A Book of Conquest
A Book of Conquest
A Book of Conquest
Conquest
THE CHACHNAMA AND MUSLIM
ORIGINS IN SOUTH ASIA
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS IX
Introduction i
6. A Conquest of Pasts ■ SO
Conclusion 180
NOTES I87
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 2J5
INDEX 241
Illustrations
Letter writer 79
ix
Note on Transliteration and Translation
xi
Introduction
i
2 INTRODUCTION
A Question of Origins
The question of origins was significant for the European inquiry into
the pasts of the world in general and colonized people in particular.
In Enlightenment thought—from Descartes to Vico to Kant—the
study of Europe’s own origins necessitated equally an inquiry into
the origins of the New World or of India or China. These "scientific"
inquiries into origins of language (philology) and origins of human
society (history) created, by the later eighteenth century, a vast body
of philosophical and ethnographic material about the colonized
and Orientalized world. It is in this set of inquiries that my project
begins.
I am concerned here with a particular story of beginnings—that of
Muslims in India—and the ways in which it structures the reading of
Muslim pasts m South Asia. At its barest this narrative asserts that
Islam is fundamentally Arabian and hence, geographically foreign to
India. This outsider origin of the faith makes its adherents outsiders
as well. Muslims thus come from the outside to India: either as for
eign conquerors or foreign traders or foreign proselytizers, all distinct
from the "indigenous." In this beginning, there are a number of points
of origins—one is in the eariy-eighth-century campaigns from Arabia
to Sind under Muhammad bin Qasim; another is in the eleventh
century campaigns from Ghazni to Gujarat under Mahmud of Ghazni;
another, in the sixteenth-century campaign from Kabul to Delhi by
Zahiruddin Bahar. These multiple points of origins act as constant
renewals of foreignness in this beginning story, and, paradoxically,
these diverse renewals feed a monolithic, ahistorical, atemporal Islam
in India. Critically, the history of political states in India Itagged
Muslim) encompasses the social and cultural fives of all who claim any
variety of Islam as their faith.
In this book, I take aim at a particular origins narrative of a Muslim
political state in India—the 712 expedition of Muhammad bin Qasim
to Sind—to expose its historical specificity and the way it was em
ployed in later reconstructions. What is at stake when we question this
origin and revisit the history that is outside of it! I submit that certain
"infallible" social and political frameworks fall apart and newness
emerges.
INTRODUCTION 3
gallantly fighting on to shake off the despoilers."’ For the Hindu Right,
the "foreign" origins of Muslims in India demonstrated their "indig
enous" struggle against conquest and domination: each new arrival
of the Muslims was another war of attrition. After Partition, the conse
quences of this understanding of the past became evident in 1992. A
sixteenth-century mosque, the Babri Masjid in Ayodhya, was taken apart
brick by brick by thousands who believed it to be birthplace of the God
Ram. In this destruction, the conflation of historical and mythic time
was not an accident or a divergence—it represented the culmination of a
decades-long utilization of this origins myth for the Hindu Right.
These two threads of understanding pasts—Jinnah's insistence
on separatism and the Hindu Right’s insistence on avenging past
wrongs—are distinct and produce vastly different trajectories for the
future. Yet they each begin with the idea of Muslims as outsiders, they
each narrate events across a thousand years of history that insist on
that difference, and they each rely on the other's contrary reading.4
This origins narrative has prompted contemporary violence, absolved
it, and argued for a recognition of an always-there difference. The hero
of one and the foe of another are at battle—"the civilization of conquest
is also the civilization of defeat"—the two modes are in syncopation?
The ledgers of victories and defeats arc kept separately, but the regime
of tabulation is same. For each, the "foreign" produces that which can
save or that from which one needs to be saved. For each, the difference
of the present stems from a difference in origins. In effect, how dif
ferent groups of Muslims at a given point in time came to political
dominance in India is viewed solely through the lens of conquest by
outsiders—what I am here labeling as the origins narrative.
The critique of Indic pasts understood as a long teleology of violence
between communities has been the work of many historians. Several
generations of historians, of the ancient or medieval or modern periods,
have taken on the question of difference in Indic pasts. Romila Thapar,
Gyanendra Pandey, Uma Chakravarti, Richard Eaton, Cynthia Talbot,
and Shahid Amin arc some of the key figures in this historiography
whose efforts were to trace the emergence of categories of being Hindu
or Muslim—beyond the invention of such modes during colonial rule.6
One answer for contemporary turbulences, they offer, is to understand
the multiplicity of being Indian that history provides. While this
INTRODUCTION s
Chachnama as Origins
Before the dawn of Islam, the trade relations had been setup |sic] be
tween India and the Arabs. The Muslims invaded the subcontinent
in 712 A.D. Prior to this the Arabs used to visit this land for the sale
& |sic| purchase of their goods. The Arab traders were staunch Mus
lims and therefore taught Islam to the people of India. A number of
Arab traders had also settled in Sri Lanka and due to trade had good
relations with the people. With the passage of time some of the traders
died. The Raia of Sri Lanka who was kind hearted, he sent the widows
and their children and belongings on eight ships along with gifts for
the Muslim caliph. When these ships reached near the port of Debal
the pirates plundered these ships. The Arab women and children were
made captives. Some of the Muslims managed to escape and made
aware of Hajjaj bin Yousaf of the entire incident. Conflict between
the Arabs and ruler of Sind started due to this incident. Haijaj bin
Yusuf sent Muhammad bin Qasim to conquer Sind. This was the
foundation of Pakistan.12
As I will detail in a subsequent chapter, this particular emphasis
on Islam's origins in South Asia, and the usage of the specific example
of assault on Muslim women, can be traced to the work of historians
who wrote these textbooks—I. H. Qureshi and S. M. Ikram—as part of
a select state-sanctioned group responsible for creating the constitutive
8 INTRODUCTION
texts and policies for Pakistan. Their work built on an earlier genera
tion of Muslim historians and writers, such as Abdul Halim Sharar,
Syed Sulaiman Nadvi, and Nadvi's teacher Shiblt Nau'mani, who fo
cused on the early history of Islam in South Asia. These figures had
focused on early Islam for a variety of reasons, but a primary concern
was to respond to colonial histories of India. The arrival of the Mus
lims in the eighth century, as conquerors, and their subsequent colo
nization of India had been a dominant framework for British colonial
histories such that Vincent A. Smith, M. Elphtnstone, H. M. Elliot, and
the early lames Mill saw a clear temporal divide between indigenous/
Hindu India and foreign/Muslim India.
The thread that runs through this genealogy of transmissions is
Chachnama. For two hundred years, it has been read as a book of con
quest, providing a narrative of Islam's arrival in India. For hundreds
of years, it has been understood to be a work of translation into Per
sian around 1126 CE, from an earlier eighth-century history written
in Arabic. Such interpretations of Chachnama underpin the special
ized work done by generations of scholars—all of whom maintained
the primacy of Chachnama as a textual translation of an earlier his
torical narrative. The consequence of this reading is that Chachnama
is understood to be the primary account of the origins of Muslims in
India which contains the history of their rise to dominance.
The idea of Chachnama as the key origins text continues to hold
wide sway, and the origins narrative continues to provide justifications
for violent corrections. On February 25, 2006, a young Pakistani pro
fessional in Connecticut, Faisal Shahzad, sent an email message under
the subject "My Beloved and Peaceful Ummah." He wrote,
Rereading Chachnama
Map of the regions of medieval Sind, Guiarat, and Arabia. (Map © Manan
Ahmed Asif and J. C. Trinidad-Christensen.)
The whole of the first part of the work is overgrown with legendary
matter and all but valueless as history,... It may have some basis in
the flotsam and ictsam of local tradition, but if so, the tradition has
been so grossly corrupted in the course of transmission by the fan
tastic accretions of subsequent inventiveness, as to amount to a trav
esty of the truth.10
book which contains the detailed Arab tradition regarding the con
quest of Sind.22
From within this framework, the historian sifts through the ro
mantic for the historical and builds a cohesive argument for what hap
pened in India's Muslim past. The best of such scholarship, such as
Dcrryl N. Maclean’s Religion and Society in Arab Sind, goes beyond
Chachnama to add markedly important insights into the eighth
century world, but the ill effects of unmooring Chachnama from the
Uch of the early thirteenth century remains. Irfan Habib, for example,
mined it for linguistic traces of Indic concepts—a method that requires
the understanding that it is indeed a carrier text.23
I will not detail here every postcolonial work that utilized the
historicity of Chachnama, but a recent, popular introductory history
textbook calls it the "the principal source of our information on the
Muslim conquest of Sind” and summarizes the consensus thus:
What Is Chachnama!
This account takes up the first third of Chachnama and has three
overarching themes: the basis of legitimacy for the ruler, the good
counsel of the advisor, and the need to create a justly governed polity.
Ali Kufi then introduces the second portion of his text under the
heading "A History from the Righteously Guided Caliphs to Walid." It
begins with the time of 'Umar (r. 634-644 CE| and describes the Muslim
campaigns to Hind and Sind. Short accounts of governors dispatched
to various fronts in Makran, Zabulistan, and Qandahar are followed
by descriptions of rebellious Muslim groups fleeing to the frontier.30
Kufi details the Alawi revolts and the amassing of troops in Sind who
were conspiring against the state in Damascus. To counter these groups
and to assert political control over the region, the governor of Iraq,
Haijaj bin Yusuf, dispatches the young commander Muhammad bin
Qasim to Sind in 711 CE. Qasim begins by capturing the fort of Arm-
abil in Makran and then lays siege to the port city of Daybul. After the
conquest of Daybul, he takes the forts of Nerun. The battle with Raj3
Dahar occurs by the banks of the river Indus. After Dahar’s defeat,
Qasim proceeds to Aror, Brahmanabad, and finally Multan. The nar
rative concludes with the description of the death of Qasim, which
comes at the orders of the caliph in Baghdad after the daughters of
Dahar accuse Qasim of sexual violence against them. Chachnama ends
with a short dedication and a prayer from Kufi.
In this portion of Chachnama. Qasim’s campaign is a deliberate
shadowing of the campaigns that Chach undertook to the "four quar
ters” of Sind. The major themes remain good counsel, good governance,
and the need for a coherent political theory for a polity. Hence, the text
contains speeches detailing policy and taxation, private conversations
between commanders, dreams and prophecies, more than forty epis
tles between various protagonists, and statements on political theory
and governance that include descriptions of appointments of non
Muslims to administrative and ceremonial positions. All of this is
interspersed in the methodical military march of Chach and Qasim
through the cities of medieval Sind.
This is Chachnama—a tale, a history, a romance, a lesson—set in
the late seventh and early eighth centuries. It is the tale of Chach and
Qasim, two young men who strive to establish an ethical polity in Sind
but whose work is undone by the greed and lust of others. Kufi tells us
INTRODUCTION 1$
India. After all, it was from Uch that Qabacha sent governors to Diu
in Gujarat; and it was to Uch that trade and traffic came from Kabul,
Makran, and Muscat.
It was from reading very different texts written in medieval Uch—
sacral, poetic, historical—that I was able to see the world of Chachnama
as an Indian Ocean world constitutive of Muscat and of Gujarat. The
circulation of people, of ideas, and of artifacts in this region of the In
dian Ocean ecuntene shaped the stories contained in Chachnama and
shaped the questions that I am asking of the text.'2 The presence of
sacral sites in Uch are indicative of a long history of arrivals—of reli
gious, political, and trading communities. That their material and ar
chaeological remains are still inhabited and cared for demonstrates
that this is a space where the past has remained a significant part of
self-identity. Yet the cultural memory of Uch and its current economic
and political life are at great odds. How do the material remains of a
forgotten capital shape the contours of research on medieval India? Our
presentist historiography occludes new modes of questioning the past
and creates spatial and temporal divisions that seem natural but actu
ally hide past realities. The textual materials historians use to study
medieval pasts are distended from their sites of production. The ar
chives now exist in London, Berlin, or Cambridge and manuscripts
are often studied without due attention to their spatial and textual his
tory. Such inquiries create a false geography of the past. My field of
inquiry thus encompassed the text, the afterlife of the text, and the
method of the historian. I saw that an examination of Chachnama and
its afterlife puts into stark relief the limits of how we conceive of the
past. Understanding how an unreading of the origins narrative, and a
reading of its political purpose, opens up historical questions is the
main work of this book.
A methodology of medievalists walking in landscapes of ruins—and
extracting lessons for the present or future—is part and parcel of
the post-Rankian historical enterprise. Precisely when it comes to
re-creating past imperial hubris, we can recall the French encounter
with the Egyptian ruins, such as case of Constantin-Francois Volney's
Voyage en Egypte et en Syria (1787) followed by his influential Les Ru-
ines, ou Meditations sur les Revolutions des Empires (1791), which pos
ited decline from the material ruins of his contemporary observances
18 INTRODUCTION
I began to organize this book with the frame within which the study
of Muslim pasts in India is undertaken—a frame that explores first the
question of spatial otherness and then political, linguistic, and social
otherness. This particular framework came into being in the nine
teenth century via the colonial British inquiry into understanding
Indian past as a history of prior failed Muslim polities. The most well-
known and demonstrative figure of this historiography is Henry Myers
Elliot, whose The History of India as Told by Its Own Historians col
lapsed the history of Islam and the history of Muslim polities within
20 INTRODUCTION
not fit the genre of conquest narrative, by examining it against the ear
liest Arabic conquest texts. Finally, I demonstrate the presence of a
diverse and intertwined political and cultural space in medieval Sind
by reading the Arabic and Persian archives from the ninth to the thir
teenth centuries.
In Chapter j, "My Son, What Is the Matter with You?" I argue that
advice—dialogic, didactic, and demonstrative—is the mode for pre
senting a theory of politics in Chachnama. Letters are the primary
template for the models of advice in the text. They provide the clearest
articulation of Chachnama's theory of politics. I argue that Chachnama
is a fully Indic text influenced by texts and genres from Persian as well
as Sanskrit, reflecting the intertwined world of thirteenth-century
Sind.
In Chapter 4, "A Demon with Ruby Eyes," I turn explicitly to the
question of difference in Chachnama's theory of the political. This
chapter explores the political theory of understanding difference as
presented in Chachnama to consider the question of religious differ
ence, cohabitation, and political organization in the thirteenth
century. 1 show that Chachnama focuses on the recognition of diverse
sacrality, the quest for accommodation of different communities, and
the role of politics in governing difference.
Chapter 5, "The Half Smile," presents the broader social world of
Chachnama, which included powerful women in key political roles
such as queens and advisors. It shows how Chachnama utilizes narra
tives of politically powerful women to articulate a theory of ethical
subjecthood by focusing on their political will, desire, intuition, and
critical acuity for political risks.
In Chapter 6, "A Conquest of Pasts," I show how the European trans
lation project in the eighteenth century created the fundamental
question of origins for Islam in India and then posited Chachnama as
the key text. Hence, I look at the longue duree interest in Chachnama
from the fourteenth century to the present. I begin with the history of
the text through medieval and early modern periods. The transition for
Chachnama as a history of conquest occurs after the English transla
tion of Alexander Dow {1735—1779)-1 trace Chachnama in the works of
British colonial historians, Indian nationalist historians, scholars of
Islam, and Indian Marxist historians.
