folk
– have been witnessing the various effects figure. With a hashtag like «#AskJokowi,»
of social media on their respective govern- netizens can directly address the president.
ments and people. Millions of Indonesians In addition, by sharing snippets of his life
and Filipinos currently turn to social media with millions of followers, he makes citizens
platforms for their daily dose of news, gos- and voters feel closer to him. Jokowi’s easy-
sip, entertainment, and, in a more disturb- going online persona was helpful to rally
ing uptick, their political discourse. With younger voters to support Basuki Tjahaja
such a massive and vigorous social media Purnama (Ahok), his handpicked successor
presence, how is democracy framed in high- to the Jakarta governorship, which is a pos-
speed communication in these two ASEAN sible stepping stone to the presidency. Lead-
countries? ing up to the election, Ahok rode on Jokowi’s
social media coattails, enjoying consider-
6 Southeast Asia
Asia The Curious Case of Vox Populi 2.0: ASEAN’s Complicated Romance with Social Media
able online popularity, as evidenced by the army of «trolls» to clean their names, revise
number of hashtags associated with him. history, and drag their opponents through
In the nearby Philippines, many jok- the mud. One such example was a story of
ingly observe that the country is ahead of the vice president going to New York to have
the United States by six months in terms of an abortion. It is noteworthy to frame all of
the online proliferation of fake news – and this with the fact that Duterte admitted that
people clustering toward ideology – instead the Marcoses helped him to gain presidency.
of facts and «truth in journalism.» These fac- Duterte paid his political dues at the burial
tors were harnessed by entrenched political of the late dictator in the Heroes’ Cemetery.
families in the 2016 elections, revealing the Many pro-Duterte posts share ludicrous
power of social media. This resulted in the stories that purport the greatness of the Fili-
election of the Davao City mayor, Rodrigo pino president. One such post claimed that
Duterte, as president, and the near-victory Duterte had been voted by NASA as the best
of Ferdinand Marcos, Jr. (Bongbong) as vice president in the galaxy – this was shared
president. Although Marcos lost his election blindly by some, and scorned and mocked
bid, his role in catapulting Duterte to power by others. A former government official
has been acknowledged. The Marcoses used appointed by Duterte unabashedly shared
nostalgia and internet memes to enhance a photo of a woman crying over the body
their image and redirect populist hostility of a dead girl who was sexually assaulted,
and anger toward the Aquinos, who were and whose body was dumped in the woods.
perceived as elitist and disconnected. The post went on to rile against drug users,
As early as 2010, memes started to cir- because the suspect had used illegal sub-
culate showing the «achievements» of the stances before raping the girl. Many pointed
Marcos regime. These memes listed the out, however, that the photo was from a
infrastructure constructed, the economic Latin American country, but Duterte passed
gains made, and superimposed photos the photo off as having been taken in the
of a young Ferdinand Marcos, Sr., looking Philippines. He was duly called out, but no
presidential, youthful, vigorous, and like retraction or apology was made.
a determined leader. Set in contrast to the A number of bloggers and social media
numerous problems and general incom- personalities who are vehemently pro-
petence of the Aquino administration, this Duterte have received government posts as
generated nostalgia for the imagined glori- well as unprecedented access to the presi-
ous past of the Marcos years. Many of the dential palace. These bloggers disguise
pro-Marcos memes were misleading and themselves as «folk heroes» and accuse the
misinformed, but still, many supporters mainstream media of being «paid» – even
shared and asserted their ideology, fore- coining the term «presstitutes» – when
shadowing the proliferation of fake news. news stories are critical of Duterte. These
Furthermore, there have been allega- stories, they claim, destabilize the country.
tions of the Marcoses employing an online The Philippine media – touted as one of
SOUTHEAST ASIA
Digital growth in millions (January 2017)
Source: We Are Social Singapore (2017)
🌐 🗪 mobilephone
+ 31 % + 31 % + 8 %
SOUTHEAST ASIA
Social media penetration (January 2017)
Source: Statista 2017
86 %
🗪
Brunei
77 %
Singapore
71 %
Malaysia
67 %
Thailand
58 %
Philippines
48 %
Vietnam
40 %
Indonesia
37 %
Global average
the world’s freest and most raucous institu- The story lives on: An
tions following the revival of democracy in evolving culture of online
1986 – now faces a new obstacle: delegitimi-
zation via online programming, with trolls citizens in ASEAN
and pro-Duterte social media users casting
doubt on news stories. Furthermore, this In recent years, social media in ASEAN has
has enabled many to adopt a troll mentality quickly evolved from being a passive tool
and attack opponents ad hominem. for knowledge consumption and entertain-
Ever since Facebook became «free,» ment to an active mechanism for change.
many Filipino netizens have bracketed Its effects on Indonesia and the Philippines
their lives and opinions on this platform. are telling of how the power of the internet
However, the only thing that is «free» is can have life-changing impacts on people,
navigating Facebook posts; data charges states, social norms, and national laws. In
are incurred once one opens a link to a dif- developing and democratically evolving
ferent website. This has created a danger- countries in the region, the internet has
ous precedent of reading only the headlines become a source of power for the oppressed
and comments, resulting in opinions being and ill-resourced. In Cambodia, the public
based on partial information. turned to Facebook to express grave con-
The internet in the Philippine context cerns over the murder of activist Kem Ley.
has gone beyond the initial ideal of its crea- In Myanmar, Aung San Suu Kyi’s inaction
tion – as a fount of information – but it has toward human rights violations against the
also been used by those with sociopolitical Rohingya people was met with serious criti-
and economic power as a tool for transmit- cism from netizens.
ting propaganda and manipulating both the The romance between ASEAN citizens
minds and memories of Filipinos. If there is and social media lives on. Social media
anything the Philippines can offer the world continues to shape a more integrated and
in terms of social media dominance, it is the digitally savvy regional community. It has
following: The country should be seen as a encouraged ASEAN peoples to go beyond
cautionary tale in which «truth» versus ide- limitations set by geographic borders, polit-
ology are now the basis of content genera- ical lines, and socioeconomic realities. At 50,
tion. This content generation is consumed ASEAN and its member states must admit
by netizens, who have more time to com- that social media is not just here to stay, but
ment and spread (mis)information than to that it is – and will remain – a dynamic force
read and verify information. to be reckoned with.
8 Myanmar Halfway There: Myanmar’s Difficult Transition toward Freedom of Expression
Myanmar
Halfway There:
Myanmar’s Difficult Transition toward
Freedom of Expression
Nay Phone Latt
term on three charges. Among many others, nology sector. Formerly banned websites
I was also sentenced to a 20.5-year prison were unblocked. Bloggers no longer had to
term. Under Section 33(a) of the Electronic use proxy sites to access blogs. A new era of
Transactions Law, charges were pressed digital freedom began and Myanmar citizens
against me for my online blogging. However, could open two or three different Facebook
I am certain that my participation in the Saf- accounts without fearing persecution. The
fron Revolution as well as my connections to cost of a SIM card fell from about $3,000 to
the 88 Generation played a part in my arrest. $1.50. People started buying mobile phones
and no longer needed to use public phones.
Furthermore, privately owned media
The change of government emerged in Myanmar. Even formerly exiled
stimulated freedom of media organizations returned to the coun-
try. After a long time, Myanmar citizens were
expression able to enjoy the first tender buds of freedom
of expression.