22 INTRODUCTION
15
24 FRONTIER WITH THE HOUSE OF COLD
lises in Syria, Iraq, and Iran through nodes in the Indian Ocean and
the Red Sea, The personages who are now buried in Uch had them
selves hailed from parts of Arabia, Iran, and Central Asia. These Sufi
saints left further legacies in India, as their sons, grandsons, and spiri
tual heirs moved from Uch to Gujarat, to the Deccan, and to Bengal.
Even the briefest sketch of trade relations and maritime contact be
tween India and Arabia should bring into stark relief the assumptions
that undergird histories of Muslim origins in India—that the commu
nities of India first encountered Arabs only as conquerors in the eighth
century. As one approaches the age of Islam in Arabia, the issues of
trade, navigation, knowledge, and access to the Indian Ocean arc be
come intimately tied to our understandings of the society and world
view into which Muhammad was born and where he declared the first
Muslim state. The encounter of that state with the geography of western
India was twofold: it was a continuation of the Indian Ocean trade and
migration network as well as a response to the political aftermath of
the dissolution of the Sassanid Empire.
The presence of Arab communities in Sind and Gujarat far predates
the beginning of Muslim polities in Arabia. The Muslim politics in
Sind that emerged in the eighth century undoubtedly helped the growth
of trade and settlement networks between Arabia and India. Settle
ments in Aden, Muscat, Diu, and Thana predate the Arabian Muslim
empires of Damascus and Baghdad. There are numerous mentions of
Arab families who settled in these regions in political exile or as traders.
These regions offer connected histories—the proof of their interactions
lies in the gift registries of various Arab courts, in translations of texts,
in the settlements of communities, and in built architecture.
One response to the origins narrative of conquest in historiography
is to separate the "peaceful" presence of Muslims in India from the
"conquest" presence. Not only does such an approach pose the problem
of apologia, there are no analytical reasons to offer such a separation.
The two are intricately intertwined. Instead of narratives of arrivals, we
need a consistent history of being Muslim in India. The origins narra
tive forecloses any reading of the Muslim past in India as being inter
connected or socially and culturally heterogeneous. Rather, it presents a
particular idea of "conquest"—one centered on Muslim violence against
Hindu rulers and subjects, prejudicial taxation, and temple destruction.
26 FRONTIER WITH THE HOUSE Of GOLD
This chapter reopens that history to see how historical records from
a variety of sources present political and mercantile interactions be
tween Arabia and India. The formation of an Indian Ocean milieu and
the following discussion of Greek accounts of India in general and Al
exander the Great's campaigns in particular are necessary for they
constitute the textual milieu for Chachnama's world: Chachnama
makes explicit references to Alexander and styles itself as conquest lit
erature. Hence, in order to reread Chachnama. 1 must present the
ways in which pre-Muslim conceptions of Sind are present in the text
as well as take stock of the historiography of conquest prior to the text,
including the very genre of conquest literature. A most critical example
of pertinent conquest literature is the mid-ninth-century account pro
vided by the historian Baladhuri in his book Futuh al-Buldan.
With that in mind, I turn first to the outermost frame of the Indian
Ocean and the Greek accounts of India that are quoted in Chachnama.
Next, I map the terms "Hind" and "Sind" in Arab historiography, and
I provide a political history that is articulated in those accounts. My
aim is not to recover earliest accounts of Muslim campaigns but to
demonstrate the inherently connected ways in which those sources
presented the world of medieval Sind.
vastness of terrains that need coverage and to the political realities that
have made inquisitive activities such as digs quixotic, to say the least.
Our textual evidence is no better. The sources are limited and scat
tered, and scholars arc prone to specializing in particular genres of
texts to the detriment of a comprehensive picture. As a result, there
are clusters of archaeological and epigraphic data that sometimes dove
tail with anachronistic textual data but often do not, since scholars
are working with many silences. Still, taking up Green's suggestion,
an Indian Ocean-Middle East arena is precisely the arc of activity and
movement that constitute Sind as an Indian Ocean region, linking
Indus-vallcy coastal towns down to the Guiarat region as well as across
the Arabian Gulf to Muscat and Aden.
Such an understanding of this region has deep roots in antiquity.
Archaeological evidence for seafaring and exchange networks in the
Red Sea and Arabian Gulf begins as early as the fourth millennium
BCE. That network of trading vessels, relying on monsoon winds, sea
currents, and navigable straits, moved in nodes between the Harappan
and the Mesopotamian cities.' Those earliest contacts involved ex
changes of orc, grains, and ceremonial artifacts.6 Into the Hellenistic
period, a substantial trade "crossed the waters between Roman Egypt,
the eastern coast of Africa, the western and southern coasts of Arabia,
and the western coast of India."’ This sea trade supplemented the land
routes via Petra to Palmyra in Syria, and it consisted mainly of "the
acquisition of elephants used by the Egyptian military and of gold to
facilitate Ptolemaic payment of mercenary troops and other related
military expenditures.'” On their return, the ships carried oil and wine,
glassware, drinking vessels, tools, precious stones, and copper." Roughly
stated, this pattern of merchandise originating in China, the Maldives,
East Africa, or Southern India and traveling via sea and land routes to
markets in Greater Syria, Egypt, and the Mediterranean world persisted
throughout the classical period.10
The majority of classical Greek accounts of maritime activity
throughout the Red Sea, Arabia, and the coastal cities of India survive
in later histories and geographies such as those by Strabo (ca. 64 BCE
to 11 CE), Pliny the Elder (ca. 77 CE|, and Claudius Ptolemy (ca. 146-
170 CE). The most notable source on the trade between Rome and India
from the first century is the Periplus Maris Erythraei. a document
FRONTIER WITH THE HOUSE OF GOLD »9
well as a few textual sources, it is clear that the Sassanitl Empire (r.
216-651 CE| took over much of the trade flowing in the Persian and
Arabian Gulfs from the fourth century onward. Excavations in cities
like Siraf, Rishahr, and Jazirat al-Ghanam have revealed substantial
evidence of Sassanian port activity and settlement.16 These port sites
acted as trading hubs, with merchants from various nodes trafficking
through Sarandip.1’
The sixth-century work by Cosmas Indicopleustes, Christian To
pography, contains a chapter on Sarandip in which he describes a world
of translocai trade flowing tn and out of its ports, all managed primarily
by Sassanian merchants. Cosmas states that the island of Sarandip was
frequented by ships from Persia, China, Ethiopia, and India. From
China, it imported silk, aloes, cloves, and sandalwood, which were
taken to places on the Malabar coast: Sind, Himyar, and Adule. From
Indian ports came ivory,- pepper from Malabar, musk, castor, and spike
nard from Sind, and copper, sesame wood, and cloth from Khambat.1"
By the end of the sixth century, the Sassanians controlled the west
ward flow of this trade by owning the port cities along the Arabian and
Persian Gulf as well as the city of Daybul in Sind, which was captured
during the reign of Bahram V (421-438). The Byzantine emperors Justin
(518-527) and Justinian (527-565) made repeated efforts to break the Sas
sanian hold over trade at Sarandip, even convincing the Christian
Ethiopian kingdom of Axum to invade and occupy Yemen in 524/25.
The Sassanians retaliated by subduing Aden in 575 and taking over Bab
al-Mandab, the entrance to the Red Sea.”
The description of such nodal sea routes, with transactions hap
pening in a number of coastal economies, is home out by accounts of
visits to Buddhist shrines in India and Ceylon by Chinese pilgrims
from the fourth, fifth, and sixth centuries?" The Han ambassador
Zhang Qian, who travelled to Shen-tu (Sindl during the second century
BCE (138-125 BCE), is the earliest extant account on Kashmir. This
does attest to the region but contains no information on trading ac
tivity. The two later reports, by the monk Faxtan (active ca. 399-417
CE) and the pilgrim Xuanzang (602-664 CE), provide firsthand and de
tailed reports of cities, ports, and routes in the Sind region. Faxian
takes a merchant ship to reach Sarandip and comments that "mer
chants of different countries resort here to trade."21 Taken collectively,
FRONTIER WITH THE HOUSE OF GOLD 31
these reports clearly substantiate the nature of the trade (they mention
specific goods produced! as well as the existence of settlements across
the western coast and in Sarandip.
In Arab geographic accounts, India is referred co by the compound
al-Hind wa'l Sind (Hind and Sindl.Sind typically referred specifically
to the Indus River valley and north to Kashmir, while Hind referred
to Gujarat, Kerala, and beyond. Tracing the land attached to che word
al-Hind {Hind} through pre-Islamic and early Muslim sources is an
exercise in conjecture. However, Hind is usually understood in con
temporary scholarship to denote "India." Andre Wink, for example,
states in the preface to his three-volume study al-Hind:
This assessment from Wink highlights one of the key issues in the
discussion of the idea of India—that India (or Hindu or Hinduism) is a
construction imposed from the outside.1’ Wink's twin claims—that
Arab geographers extended the meaning of Hind to cover the subcon
tinent and that Hindus acquired a collective identity through their in
teractions with Muslims—take as a given that al-Hind had a clear
and concrete meaning to Arab geographers and that it remained un
changed from the sixth to the eleventh century. It fails to consider that
Hind and Sind were cognate categories and that Sind was often the geo
graphic entity represented in mercantile sources concerned with Ara
bian trade. Tracing the arrival of the word Hind itself into Arabic is
also conjectural.1* Scholars generally agree that Hind |as a geograph
ical construct) most probably entered Arabic via Sassanid usage of
Sindu. Sindu in Sanskrit can refer to any stream, river, or ocean but is
often taken to mean as the "local name of Indus."25 A Babylonian list
includes a reference to "muslin—the Indian cloth—called iadin."u
Sindhu or Sinfti, referring, perhaps, to the the river Indus or to the sea
off the coast of Aden, is also found in Assyrian sources.27
3» FRONTIER WITH THE HOUSE OF GOLD
As for the places which they reach they relate that most of the Chi
nese boats are loaded at Siraf and that the goods are carried to Siraf
from Basra, Oman and other ports.... Then from there the boats set
sail for al-Hind destined for Kulam Malay, and the journey from
Muscat to Kulam Malay IQuilon, Kcralal, with moderate winds, is
one month.1*
Sind as an Indian Ocean region was thus long connected with Arabia
land farther afield). It contained settlements, trading connections, and
ports that predated the birth of Islam, and these connections continued
after the rise of Muslim political power in the region.
The region of Sind, as an adjacent geography, faced military cam
paigns from the Muslim polity based in Medina, and later those in
Damascus and Baghdad. The various military campaigns, expeditions,
and settlements must also be properly contextualized to provide a fuller
picture of the eighth-century history invoked by Chachnama. In in
voking this history myself, I am cognizant of the danger of re-creating
Chachnama's understanding of Muslim past by simply producing my
own temporally bound history of conquest. Hence, when in the fol
lowing section I turn toward the history of Arab political and military
efforts in the region of Sind as reconstructed from mid-ninth century
Arabic histories, I do so with the understanding that these texts are
in themselves documents asserting political and social power and
that they cannot be read at face value as empirical, factual history. I
revisit them to detail the historical and historiographic imagination
employed within Chachnama.
Writing Conquest
emerged in the ninth century out of the the older sira texts, which de
scribed the life of the Prophet. In sira texts, accounts of the Prophet's
military campaigns laid the foundation for the development of futuh.
However, futuh had both a historiographical and a political function
to play in early Islam, as Fred Donner argues:
The Umayyads, who from the time of Abd al-Malik (685-705) on seem
to have supervised an increasingly clear articulation of the Muslim
community as a distinct monotheist confession, began to encourage
the recounting and collection of reports about how the conquest had
been organized and how they had proceeded. Their purpose was to
establish what we might call a narrative weapon to bolster their
claims to hegemony over their vast non Muslim populations, by re
lating the conquests’ apparently miraculous successes.”
Baladhuri lived and died in Baghdad during the ninth century. The
probable date for his birth is in the 8tos. Persian by birth, he came from
a scribal family (his grandfather Jabir was also employed as a scribe and
a secretary). It is said that he traveled widely in Iraq and Khurasan. He
studied directly with Mada'ini. He found work as a translator from Per
sian into Arabic in the courts of the Abbasid caliphs Wathik (d. 847)
and Mutawakkil |d. 861). He became a close confidant of the latter. He
authored two of the greatest surviving works in early Muslim histori
ography: Kitab Futuh al-Buldan (Book of Conquest of Lands) and Ansab
al-Ashraf (Genealogy of the Noblest. The conquest of Sind is described
tn his Kitab Futuh al-Buldan. which also carries the title of Kitab al-
Buldan al-Kabir (Book of Great Lands). It begins with Muhammad's
migration to Medina and continues to describe battles and conquests
during the Prophet's lifetime. After Arabia, Baladhuri has chapters on
the conquest of Syria, Iraq, Egypt, Spain, Persia, and at the very end, a
short section on the conquest of Sind. Baladhuri begins that section
with a direct transmission from Mada'ini as his primary source for the
entire section.32
Baladhuri’s history, produced for the 'Abbasid court, is removed
from the earliest historical events it narrates by more than two hun
dred years and is thus itself an act of imagining the past. Yet it is not
the facticity or empirical truth of his account that concerns us here.
Rather, it is the way in which this historiography is repurposed by
FRONTIER WITH THE HOUSE OF GOLD 35
Then Haiiai, after the death of Muiiah, made Muhammad bin Harun
Numri the governor. During his reign, the king of lazirat Yaqut (Sri
FRONTIER WITH THE HOUSE OP GOLD 37
Then Muhammad bin Qasim left Arma’il and with Juhm bin Zuhr
Ju'fi arrived at Daybul on a Friday. There he received ships with men
and weapons and supplies. After getting to Daybul, he constructed
FRONTIER WITH THE HOUSE OF GOLD 39
trenches around the troops and set up lances around the trenches
with flags affixed to them. The armies were stationed under their
flags. He installed a catapult known as ?lrus. which took $oo men
to pull. In Daybul was a great temple |buddl with a tall mast, and on
that mast was a red flag, which covered the city when it blew in the
wind. And they report that the temple had a great minaret built in
the midst of the city, which housed their idols (sanam). The temple
was known by the name of the idols.... Every third day, Hajjaj's let
ters reached Muhammad, and Muhammad's letters with news of what
he saw in front of him and his thoughts, reached Hanaj. In a letter,
Hajiaj ordered Muhammad, "Install the catapult Arils. Shorten the
east-facing support. Call the operators of Arus and ask them to aim for
the mast which you described to me." The mast was aimed at and
broken, and great distress spread through the Unbelievers. They
left the fort to attack Muhammad, and he drove them back. He or
dered ladders, and men climbed them to the fort wall—the first being
a man from the Murad of the people of Kufa. The fight lasted for three
days, as Muhammad killed many soldiers there. The governor of
Dahar fled, and the custodian (suadm] of their house of gods was
killed. After the capture of the city, Muhammad measured the quar
ters for Muslims and built a mosque and settled four thousand men.1*
From Baladhuri's account, Chacbnama and later Persian histories
of Qasim's expedition take up a number of themes: the exchange of let
ters, the presence of a temple, and the settlement of Muslims. After
the capture of the port city of Daybul, Qasim proceeded to Nirun,
"whose inhabitants sent to Hajjaj |via Qasim| their priests’ plea for
peace. They gave Muhammad supplies and brought him into the city
and confirmed the treaty."45 Similarly, when Qasim "reached this side
of the Mehran River |Indus|, where monks from the Sarbiadas temple
came to him and offered peace. He assigned a governor and imposed a
tax (khara/l on them."16 The role of priestly mediators in the success
of Qasim's campaign is noted repeatedly by Baladhuri. Baladhuri also
emphasizes the negotiated settlements between the Muslim army and
the population: "The inhabitants asked for peace and a treaty, and the
priests worked as envoys to mediate between him and them. He gave
them peace and imposed taxes on them, and as insurance he took some
notables from them and returned to Muhammad with four thousand
of the Jat |Zutt| people. He appointed a governor over Sadusa.'*17
40 FRONTIER WITH THE HOUSE OF GOLD
sermon in both cities was read in the name of the 'Abbasid caliph.61
These cities had very limited influence outside of their fortifications.
The city states were in constant negotiations with other regional prin
cipalities, as their revenues depended on travelers and pilgrims. The
little we know of these cities in the ninth and tenth centuries indi
cates that they did not have many expansionist ambitions. Also of note
is that these were the only cities in the region that included some eth
nically Arab populations—until the eleventh century- due largely to
consistent migration and settlement traffic from the coasts of Yemen
and Arabia.
In the late ninth century, a new Muslim state was established by
two brothers: Ya'qub and Amr hin Layth Saffari. They threatened
Baghdad itself in the 870s and were given a grant by the 'Abbasid ca
liphs over Sind. The Saffands took over cities like Ghazna, Qusdar,
Kikan, Qandabil, and Multan, and they held them until 9O0.6-' They
were dethroned by the Samanid, rivals of the Saffarid from Khurasan,
who poured into Makran and took Multan during the second decade
of the tenth century. By this juncture, the fracturing of the Abbasid
polity at Baghdad had eroded even the nominal connection between
the frontier of Sind and the capital of Baghdad.
The lsma'ili ila'wa jsummons, invitation to convert) spread in Sind
from the Yemeni port cities during early tenth century and was fol
lowed by the emergence of Isma’ih centers and closer relations with
the Fatimid caliphate in Egypt (r. 909-1171). By 965, the city of Multan
was a center of Isma'ili missionary activities across the region.'"' The
caliphate in Baghdad was now only a distant observer of the fringes of
their eastern realm.
The history of Baladhuri and the later geographers demonstrate that
in the early centuries of the second millennium, Sind was a connected
space of multiple small polities and courts with markedly diverse pop
ulations. This Arabic historiography of Muslim campaigns in the region
of Sind further affirms the reading of Sind as an Indian Ocean region
interconnected with Arabia and Iran from the seventh century on
ward. The presence of various mercantile and political communities
throughout the eighth and ninth centuries gives prima facie lie to an
originary encounter which posits conquest as the first contact. Yet the
Arab texts do detail a history of a political frontier where the Muslim
46 FRONTIER WITH THE HOUSE OF GOLD
47
46 FRONTIER WITH THE HOUSE OF GOLD
47
48 A FOUNDATION FOB HISTORY
A Contested Geography
merit and are attested in accounts from the fifth and sixth centuries.4
Multan was a known center for pilgrimage to the sun temple since the
third century.4 Uch. Mansura, Diu, Broach, Cambay were nodes which
connected to Aden and Muscat on the one end and to Lahore and Kabul
on the other. A sketch of these political regimes will help illustrate the
political dynamics of the thirteenth century and make the argument
for why a text such as Chachnama was written.
Sebuktigin was a "Hirk" general and governor of the Samanid polity
at Ghazna (presently Afghanistan,. In 962, he established himself as a
nominal Sultan—retaining the claims of the Samanid and the 'Abbasid
as overlords—and began military expansion into northern Punjab. By
his death in 997, he had acquired a number of forts from the Hindu Sahi
polity and extended his dominion over Ghur and Makran. His son,
Mahmud (d. 1030), continued to consolidate his power into northern
Punjab and Sind, wresting control of Multan and Mansura from their
Isma’ili rulers. Mahmud led more than twenty campaigns to Sind be
tween root and 1027. These campaigns have achieved totemic signifi
cance (popularly as "seventeen attacks") in contemporary historical
memory, and they are the reason why Mahmud is remembered as a
temple raider or destroyer. A significant motivation for his campaigns
was the desire to gain favor with the Abbasid court,- destroying the
Isma’ili political rule in Multan would have easily achieved that goal.6
Mahmud's empire, the Ghaznavid (r. 962-1186], was followed by the
reign of Mui'zzuddin Muhammad bin Sam Ghur (d. 1206), who
emerged from Herat and conquered Multan and Uch in 1175, Daybul
in 1182, and Lahore in ri86. Sam continued expansion toward Delhi
from Lahore and directly engaged the surrounding polities of the
Chauhan, the Chandella (based in the Bundelkhand region|, the Gaha-
davala |whose capital was at Vamasi), and the Chalukya. He suffered
some setbacks: in 1188 he was defeated by Prithviraja of the Chauhan
at Tara’in and was forced to retreat to Ghazna. Yet by 1192 he was
permanently established near Delhi, controlling a string of forts that
allowed him access over the northern Gangetic plain with a capital at
Lahore. Alongside his lieutenant Qutbuddin Aybeg (d. 1210-1211), he
launched expeditions into Rajasthan, Gujarat, and the Deccan.
After Sam's assassination in 1205, Aybeg went from Delhi to La
hore and declared himself sovereign, setting up a new struggle among
Sam's warlords for the control of Lahore, Uch and Delhi. Aybeg’s death
A FOUNDATION FOR HISTORY 51
Qabacha at Uch
During this intense tactical and military struggle to control key city
states in northern India, the western Asian Muslim polities were facing
the rising Mongol, After the Mongol conquests in Khurasan, the east
ernmost frontier of the Muslim world—Sind and Punjab—became fron
tiers of last refuge. The Khawarzam Shahi polity, based in Samarkand,
was defeated by Chingiz Khan in 1215-1218, pushing the ruler Ala'ddin
Muhammad into Sind. His son falaluddin sacked Uch in 1224 after
Qabacha refused to help him against Chingiz Khan, and jalaluddin
prepared to begin his march up to litutmish’s Delhi. However, the
pursuing Chingiz Khan reached him at Uch and defeated him. This
was the first of many Muslim polities ended by Chingiz Khan. On his
way back to Iran, Chingiz Khan besieged Multan in 1224, but Qa
bacha was able to fend him off there. Qabacha, however, could not bear
the strikes of both Jalaluddin and the Mongols.
Tabaqat-i Nasiri, written by Minhaj Siraj Juzjani |ca. 1190-1260 CE),
is a contemporaneous account of political rule in Delhi. His short
SI A FOUNDATION FOR HISTORY
When Chingiz Khan and Jalaluddin Khawarzam Shah fought near the
river Indus, Khawarzam Shah entered Sind. He went to Daybul and
Multan. After conquering Nanda. the Tartari commander Turbi
No'in came to Multan with a heavy army and surrounded it for forty
days. During the siege, Qabacha opened the gates of the treasury and
gave grants to all the people. His wisdom, foresightedness, and
bravery accomplished miracles that will be remembered until the
Day of Judgment. This happened in 621 AH I1224 CE| (... |
That same year, the writer of these words, Minhai Siraj, came
from Khurasan to Ghazna to Multan and via boat to Uch. It was the
twenty-sixth of Jamadi Awal of 624 AH (1227 CE|. In 625 AH I1228
CE|, control of the madrasa Firuzi in Uch was given to the writer of
these words. |Also granted to Juzjani| was an appointment to the army
of'Alauddin Bahram Shah. In 625 AH I1228 CE|, Sultan Syed Sham-
suddin laid siege to Uch, and Malik Nasiruddin |Qabacha| fled to
Bhakkar. The sultani army continued the siege for twenty-seven days
until the fort was occupied. When Malik Nasiruddin |Qabacha|
learned of the fall of Uch, he sent his son Alauddin Bahram Shah to
Sultan Shamsuddin. When he reached the |besieging] army, the news
of the conquest of Bhakkar also reached him (Bahram Shah). Malik
Nasiruddin (Qabacha) drowned in the river Indus. His life ended.
Over Sind, Uch, and Multan, he ruled for twenty-two years.’
claims. The gathering of luminaries at court, the grants, and the com
mission of histories and poetic works were attempts to situate these
itinerant warlords within Muslim pasts. Along with the panegyrists
and historians, the warlords also tried to ally with the Sufi mystics.
Both lltutmish and Qabacha tried vigorously to gain favor with the
great Sufi Sheikh Bah'auddin Zakariya in Multan, Juzjani’s Tabaqal-i
Nasiti. a universal history that begins with the fall of Adam to earth,
is itself one key example of the work of cultural capital undertaken by
Muslim authors in the service of these warlords. Tabaqat-i Nasiri was
completed around iz6o, long after the claims of Yildiz and Qabacha
for Multan and Lahore.
For Juziani, Illtutmish completed the flow of Muslim history. He
was the one who unequivocally linked the frontier of Hind to Islam's
cosmology, to the sunna of the Prophet, and to Islam's dynastic histo
ries. Other works also furthered the conception of Islam's past com
fortably ensconced in the hands of the frontier kings. These works,
completed in the first half of the thirteenth century, include Hasan
Nizami’s To/ ul-Ma'athir, Fakhr-i Mudabbir’s Bahr ul-Ansab and A dab
Harb wa'l Shaja’a. Awfi's Jawami al-Hikayat, Ibn Athir's Kamil fi'l
Ta'rikh. Barani's Fatawa-yi lahandari. and isami’s Futuh as-Salatm.
Most importantly, these histories, biographies, and advice manuals
were all consistently rooted in the Indic soil, This tumultuous geog
raphy of the early thirteenth century gave rise to a series of historical
and poetic texts that addressed Muslim past in Sind and in India. The
three authors attached to the court in Uch served through changes in
political regimes and represented continuities across the transitions of
political order.
Juzjani was a historian, poet, educator, and jurist who served in Uch
and then later in Delhi. His grandfather, father (bom in Lahore), and
other relatives had served courts in Ghazna, Ghur, and Lahore as ju
rists, theologians, and diplomats. Juzjani came to Uch in 1227 and was
made the principal of the school Madrasa-i Firuzi by Qabacha. After
Qabacha's death, he was employed by lltutmish as a scholar at court,
lltutmish charged him with giving weekly addresses from the threshold
of the royal chambers before he returned to Delhi. Juzjani was there
when the robes of investiture arrived from Baghdad to congratulate the
new ruler, and he was there at the death of Iltutmish and the crowning
54 A FOUNDATION FOR HISTORY
from Arabic into Persian was thus a key part of the process of Persian-
ization. Alam notes a number of such texts leading up to the fourteenth
century period, including Bal’ami's (d. ca. 997I translation of Tabari's
universal history, Barani's (d. 1357) translation of the history of 'Abbasid
vizier Barmak, and Tusi's (d. 1274I translation of Ibn Miskawa’s book
on ethics.
Though these texts are commonly understood to be translations
Itariumal, 1 follow A. C. S. Peacock in approaching them as transcre
ations or commentarial interpretations. Peacock has shown that
Bal’ami cannot be claimed as a translation, though it is widely read as
such. Peacock demonstrates that Bal'ami reimagined and rewrote
Tabari's work under a "substantially different" method of writing his
tory.14 In contrast to the Arabic text, Bal’ami's work focused on the pre-
Islamic prophets, made extensive interjections into the text with
Qur'anic verses, and reimagined events from a theological perspective
derived from surah ‘Imran.1' Bal'ami also emphasized prophecy and
dreams as drivers of historical action, which Peacock reads as a ges
ture towards Shi'ite sensibilities but I am more inclined to see a per
formance of an ethical paradigm.16 Whatever the interpretation, it is
only after moving away from the fixity of "translation" that new ana
lytics of the text emerge. For this reason, the text's claim as a transla
tion requires parsing within the attendant social functions of this
robust discourse.
How docs Chachnama's claim of being a translated text fit into the
process described by Alam? The early thirteenth century in Uch is a
unique space to deepen this reading of Persianization because we can
colocate authors and texts through a transference of political power.
Broadly, three types of claims are evident in the network of Persian
texts surrounding the Chachnama: the Arab descent of the author, the
Arabic origins of the text, and the Arab descent of the patron of the
text. I argue that these claims are an assertion of the right to produce
texts, to interpret them, and to present them to an elite ruling class.
This elite class—itself diverse ethnically and linguistically—is also the
audience best endowed with skills to understand the moral and eth
ical lessons in these textual productions.
The claim of Arab descent is frequent in the historical and poetic
writings from the thirteenth century. Numerous claims link a text or
A FOUNDATION FOR HISTORY 57
brought peace and prosperity to the city: "(Kazlak Khan| called back
all who had scattered from the worries of war, and he resettled them.
He provided sustenance for the elite and the common and gave them
all equal justice." Juzjani's honorific for Kazlak Khan, niulk |king|, is
apt because these appointments mandated an open and fluid hierarchy
of alliances.22
In his preface, Juzjani explains that during his duties as a jurist he
came across a book which had been collected "as exemplum for the
people: the lives of prophets, caliphs, and genealogies of past kings."23
That book ended with the career of Sultan Mahmud of Ghazna, and
fuzjani wishes to expand its "genealogy to include all the rulers and
kings of Islam, whether Arab or non-Arab, from the beginning to now,
so that the light of every ruling family would be lit in this gathering."21
This he accomplishes by consulting "commendable" histories, which
he rewrites in a language that is accessible to all who can reflect on it.
There is both a recognition of the consequences of wnting for the
present and an overwhelming concern for posterity's judgment in his
work.
In his preface, Juzjani states that he is a mere reporter and begs for
giveness if he has made a mistake.25 At the end of his history, he in
vokes the immortal prophet Khizr to pray for the immortality of his
work, and he consequently uses the name of his patron sultan.26 There
are two concerns visible in Juzjani's preface which overlap with Awfi's
concerns. First, he invokes Arabic textual precedent; his first citation
is in the description of Adam's third son, Sheeth, where he cites
Tabari.2’ Second, he traces genealogies of various members of the no
bility and government.
Such insistence on biological or textual ancestors in Arabia should
be read as the author's claim for an intimacy with the moral and eth
ical concerns that are in the text. There is a courtly discourse about
the contents of each of these Persian texts, in their prefatory comments.