Thanks to the great efforts undertaken by
Myanmar citizens, freedom-loving foreign-
ers, international organizations, local and Countering hate with
foreign activists, and the media, Myanmar «flower speech»
began to change in 2008. The junta held a
referendum to approve the «2008 Constitu- Although the government officially granted
tion,» and a multi-party election was held in its citizens free access to the internet, and
2010. However, the main opposition party, privately owned companies were allowed to
the National League For Democracy (NLD), run their own media channels, the govern-
did not participate in the election because ment remained very critical of the media.
its leader, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, was still Journalists were still being treated like crimi-
under house arrest. Instead, the Union Soli- nals, and the government even adopted a
darity and Development Party, which was policy to fight media with media. Strict limi-
comprised of many retired military generals, tations were imposed, freedom of expression
won the majority of parliamentary seats. was misused, and hate speech spread. Before
With the new government having moved and after the 2012 by-election, in which Daw
away somewhat from the strict measures Aung San Suu Kyi was campaigning for a
of the «old days,» policy changes began to parliamentary seat, sectarian violence was
appear in 2010 and the government began provoked by some posts on social networks,
to loosen its grip on some parts of society, with some people inciting violence by dis-
despite the fact that the top government seminating false rumors. It is alleged that
officials in 2010 were the same ones as in there were some groups that systematically
the previous period. During this time, big misused websites and social networks to
changes were also being implemented in stir up hatred. Community-based organiza-
the information and communication tech- tions and young activists, who began view-
MYANMAR
Digital growth in millions (January 2017)
Source: We Are Social Singapore (2017)
🌐 🗪 mobilephone
+ 97 % + 84 % + 38 %
ing hate speech as a threat to freedom of U Htin Kyaw, son of the famous writer Min
expression, launched the Flower Speech Thu Wun, became President of Myanmar,
(Panzagar) campaign. Their aim was to cre- and the respected writer U Pe Myint became
ate awareness that the moderation of speech the Minister of Information. In addition,
could prevent hatred among people. They journalists and literary communities have
understood that freedom of speech was become more active.
not equivalent to the «freedom to swear» or
insult somebody. Panzagar is thus a move-
ment informing people that there should be Still a long way to go
a corresponding responsibility for every right,
and it urges people not to use hate speech. Whatever the changes, it must be admitted
Many people felt deeply insecure due to the that there are still limitations, challenges,
distrust caused by hate speech. As a reaction, and threats. For example, some people still
people of every age offered active coopera- have a hard time tolerating online criti-
tion with Panzagar. As a result, the move- cisms and make use of Section 66(d) of the
ment spread across the country. Panzagar Telecommunications Law – a provision that
even cooperated with Facebook to create the criminalizes ill-defined, online defamation –
«Comment Sticker Pack,» which is the first to sue each other. So far, there have been 77
ever M yanmar-language anti-hate-speech cases filed under Section 66(d). Only seven
sticker pack. Because of the Panzagar move- were filed under the previous government,
ment, people came to understand that hate with the remaining 70 being filed under
speech creates dangers and can quickly pro- this new government. This shows that even
liferate, both on social networks and in the though people in Myanmar have achieved
real world. a degree of freedom to express that which
When the NLD won the election in 2015, was formerly unimaginable just a few years
there were great hopes in Myanmar that back, Section 66(d) is still a huge obstacle to
citizens could finally practice freedom of expressing opinions. It is a shame that free-
expression and access information without dom of expression and internet freedom are
any further restrictions. Since I also won a being curtailed in such a way.
parliamentary seat as an electoral candidate, Although the parliament submitted a
I witnessed how high people’s expectations bill recommending amendments to some
were of the NLD. These expectations pose of the severe penalties under the Electronic
a huge challenge for the new government. Transactions Law in August, real freedom of
There is a palpable yearning for more free- expression in Myanmar can only be achieved
dom of expression, which has, to an extent, if new laws, such as a Right to Information
been realized: Privately owned newspapers Law, are drafted to ensure further freedoms.
and journals have emerged, and TV licenses Furthermore, the executive branch has to
have been granted to private organizations. avoid doing things that can harm freedom
of expression. In simple terms, focusing on
freedom of expression as a fundamental
value and acting accordingly is the best way
MYANMAR
to achieve the vision of creating a democratic
Some improvements in Myanmar’s fight for digital freedom federal union.
Although, on the surface, it appears that
Until 2013, Myanmar had only a few internet service providers, all of much progress has been made over the last
which were controlled by the government. The political transition in My-
My- decade, we must consider various points of
anmar offered the digital sector an opportunity to leapfrog, as investments
comparison when discussing freedom. Of
in the telecommunications market sharply increased. The drop in SIM
course, compared to 1988, when the pro-
card prices – together with the influx of investment from foreign mobile
democracy movement began, Myanmar’s
operators in newly liberalized markets – marked a new era for the country.
development has been astonishing, but it still
After decades of being cut off from the outside, people began using mobile
lags far behind when compared to standards
phones as their main device for communicating and accessing the internet.
Today, more than 17 million people – representing 26 percent of the coun-
coun- in developed nations. Whatever the compari-
try – regularly go online. Despite these changes, restrictive telecommuni-
telecommuni- sons, one of the great hopes of citizens is that
cations laws continue to threaten the freedom of expression online. Under the situation will not worsen, even if it does
the military government, regulations were enacted to sue internet users, not improve. The goal is still far away and the
including journalists, in order to silence critical voices. Furthermore, false roads are still rough, but we have to believe
rumors and hate speech are incited by some politicians, leading to violence that we will reach our goal someday, and we
and mistrust. Myanmar, therefore, has a long way to go before it achieves must highly value our freedom and move
real online freedom. united through this transition.
Rethinking Media Reform in Southeast Asia: Promoting a Participatory Approach for a More Democratic Media Southeast Asia 11
Journalists who once feared a draconian digital technologies. In other words, socie-
and archaic press and criminal laws are ties in Southeast Asian countries are told
now campaigning against the Telecommu- that they can access the media via its vari-
nications Law (enacted in 2013), which has ous technologies, but not the rights or the
implicated more than 70 people for com- potential for unfettered access and expres-
ments posted on Facebook. In Thailand, sion. Even in relatively freer Indonesia, the
the Computer Crimes Act 2007 became Electronic, Information and Transaction
one of the main legal tools – together with Law 2008 is now considered to be one of the
criminal laws on lese majeste – to silence most notorious tools to stifle expression, as
those who had been critical of the mon- it has been used to drag 35 people – mainly
archy and the government following the activists and journalists – to court for online
2006 coup. In the post-2014 coup, a pack- defamation. Trends such as these bring to
age of laws for a «digital economy,» aimed the forefront questions about the media-
at boosting investments and facilitating the reform agenda, who the real beneficiaries
switchover to e-services, has mainly drawn are, and how people view their relationship
attention to the increased powers that the with the media and political institutions.
state has acquired to regulate the industry.
Prior approaches to control the print and
broadcast media have been retained in – Reforms as strategies
and reinforced by – the laws on media and
Media reforms are typically understood as
strategies to challenge media monopolies,
address the negative impacts of economic
liberalization in the media sector, and
increase public access to information and
ASEAN the means of content production. They
Thailand’s animal-disease detection app involve changes and shifts in institutions,
values, and practices. These goals are there-
The majority of Thailand’s rural population engages in backyard animal fore not only confined to the media sec-
production without having sufficient knowledge of the dangerous risks tor, as they are expected to support public
posed by animal-borne diseases. The potentially devastating effects be-be- interest in a democratic society. Among the
came evident during the avian flu pandemic of 2004, which claimed dozens key indicators for the reforms are improve-
of lives in Thailand and Vietnam. Following the outbreak, former veteri-
veteri- ments in the diversity and independence of
narian Dr. Lertrak Srikitjakarn reached out to a young entrepreneur – a co- the media, people’s access to information,
founder of Opendream, Patipat Susumpow – to create an efficient animal- and freedom of expression. In countries in
disease detection system for Thailand. Opendream aims to generate social transition, reforms are often linked to politi-
progress for Thai communities through the use of modern communication
cal upheavals or changes that democratic
technologies. Sharing similar visions about community empowerment
forces use to replace repressive rules that
and civic participation, the veterinarian and the communications expert
previously controlled political activities and
cooperated to create an entirely Thai-built mobile app with the potential
the media. Yet, it is difficult to completely
to revolutionize detection and early response mechanisms in order to
dismantle the old regimes. New power-
contain zoonotic disease outbreaks in Thailand and beyond. The new app
constitutes the technological backbone of a local pilot project entitled holders sometimes negotiate and forge alli-
«Participatory One Health Disease Detection» (PODD), which started in 75 ances with different factions of the previous
sub-districts of the Chiang Mai province. The design is simple and intuitive. regimes on the grounds of ensuring conti-
In the event of suspicious cases of animal-disease outbreaks, trained vil-
vil- nuity or to prevent power-grabs. This can be
lage volunteers submit a photo through the PODD app. GPS automatically seen in the media sector, too, where legis-
tags the photo location, and the app then guides the volunteers through a lators and bureaucrats of the older regime
list of short questions relevant for the analysis. The whole process usually continue to shape policies, influence agen-
takes no longer than three minutes. All volunteer reports are immediately das, and fill in key positions in oversight
submitted to a central hub, the PODD Epicenter, where specialists immedi-
immedi- mechanisms.