Juzjani, Awfi, and Kufi also offer a textual genealogy in their preface,
and provide fodder for self-reflection and perspectives on political
expedients for the elite. It is a sort of public reflection. Yet these prac
tices of public performance and reflection and their social function are
largely neglected by historians of the Delhi sultanate. In that histori
ography, the emphasis remains on histoire evenementtelle™ Yet there
6o A FOUNDATION FOR HISTORY
For every age. the wise leave a writing meant to inspire and educate
their peers and elders. Such are the verses and prose that writers have
left documenting the conquest of Khurasan, Iraq, Iran, Rome, and
Syria. The conquest of Hindustan happened at the hands of Mu
hammad bin Qasim, and the Arab nobles of Syria and Islam were re
vealed in this environ, and from the ocean to the limit of Kashmir
and Kanuaj they built mosques and removed Rai Dahar bin Chach bin
Sila'ij from the throne of Aror, and the great commander Muhammad
bin Qasim killed him (Dahar). I wished to write a history that would
detail the conditions of this region and its people and |Qasim’s) end.3’
Kufi began to look for sources to write this history of Sind. He re
counted that he traveled to the city of Bhakkar (Sind), where he located
a history unknown to the Sindhi elite. This was in the possession of a
learned and pious descendant of Muhammad bin Qasim. In a section
titled "Tarjam-e Kitab" (Translation of the Book), he writes.
pies of the bravery and courage of Arabs and Syrians were in
scribed, and their stature and intelligence was evident. With every
fortification that they conquered, they ended the night of unbelief
and ignorance. In every region they entered, they glorified Islam and
erected mosques with minarets and filled them with pious and as
cetic believers. And to this day, the light of Islam, honesty, hard
work, and knowledge continue to shine in those regions. And in each
epoch that a slave owned by the Prophet ascends to the throne, once
again, he strips the rust of ignorance away from the mirror of Islam. '"
Ali Kufi is marking two explicit motifs in his preface: the linkage
between the history of Uch and the history of Arabs, and the "renewal’'
of central principles of Islam. He goes on:
When this fable of faith was taken from the veil of Taz'i |obscurity|
and the cover of Hiiazi |Arabic| into the house of Persian |language|
and put in the strictures of narrative and the fabric of honesty and
translated into the clothes of prose, I dove into thoughts of the great
leader to whom this new and strange letter of conquest can be
dedicated.’1
Kufi remarks that translating the text from one language to another
is an interpretative act—he can present the thoughts in the text to an
appreciative audience. This immediate linking of translation to patron,
places Kufi's project among earlier "translation" projects 1 detailed
above. Kufi uses the metaphors of marriage to reflect the intimacy be
tween languages. Kufl does not provide the name of the original Ar
abic text he claims to be using. Nor does he provide any indications as
to its provenance; there is no convention requiring him to do so. Kufi
has to only assert such descent, not to demonstrate it. Kufi returns to
the claim of translation in his closing remarks:
means of a history anil advice manual, couching his own work in the
prestige economy of Arab descent.-’''
If we take Baladhuri's Futuh Buldan as typical conquest narrative,
divided into regions, then years, then participants, with each event nar
rated through textual or oral citation, Chachnama's structure, by com
parison, is markedly different. Chachnama begins in city states and
focuses entirely on personages |Chach bin Sila'ii, the queen, their son
Dahar). It highlights the condition of Aror prior to Chach’s arrival at
the capital; Chach’s employment as a scribe for the king’s chief min
ister; the manner in which the young queen falls in love with him and
schemes to place him upon the throne after the death of the king;
Chach's reconquest of "the four quarters" of the kingdom, his treat
ment of civilians and cities; Chach's two sons' tussle for the throne
after Chach's death; the treacherous way in which Dahar takes over
Aror, and finally the set piece: the marriage of Dahar to his own
sister. All of this, constituting the first third of Chachnama, has three
overarching themes: the ruler's basis of legitimacy, the good counsel
of the advisor, and the immorality of treachery. All Kufi attributes
information from this section to various sources: the tellers of tradi
tion and authors of histories, the author of this romance and the
writer of this bouquet, writers of the story of this conquest, and so
forth. There is no attention to the citation precedence that was ob
served by Baladhuri.
The next portion of the text dealing with the Muslim campaigns is
introduced under the heading "A History from the Righteously Guided
Caliphs to Walid." This chapter heading is quite similar to the chapter
headings of any annalistic history (such as Tabari's). Yet even the epi
sodes in this section are attributed to the generic "tellers of traditions,"
with an odd mention of Mada’ini. Unlike Baladhuri's work, however,
Chachnama focuses on the inner turmoil, deliberations, doubts, and
planning of the campaigns. A typical conquest narrative would not
refer to earlier episodes in the text, but Chachnama deliberately mir
rors the campaigns of the Muslim Qasim with those of the Brahmin
Chach. Qasim even plants a Muslim standard at the very spot where
Chach marked the extent of his kingdom with a tree. Chachnama's
Muslim kingdom of faith explicitly restrains itself within the previous
political boundaries of an Indic polity.
A FOUNDATION FOR HISTORY 65
The recognition that the limit of Sind extends to the present of the
Chachnama directly connects the temporal regime of the Chachnama
to the thirteenth century. It connects the notion of a limited, dialogic
imperial formation as a possibility for the Muslim regimes of Qabacha.
It evokes the caution of Beyhaqi, as I discuss below, that needless con
quest or warmongering does not benefit the polity. It also goes further
by making this limit an inheritance for the Muslim conquest. The Mu
hammad bin Qasim narrative cycle in the Chachnama traces Chach's
conquest journey, with Qasim planting flags for Islam at the same lo
cation where Chach planted trees.
The theme of restrained power is emphasized when Muhammad
bin Qasim marches his army to the "limit of Kashmir by the river
they call Panj Mah'iat, where Dahar’s father, Chach Sal'aij, had
planted the sapidar and sanobar trees and marked the limit of his
domain. Muhammad bin Qasim reached that mark, and he renewed
his commitment to the limit."41 It is now that Chachnama thoroughly
reconfigures the notion of the frontier as a spatial organization of po
litical power or anxiety to one of antecedent and tradition. Where
Chach marked the limits of his polity and asserted his centrality within
those boundaries, Qasim renews that vision and appropriates it for
the Muslim polity that he is founding.
In form or in theory, Chachnama cannot be considered a text in
the genre of conquest literature. Instead, it is political theory that is
deeply ingrained in the physical geography and spatial constructs of
the thirteenth century.
to the British mission after the annexation of Sind by the East India
Company in 1843. Almost every archaeological text, and nearly every
British colonial work dealing with Muslims or Sind, quotes the
Chachnama.
Why does Chachnama become the central evidence explaining the
origins of Islam in India! Cousens clearly articulates what he under
stands Chachnama to be: a history of the early eighth-century Arab
conquest, written at the time of the events, that survived with the de
scendants of the Arab commander Muhammad bin Qasim until it
was translated into Persian in 1216 CEby Alt Kufi and then circulated
until the present. It is, Cousens believes, a text closest to the histor
ical events of 712 CE, with testimony from direct participants. Further,
it is a narrative of the conquest of an indigenous population by outsider
forces that shows the prejudices of the conqueror and the destruction
of the conquered. In Chapter 6,1 detail how the East India Company’s
colonial conquest of the princely state of Sind dovetailed with the
anointing of Chachnama as the central conquest narrative, and how
Chachnama was selectively excerpted to represent "Muslim despo
tism" in colonial historical writings.
Identifying the text as an eighth-century document of the Arab con
quest allowed Cousens and other colonial archaeologists, historians,
and agents to claim that "with regard to the Arab dominion in Sind, it
is impossible for the traveler to wander through the land, without
being struck with the absence of all record of their occupation."12 The
physical or territorial "absence" that Cousens noted is linked again
to Chachnama. which ended its narrative in 714 CE. The history
"missing" in the Chachnama became the corroboration of the seeming
absence of the Arabs in Sind. The text is displaced from the thirteenth
century, obscuring the lived histories of 500 years of Muslim political
and social life in Sind. For Cousens, the text's significance is in its
movement from one language to another (Arabic into Persian) and he
can excavate the geography which is described in that text to confirm
its facts. Yet. due to the material absence of any indicator of Arab con
quest in Sind, Cousens concludes that the textual source, Chachnama,
is the only source for the eighth century. Cousens reports Sind as a land
empty of remains of Arab settlements and as one where Muslim fanat
icism had destroyed all traces of pre-eighth-century Hindu past.
A FOUNDATION FOB HISTORY 71
And if one chances to wander beyond the precincts of the city, he secs
such a variety of gardens as to forget the mansions altogether. There
are Dhallas, Kundas, Satapatrikas and other countless trees. There are
other strange trees also. The combined shadow of these trees making
up a dense thicket stretching to the length of ten Yojanas.'*
second that the Muslim governor collects all of the offerings given to
the idol and redistributes a small amount back to the caretakers of the
temple.
In these recurrent descriptions of cities and settlements, we glimpse
the politically volatile but intertwined life at the frontier. The accounts
of battles, trades, and patronage of Muslim communities arc authenti
cated with the epigraphic accounts such as the Chinchani charter from
926 CE that was found near Sinian in C.ujarat and that shows Krishna II
giving his support to an Arab polity.6’ Patronage stones in both tex
tual and epigraphic records from the prethirteenth-century world helps
us imagine a diverse and interconnected frontier.
Was the world described by the Arab geographers and Rahman lost
by the eleventh century? From 'Awfi, we can see that the cultural
memory of this world, if not its political realities, continued in
thirteenth-century Uch. In the opening section of lawami Hikayat,
'Awfi narrates an anecdote from his time in Cambay: ''In Cambay were
a group of Muslims with pure faith" who lived alongside foreigners
under the rule of Jay Singh. He had given them permission to build a
mosque from which they could give public calls for prayers.6" Some un
believers attacked the mosque, killed eighty Muslims, and burned the
mosque. The preacher of the mosque appealed to the ruler against the
atrocity, but he was unable to reach him. Eventually he managed to
meet Jay Singh during a hunt, submitting a petition written in "the dia
lect of Hindi."’6’ Awfi describes how Jay Singh puts on a disguise—very
much in the spirit of the great 'Abbasid caliph Harun ur-Rashid—and
rides to Cambay to investigate this crime. Once he has asked around
and learned that the mosque was indeed burned, he fills a jug with
seawater and returns to his capital of Naharwala. There he fines all of
the leaders of the community for failing to protect peace in his do
main and gives the preacher four gifts for the reconstruction of the
mosque and four canopies of intricate designs. These canopies, 'Awfi
claims, he saw with his own eyes.
Further evidence of a richly populated and vibrant world comes
from the thirteenth-century Persian geographer Zakariya ibn Mu
hammad Qazwini (1203-1183). In his Asar al-Bilad wa Akhbar al
'/bad (Monuments of the Lands and Reports of God's Servants), Qaz
wini praises the land of Sind:
76 A FOUNDATION FOR HISTORY
On my life, this is the land where when rain falls, milk, pearls and
rubies grow
Musk, amber, 'ud, and all the perfumes flourish
The parrots are big as mountains
such that elephants, ligers, and lions appear as child before it
What fool can deny the richness of this land?70
Finally, one might at least put on the agenda for furiher inquiry the
possibility that the text of the Chach Nama was regarded by Kufi as
containing lessons for Muslim rulers of his own day.... Is the Chach
Nama then, in the text we have before us, one of the outward and
visible signs of a domestication of those new and Muslim rulers who,
successors to the Ghurids, were establishing their authority in the
northern part of the subcontinent at the beginning of the seventh/
thirteenth century |AH/CE|?n
78
Letter writer. (Photo © Manan Ahmed Asif.1
Bo DEAR SON, WHAT IS THE MATTER WITH YOU?
After a short while, he turned to his work, and I sat quietly ob
serving. He received many visitors early in the morning—men going
about their business who stopped to ask about his well-being and to
give him news of theirs. These meetings, often no more than a hand
shake and a quick exchange, were conducted in Seraiki, in Punjabi, or
in Brohi. The status offered to Murad Sahib as a historian of the com
munity was clear in each encounter that I witnessed that morning.
Many of the visitors engaged in long conversations about inheritances,
work, marriages, and business, asking Murad Sahib to correct their
account or give an account for their understanding.
That morning there were two men who had complaints lodged
against them for diverting water meant for other fields, and they were
at the courthouse to submit a statement in their defense. Murad Sahib
listened carefully to their story and asked them questions to clarify
their narrative. Once the account was settled, he took out a sheet of
300-rupee stationary and began to write the statement in his looping
script. As he wrote, he spoke about daily business to the other scribes,
to passersby, and to me (occasionally). His customers, the two men. sat
quietly. After he was done, he advised them on where to go to file the
paperwork as well as what to say, and he gave them specific names of
clerks inside the building. The business concluded, the two men re
spectfully took their leave and departed with their letter.
Near the end of our conversation, Murad Sahib described how he
knew the stories and lessons of Chachnama from oral accounts, and
excerpted translations republished in cheap editions. When he was
visiting the district court in Hyderabad, he had visited the Bhambore
archeological site and thought about the distant history of this land.
"Chachnama is a wise book of this very soil," he exclaimed, "with
many lessons for us!" 1 began to understand through this conversation
that Chachnama was a living text in Uch, with resonances in daily
social life. This dimension of the history of a medieval text had not
been apparent to me earlier. Our business concluded, 1 walked away
from the courtyard, thinking about this question of "lessons." What
lessons are embedded in this text from this soil? What precisely is the
rubric for advice in Chachnama!1
Chachnama is a product of its time. It was written in the political
capital of Qabacha's court, Uch, in the thirteenth century, and it re
flected the political concerns of that time and place. In Chapter 2, I
DEAR SON, WHAT IS THE MATTER WITH YOU? 8l
will is thus fulfilled: Dahar marries his sister, and using his political
prowess, he becomes the ruler of Chach's kingdom.
The letters exchanged between Dahar and Daharsia operate within
the framework of divine will and political acumen. Chachnama em
phasizes the eloquence and humility in Dahar's letters, harkening back
to the skill and acclaim that Chach had garnered during his rise to
power. The letters are set up in a dialogic confrontation: a diplomatic
and well-crafted letter is necessary in a king’s set of skills. However,
Daharsia’s skepticism of the sincerity of Dahar’s letters highlights the
capacity of beautifully rendered prose to obfuscate and distract. In
effect, the narrative outside of the letters—depicting the minister’s
advice and Dahar's machinations—puts into relief a tension between
narrative truth and moral truth within the letters. Chachnama asks
us to imagine within that exchange a play of politics whereby contesting
political powers can lie, cajole, plead, or assert their positions with false
promises. Chachnama further complicates the question of political
rule through the minister’s advice and attestation that the public has
a short memory, such that if necessary to retain power, a ruler can
make an immoral choice. The public—defined as both urban and rural
dwellers—will eventually forget or simply go along with the king's
dictum.
that this dedicated servant and all the nobles, servants, warriors, and
groups of Muslims are well and safe. We are striving to institute order
and organization here. We bring to your luminous opinion the news
that after traveling across deserts and lethal jungles, we reached the
edge of the polity of Sind, and we have camped next to the river which
is known as Mehran.... At the moment we arc resting in the shade of
a fort which boasts that it was built by the Roman Alexander ilikandar
Rumi) himself. Yet I am confidant in the mercy of the Great God.u
power in this exchange of advice is clear from the way in which Haijaj
begins his letter to the young Qasim—with intimacy and candor,
quickly showing his exasperation at the halting campaign. The rebuke,
"Dear son, what is the matter with you!" highlights the patriarchal
nature of his advice, and the informality makes clear the dynamic of
power at play.
In Haijaj's formulation of difference between religions, the politics
of the governed is paramount. Whereas Qasim narrates a dialectic of
difference that must be overcome (mosques where temples stood), Haijaj
at first seems to offer a similar sentiment (destroy the cities of the un
believers), but critically this is expressed as a desire and not as a
strategy. The strategy offered by Hajiaj is instead to look toward accom
modation as governance. The nobility's proposals of tax schema ought
to be accepted without debate because their alliance is crucial to the
establishment of a new governing regime, Hajiaj explains. Hence, the
first path of gainings kingdom is through peaceful alliancesand under
standings. As he details the ways in which Qasim could incorporate
local nobility into his administration, Haijaj also comments that
Dahar should be given only one choice: accept the oneness of God or
prepare to fight. The letter continues with Hajiaj responding to the
strategy question that Qasim proposed about crossing the river Mehran
to engage the troops on the other shore. He advises that the Muslim
army must do this immediately so that Dahar is impressed by their con
fidence. Hajiaj then gives specific tactical advice—how to tie the boats
together, how to position the army to assist in the crossing, how to
assemble on the battlefield on the other side. Finally, he impresses upon
Muhammad bin Qasim the need to follow his directions to the letter.
Chachnama then shows the divine sanction for Hajjaj’s advice. It
narrates how Dahar surrenders the fort after receiving a prophecy from
his astrologer that the "fort built by Alexander" was fated to "fall to
Muslims on 93 Hijri (711 CE|," Dahar dispatches the Buddhist care
taker (sonMnil of the fort to surrender peacefully to the Muslims. The
Buddhist caretaker does so, and Qasim grants a robe of honor. Qasim
then implements a scheme of religious accommodation for the popu
lation, enacting Hajjaj's advice.
The subsequent letters continue to develop the political and mili
tary strategy for Chachnama, providing the framework within which
90 DEAR SON, WHAT IS THE MATTER WITH YOU?
action can be understood. The two sets of letters I have chosen to high
light here share the theme of how kings and polities intersect. Reading
them together reveals that Chachnama is advocating for a policy
binding the king and his elites through a common goal of governance
wherein retaining power is the supreme good. This good is sanctioned
by divinity that is, in both cases, legible in the stars. This mutual leg
ibility, by extension, makes their truth-claims compatible or, at the
very least, comparative.
The letters demonstrate the necessity of dialogue in a political world
that is defined through difference. The debate continues in other letters,
with Qasim advocating more lenient policies and Hajjaj becoming
more strident. The effect of these positions is to underscore the ques
tion of dialogue and strategy for the text. Each of these encounters is
meant to be understood as the working out of differing positions. The
moral weight of the text leans in one clear direction: accommodation.
In linking the Chach and Qasim cycles narratively, and by making
Chach the exemplar for Qasim, Chachnama creates an equivalence be
tween the Muslim and non-Muslim histories, thus cementing its case
for accommodation.
A dear articulation of Chachnama asserting equivalence is in the
victory letter (specifically termed lathnama) that Qasim sends to Hajjaj
after the defeat of Dahar and his army. At this moment of triumph,
the letter begins on that strident note:
To the commander of Iraq and Hind, Hajjaj bin Yusuf, with thousands
of salutations from the servant Muhammad hm Qasim, who declares
that the grace of God pitted the brave and hearty warriors of both
sides against each other and gave victory to the army of Islam after
their swords were wet with blood and made supine and defeated
the army of Dahar, who possessed wild elephants. Their elephants,
horses, cattle, slaves are all in our possession, and a fifth of it is dis
patched to the capital It is hoped by the grace of God that with this
auspicious beginning, all the politics of Hind and Sind will enter into
the domain of Islam.19
erosity is the understanding that this is only the first phase of a wider
campaign that is dependent on the blessing of God. This also recalls
Chach's declaration in his letter to the raja of Ahujam, Qasim's vic
tory is thus an analogue to Chach's, as the Muslim polity is a successor
to Chach's. That God would sanction Chach's imperial formation just
as he would Qasim's works in an ontological register but also in a legal
register.
A dialogic form of letter exchange is used to address difference in
the thirteenth century. Using this mode, Chachnama articulates the
nitty-gritty modes through which one accommodates difference. A
number of letters in Chachnama—including Hajjaj’s brief to Qasim—
advocate for making alliances where possible. After the conquest of
Daybul, Hajjaj sends instructions on how to execute such alliances:
After the conquest of each fort, distribute all gains on the mainte
nance of the army. Do not stop any one from eating or drinking the
needful, and make sure that the supply of foodstuff is maintained so
that the commodities for the army are cheap and accessible. What
you rescued in Daybul, do not confine to treasuries. Instead, dis
tribute it among the people, because after the conquest of the polity
and the opening of the forts, one should strive to help the people
Ira'iya) and the dwellers lastamalat sakanan), because if the farmers
Izara'i), artisans |sanoi|, and traders (tu/iar) are at ease, the polity will
be green and prosperous, by the grace of God.
tion mirrors that of Arthasastra, which renders the tasks in the same
order: first to spend resources and attract political opponents, and to
resort to violent conflict only if all else fails.
Chachnama also mirrors Arthasastra's definition of the relation
ship between the king and his advisor: "a king can reign only with
the help of others; one wheel alone does not move a chariot. Therefore,
a king should appoint advisors and listen to their advice."3* Hence,
Chach with Budhiman, and Qasim with Hana) are presented as pairs
in governance.
The spatial imagination in Arthasaslra also resonates within
Chachnama. Arthasastra describes the state in a relationship with its
four borders and the kingdoms around it. It has an ideal variety of
mountains, valleys, plains, deserts. This is precisely how Chachnama
introduces Chach's kingdom. In both texts, the governed polity con
tains natural landscapes, and both texts emphasize promoting reserves
for animals. They describe a built environment, with detailed descrip
tions of the physical layout of the capital, the forts, and the public build
ings and outposts. Along with the spatial imagination, Arthasastra
argues for political "stability’' as a conquering king's key effort. This
stability is operative in the territory of governance \chakravartik
shetram]. Hence, Arthasastra argues that political power should over
come political difference. As we saw in the letters, the capacity of the
king to "visualize" the terrain is articulated and stressed throughout
Chachnama.
How does Chachnama argue for a coherent political theory out of
these various influences? Are its formulations moral edicts that can
be separated from the text? Or is the effort instead to work through
different perspectives with nested levels of comprehension throughout
the text? It is this last question that emerges from my reading of the
text. I am drawn to a similar reading advanced by Yigal Bronner in
his review of the ninth-century Sanskrit text, Kuttanimatam, which
was written in the court of the Kashmir kipg Jayapida.w Bronner ex
plains that the text—a lecture by an older madam Vikarala to a young
woman named Malati. delivered via a series of intricate framing
stories—asks for deep meditation from the reader. There is often con
flicting advice, or the sympathy of the text seems to be buried within
the framing narratives, to characters who seemingly contradict the
98 DEAR SON, WHAT IS THE MATTER WITH YOU?
royal power, and the capacity of the courtiers to strike back, perme
ates the fables. Intertwined with that reading is the argument that the
jackal is not suited for kingship because he is a jackal. This argument
is developed in a series of other talcs.
For example, in the framing story of the third book (3-01), birds—
geese, cranes, cuckoos, peacocks, owls, pigeons, partridges, skylarks,
etc.—come together to elect a king because Garuda the bird king is
preoccupied and negligent in his duty to care for his subjects. The so
ciety of birds debates and decides to elect the owl, who has convinced
them of his wisdom. However, just as they are about to crown him
king, a crow interrupts the procession. The crow points out that the
owl's nature is fierce, cruel, terrifying, and evil minded: he will be un
able to protect his subjects. The collective of birds decides against
electing the owl.41 Similar to the story of the indigo jackal, the talc
of the owl addresses the ruler's character, foregrounding the capacity of
the ruled to counsel and to confederate to protect the greater good.
This recognition of mutual difference between the ruler and the ruled
and the incommensurability between the nature of one animal and
that of another is demonstrated throughout Pancatantra. Pancatan
tra’s tales and its mode of advice may have entered Chachnama di
rectly in Sind and Gujarat, or it could have come via translation from
Arabic. Awfl, for example, also translated Arabic advice literature
into Persian.
The route for Panctantra through Arabic is better known but bears
repetition here, for it solidifies our picture of a vibrant advice tradition.
These tales, with their divergent meanings and gentle assertions of
difference, first entered the Pahlavi Sassanian court of Khusru Anush-
irwan (d. 579) and then were transcreated into Arabic by Abdallah ibn
Muqaffa in 75° CE as Kalila wa Dimna lbn Muqaffa' |d. ca. 756), trans
lated the framing story of King Amrasakti to King Khusr and his phi
losopher physician Burzoy, who travels to India to acquire scientific
knowledge and wisdom about governance. The tales concern the jackal
Dimna, who is striving to acquire power by any means necessary, and
his brother Kalila, who tries to dissuade him through moral teachings.
The two are advisors to the king of the beasts—the lion—and they
eventually are tried and executed after Kalila's scheme to become king
fails. In Kalila wa Dimna, Muqaffa'—who wrote a series of other works
DEAR SON, WHAT IS THE MATTER WITH YOU? 101
1°3
104 A DEMON WITH RUBY EYES
annexed the caretaker's house. He had not, however, been able to get
legal ownership, and this is why he could not tear down the temple and
rebuild it. There were stories that demons haunted the temple, and any
attempt to discuss the demolition of it would result tn vehicular acci
dents, broken businesses, and marital discord. Therefore, they had left
the temple architecture untouched—their silent roommate.
The material remains of Hindus in Uch must be sought out. To sec
them is to be willing to reexamine the colonial narrative that sees
io6 A DEMON WITH RUBY EYES
Then Chach offers riches for the priest's temple, but his generosity
is repeatedly declined. In the end, the priest makes one request: "The
Buddhist temple of Kanohar is ancient and decrepit. If you repair it, you
will earn the gratitude of the believers."10 Chach quickly agrees to have
the temple rebuilt and leaves the priest. He returns to his troops and
orders them back to Brahmanabad. "Why did you not let us kill the
priest?" inquires Chach's minister, while leaving. Chach replies:
This encounter between the Hindu King Chach and the Buddhist
temple priest is the first of numerous encounters between different re
ligious communities in Chachnama. It offers three models for recog
nizing and ordering difference: a hierarchical distinction between the
ruler and the ruled, a distinction that acknowledges the faith of the in
dividual, and a distinction between serving the state and serving god-
The people of Brahmanabad resist their conquest but are pardoned
afterward through mediation. The faith and temple of the city are pro
tected, and Chach proclaims that serving Buddha is a valuable pursuit.
Though there are different ways of sacrality (ascetic or institu
tional!, they are presented as overlapping, which allows for alliances
of law, conduct, and marriage. The standoff between the political power
10 A DEMON WITH RUBY EYES
of the ruler, as represented by Chach, and the sacral power of the priest,
as represented by the |invisible to othersl demon with ruby eyes, simi
larly rests on mutually understanding religious difference within a
shared conceptual universe. Chach recognizes the spiritual and po
litical power of the Buddhist priest. For Chach, the reason for compro
mise is both an understanding of religious efficacy in political life as
well as a grasp of religious-political intersections of power. In recog
nizing the Buddhist temple and fearing the Buddhist demon, the
Brahmin Chach agrees to a political understanding of difference. In rec
ognizing the political power of Chach and asking him for material
aid, the Buddhist priest also agrees to this understanding of sacral
difference.
Within the political theory of Chachnama, this account is an ar
gument for mutual comprehension of difference. The communities are
made commensurable through the way Chach recognizes the sacral
power of the demon with ruby eyes and allows the Buddhist priest to
maintain his social status. The priest, in turn, recognizes Chach's re
cently acquired political power. The ruby eyes signify an agreement
between sacral and political power. They narratively mark a process
of translation across sacral and political regimes. Chachnama is
drawing upon a long genealogy of representations of Indic deities in
Muslim sources. Chachnama takes this potent symbolic representa
tion of Hindu presence and deploys it narratively as a site of transla
tion between Hindu and Muslim political and sacral powers.
Let us examine a textual genealogy of this archetype in Muslim
writings on India to demonstrate the concept in Chachnama. An idol
with ruby eyes first makes an appearance in Baladhuri's ninth-century
conquest text, marking a frontier and an encounter of difference. Balad-
huri narrates it in his description of the Muslim campaign in the re
gion of Dawar (in Oruzgan province in central Afghanistan, north of
Kandaharl in 654-655 CE:
When | Abd Shams, reached the land oi Dawar. he surrounded (the
pcoplc| in the mountain of Zur. They appealed for peace. He had with
him 8,000 Muslims, and each of them received 4,000 dirhams (for
tribute|. Ibn Samrah entered the Zurand temple and saw an idol of
gold with ruby eyes I'ainah yaqutani He cut off the hand of the idol
and took out the rubies. Then he called out to the caretaker: "Keep
A DEMON WITH RUBY EYES III
the gold and the rubies, 1 only wanted to show that it has no power
to help or harm," He then conquered Bust and Zabul hy covenant '*
and political spaces. Important for the argument here, the caretaker
recognizes Qasim’s pointed declaration against the Hindu deity. Qasim
does not molest the idol but smiles knowingly. The taking and return
of the bracelet asserts the dominance of Islam, and the speechless priest
bears witness of this dominance. Qasim returns the bracelet and leaves
without conflict.
However, Qasim's the next encounter with an idol elicits a different
emotional response from him. He is frightened when he enters the
temple in Multan:
Muhammad bin Qasim entered that temple with his advisors and his
nobles. He saw a gold idol with two bright ruby eyes, glowing red
Muhammad bin Qasim thought that this was a man. He unsheathed
his sword to strike the idol, but the Brahmin caretaker exclaimed,
"Oh just Commander! This is an idol |bui| that the king of Multan,
Juban, created and under which they sequestered riches and trea
sures." Then Muhammad bin Qasim commanded to have the idol
lifted.'’
Qasim’s reaction of fear before the ruby eyes links this episode to
that of the frightening demon confronted by Chach. The Brahmin
Chach had been scared and changed his mind from killing the Buddhist
priest to rebuilding the temple. The Muslim Qasim is scared enough to
consider striking the idol but does not. Like Chach agreeing to rebuild
the Buddhist temple, Qasim, under the advisement of the caretaker,
commits to the public good by protecting the idol and the temple:
"Then he gathered the noble and the public of Multan and entered into
a pact with them, safeguarded the idol, built a central mosque, and
appointed as the city's commander Baud bin Nasr bin Walid Umani."1’
Key here is that the caretaker is an explainer of the past as well as the
source of the information about the wealth in the temple. It is he who
asks Qasim to be cautious and not act in fear. His translation of the
sacral power of the idol, as well as its political role, is what allows
Qasim to recognize the significance of the temple and to create a just
political order for the city that is based in the politics of accommoda
tion. Just as there is a recognition of spiritual and political power within
the Buddhist-Brahmin encounter in the Chach cycle, so is there an
accommodation based on the effective role of the population in the
t. DEMON WITH RUBY EYES US
Muslim-Brahmin encounter in the Qasim cycle. The red eyes put into
conceptual conversation the creedal and political powers inhabiting
the region in the thirteenth century. They serve as a motif for the work
of translation that the non-Muslims do for political power and the
crucial role of mediation for governance.