ately stage a coordinated response with the volunteers, affected villagers, Indonesia and Myanmar have had dif-
and local authorities. This holistic, community-owned, and rapid-response- ferent experiences with media reforms,
driven surveillance model has won international acclaim1 and is poised to although they share similarities with
be replicated at the national and international levels. authoritarian regimes that have been in
power for several decades and experienced
sub-national conflicts. In Indonesia, after
the Asian financial crisis in 1997, a peo-
1
http://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/p057pp7w
ple’s movement led to the fall of President
Suharto and set in motion reforms that
Rethinking Media Reform in Southeast Asia: Promoting a Participatory Approach for a More Democratic Media Southeast Asia 13
transformed its controlled media into a were growing demands from the public as THAILAND
robust and free one, in which citizens’ free- well as businesses for freer media and less Time spent with media
dom of expression was rigorously defended. state control of key resources in resource- (average daily use)
Indonesia has been touted in the region as intensive sectors. The market approach has
Source: We Are Social
a role model for press freedom, freedom of dominated the reform agenda, which is led Singapore (2017)
expression, as well as democratic govern- by the states, in collaboration with business
ance. However, activists and journalists say interests. This often occurs at the expense
💻
that the strides made following the refor- of the marginalized and disadvantaged via
masi period, although important, have been the patronage-based, neo-liberal market
affected by challenges to political media systems that are prevalent in these societies.
ownership, the continued marginalization
of minority voices, and the recapturing of 8h 49m
oversight mechanisms by the state. The mil- Locating civil society in
Internet via pc
itary, which returned to the barracks during today’s media environment or tablet
the transition, has somewhat re-emerged as
a force through its links with today’s busi- Although most of the reforms have been
ness and political elites. top-down – mainly because of the role that
After the increased pressure on Myan- governments and legislators play in enact-
mar from international and local communi- ing or repealing policies – broader stake-
ties to open up economically and politically, holder participation could have a significant
the government had to give in and began impact on the outcome. When it comes to
adopting media reforms after 2012 to guar- the media sector, the main stakeholders are
antee its political survival. Here, observ- the media owners and journalists, whose
ers note that this opening was part of the representation has been crucial in influenc-
military regime’s plan, known as the «Seven ing policies, but who are sometimes viewed
Step Roadmap,» since the early 2000s. Cou- as having narrowly vested interests. To fill
pled with civil society’s lack of experience this gap, activist and alternative media pro-
in advocating for legal changes and their jects have taken advantage of the various
mistrust of political institutions, it explains technologies, online and offline, to push
how the military regime came to direct and back against what they see as moves that
dominate the media-reform agenda. The would undermine democracy and freedoms.
subsequent election of the National League These include the use of the internet to cre-
for Democracy in 2015 inspired hope for ate online discussions and news in all three
mobilephone
greater openings and freedoms, but these countries. Broad-based civil society coali-
developments have been put on the back tions have been formed to present alterna-
burner. tive draft legislation and campaign against
Thailand has also witnessed a democra- bad laws. These include the formation of
tization of the media sector as well as politi- a network of community radio stations, 4h 14m
cal changes since the 1990s, but many of the democratizing the airwaves in Indonesia Internet via
gains have been lost since the 2014 military and Thailand, and campaigning to reform mobile phone
coup. Talks of reforms today are concen- the telecommunications law in Myanmar,
trated in the hands of the military, which which is one of the few examples there of a
draws its legitimacy from its loyalty to the social movement in the media sector.
monarchy. There are lessons that can be learned
Many of the changes affecting the from the experiences of reforms in the
🗪
media – especially those involving large region. For example, the «highs» of the social
investments for the broadcasting and tel- movement in Thailand took a drastic turn
ecommunications sectors – began even when growing political divisions developed
before the historic political upheavals in in the 2000s (popularly described as the
2h 48m
Southeast Asia, which continue to form pro-people «red shirts» versus the royalists
policymaking today. A wave of privatiza- «yellow shirts»), making it difficult to form
Social media
tion since the late 1980s – even in military- alliances or solidarity across civil society to
run Myanmar (as it was known until 1989) focus on the common cause of demanding
📺
– included the media industry. After years rights-based policies for both the legacy and
of being under the control of the state, the digital media. Fragmented identities are not
«markets» were opened to private compa- unique to Thailand, as other societies also
nies, though most were known to be close grapple with this issue. The fault lines in
to the power centers in earlier times. By discussions about the crisis in Rakhine State 2h 26m
the time the internet was introduced, there in Myanmar also point to a reform process Television
14 Southeast Asia
Asia Rethinking Media Reform in Southeast Asia: Promoting a Participatory Approach for a More Democratic Media
that may have ignored existing tensions in some of the pitfalls of a state-dominated
society. These are also reflected by and in reform process, as seen in Thailand and
the media – whether through journalism Myanmar.
content or social media interactions – and So far, we have seen few, if any, changes
in the ways people use and create meaning in the regulatory frameworks, which has pri-
using different media technologies. In Indo- oritized the public’s interest in democratic
nesia, many NGOs from the post-reformasi processes, since we have entered the new
era have struggled due to the lack of inter- millennium. Instead, the spaces for debates
national funds that once supported their and legitimate criticism are shrinking fast,
work, as aid institutions shifted their atten- despite – and because of – the regulatory
tion toward strengthening the state and its changes taking place that affect the media.
role in democratization. This affected civil Whether it is the news media, mobile phone
society’s capacity to monitor the imple- services, or social media, the primary focus
mentation of laws and ability to quickly and ought to be how best these can facilitate
effectively respond to attempts at derailing dialogues about democratization in the
progressive elements in the reformed laws. three countries – and across the region. It is
But activists are optimistic that the online encouraging to see that civil society actors
spaces, although at risk, have allowed for have responded to the public’s increased
mobilization and advocacy to take place exposure to online and mobile communi-
without the costs associated with NGOs. In cations and have facilitated such dialogues.
Myanmar, the finite nature of media assis- In Thailand, this role is played by news
tance could also leave many civil society sites such as Prachatai and Thai Publica;
groups and independent media organiza- Media Inside Out, which conducts media
tions that do good work to promote media monitoring; and the digital rights group
literacy in the lurch. Thai Netizen Network. In Myanmar, sev-
eral organizations that focus on freedom
of expression and digital rights have been
Rethinking approaches to active in encouraging people’s participa-
reforms tion in campaigns, producing counter-
narratives to hate speech, and using data
Reforms in these countries will only make and online tools to check on governance.
sense if we can strike a balance between the They include PEN Myanmar, Myanmar
opportunities that arise from the growth of ICT for Development Organisation, and
media spaces and technologies, and the his- Phandeeyar. Indonesia’s journalists’ group,
torical and structural constraints that have Aliansi Jurnalis Independen, works with
created the gap between those who own informal networks such as Safenet, a vol-
the media and those who use it. Negotia- unteer-driven initiative to monitor online
tions related to the reform agenda usually freedoms, and the Press Council to promote
involve those who have access to the pro- press freedom and freedom of expression.
cess and hold some power within the com- In the meantime, netizens are quick to use
munities or societies they represent. Across online spaces to support those targeted for
the three countries, people who come from criminal defamation online.
different geographical locations, gender At the end of the day, the individual has
backgrounds, and minority identities are the ability to access and produce informa-
excluded, but a more democratic media tion and engage in conversations that mat-
environment could offer them opportu- ter to him or her over any platform, freely
nities for expression, engagement, and and securely. Reforms in the media sector
empowerment. Ideally, reforms that would need to place the people at the heart of the
bring about meaningful changes should agenda, as this will inevitably sustain the
allow for the participation of a wide range growth of these technologies and foster a
of stakeholders, including state institutions, healthy democracy.
legislators, media businesses, and civil soci-
ety. The multistakeholder model used for
global internet governance is relevant for
discussions and strategies in media reforms
because of the diverse and networked
nature of the media today. It is a relatively
new concept in the traditional media sector,
but its application could help in avoiding
Dealing with the Past: Engaging in the Present Cambodia 15
The contents of the KR-App are care- They were especially enthusiastic regard-
fully developed through academic and sci- ing reading texts and watching/listening to
entific research. The valid sources for each audiovisual presentations. Many students
article include legal documentation from said that using the app inspired conversa-
the Khmer Rouge Tribunal – or Extraordi- tions with their parents. The main reason for
nary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia talking to their parents and relatives was to
(ECCC) – archival documents from different compare the content of the app to the expe-
institutions, witness interviews, survivors’ riences their parents and relatives had dur-
memoirs, academic books and articles, and ing that time.
other sources. The citations for each source The KR-App offers a wider platform
are also included in the articles. Additionally, that includes multimedia and interactive
in order to ensure the quality and authen- tools for users in addition to written articles.