Chachnama is redeploying a reoccurring symbol from Muslim
texts to offer strategies for governance: first to recognize the incom
mensurability of religions and make that recognition a tool for mutual
alliance, and second to incorporate the idea of a public good in the
managing of difference. While this allows a glimpse at the theoret
ical apparatus underpinning the encounter between communities in
the thirteenth century, Chachnama further provides illustrations of
how alliance building and negotiation are needed for the essential
task of managing difference.
Such a reading of Chachnama has remained occluded by scholar
ship's reading of the text as an account of the eighth century. As an
origins narrative, Chachnama functions in two synced ways: it details
the military conquest of space, and it shows the sacral conquest of the
inhabitants of Sind. In the next section, I read Chachnama for its un
derstanding of sacral cohabitation and conversion.
Uch. Both the mosque and the well are pilgrimage sites, whitewashed
and adorned with flowers and incense. The well is on the right, facing
the threshold of the prayer room in a small courtyard. On the left is
the tree that Qasim planted. The well is covered in glazed tiles and a
small fence. Often there is someone standing nearby, offering a prayer.
This, however, is named the Well of Baba Farid because the Sufi
Fariduddin Ganj-i Shakr |d. 126$)—remembered as Baba Farid—spent
forty days (or six months or ten years| suspended upside down in this
well in meditation.31 Baba Farid's meditation rcsacralizcd Uch’s im
print on the landscape of contemporary Muslim imagination by con
necting two histories of arrivals—that of Qasim's military campaign
and that of the spiritual campaigns of Chishti Sufis. 1 visited the well
to see for myself how the history of Islam’s arrival is tied to Uch's ma
terial landscape. On the wall above the well, a green sign informs the
reader about the history of this location. In English prose |with Urdu
verse), it reads as follows:
122 A DEMON WITH RUBY EYES
concerns Baba Farid moving from Uch ro Pakpattan |Aiodhan) and set
tling there:
Disciplining Subjects
Thus we can see that Chachnania is a political theory concerned with
alliances, rule of law. justice, and good governance. Further we see that
Chachnama uses Hindu-Buddhist encounters as social and political
precedents for Muslim-Hindu encounters. While Chachnama presents
a politics of accommodation, it is not an exclusively egalitarian po
litical vision, Indeed, the text presents social difference in the thirteen
century and may reflect the biases of its time. This is most apparent
in the treatment of nomadic Jat people, who in Chachnama arc seen
as a threat to all political regimes. Institutionalized through legal
A DEMON WITH RUBY EYES 125
The Jats are thus cast as a nomadic population that must be either
eradicated or policed under both Chach's reign and the polity of Qasim.
Jats arc invoked in the Qasim cycle when they continue to resist Qa
sim's armies even after the fall of a fort or even after making political
alliances. In dealing with the nomadic |ats, Qasim asks his new advi
sors about existing laws governing them in Sind: "What was the matter
of the Jats with Chach and Daharl" The ministers Siaker and Moka
reply with a legal history that goes back to Chach:
During the rule of Chach, the Jats of Lohana (that is, those who lived
in the area of Lakha and Sammal were prohibited from wearing soft
clothes, from covering their heads, and from wearing a rough, black
sheet on their torso When they exited their homes, they were accom
panied by dogs. By this, they could be identified from afar.... They
are barbaric, prone to rebellion and thievery on the roads. They were
the same even in Daybul, raiding along with others. They are also
responsible for bringing cooking wood to the kitchens of the kings.
Said Muhammad bin Qasim: "How offensive Imrrkruhl arc these
people! They are like the iungle dwellers in the lands of Persia (Farsi
and Makran (Kuhpaia) who have the same ways." Hence, Muhammad
bin Qasim kept on them their existing laws, )ust as Amir al-Mominin
'Umar bin Khattab had insisted that the nomadic inhabitants of Syria
host any traveler and give them food for a night, and if the traveler
were sick, for three nights.*’1
The Jats are described as nomadic, undisciplined subjects who re
fuse to submit to any political order. To address the Jat problem,
Chachnama layers three levels of history: the precedence of Chach's
laws, Muhammad bin Qasim's continued legal sanction of the Jats, and
finally the earliest Muslim political leaders' dealings with nomadic
peoples. In invoking the past of Chach. Qasim is assisted by the legal
knowledge of local ministers. When Qasim reaffirms this rule, he
makes comparisons to other political spaces that disciplined nomadic
peoples. Note, however, that never does Chachnarna suggest dealing
with a recalcitrant population through conversion.
The cases of political accommodation and the legal disciplining of
unruly subjects illustrate how Chachnama constitutes a robust theory
of managing difference. This theory is based on alliance and law. In
this theory, no community is under duress to convert to Islam. Their
A DEMON WITH RUBY EYES 117
128
THE HALF SMILE IJ9
The material history and practices surrounding Bibi fawindi and her
tomb highlight the erasure of women from histories in contemporary
Uch. What kind of histories could be written if we were to see women
as integral actors in the most powerful state in medieval northern
India? Within the conquest framework, Chachnama is only a story
about two male conquerors—Chach and Qasim. But there is another
radically different reading possible when we look at the role women
play in this political landscape. What happens to Chachnatna if we sec
past its ostensible structure of male protagonists to other interpreta
tive frames? Said differently, what if Chachnama is recast as a story
about political power that necessarily includes women! In the conquest
BO THE HALF SMILE
Ethical Subjects
Let us begin with the beginning of Chachnama, after Chach has ar
rived and the narrative first slows down to describe him. He comes
from a Brahmin ascetic family and is looking to be employed as a scribe.
Having attained employment in the court of the king of Aror, Rai
Sahasi, Chach quickly becomes a favorite and often visits the interior
of the palace. It is on one such visit that he is seen by the queen, Sohnan
Devi. Through her gaze the reader first sees Chach. She watches
him and finds him to be "beautiful, well-proportioned, with rosy
red cheeks."* She is immediately besotted, and "the plant of love blos
somed to a tree in her heart." The king, Chachnuma narrates, although
I?2 THE HALF SMILE
a kind and just ruler, is old and incapable of fathering sons, and so
Sohnan Devi sends a message to Chach: "Oh Chach! The arrows of
your eyelashes have wounded my heart. Your separation is a noose
around my neck. 1 hope that you will cure my ills with your presence
and remove this noose from my neck with your hands and put instead
garlands of love and companionship. If you refuse me, I will kill my
self."5 Chach refuses the entreaty and declares it to be foolhardy to
cheat one’s king and that this would lead to disrepair in this life and
discredit in the next:
Chach was from a family of ascetics, and he notes here that he has
already transgressed the dictates of his ascetic life. He insists that he
is attempting to be an ethical man while in the service of the king |"I
cannot take more sins upon myself"). He does not rebuke the queen or
call her immoral. Rather, he admits his own culpability. This is the
first instance of Chach making a choice to be an ethical subject. This
emphasis is reflected by Sohnan Devi, who accepts Chach’s decision.
Instead of becoming angry and vowing revenge, which is a more typical
reaction in adab stories of a woman in power and a young protagonist,
she "replied with great love and care," saying that "even if you refrain
from my love and company, at least let me see you from time to time
so that I can live with the hope of your company."’ On receiving this
reply, Chach is relieved. Over time he sometimes secs her, such that
their feelings toward each other strengthen. Yet Chach and Sohnan
Devi do not step outside of the bounds of ethical conduct, even though
rumors circulate. The declaration and restraint of desire critically sets
up their relationship as one concerning political power.
Chachnama then presents Sohnan Devi as the architect who brings
Chach to power. It is Sohnan Devi who first informs Chach that the
king has passed away. The king leaves no son. Sohnan asks Chach to
THE HALF SMILE 135
come to her and tells him how to become the king of Aror: "My intel
lect argues that if you act with courage at this point, this kingdom, by
God’s grace, will be yours."’ Chach quickly agrees to her plan, adding
only that he should also consult "devoted servants" about it. The
queen's scheme is to keep the news of the king's death secret for six
months, during which time they incite other claimants to the throne
to eliminate each other. Finally, with enough of their own supporters
in the court, the queen declares Chach as the caretaker prime minister
for a seriously ill king. In detailing this coup, Chachama emphasizes
that the wit and wisdom of Sohnan Devi are the catalyst for action,
with Chach as the willing apprentice.
After six months, they announce Sahasi's death. When Sahasi's
brother learns of his death, he assembles an army and descends on Aror
to challenge Chach for the throne. Chach is frightened and goes to
Sohnan Devi for advice: "This claimant to the throne is now here.
What do you advise?" Sohnan Devi smiles and responds, "I am a veiled
woman. If you need me to fight for you, then give me your clothes so I
can go out and fight while you sit inside here, wearing my clothes. Have
you not heard the wise men say that when one decides on a task, after
due consultations, he must fulfil it with determination’ This is your
kingdom now, and it is in your name. What advice is left? Go out like
a lion and defend your claim, for it is better to die with honor and re
nown than to he perceived as weak by your peers."’
The queen declares that they have already made a plan and have
been acting on it. Note that the queen understands that political
strategy requires consultation and that political action requires bravery
and steadfastness. Her challenge to Chach’s masculinity and honor
propel him to face Rai Mahrit, whom he kills in battle. After this vic
tory, the queen assembles the dignitaries of the court, and in public
she announces that there is no biological heir to the throne. She de
clares that Chach has proven himself as someone of high intellect and
valor that therefore he is the rightful custodian of the polity. She con
cludes that her hand should be given in marriage to Chach so that he
will become the new king. The court approves, and she is married to
Chach and has two sons.
The ascension of Chach, then, is only through the political acumen
of Sohnan Devi, who while declaring her desire for him respects the
34 THE HALF SMILE
vides a range of women who hold political power ("he would not be
able to hide from me"). The people are convinced by this and surrender
to Qasim after declaring that they are now under his protection,
After Qasim enters Aror and encounters the idol in the temple, he
announces hastily that those who had fought the invasion—even if
now supplicant—will be killed. Upon hearing this, Queen Ladi inter
jects that Qasim's command is unwise: "'The inhabitants of this city
are builders and traders. They keep this city alive and green. It is
through their labor that the treasury and the granary are full. If you
kill them, you will be killing your own wealth.’ Muhammad Qasim
answered, 'This is the order of Queen Ladi,' and he granted peace to
them all.''12
Thus Queen Ladi, who was abused and accused of disloyalty by the
people of Aror, is the instrument of their salvation. Qasim, who is the
conquering commander, does not hesitate to listen to the deposed
queen or to issue a command m her name. What Queen Ladi is em
phasizing to Qasim is that the safety and continuing livelihood of the
people of Aror are the foundation of his political rule. To further ce
ment this argument in Chachama. Qasim takes Queen Ladi as his own
wife. Like Chach's marriage to the wife of the previous king, Qasim’s
marriage to Ladi cements the bond of history to the political, showing
that new regimes build upon existing structures of power. Like Sohnan
Devi, Ladi speaks to and for the people of Sind and manages the tran
sition of power without violence or bloodshed. Ladi provides Qasim
with the techniques of rule that he needs to found a polity in Sind.
It is after Qasim's marriage to Ladi that Chachnama describes the
legal status of nonMuslims in the new polity. Qasim takes Ladi’s ad
vice to build the foundation for a diverse population, He enacts a poll
tax on non-Muslims: the purest weight of silver for the nobility, a lesser
weight for the lesser elite, and so on. He declares his subjects free to
practice the religion of their choice, and he makes appointments to
bureaucratic and administrative posts without any question of conver
sion. He makes a register of the traders, artisans, and farmers and ap
points them a relief fund because the war has hurt them the most. He
takes Dahar's nobles as his advisors and appoints Brahmins to key po
sitions, telling them that he has full confidence in their abilities.
These basic acts of statecraft and integration of political regimes mirror
IJ6 THE HALF SMILE
May God keep the king safe forever, and may his rule continue for
ages. It is necessary for the wise ruler of the time to weigh what he
hears from friend or foe on the scale of intellect and compare it to
his heart's intuition. Only once he is free from doubt should he pro
claim according to the demands of justice, such that the wrath of Fate
may spare him and his people not fault him. Your command docs
hold sway, but your heart lacks all understanding. In the ways of our
honor, Muhammad bin Qasim was like a brother or son to us and
never extended a hand of desire toward us. Yet he had killed the king
of Hind and Sind, destroyed the rule of my forefathers, and made us
slaves. For this, we sought our revenge on him. To ruin him and to
seek appropriate revenge, we lied in front of the caliph. Our purpose
was successful, and we gathered our revenge as the caliph's orders
were fulfilled.1"
Here the daughters reveal their lie. They assert respect, admiration,
and even filial affection for Qasim, for he had respected their purity.
Yet he had to die, for it was their ethical duty to avenge their father.
They have lied in pursuit of justice. Further, they show that although
the caliph has power, he lacks understanding because he is corrupted
by desire:
If this caliph did not have desire clouding his mind, he would have
investigated the matter prior to issuing his command, and today he
would not be in this place of shame and dishonor. And if Muhammad
bin Qasim had used his intellect, he would have walked until one
day’s journey from the capital and only then had himself sewn in
leather, When investigated, he would have been set free and not
ruined.1’
He has acted in haste and has not investigated their false claim. The
daughters shame the caliph from their position as pure ethical subjects.
They also condemn Qasim for his adherence to the caliph's order which
caused his death. The caliph, faced with this indictment, now con
fronts his own shameful haste. Lamenting that he has killed his
THE HALF SMILE ■59
own commander and "awash in sorrow, he bit the back of his hand."
The caliph is left speechless. Dahar's daughter speaks the last words
of Chachnama:
For the sake of two slave girls, you killed a commander who impris
oned a hundred thousand like us and defeated seventy kings of Hind
and Sind. He ordered the construction of mosques and minarets
where temples stood. Even if he had misbehaved or done something
to displease you, even then a selfish person would not have killed
Muhammad bin Qasim. The caliph ordered that the two daughters
be immured.10
The people from his party, frightened, ran back to the queen and
informed her that Dahar was fighting a lion. She was pregnant at the
time. When she heard the report, she was overwhelmed by her love
and concern for his safety and she fainted. When Dahar returned, she
had died, but he saw that the child was kicking in her stomach. He
ordered her stomach to be opened. A living son was produced. Dahar
gave his son to the wet nurse and called him Jaisinha, meaning al-
Muzafar ha al-Asad (Victorious Lionl—in Persian, Share Firuz.a
Transgressive Subjects
The story of Qasim’s death, staged far from the capital of Uch, in the
global capital of Baghdad, is the ethical coda for Chachnama's political
theory. The act and speech of the daughters illuminate the central logic
of Chachnama: an assertion of an ethical and just actor against the po
litical and moral instability inside the power structure. Chachnama
uses potent symbols of subversion and power, where a deceptively be
nign half smile reveals the corruption and potential disruption of state
power.
As I have demonstrated, Dahar’s daughter is an ethical, politically
astute woman who makes a severe indictment of a corrupt regime. Yet
she enters the subsequent Persianate historiography simply as a trans
gressive and corrupt woman who threatens the political order.29 Ibn
Batutta’s mid-fourteenth-century works similarly record the political
ascension of Razia Sultana, whose memory is tied to her transgressions
of dressing in male battle attire and consorting with an African slave.30
These fourteenth-century accounts focus on the transgression of the
women, erasing the naturalness of political power accorded to them
as theory or practice in Chachnama or in Juzjani's writings.
This story of Qasim's death in Chachnama is the earliest account
in any medieval Persian text. It is in Ayn ul-Mulk Abdullah Mahru’s
Insha’i Mahru, a collection of administrative letters written during the
reign of Firuz Shah Tughluq (1351-1388). In his letters, Mahru, a gov
ernor in Lahore, admonishes a Sindhi noble for his failure to provide
THE HALF SMILE >45
memory of Sind’s past. Their stories are recited to explicate the nation
hood of Sind and to argue against imperial aggressors (in most cases
the military regime of Pakistan). These women are seen as proud,
daring personifications of an ancient Sindhi nation that always resisted
conquerors. In the words of the Sindhi poet Shaikh Ayaz, this compar
ison of their body with nationhood is stark:
Raia Dahar!
your daughters
beautiful, wise
who dragged them here
anxious, devastated
ropes around their waists
their braids dishevelled
the princesses
all naked
yes, but with heads held high
there is hatred on their face,
greatness, daring”
The Pakistani state, in contrast, built its narrative around the
Muslim woman abducted by pirates and who cried out to Haifa) for
rescue. Pakistani historiography insisted that Muhammad bin Qasim's
conquest of Sind was to avenge the defilement of that woman. The epi
sode of "Ya Hajjaj" is pivotal and archetypal tor modern Pakistan. Hence,
when invoked by Faisal Shahzad, the failed bomber of Times Square, the
figure of the beleaguered Muslim woman transcends history and stands
for a challenge to Pakistan's masculinity and piety. This masculinity
is best encapsulated by the heroic figure of Qasim, who represents the
"first citizen of Pakistan." Yet, as we have seen, Chachnama offers a
stinging denouement for Muhammad bin Qasim and for the political
capital of Baghdad.
These women—whether the one who was saved by Qasim or the
ones who destroyed Qasim—mark the afterlife of this text. It is clear
that of the many accounts from Chachnama, the account of Qasim's
death has sparked the most attention, the most engagement. Mahru
read it for subversion, and others read it for resistance. The account,
which I read as the depiction of a political subfecthood, became in his
toriography either an account of the destabilizing role of female sexu
THE HALF SMILE >47
Like the memory of the two daughters of Dahar, the 1892 depiction
of Anarkali focuses on a transgression between a father and son, which
puts into crisis the succession to the throne. In the development of the
story, the woman's transgression becomes the act m focus, not the
contest between father and son. The smile links the two accounts.
Scholars have pointed out that there is no basis for this story of An
arkali in Mughal chronicles. Shireen Moosavi disentangles the rumor
to offer the historian's take. Moosavi names many women who may
possibly be interred in the tomb.”1 Yet Moosavi's interest lies in deter
mining the facticity of Anarkali’s existence.
But what if we historians shift the focus from the fact of Anarka-
li's existence to the political and social landscape of the time that she
represents" Returning to Moosavi then, we see a list of strong, politi
cally powerful women who participated in the courts of Akbar and
Jahangir. These women—Akbar’s mother Hamida Bano, Salim's wife,
Danyal’s mother—who surround "Anarkali" are themselves absent as
historical actors. We have no histories of their presence or of partici
pation in the politics of the Mughal court.w Our scholarly attention
remains on the male conqueror—whether Qasim or Firuz Shah or
Babur or Akbar-and what their individual talent produced or failed
to produce. The material history of Uch, like the material history of
Lahore, belies this historiography.
THE HALF SMILE 149
ISO
A CONQUEST OE PASTS 151
the past by stages (genealogically and then yearly!, from the creation
of Adam to the present political ruler. The universal-history model
also carves out a geographic relationship to the arrival of Muslim po
litical power—each history of a region begins with the arrival of the
Muslims. What distinguishes Chachnama from the universal-history
method of Arabic historiography is Chachnama's geographic and
temporal limitations on its imagination of the past. Like the history
of Beyhaqi, Chachnama resists the history of polity that can be ren
dered on the world stage with universal time as a constant. Hence, it
telescopes onto two generations of rulers and a polity that is geo
graphically circumscribed in the region of Sind, as defined by the text
itself.
It is precisely the regional focus of Chachnama that explains the
text’s absence from universal histories written in Delhi from the thir
teenth century onward. We can be certain that the text was known and
read, from references in Mahru and in compilations of travel accounts
such as that of Ibn Batutta, who visited Uch in 1341. Outside of Sind,
Chachnama is not cited or excerpted because it was not understood to
be tied to the histories of other Muslim regnal constellations or of Islam
per se.
A stronger case that Chachnama was not seen as a text informing
the history of Islam in India is in Abu'l-Fazl's history of Mughal em
peror Akbar, Akbarnama (the first part was completed in 1596). Hu-
mayun, unable to convince vast contingents of his elite to install him
on his father Zahiruddin Babar's throne, leaves Lahore for Sind. Hu-
mayun's hope is to convince the rulers in Sind, the Jam, to give him
support against Sher Shah Suri'sAfghan army in the north. Humayun
is not successful in his bid, and Abu'l Fazl describes with great em
pathy the wanderings of Humayun's camp in the desert of Sind and
Gujarat. He recounts that it was in Umarkot, Sind, that the future em
peror Akbar was born. Abu'l Fazl presents the birth of the great Akbar
with all the commendations that one would expect. The text opens
with Akbar’s birth and the heavenly portents and divine luminescence
that surrounded his mother and caretakers. Abu’l-Fazl makes refer
ences to the Timurid descent of Akbar’s mother and other important
sacral and political leaders.4 Yet, the text makes no mention of Mu
hammad bin Qasim or of Islam's history in that region.
154 A CONQUEST OF I’ASTS
the caliph is not as licentious, and the two daughters of Dahar are not
immured but are dragged from the tails of horses around the four cor
ners of the city and then thrown into the Euphrates. These modifica
tions hint at other political concerns facing Akbar, with the emphasis
on being responsive to the Mughal center and on rewarding service to
the throne.
The next major citation for Chachnama is in Mir Ali Sher Qani's
11717—1788) Tuhfat ul-Kiram (Gifts of the Generousl—a social history
of Sind.' Qani' incorporates Chachnama in the beginning of his ac
count, highlighting the social and moral aspects of the text. Qani' is
faithful to the narrative of Chachnama, providing detailed summaries
of episodes and their participants. His is a social history of eighteenth
century Sind, and he remarks on contemporary social practices—
including the description of yogic poses for ascetics that he says were
introduced m Chachnama's description of Muhammad bin Qasim
praying. In Tuhlat ul-Kiram. Qani's Qasim marries Dahar's sister. He
permits the inhabitants of Brahmanabad to build a new temple, gives
orders to formalize their ascetic status, and forgives them the jizya tax
Qasim builds mosques alongside the temples. In his depiction of Qa
sim's religiosity and piety, Qani' emphasizes Qasim’s deference to the
holy sites and his extended meditative prayers. Qani' declares that after
the conquest of Daybul, Qasim leads the Muslim army in three days
of prayer and recital of the Qur'an. These are acts of meditation quite
common among Sufi ascetics. Where Masum repurposes Chachnama
for political control, Qani' imbues it with sacral and cultural hues.
Where Masum focuses on local administration, Qani' focuses on the
question of accommodation and cohabitation in Chachnama. What is
remarkable that Qani's late-eighteenth-ccntury Persian interpretation
of Chachnama as political theory is contemporary with the markedly
different interpretation of the East India Company that I describe later.
between the Hindu subjects and the Muslim rulers was put starkly by
Dow: Firishta's history provides "us with a striking picture of the
deplorable condition of a people subjected to arbitrary sway; and of the
instability of empire itself, when it is founded neither upon laws, nor
upon the opinions and attachments of mankind."1* Dow identifies a
clear distinction between the Muslims and Hindus. The latter, he
writes, "give themselves up to tyranny after tyranny," offering no
resistance.
In his second edition, produced in 1772, Dow added a "Dissertation
concerning the Origin and Nature of Despotism in Hindostan.” In this
edition Dow rearranges Firishta to chronologically place the Muslim
arrival in Sind at the forefront of Islam's origins in India. In his effort
to explain the figure of the Oriental Despot, Dow places the Mughal
rule in the tradition of an Islam which is uniquely suited to conquest,
for it is in the very nature of its believers to conquer and to kill: "The
faith of Mahomed is peculiarly calculated for despotism" and when en
shrined in a state "leaves ample room for the cruelty."1' This cruelty
was faced by the Hindu Brahmins who were "mild, humane, obedient,
and most industrious, they are of all nations on earth the most easily
conquered and governed."16
The East India Company, looking to produce an empire in India,
was an ideal audience for such an assertion of difference between
Hindus and Muslims. Dow's History became one of Europe's most cel
ebrated and widely circulated volumes on the Muslim history of India,
with French and German editions published in 1769 and 177?. This
story of Islam's despotism over the Hindus became the theoretical
framework for how the Indian past was written in the nineteenth
century. James Mill's 1817 History of British India drew upon Dow to
argue for a tripartite division of Indian pasts and established the arrival
of Islam as a fundamental rupture in that history. Mill posited a golden
age of ancient Hindu India, which was interrupted and arrested by the
dark age of medieval Muslim rule and followed by the enlightened, civ
ilized. liberated rule of the British. This conception of the origins of
Islam in India became foundational for the East India Company's poli
cies for knowledge gathering and territorial acquisition.
A CONQUEST OF FASTS 159
the Marathas, and Ranjit Singh in Lahore. The Taipurs, wary of for
eign troops on their land, signed the treaty to keep the Company at
bay for a while. In 1809, another treaty was negotiated to "prevent any
establishment of the tribe of French in Sind" and again, in 1820, to fur
ther restrict the settlement of any "Europeans or Americans" in the
region.1’ The desire to chart the waters of the Indus brought Alexander
Burnes I1805-1841) to the port of Karachi in 1830- His ostensible mis
sion was to deliver presents from the king of England to Raja Ranjit
Singh. After some hesitation, the Talpur gave him permission to navi
gate the river to Lahore.
Burnes notes that as he ascended the river, a local elite ("Syud")
turned to his companion and said, "Sinde is now gone, since the En
glish have seen the river, which is the road to its conquest." Hearing
that, Burnes commented, "If such an event do happen, 1 am certain that
the body of people will hail the happy day; but it will be an evil one
for the Syuds, the descendants of Mahomed, who are the only people,
besides the rulers that derive precedence and profit from the existing
order of things."20 Burnes's voyage ended up opening the channels of
the Indus to the Company. The British capitalized on this opening and
forced more commercial treaties. One in 1832, and another in 1834, al
lowed British passage across Sind, taxation on commerce along the
Indus, and the use of Karachi's harbors. Sind, the frontier, became a
necessary shortcut to the wars in Afghanistan and Punjab. In addition
to such concerns, the East India Company was apprehensive that the
Indus was being used to supply Malwa opium to the Portuguese har
bors of Daman and Diu in Guiarat, by way of the Karachi harbor. These
routes had to be stopped or, at the very least, taxed.
In 1839, more treaties followed. These increased the number of
British troops in Sind, abrogated all foreign affairs of the Talpur in favor
of the British, put an annual tax on the Talpur, and gave the British
the authority to mint coins (with the Queen’s visagel in Sind. In the
meantime, Admiral Maitland captured the port of Karachi on the pre
tense that someone had fired a cannon shot at his frigate while it was
in the harbor. The capture of Karachi, a major port of commerce, was
a severe blow to the Talpur. They did not have many options left. The
failed British campaign in Afghanistan (the first Anglo-Afghan war) ne
cessitated troop movements across the Talpur territory, and any mis
A CONQUEST OF PASTS 161
step could have easily made the Talpur a target. Although their pre
vious alliances with the emir in Kabul had long since deteriorated, the
Company grew suspicious that the Talpur were now in secret commu
nications with the Afghan king, Dost Muhammad.
The Anglo-Afghan war was a stinging defeat for the new governor
general of the Company, Lord Edward Law Ellenborough (1790-1871!.
Ellcnborough dramatically brought back the "gates of Somnath" from
Kabul to mark that Company rule in India was to counter Muslim tyr
anny. His declaration of 184a to "all Princes and Chiefs and People of
India" announced that the return of the spoiled remains of the temple
of Somnath to India avenged "the insult of 800 years... . The gates of
the temple of Somanath, so long the memorial of your humiliation, are
become the proudest record of your national glory."21
Ellenborough expanded the efforts to capture Sind and in 1842 ap
pointed a new commander of Company troops, Sir Charles Napier
(1782-1853). Neither of these men seemed comfortable with the status
quo in Sind. Ellenborough was eager to take over the commercial con
cerns of the Indus delta and was unhappy with the Taipur’s lack of con
trol over the activities of pirates and rogue traders (that is, Portuguese
traders) on the channels. Napier, a veteran military commander of im
perial wars in Europe and self-described victim of fool-hardy politi
cians, had arrived in India convinced that the Company had lost its
moorings in India, becoming beholden to commerce and shying away
from their Godly mission. A deeply religious man, Napier saw the lib
eration of Sind from its despotic Muslim rulers as his Christian duty,
with the added benefit that achieving his goal would demonstrate his
brilliance as a tactical commander:
1 made up my mind that although war had not been declared (nor is
it necessary to declare it), I would at once march upon Imangurh and
prove to the whole Talpur family of both Khyrpor and Hyderabad that
neither their deserts, nor their negotiations can protect them from
the British troops. The Ameers will fly over the Indus, and we shall
become masters of the left bank of the river from Mitenkote to the
mouth; peace with civilization will then replace war and barbarism.
My conscience will be light, for I see no wrung in so regulating a set
of tyrants who are themselves invaders, and have in sixty years nearly
destroyed the country. The people hate them.'-’
162 A CONQUEST Of PASTS
Sind ... under its Hindu possessors was a rich, flourishing, and ex
tensive monarchy, but that, subsequently becoming the prey of con
querors, who, paid no attention to the improvement of the country
or maintenance of the imperial authority, this valuable territory
dwindled at length into waste.... All the peculiarities and unsullied
pride of caste, which distinguishes the Hindu under his own or British
government, has been completely lost in Sind. In India we have seen
the dormant spirit of an injured people rousing itself to retributive
vengeance, flinging off the yoke of Islam, regaining their monarchies,
and making the bigoted Moslem tremble at the Pagan’s power; but in
Sind oppression has rooted out all patriotism, and the broken spir
ited Hindu becomes a helpless servant to his Moslem tyrant, and
willing inducer of his own extreme degradation.-’1
being pointed out to him, he drew his sabre to strike it, when one of
the priests cried, 'it is an idol and not a living being!' Then advancing
towards the statue, the Moslem removed his mailed gauntlet, and
placing it upon the hand of the image, said to the by-standcrs, 'See,
this idol hath but one glove, ask him what he hath done with the
other!' They replied, 'What should a stone know of these things!'