ticity of the articles, a Scientific Committee Sixty-five short documentary films and vid-
was formed. The eight Scientific Committee eos of witnesses’ testimonies are included,
members are Cambodian academics and along with around 1,300 photos, 15 audio
experts in Khmer Rouge history from the files, and numerous artworks. Within each
Ministry of Education, Youth and Sports, the lesson, the application normally consists of
ECCC, the History Department at the Royal videos (testimony or documentary), photos
University of Phnom Penh, the Documenta- and audio files, which help users to visual-
tion Center of Cambodia, and the Center for ize and understand the history of the Demo-
Khmer Studies. At least once a month, the cratic Kampuchea – the state controlled by
Scientific Committee members meet with a the Khmer Rouge. For some images that
project team (lead writer, project manager, cannot be found in archives, the project
IT team, interface designer) to approve the employed artists and filmmakers to draw,
written content and interface design. New sculpt, photograph, and film objects and
content developed by the writers is intro- images to enhance the text-based content
duced and debated, improved, and/or cor- of the application.
rected through consensus or compromise. On average, Cambodians read less than
Moreover, writing teams regularly consult one book a year. Encouraging them to read
with each committee member before and history is very challenging. At the same time,
after the meetings. Therefore, the articles according to Internet World Stats in March
in the KR-App have been checked and 2017, one-quarter of the Cambodian popu-
approved by Khmer Rouge experts, giving lation accesses the internet, and the major-
each article academic and standardized val- ity of them are young people under 30, who
idation. Based on interviews with randomly spend much time using their smart devices.
selected students who attended a presen- Thus, learning history through the KR-App
tation at the Royal University of Phnom is an applicable tool that fits the needs of
Penh, each person gave positive feedback. young people. The written texts, videos,
CAMBODIA
Snapshot
Source: we are social Singapore (2017)
Total population:
21 % urban 79 % rural
USERGROUP
15,950,000
🌐
Internet users:
45 % internet penetration
7,160,000
🗪
Active Facebook users:
31 % Facebook penetration
4,900,000
Dealing with the Past: Engaging in the Present Cambodia 17
CAMBODIA
Facebook age profiles Education levels of
Source: Digital Statistics Cambodia 2017 facebook users
55 + 4 %
Master's degree 690,000
35–54 10 %
photos, and audio files are also specially Dealing with Cambodia’s
designed to fit the target audience of high past, contributing to the
school students and first-year university
students. The KR-App aims to deliver his- future
tory directly to the young generation, and
thereby reinforce the national education The development of the KR-App plays a
curriculum for high school and first-year significant role in sharing knowledge about
university students. Young smartphone the Khmer Rouge history with young people
users can easily access articles, films, pho- and fostering inter-generational dialogue.
tos, audio files, artworks, and interactive When young people understand what hap-
elements to learn about the horrors com- pened with the Khmer Rouge and why, they
mitted during the Khmer Rouge regime. A will have sufficient knowledge to help pre-
subject that was rarely talked about and vent atrocities from happening again in the
hushed up at home has now become an future.
open source of information for everybody. After completing the development
Cambodians now have the opportunity to of the KR-App, the next plan is to bring
engage more deeply with their own history the application to the public, especially
by using mobile technology. young people. The outreach teams will
Based on the cooperation between the tour schools in different provinces to let
Bophana Center and the Ministry of Edu- students know about the application and
cation, Youth and Sports, the KR-App was that they can install it and learn history
created as a supplementary tool to support by themselves. The application consists
the national education curriculums of high of eight comprehensive chapters, starting
schools and universities in Cambodia and with the historical background of the com-
allows students to engage more deeply with munist movement in Cambodia, Cambodia
history. At the start of the new school term under the rule of the Khmer Rouge, and its
in 2017, 100 high school history teachers aftermath.
were invited to attend the training work- After using the KR-App, young peo-
shop about how to use the app in class. The ple are expected to explore more personal
outreach team met with around 30,000 stu- stories from their parents or relatives who
dents along with the trained teachers. had experienced the Khmer Rouge. This
will contribute to more intergenerational
dialogue in Cambodian families. Learning
about this tragic history and listening to
18 Cambodia Dealing with the Past: Engaging in the Present
Cambodia
CAMBODIA
Access to mobile phones and use of Facebook
Source: Media Habits and Information Sources of Youth in Cambodia 2014 (by BBC Media
Action); Research Report: Mobile Phones and Internet Use in Cambodia 2016; Research
Report: Mobile Phones and Internet Use in Cambodia 2016
mobilephone
96 %
mobilephone
48 % 40 %
% of young Cambodians % of Cambodian phone % of phone users
(15-24 years old) with overall users having used or having their own
access to mobile phones using Facebook Facebook account
also use social media channels to post vid- for decades, due to ongoing conflicts and
eos of attacks to attract followers and recruit wars. The understanding of Afghanistan's
new members. In October 2016, for exam- role in global politics, culture, and consum-
ple, the Taliban recorded a drone attack on erism has thus grown. Internet access now
the Helmand Police Headquarters. Taliban evokes a feeling of connectedness to a world
supporters generally cannot be recognized and life outside of a war-torn Afghanistan.
through their profile accounts, as they use This may lead to more interest and open-
aliases and photos of pretty women. How- mindedness about new lifestyles, values,
ever, their open comments show support and opinions.
for the Taliban and other insurgency groups. Second, social media offers a private
The demonstration of support for the sphere for people to communicate about
Afghan National Army (ANA) shows another issues that cannot be addressed in public
relation between warfare and social media. life. Too often, the parents or close family
There are a number of photos on online members of young Afghans do not allow
platforms that show women presenting a private meetings between friends, espe-
red rose to ANA soldiers to encourage them cially if these friends are of the opposite sex.
and thank them for their sacrifices. The many social restrictions – especially
that women face – leave little room for one
to express their personality. Social media,
How has social media in this case, can provide a kind of digital
changed Afghan society? safe haven for young people to communi-
cate and freely explore aspects of their own
Social media has become the first source identities. In a society where family comes
of information for many people in Afghani- before the individual, social media is clearly
stan. Whether Afghans are interested in an asset.
the recent terror attacks or the latest fash- Keeping in mind the difficult gender
ion trends, they will first visit social media relations in Afghanistan, the private sphere
pages. The availability of this information and the potential anonymity of the inter-
leads to a process of becoming more aware net offer great opportunities for women. It
of social changes. Many people in Afghani- gives them the possibility to express their
stan are now confronted with wide-ranging opinions, wishes, and goals, and to present
news that they previously were not exposed themselves to a certain distinguished pub-
to. After all, Afghanistan and its citizens lic – actions that could be life-threatening
were cut off from news and world events in the offline world. Online, they can speak
AFGHANISTAN
Snapshot
Source: We Are Social Singapore (2017)
Total population:
USERGROUP
33,770,000
Internet users:
4,010,000 12 % 🌐
Active social media users:
3,000,000 9 % 🗪
Mobile subscriptions:
mobilephone
25,200,000 75 %
You Are What You Share: How Social Media Is Changing Afghan Society Afghanistan 23
and comment on sensitive topics such as not a matter of course in Afghanistan. Shar-
hijabs, religion, women’s rights, abortion, ing opinions and discussions online with
sexuality, sexual harassment, and domes- people from all over the country teaches
tic violence. Apart from a small number of its users to learn about different perspec-
well-known female activists, most Afghan tives, needs, and opinions. Sociopolitically
women do not show their personal pictures active users experience fewer hierarchies in
on social media. Instead, they use Indian their interactions than they probably would
or Iranian popstar photos to hide their real if they worked in a government position or
identities. This is a safety measure, reveal- an NGO. Social media has provided space
ing that women must remain cautious, even for individualism and created more mutual
online. However, they perceive the virtual understanding through the acceptance of
sphere as being safer and interact online other standpoints. It is no exaggeration to
more than in real life. One very successful state that social media has played a criti-
online campaign initiated by women has cal role in mobilizing, empowering, shap-
been #WhereIsMyName? (Namam Kojast?). ing opinions, and influencing change in
The campaign fights for a woman’s right Afghanistan. To a certain extent, Afghani-
to have her own individual identity and to stan has even slowly changed into a more
stop identifying females only in relation to pluralistic society. Surfing social media
men. In Afghanistan, men commonly avoid pages owned by Afghan users shows that
saying the names of their mothers, sisters, experiences with this media convey values
daughters, and wives, because this is con- such as participation, joint decisions, and
sidered dishonorable. Instead, people call freedom of speech, thereby enhancing
women «mother of,» «sister of,» «wife of,» democratic debates. One can clearly learn
«daughter of.» The campaign #WhereIsMy- from this online debating culture, which
Name encourages men to use the names might well influence sociopolitical behavior
of their female family members. Another in physical life. However, the fact that there
example of this development comes from are – and will continue to be – backlashes
a film about sexual harassment in Kabul, should not be ignored. After all, hate speech,
released on social media in 2013. The film, radicalization, and online harassment are
which went viral, touches on the sexual- also part of daily social media use.
ized and disrespectful treatment of Afghan In general, young people in Afghan
women in public life, and soon sparked a society do not have a chance to assume
debate on different online channels. Thus, responsibility until they become adults.
the issue of women’s rights has a prominent For the young and politically engaged,
role in public debate, and they achieved social media can be an outlet for activism
some of their demands, for example the to direct public discourse and influence
appointment of women as ministers, the the political d ecision-making processes.
passing of laws concerning sexual har- The fact that the Afghan president and
assment, and the trial of perpetrators of executive president are both active on
sexual crimes. However, it is apparent that Facebook and Twitter shows the growing
some changes, such as social behavior and importance and impact of social media in
perceptions toward women’s social roles, national politics and how it is becoming
require long-term activism. a relevant sphere for the development of
political discourse. Governmental stake-
holders seem to have recognized how
How has social media best to reach out to young people, who
contributed to democracy constitute the biggest voting group in the
country. In this context, social media, espe-
and pluralism? cially for women, poses an important step
toward democratic thinking and inclusion.
Afghanistan is looking back on four decades
of war. It would be naive to assume that new
information technologies alone could unite
divided communities and heal the deep
wounds of wars. Yet, there are perceptible
changes in the behaviors of Afghan citizens
today. The better access to information, the
establishment of communication platforms,
as well as the creation of social networks are
24 Pakistan «Restricting Women’s Space on the Internet Is a Violation of Their Rights»
Pakistan
Women in Pakistan have long faced sexual harassment in public spaces. Now, with the
rise of new information technologies, it has followed them into the online world. Paki-
stani activists such as Nighat Dad, founder of the Digital Rights Foundation, are helping
to make the internet safer and more accessible for women. In this interview, she talks
about women’s experiences online and how virtual abuse can be countered.
Last year, Pakistan’s first social media star, Qandeel Baloch, was brutally murdered by
her brother for «staining» the family’s honor. She was known in Pakistan for speaking
out on women’s rights and fearlessly expressing her sexuality on the internet. Why did
she have to die?
Qandeel Baloch was a social media celebrity who first received wide
recognition when she auditioned for Pakistan Idol in 2013. Her
audition quickly went viral, and she became one of the top 10 most
searched persons on the internet in Pakistan. She used her media pre-
sence to challenge the norms of a typical patriarchal society by att-
empting to claim her space online and by commenting on «women’s
position in Pakistan.» Even though she had the following of millions
Nighat Dad is executive director on the internet, she still faced online harassment, against which she
of the Digital Rights Foundation. was particularly helpless. She was eventually killed because a male-
She is an accomplished lawyer, dominated society could not handle an outspoken woman who dared
a human rights activist, and a
pioneer in the campaign for open to shatter the glass ceilings of patriarchy.
internet access in Pakistan and
around the world. She is a 2017
Qandeel Baloch’s case is not one-of-a-kind. A study you conducted found that 40 per-
per-
TED Global Fellow, one of TIME
magazine’s Next Generation cent of women in Pakistan face online harassment.
Leaders, and a recipient of the At-
lantic Council Freedom Award and
In Pakistan, women are told not to speak up about the abuse they
the Human Rights Tulip Award.
She is fascinated by the enormous face because of «what people will think.» The public image of female
opportunities that the digital family members and their exclusive affiliation with a family’s honor
world offers, but she dislikes how
the most marginalized are being
makes them even more vulnerable to online abuse. With more than
even more suppressed and silenced 136 million mobile phone users and 34 million internet users in Paki-
in the virtual realm. stan, online spaces have today become the new crucible of women’s
safety. Their fear of being subjected to more abuse if they speak out
Fabian Heppe is a project manager about an unpleasant comment that they received online takes the
for the Asia department at the front seat in their experiences on the internet. Qandeel’s murder is a
Heinrich Böll Foundation. He
is fascinated by sport apps that real-life example of this, and it shows that online harassment is linked
track his mileage and average with offline consequences. This is why women need special protection
speed when he goes for a run. At on the internet. It has been decades and centuries since women have
the same time, he is easily an-
noyed when his apps tell him that been free to speak their minds and hearts without fear of getting a hate
he did not reach his weekly goals. message from a random person, either online or offline.
«Restricting Women’s Space on the Internet Is a Violation of Their Rights» Pakistan 25
With 75 to 80 percent of the users online being men, the internet in Pakistan is masculi-
masculi-
ne. How does this affect women’s use of the internet?
As an online activist for women rights, you yourself have had such experiences and are
exposed to online harassment on a daily basis.
Yes. I, too, was one of those women who was at first barred from using
the internet. As I began to support victims of cyber harassment, I recei-
ved numerous death threats. When I decided to take some time away
from the Internet and deactivate my social media accounts, in the eyes
of random online men this was regarded as an attention-seeking move
and they began body-shaming me. To some extent, I am, even today,
after all this time, still scared of the threats I receive online.
Yet, laws against electronic violence against women exist in Pakistan, and men can be
prosecuted if they harass women online. Why do these legal measures not help increase
the safety of women online?
The problem is that a vast majority of women do not know that these PAKISTAN
laws exist. Our research found that a staggering 72 percent of women Total number of
are unaware of any such laws. Moreover, 70 percent of the respondents monthly active Face-
said that they have never reported online harassment to law enforce- book users:
ment, and 47 percent of the whole of respondents of the report said 31 million
that the law enforcers would not take the report seriously. This par- Source: We Are Social Singapore
ticular finding indicates the stigma around reporting online abuse. (2017)
Young women told us that the Federal Investigation Agency, which is
responsible for handling cybercrimes under the law, has blamed the 22 %
women for being harassed and reportedly asked them to stop using
social media.
Your findings seem to contradict the initial promise of the internet for the disruption of
old power structures and greater individual freedom. What role do new technologies
78 %
really play in overcoming old patriarchal structures in societies such as Pakistan?
Although there are setbacks for women’s digital rights, the internet
has nevertheless proven to be an extremely useful platform for people,
regardless of their gender and sexual orientation. Restricting a major
chunk of the population from accessing it is a violation of their rights.
Throughout the course of my work, I have come across many women
who are running proper businesses online. The internet opens a win-
dow to a flood of information for them. These are examples of how
26 Pakistan «Restricting Women’s Space on the Internet Is a Violation of Their Rights»
Pakistan
PAKISTAN
Cyber harassment
Source: Cyber Harassment Helpline six-month report December 2016
Have you ever reported online harass- Why do you think that women do not
ment to a law enforcement agency? report online harassment?
No: 70 %
Qandeel Baloch’s murder was widely condemned by people around the globe. Did the
worldwide outcry over her death change the debate about women’s use of the internet in
Pakistan?
It’s really unfortunate that a woman had to die to ignite a debate about
women’s safety on the internet in Pakistan. Qandeel’s death made
people more aware of the offline consequences of online harassment.
While a lot of people mourned her death, policymakers moved to
pass legislation aimed at curbing online harassment and criminali-
zing honor killings. The government passed the Prevention of Electro-
nic Crimes Act in August 2016 to criminalize hate speech and online
harassment. Qandeel’s death particularly affected me a lot, so Digital
Rights Foundation set up Pakistan’s first Cyber Harassment Helpline
with the few resources we had. It is my attempt at extending support
to those who are in need. I often wonder, had I moved to establish
the helpline earlier, would Qandeel have called for help as well? This
helpline is my way of paying tribute to Qandeel and the legacy that she
left behind – a free woman.
What needs to be done to render the internet in Pakistan more safe for women?
given to authorities should lie with them by internet users in Pakistan, placing a leg-
in the first place. For instance, Section islative and judicial function in the domain
37 of PECA gives unbridled powers to the of a single government authority.
Pakistan Telecommunications Authority Whereas Section 37 extends unchecked
(PTA) to block or remove online content, powers, other sections of PECA impose
thereby restricting the right to freedom of criminal penalties on certain kinds of
expression, as guaranteed by Article 19 of speech. Section 20 – «Offences against the
the constitution. The PTA has a history of natural dignity of a person» – introduces
censorship and making requests to foreign criminal defamation through a vaguely
platforms to block and remove content. The worded section that stipulates a three-year
specific instances of speech and content jail term and a fine that runs into the mil-
that fall within or outside the exceptions lions of rupees. Its broad language enables
listed in Article 19 are left to the sole discre- misuse to settle scores and/or take dis-
tion of an executive authority that functions sidents to task. Moreover, although pros-
directly under the government and receives ecution of the offense lies with the courts,
policy directives from the Ministry of IT and complainants can at the same time petition
Telecommunications. The PTA now has the the PTA to remove and block the content
ability to exercise usurped power to make in question. Under the law, the PTA can act
judgment calls as to how Article 19 is to be unilaterally against such content, without
interpreted and applied, and decide what first requiring a court order. This procedure
may or may not be accessed or consumed gives the state yet another tool for dealing
with content that is not palatable.
speech on social media was under scru- against a political activist in Lahore accused
tiny and that measures – even if extralegal of such propaganda. With this, PECA’s
or devoid of due process – would be used intended aim was realized.
not only to curb speech, but also to hold the In the name of protecting the people,
alleged perpetrators to account. This cre- what the state did through PECA was amass
ated an environment of fear. powers to protect itself from criticism, strip
Pressure kept mounting through the citizens of speech and privacy rights, and
courts as well, as a result of petitions regard- subject them to the discretionary powers of
ing the availability of blasphemous mate- investigative agencies.
rial online. The then-Minister for Interior,
Chaudhry Nisar, threatened to shut down
social media platforms if they refused to Whither PECA?
comply. The PTA put out SMS alerts saying
that blasphemy was a punishable offense, Although the state apparatus was quick to
and that such material as well as the persons act to advance its own aims under PECA,
engaged in spreading it must be reported. one witnessed a sluggish approach when it
In April 2017, Mashal Khan, a student of came to litigants seeking relief under the law
Peshawar University, was lynched at his for its stipulated aim: to curb h
arassment.
university. He had been accused of posting Regarding harassment, the narrative
blasphemous content from his social media went like this: Because there was no law,
accounts – accounts that he said were fake perpetrators knew they would go unpun-
and had put out content in his name. ished. Once the law was introduced, it
These incidents struck fear in the hearts would serve as a deterrent, there would be a
of people. Zero tolerance for dissent was decline in the number of crimes, and people
clear, but now it came with the very real would be charged for them.
possibility of being slapped with danger- In the first few months after the pas-
ous allegations of blasphemy and threats sage of PECA, the reports of arrests of
of being lynched for something one might those involved in online sexual harassment
not have done at all. A mere allegation, a (charged under Section 21) was a somewhat
hacked account, or a fake account in one’s frequent occurrence. But beyond this hype,
name was enough for the pronouncement progress was slow. Just as the PTA and FIA
of guilt, which could lead to legal conse- took no action against people for the pages
quences, and even death at the hands of a and accounts vilifying activists and journal-
mob. During this time, many people deac- ists, citizens routinely complained of not
tivated their social media accounts and/or hearing back for long periods after submit-
became silent on «contentious issues.» Self- ting their complaints – in cases that, to them,
censorship became the viable option as a required urgent attention.
means of self-protection for many. After the complaints and arrests came
the trial stage. However, the trials could
not commence because the special courts
The intended consequence of set up under PECA had not been notified
PECA about their new designation – a process
the government was supposed to have ini-
As time progressed, the intent behind the tiated. This too was a realization that came
law began to reveal itself. There came a later: Once cases made their way to court,
wave of detentions. Political activists and litigants discovered that the judicial offic-
journalists were issued summonses to ers had no jurisdiction to try them. The
appear before the counter-terrorism wing official notification for the designation of
of the FIA for an investigation into «anti- courts was issued on March 31, 2017, seven
state» activity. They were asked to appear months after the passage of a law that was
with their electronic devices. In some cases, deemed very urgent. In Sindh, there was no
these were seized and searched – without clarity until May 2017, when cases began
first obtaining a warrant, as required under getting transferred to the designated courts.
law. A list of 200 Facebook pages and Twit- Until June 2017, courts were in a state of
ter accounts was put together by the FIA’s disarray, unable to determine jurisdiction
counter-terrorism wing, comprising those in some cases – whether they were to be
allegedly engaged in propaganda against tried by the magistrate or the court of ses-
the armed forces and state institutions. A sions. This was precisely the reason rights
case under Section 20 of PECA was lodged and industry groups recommended that a
30 Pakistan Pakistan’s Cybercrime Law: Boon or Bane?
Pakistan
six-month training session on the technical The solution to every problem is not
and legal aspects be mandatory for any judi- a legal one, and what seems convincing
cial officer before whom PECA cases would on paper usually does not reflect on-the-
go. But, like several other recommendations, ground realities and the mechanics of the
this too had been disregarded. system it needs to engage with to deliver.
For months on end, litigants and their What was presented as a beacon of hope to
families showed up, only to leave with yet hapless victims of online crimes – blackmail
another date for their case. It was not until and harassment in particular – became a
September 2017 that trials under the law curse for those seeking relief.
commenced in Karachi. Court records show
that the reason for delays and adjournments
in cases is due to the absence of the state Control rather than relief
prosecutor, who rarely shows up to hearings.
Part of this is due to the fact that there is just Every criticism of the law as well as all the
one state prosecutor to handle all the cases fears – which were labeled as unfounded –
for the province. This came after the insist- have come to pass. During a discussion in
ence by the government to make sexual July 2017, senators raised the issue of the
harassment a cognizable offense in which misuse and misapplication of PECA, calling
the state is a party and not the individual for scrutiny of the law and requiring the FIA
complainant, authorized to arrest people to submit its report. August 2017 marked
without warrant and lead the prosecution. one year since the passage of PECA. Under
An increase in the number of trained pros- PECA, the FIA is supposed to present both
ecutors to share the load was not part of the houses with a biannual report – the first of
planning. Similarly, forensic reports in these which is still awaited.
cases remain unavailable due to a backlog PECA is a classic example of what is
and a lack of capacity. wrong with the law-making process and
Though many litigants hired private why it is never wise to accept at face value
counsel to move their cases along, proce- any legislative attempts in the name of
dure requires the state prosecutor to be pre- «national security» and «for the public
sent for a matter to proceed. Many litigants good.» The intent behind PECA was always
now want to settle rather than go through to control rather than provide relief to the
the arduous process of the law, but the law average person – and it is this intended aim
does not give them that option either. that is being pursued.
Aadhaar: The Indian Biometric ID System Has Potential but Presents Many Concerns India 31
lenges, and the ID did not come into use clients. Many companies need to establish
until February 2016, when the legislature customers’ identities, sometimes by law,
passed the Aadhaar Act. However, lacking as in the case of mobile network operators.
the adequate number of votes in the upper Aadhaar can speed up this process by using
house, the ruling party used a shortened fingerprint scanners to instantly establish
legislative process meant for taxation and a person’s identity in order to get a mobile
spending bills. This led to further court connection. In 2016, for instance, the Reli-
challenges and an outcry that demanded ance Company enrolled about 100 million
consultations be held with the public. customers in less than a year by sending ser-
While cases piled up at the Supreme vice representatives with connected scan-
Court, the central government contin- ners to customers’ homes.
ued to issue regulations that required the These examples show that Aadhaar
Aadhaar program for many other welfare does indeed hold great potential on multi-
entitlements (school lunches, crop insur- ple levels. Individuals need to provide less
ance, vocational training, Bhopal gas leak paperwork for registrations while govern-
compensation), financial activities (filing ment agencies can target beneficiaries of
tax returns, opening bank accounts, large programs more easily. Businesses benefit
money transfers), and private business ser- too, because Aadhaar offers the possibility
vices (mobile phone connection, purchase to streamline identification methods and
of high-value items). thereby reduce fraud.
Aside from the legal challenges, Aadhaar
also faces a legitimacy challenge. Although
some saw in Aadhaar exciting new pos- Digital dreams for some,
sibilities for digital initiatives, it was met dystopian nightmares for
with criticism from civil society at its very others
introduction. To better understand the
arguments on both sides, it is necessary to
examine the potential benefits and criti- Of the many criticisms of Aadhaar, one of
cisms of Aadhaar. the main ones has been that Aadhaar fails
to deliver the promised benefits. For exam-
ple, opponents have challenged the cost
Getting rid of paperwork savings in welfare programs attributed to it.
and facilitating transactions They argue that fraud in welfare programs
was already dropping starting in 2010 due
Aadhaar was initially offered as a remedy to factors that had nothing to do with the
to perceived leakages in welfare programs, new ID system. The lack of sufficient analy-
but it also offered a way to transform iden- sis makes it hard to know whether Aadhaar
tity management in India. Since 2016, the is generating savings, but so far, neither side
central government has embraced both has produced any solid data to support their
uses with vigor, requiring the ID for almost views.
all interactions. By attaching their Aadhaar Another argument against Aadhaar is
identity to online accounts, people may that the ID system fails to authenticate a
electronically sign online forms, eliminating person if their fingerprints are worn off,
the need for paper documents and signa- or if they have had cataract surgery, thus
tures. State governments have also started increasing the number of people who are
requiring it, even for students to participate excluded from benefits. Estimates for this
in sporting events. In nearly all cases, its use type of failure are typically around 5 percent,
is justified as a way to prevent fraud, such as but some put it as high as 10 percent. Even
sending a stand-in for tests or examinations. the lower rate would mean – in a population
Beyond using Aadhaar as a control over of more than 1.3 billion – an unacceptably
identity, the central government has cre- high number of excluded people. Failures in
ated several digital initiatives that promise the system do need to be pointed out so that
to transform what is considered business as they may be fixed. However, it is unclear
usual. The government empowered a semi- how failures are defined and how pervasive
private organization to create a payment they are. A «failure» could refer to a single
infrastructure to enable the easy transfer of instance of verification, or to the overall
money between individuals and businesses. outcome. For example, say a person tries
Private businesses may also use Aadhaar to to authenticate with a thumb scan and fails,
authenticate the identities of employees or but then they succeed with another finger.
Aadhaar: The Indian Biometric ID System Has Potential but Presents Many Concerns India 33
the primary identity document for many privacy protection laws now may decrease
people. Those who are economically better these risks. Here, the European Union’s
off may have a driver’s license, a tax ID card, General Data Protect Regulations would be
or a passport, but the poorest members of a good model to follow. In order to uphold
society may only have Aadhaar. If they no democratic values, the government also
longer have their ration cards, their right- needs to curtail its own powers concerning
to-work cards, or other such documents, the tracking of all citizens and prevent the
shutting down Aadhaar would be a blow needless collection of data. Such protec-
to them. Since Aadhaar has become widely tions may assuage the fears of critics and
entrenched in many systems, a rollback uphold Aadhaar’s long-term legitimacy. The
now might cause havoc. good news is that policymakers do seem to
Going forward, data privacy concerns have taken notice of the need for a privacy
do need to be addressed. There are many law, and news reports say that they are
adversarial actors – from private espionage working on a draft bill. If the legislative pro-
groups to foreign governments – who may cess takes into account public feedback and
try to exploit data vulnerabilities. There is addresses the privacy concerns that people
also the threat of abuse of power by future have with Aadhaar, it would provide a solid
governments. Creating and instilling strong basis for more digital initiatives.
INDIA
Reach of Aadhaarʼs enrollment and uses
Source: State of Aadhaar report 2016–17
Authentication 12 %
📇
of Aadhaar enrollees
139 million
Monthly average of people authenti-
cating themselves using Aadhaar in
the latter half of FY 2016–17
e-KYC <16 %
of Jan Dhan accounts opened as of March 2017
44.7 million
Creditcards
Number of bank accounts opened
using Aadhaar e-KYC as of Mar ’17
retweet
of the total DBT expenditure in FY 2016–17
22,006 crore ($3.3 billion)
Total DBT payments sent using the
Aadhaar Payment Bridge System in
FY 2016–17
Seeding 72 %
of total beneficiary households
167 million
🏨
Numbers of PDS (food subsidy)
beneficiary households with at least
one member seeded to Aadhaar
IT Giants in China: A Tough Business China 35
sacrifice user privacy and information secu- net. Therefore, it is unsurprising to find
rity. For example, to meet their regulatory companies such as Google, Facebook, and
obligations, Facebook and Twitter would Twitter being marginalized in China’s cyber-
have to require its users to register with real space, as well as the emergence of an almost
names and conduct self-censorship. Is this entirely parallel Web 2.0 and social media
a trade-off that they are willing to accept? world that is distinct from the norms of the
Giant tech companies, in this sense, are global internet.
stuck in the middle: between the enormous
size of the market on the one hand, and
the principles of internet freedom on the BAT: Replicas of Western
other. Although many Chinese people are giants
trying to go beyond the «Great Firewall» to
access blocked foreign webpages – an activ- What kinds of social media platforms do
ity known as «scaling the wall» (fanqiang) – Chinese people use? Who develops them?
this has become considerably harder since How do these digital platforms survive in
2013, when President Xi further tightened China? If you travel around, it is common
the government’s control over the inter- to find people using WeChat or Sina Weibo.
These are social media platforms similar
to WhatsApp, Facebook, and Twitter. It is
CHINA
interesting that most of the global digital
Despite strict state control, digitalization is on the fast track platforms can find their replicas in China,
in China albeit with slight differences.
With regard to homegrown digital
Internet access in China is restricted more than almost anywhere else in media entities, BAT companies are leading
the world. Online media of any kind is rigorously controlled through a com-com- the way. BAT is an acronym combining the
prehensive set of laws and regulations, and many websites and platforms initials of three jockeying IT giants in China:
are censored or entirely blocked. According to the 2017 annual Freedom
Baidu, Alibaba, and Tencent. Despite some
on the Net study by Freedom House, China ranked last for the third time in
overlap, the three giants’ core businesses
a row among the countries assessed. At the same time, China is one of the
are distinct. Baidu is China’s leading search
most advanced countries in terms of using mobile devices and apps for all
engine, which is also involved in most
aspects of daily life. Some companies started by copying international on- on-
online businesses such as blogs, forums,
line platforms and adapting them for the domestic market. Currently, the
big four Chinese IT companies – Baidu, Alibaba, Tencent, and Jindong – and online encyclopedias. Alibaba, famous
dominate the Chinese market and are also entering the global market. The for its $25 billion recording-breaking IPO
two main competitors are Alipay (by Alibaba) and WeChat (by Tencent). on the New York Stock Exchange in 2014, is
These «one-in-all apps» allow users to manage their whole lives: pay utility China’s e-commerce giant. Tencent is cur-
bills; apply for appointments at hospitals; register a marriage; pay taxes rently the most valued internet company
and manage finances; use local transportation or shared bike systems; and in online games and instant messaging and
pay at cafés and restaurants – basically everything can be done on a mobile owns the two most prevalent social media
device. In fact, people have to use these apps more and more or they will platforms in China: QQ and WeChat. Like
otherwise not have access to certain services. There are already places Apple, Google, Facebook, and Amazon,
that do not accept cash payments anymore. For most Chinese people, this which frequently trespass on each other’s
is not much of a problem, as they have embraced the convenience that turf, the BAT companies also survive and
comes with it. One of the many famous Chinese apps is Jindong, an online thrive by competing and cooperating with
shopping platform and the main competitor to Alibaba’s Taobao platform. each other.
Jindong started by selling electronic appliances; today, like Taobao, it of-
of- From a Chinese perspective, domestic
fers almost everything. Delivery is often guaranteed within a day through IT companies hold an obvious advantage
its own delivery service. 58-Daojia («58 Home service») is one of the most
due to their captive market because Face-
commonly used platforms offering everyday home services, such as clean- clean-
book and Twitter have been blocked in
ing homes, home appliances, or clothes; repairing, moving, or fixing up
China and Google has made its exit. How-
furniture; driving and picking up people; finding nannies, beauty, health, or
ever, although they have benefited from
fitness offers, and much more. One of the most popular livestreaming apps
the absence of Western IT giants, this is not
is KuaiShou, which started as a photo-sharing app a few years ago. Many
users have even managed to earn money through KuaiShou, as many of the the only reason for their success. One has
viewers are willing to «rate» and «donate» money to watch people clean, to also acknowledge that the trio holds the
iron, cook, eat, and so on. Despite comprehensive and strict online control largest pool of creative talents in the coun-
and supervision as well as plans to build up a «Social Credit Regulation try. By 2016, the total number of employees
System,» a broad and critical debate about the government’s and compa-compa- at Tencent had exceeded 25,000. Due to the
nies’ use and misuse of private data is hard to find. This is due to censor-
censor- state policy of encouraging entrepreneur-
ship and also because Chinese users know that real privacy protection, ship and innovation, BAT has become the
online or offline, does not exist. tech powerhouse of China by maintaining
IT Giants in China: A Tough Business China 37
thousands of incubators and research cent- in balancing the freedom of speech of their
ers. More importantly, as domestic compa- customers with the stringent censoring
nies, they are very familiar with the Chinese requirements of the government.
market and have established ways to stabi-
lize and increase market demand.
The business success of a tech com- Playing a hard game
pany in China depends a lot on the man-
agement’s willingness to comply with state The rapid expansion of China’s consumer
regulations. For instance, WeChat and Sina base has made the country immensely
Weibo are actively involved in content cen- important for a broad spectrum of technol-
sorship in China, and this kind of situation ogy products. Some big corporations such
has deteriorated since 2017, in that more as Amazon, Apple, and Microsoft have cho-
regulations on microblogging, VPN, and sen to enter the market and have started to
WeChat groups have been issued by the gain a footing in China, despite its reputa-
Beijing government. The censorship sys- tion as one of the world’s most restricted
tem is efficient in targeting sensitive issues internet markets.
in social media discussions and redirecting Last year, Apple’s overall revenue in
them to «Not Found» pages. Meanwhile, greater China jumped to $59 billion. How-
domestic tech giants have built good rela- ever, like many other international compa-
tions with different hierarchies of local and nies, Apple’s success in China came at a cost.
regional governments – an advantage that In order to maintain its business, Apple had
foreign competitors such as Facebook and to concede to Chinese authorities on issues
Twitter would not have enjoyed had they concerning self-censorship and coopera-
been admitted to the Chinese market. This tion in terms of data storage. In 2015, Apple
is because, on the one hand, on different disabled one of its new apps in China to
levels of the Chinese government, there is prevent Chinese people from accessing
skepticism of foreign IT companies, as they sensitive issues banned by Beijing. Moreo-
are seen as dangerous institutions promot- ver, earlier this year, Apple announced that
ing Western ideologies. On the other hand, it will be opening a new data center in main-
many Western IT giants confront difficulties land China, in cooperation with the state-
CHINA
Digital output: The additional GDP generated as a result of
embracing digitalization ($ billions, 2015 versus 2020)
Source: Accenture Digital China 2020
2015
2020
$395 billion
$311 billion
🚘
Auto, industrial
🌲
Natural resources
cart
Consumer goods
💻
Electronics
FLASK
Chemicals and
💱
Financial services
equipment, and and services and hi-tech refined petroleum
transport
38 China IT Giants in China: A Tough Business
China
owned China Telecom company, to comply cover online speech. A more recent regu-
with a new law requiring data on Chinese lation has formally approved the power
citizens to be kept within China. It is not of authorities to access citizens’ online
hard to see that the Chinese government information, if deemed necessary for legal
remains a decisive factor in Apple’s overall investigations.
business in China. Besides political intervention, large
Other foreign platforms are also actively global internet players also have to con-
encouraging self-censorship. In 2015, Line, front fierce competition from local com-
a Japanese messaging app, employed a key- panies. eBay first entered China in 2002,
word filtering system to ensure that politi- but it shut down operations in 2006 due to
cally sensitive issues are not discussed in intense competition from Taobao.com. The
the Chinese version of its product. Similarly, survival of Amazon in China is in this sense
LinkedIn relies on in-house censors and surprising, although it still competes with
algorithms to screen out «harmful» content many Chinese competitors such as Taobao,
from its Chinese website. These companies Tmall, JD, Suning, and other rising compa-
must promote self-censorship with their nies. Apple faces similar competition. By
products if they do not want to enrage Bei- July 2017, Apple only ranked fifth in China’s
jing and get banned. smartphone market, behind Huawei, Oppo,
Over the years, the control exercised by Vivo, and Xiaomi – the four Chinese smart-
Chinese leadership over the internet has phone brands that collectively account for
increased notably. After Xi Jinping became almost 70 percent of the domestic market
president, he appointed himself the leader share.1
of the Central Leading Group for Internet
Security and Informatization, so as to bet-
ter take control of the computer networks – Ways of access
from basic infrastructure to tech companies.
Meanwhile, the government has attempted Foreign companies, however, have never
to tighten its grip on internet content. In ceased exploring potential opportunities
2013, a Chinese court announced that the in the gargantuan Chinese market, despite
criminal charge of «picking quarrels and the popularity of their replicas and stringent
provoking trouble» could be extended to government regulations. In order to gain
admission and have a piece of the market,
foreign internet companies look for Chinese
CHINA partners through joint ventures. By find-
Number and percentage of Chinese ing domestic partners, many international
online shopper (2015 & 2016) digital platforms have successfully entered
Source: E-Commerce in China 2016 - Chinese Ministry and branched out in China. For example,
of Commerce
NHN, one of the world’s biggest internet
content service operators, marched into
China by joining hands with Qihoo 360.
46670
44093 In 2005, Yahoo! chose to ally with Alibaba
41325 63,80 % and expand its Chinese operations. At the
63,40 %
60,00 % beginning of 2016, Qualcomm also formed
33967
a joint venture with Guizhou Huaxintong
54,80 % Semiconductor Technology to invest in chip
server technology, a sector that the local
government was keen to develop.
Fitting themselves into joint ventures
helps these companies become more local-
ized and adaptable. However, this does not
eliminate all obstacles. Besides online sur-
veillance, Chinese authorities are also sen-
2015 2016 sitive to issues such as technology transfer,
corporate governance, the protection of
local brands, as well as information security.
Number of online shopper (in 10,000)
The preference is, of course, that foreign
Number of mobile online shopper (in 10,000)
tech companies provide China with their
% of online shoppers among all internet users core technology and advanced manage-
% of mobile online shoppers among all mobile internet users ment models.
IT Giants in China: A Tough Business China 39
CHINA
China's online retail turnover
5155,6
(in billion RMB)
Source: E-Commerce in China 2016 - Chinese
Ministry of Commerce
4085,2
2908,7
1863,6
1311
782,6
In 2015, Microsoft announced its ment would be the last to want to see «Tibet
partnership with the China Electronics independence» or «Falun Gong crackdown»
Technology Group Corporation (CETC), a on these social media platforms in different
state-owned company, to «license, deploy, languages.
manage and optimize Windows 10 for Second, launching Facebook or Twitter
China’s government agencies and certain in China would be nothing short of miracle,
state-owned enterprises and provide ongo- not only due to China’s draconian internet
ing support and services for these custom- regulations, but also its even tighter con-
ers.» Microsoft management is happy to rub trol of internet speech under President Xi.
shoulders with Beijing officials. According Although Mark Zuckerberg is actively seek-
to Microsoft Corporate Vice President Yusuf ing chances to communicate with Beijing,
Mehdi, «This venture signals the possibility he must also come to terms with the fact
for new opportunities for Windows 10 in the that he will need to make concessions in
many government entities in China.» How- order to operate in China, otherwise Face-
ever, just in 2014, Microsoft 8 was banned by book would risk becoming the next Don
the Chinese government due to a concern Quixote, fighting for something unrealistic.
over information security. Accessing markets is not just a problem
The cooperation between Microsoft and faced by digital platforms such as Facebook
CETC again is indicative of the unpredict- and Google, but it is also an imperative issue
able relations between the Beijing central for Beijing and the Chinese people. As one
government and foreign internet capital. In post in Zhihu (a Chinese Q&A website simi-
order to survive in China, foreign tech com- lar to Quora) says, today’s Chinese IT ecol-
panies are learning to remain on good terms ogy is «not only about how Facebook gets
with the government. into China, but also how Chinese people
For social media platforms such as cross the Great Wall and reach every corner
Facebook and Twitter, entering China of the world» – the end of the sentence refer-
seems much more difficult. First, if they ring precisely to the first email ever sent
were to enter China, the massive global from China, in 1987, which read, «Across
scale of these two platforms would neces- the Great Wall, we can reach every corner in
sitate a very complicated censorship system. the world.»
Compared with WeChat and Sina Weibo,
in which Chinese is the main language
employed, Facebook offers more than 140 The original version of this article was published on
December 31, 2016, by La Vanguardia.
languages, and Twitter is available in 33
languages. Both allow users to make friends,
join groups, and create public debates that
1
http://www.ibtimes.co.in/huawei-oppo-vivo-xiaomi-
rule-chinese-smartphone-market-q2-2017-736010
can reach people all over the world. It is
easy to imagine that the Chinese govern-
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Publisher Heinrich Böll Foundation
Publication Date January 2018
Editor Fabian Heppe
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