Whereupon Mahommed bin Kasim, rebuking them, rejoined,
'verily, yours is a curious object of worship, who knows nothing, even
about himself'. He then directed that the Brahmans, to distinguish
them from other Hindoos, should carry in their hands a small vessel
of grain, as mendicants, and should beg from door to door every
morning; after which he established a governor at Dewal, and, having
satisfactorily arranged affairs in that quarter, embarked his machines
of war in boats, sent them up the river to Nirunkot, and proceeded
with his army by land in the same direction.35
question that was quoted almost verbatim by Cousens forty years later:
"It is impossible for the traveler to wander through |Sind| without being
struck with the absence of all record of (Arab) occupation. In language,
architecture, arts, traditions, customs, and manners, they have left but
little impress upon the country or the people. We trace them, like the
savage Sikhs, only in the ruins of their predecessors."4’ The answer, for
Elliot, was that Arab memory and Arab material traces were destroyed
by their own internecine fighting; they "showed themselves as utterly
incapable as the shifting sands of their own desert, of coalescing into a
system of concord and subordination."50 The masses of Sindhi Hindus
were left to fend for themselves, for there never was any "sympathy be
tween the conquerors and the conquered.” Elliot's hope was that "the
inhabitants of modem India, as well as our clamorous demagogues at
home" remember "the very depth of degradation from which the great
mass of the people have been raised, under the protection of British
supremacy."51
Elliot was widely successful in positing the conquest origins of
Islam in India and placing the fanatic Muslims and the feminized
Hindus as the two protagonists at the forefront of colonial and nation
alist scholarship on the Indian past. The result of the translation project
was the incorporation of Chachnama as the epitome of Muslim for
eignness into newer grand histories of India. It also turned the project
into a pedagogic one. Vincent A. Smith 11848-1920) and Stanley Lane-
Poole (1854-1951I wrote two major histories of India which were incor
porated into curriculum m both India and Britain. These histories
were the foundation of civil service exams, providing the framework
for the nationalist critique of colonial historiography. In these histories,
712 AD became a totemic date for the rupture of the Indian past and
the framework of the foreign origins hegemony.55 Lane-Poole's Medi
eval India under Muhammadan Rule, 712-1764 1190}) defined the me
dieval period under his study thus: "It begins when the immemorial
systems, rule, and customs of Ancient India were invaded, subdued,
and modified by a succession of foreign conquerors who imposed a
new rule and introduced an exotic creed, strange languages and a for
eign art."53 Lane-Poole recommends that the readers of his popular
history consult Elliot's translations of key texts, such as Chachnama.
to grow their own knowledge. Then he goes on to describe the "ad
A CONQUEST OF PASTS 171
TXvo-Nation History
Where Elliot's translation project fractured Persian histories into
chunks suitable for historical inquiry into one sectarian past alone, the
"connected" history protects of Smith and Lane-Poole reknit them into
an overwhelmingly powerful narrative. The Muslims, pegged as out
siders and conquerors in the Indian past, were the fanatic outsiders of
the British colonial present as well. Chachnama and the designation
of 712 AD as the year of the conquest cemented the content and the
temporality of British history for India. In this historiography, two cen
tral assumptions were made about the text: first, that its primary
value was as a source for Islam's eighth-century origins in India because
it was a translation of an earlier Arabic history, and second, that em
pirical facts and dates were to be recovered from the romantic gibberish
clotting the text. Any and all colonial productions about the Muslim
past in India naturalized this hegemonic framework.
From the early twentieth century, Indian historians trained at
Calcutta University, at Aligarh University, at Baroda University, and at
Osmania University struggled to come to terms with this narrative.
Their effort to narrate a nationalist, anncolonial history was also the
struggle to engage with the narrative of Muslim despotism, temple
destruction, and the question of foreigners in India. In the records of
history journals like Calcutta Review, Muslim Review, Islamic Cul
ture, and Indian Historical Review, they investigated the question of
the origins of Islam and its fate in India. R. C. Majumdar (1888-
1980I, U. M. Daudpota (1897-1958), Muhammad Habib 11895-1971).
171 A CONQUEST OE EASTS
Rare arc the histories of India written by the English which arc free of
political bias. Their purpose is to spread distrust between the Hindus
and Muslims; to cause the Muslims to degrade their feelings about
their own past m this country; and to valorize the British state. In
these English histories, there is much confusion for Muslim readers,
and small details are made into paradigms of hate. These histories
have entered the school curriculum and shape the minds of children
such that even Indian historians arc reproducing these biases and
mistakes. It is true that no state is free from fault, nor any history free
from bias, but we still require a careful study of the Muslim past re
veals the strengths and the weaknesses of Muslims in India.5"
In the course of three years he had advanced from Daybul to the Hi
malayas. Could not another three years take him to the border of
China? He had carefully studied the religion and the customs of the
country and understood to perfection the policy that divided his en
emies and increased his friends. His army, far from being weary of
its work, longed for more victories. Moreover, it was the Hindus who
had helped him to his greatest victories of peace and war, and so long
as he adhered to his policy of toleration, there was every reason to
expect their support.1”
The usage of the word "province" is the key which links the his
torical region of Sind to Pakistan's administrative unit "province."
From the glorification of the 1950s to the establishment of a singular
origins history of Pakistan, the government consciously developed
a state in official narratives, in school textbooks, in monuments, in
museums, and in public memorials. This process intensified after
the second Partition of 1971, when the bloody creation of Bangladesh
rendered false the notion that Muslims of India were a unitary body
with a unitary, civilizational past.
The process of fixing such a notion of the origins of Pakistan began
under Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, but it was General Zia ul-Haq who threw
the whole weight of the state apparatus behind it. On 5 October 1977,
he called for a national "New Education Policy" conference. One of
this policy’s goals was to "create an awareness of the Pakistani nation
as a part of the universal Muslim Ummah striving through successive
stages to spread the message of Islam throughout the world.'*'
In his inaugural address to the education policy conference, Zia
ul-Haq called attention to Islamic history's centrality to Pakistan's
ideology, mandated Arabic instruction from midlevel grades, and es
tablished the mosque as the fundamental unit of public education.
His overall strategy had the explicit goal of "usc|ing| Islam and Paki
stani nationalism to prevent ethnic groups from breaking away from
the center and to build a modern, cohesive nation out of different lin
guistic and ethnic groups."64
The educational policies created after 1977 were put in effect across
the four educational boards in the country. The new textbooks intro-
A CONQUEST OF PASTS >77
duced Muhammad bin Qasim from the fourth grade onward, progres
sively adding historical detail and texture to the narrative. "Advent of
Islam in South Asia” is chapter 6 in the social studies textbook for the
sixth grade, and it is emblematic in that it hits all of the major narra
tive points in the origmary tale. That narrative highlights Muhammad
bin Qasim's good treatment, which "overawed the people," and "Hindus
began to embrace Islam in great number due to the good and kind
treatment of Muslims."65 This first-contact model was replicated
throughout the school curriculum, contrasting the benevolence of
warrior Muslims with the horror of local rule. The civics textbook for
class ten builds on this idea: "For the first time the people of Sindh
were introduced to Islam, its political system and way of government.
The people here had seen only the atrocities of the Hindu rajas."66 The
result of this encounter is further detailed in a section titled "The Im
pact of Islam in South Asia":
Islam spread rapidly after the conquest of Multan. The main cause
was the benign treatment of Muslims with the Hindus. Due to this
attitude Hindus began to love Muslims and they became nearer and
nearer to Muslims. Before the Arab conquest the people were fed up
with the teachings of Buddhists and Hindus. Muhamamd |sic| Bin
Qasim was kind both with Buddhist community and Hindus. The
Arabs treated the locals with generosity, good treatment and justice,
with the result that most of the Hindus embraced Islam along with
other Brahamans and Buddhists. They began to accept the customs
and manners of the Muslims and changes took place in their lives
and society.67
The emphasis, throughout these texts, is on how Muslim rule was be
nevolent and how it provided the conquered populations "complete
freedom to follow their own religion irrcspcct |stc| of caste or creed."6*
Implicit in this history is a crucial lesson for the young citizen in
training: the purity of that first encounter was squandered by later gen
erations of Muslim rulers, who fell away from the ideal established by
Muhammad bin Qasim. Furthermore, history as conceived in these
school textbooks is demarcated explicitly along borders. The Delhi sul
tanate is excluded, the majority of Mughal rule is excluded (Shah
Jahan appears only because he constructed monuments and forts in
■ 78 A CONQUEST OF PASTS
Lahore),- and the British rule is introduced only after the 1840s, when
Punjab and Sind are colonized.
The official publications of the state of Pakistan and the textbooks
governing the rules of historical consciousness do not exhaust the ways
in which Pakistan's origins narrative permeated everyday lives of the
citizens. Working closely with the state, or taking its lead, were reli
gious parties, community organizations, popular historians, novelists,
and playwrights.
After the destructive war on East Pakistan, lama’at-i Islami—an
early and frequent recipient of Saudi Arabian largesse—became the
chief organizer of Yaum Bab ul-lslam (Door of Islam Dayl in Karachi.
This was a public commemoration of Muhammad bin Qasim and his
conquest of Sind. Public expressions included rallies, poetic submis
sions, and mass prayers. The /ama’at also sponsored journals and mag
azines devoted to extolling the virtues of the Arab Muslims and the
direct linkages between Arabia and Pakistan. An example is the 2006
report that appeared in the Daily Dawn, Pakistan's premier English
daily newspaper:
Yaum Bab ul Islam was observed on Wednesday in various parts of
the city, and speakers in various meetings recalled the services ren
dered by Mohammad bin Qasim for the people of this region who de
feated the forces of tyranny, and established a rule of law here. They
said even today to save the humanity from the clutches of the evil
forces, a Mohammad bin Qasim is badly needed who should foil con
spiracies against humanity and again make the world a cradle of
peace. They said after the carnage of innocent people in Iraq and Af
ghanistan, the real face of the US had been unveiled. The Ummah
today needed a Muhammad bin Qasim who could save it from the
atrocities of the US."
In direct conversation with such sentiments is the vast corpus of
"Heroes of Islam’-styled narratives. These are the novels, histories,
and comic books which glorify the character and deeds of that earliest
generation of "Pakistanis"—the companions of Muhammad bin Qasim
who accompanied him to the shores of the Indus. Communal histories
trace genealogical descent from these soldiers and actively argue for
social mobilization along communal lines. Such works include Mu-
iahid-e Azam Hazrat Muhammad b. Qasim kay Rufka Shami Muia-
A CONQUEST OF PASTS <79
hideen yani Pak o Hind ki Qaum Arain ki Dastan (The Story of the
Descendants of the Syrian Companion Mujahideens of the Greatest
Mujahid, Muhammad bin Qasim, That Is the Aram Community of
India and Pakistani:
180
CONCLUSION 181
and shrines of Uch, These were signs embedded by Sufis and mys
tics. The materiality of outside histories, he asserted, is devoid of an
inner truth and hence detracts, obfuscates, and confuses. These ma
terial traces are read in error. The materiality of an internal past, on
the other hand, is held together by an inner jbafini) truth which can
be only known to the "true historian." The task of the historian, he
said, is to read the material objects and signs for their inner truth.
Hence, the Uch of Muhammad bin Qasim, of the Sufi saints, of trees,
of objects, or of walls takes precedence over the Uch which confounded
the British. In his rendering of the past, this was the history of Uch,
invisible to many, but nonetheless true.
He reached down and picked up a ball of coarse iron that was nestled
among the shards of baked clay and dyed pottery. "Look," he said to
me. "This is a gola (ball) from the cannon when the British laid siege
to Uch. They fired these up at us—and like rain they fell. They are still
here, embedded in the soil. The British were not able to conquer us. We
are still here, and they are gone." He handed me the cannonball, and
my arm fell with its weight. I examined it, trying to see it as a histor
ical object. I had never held a cannonball before and had no clue as to
what one felt like in the hand. The old man began to walk, and I walked
with him, holding the gola.
He continued to talk as we walked: "The British conquered all of
Sind, but they did not conquer Uch, because Uch is protected by these
shrines." He gestured around the graveyard. "Their cannonballs
bounced off the shrines; not one shrine was damaged." 1 interjected
that Uch was actually taken by General Charles Napier with the loss
of only eighteen British soldiers and was then made the headquarters
of Napier's campaign to rid Sind of "dacoits and terrorists."2 He held
me in his stare and let the remark stand. I held out the cannonball to
him. "Where do you want me to put this?" I asked, "lust toss it. It fell
here." He gestured toward the side of a small bush. I did as told, gave
my regards, and walked away.
I have struggled to understand my conversation with this historian
of Uch. At first, my incredulity at his treatment of the cannonball
clouded my thinking. He had dismissed a material piece of history
that I would feel the necessity to put in a museum or to memorialize
with a note. In this man's narrative, Uch had constantly rebuffed
I«4 CONCLUSION
Works Cited
Acknowledgments
Index
Notes
INTRODUCTION
1. On these particular national myths, see Christopher B. Krebs, A Most Dan
gerous Book: Tacitus’s Germania from the Roman Empire to the Third Reich
|W. W. Norton: 201 il; Robert H. Morrissey, Charlemagne and France A
Thousand Years of Mythology {University of Notre Dame Press, 2003); Steph
anie L. Barczcwski, Myth and National Identity in Nineteenth-Century
Britain: The Legends of King Arthur and Robin Hood (London: Oxford Uni
versity Press, 1000I. Among others, I am indebted in my understandings of
origins and beginnings to Edward W Said's Beginnings: Intention and
Method (New York: Basic Books, 1975), pp. 27-43.1 also draw upon the works
of Friedrich Nietzsche, Marc Bloch, and Michel Foucault on the question of
origins, and upon R. G. Collingwood, Carolyn Stecdman, Joan W. Scott, and
Quentin Skinner on the issue of interpretation.
2. Mohammad All linnah, Some Recent Speeches and Writings of Mt. Jinnah.
vol 1. (Lahore: S. M Ashraf Publishers, 1947), PP 174-180.
3. M. S. Golwalkar, We or Our Nationhood Defined (Nagpur: P. V. Beiwalkar,
1938), P- >7 Though historically credited to M. S. Golwalkar, current schol
arship registers the author of the pamphlet We or Our Nationhood Defined
as Ganesh Damodar Savarkar with Golwalkar’s name appended to the pam
phlet. Sec Jyotirmaya Sharma, Terrifying Vision: M. S Golwalkar. the RSS,
and India (New Delhi. Viking, 2007I, p. xix.
4. 1 remind us here of Bruno Latour’s words on moderns and antimoderns
agreeing on the same narrative: "Look for the origins of the modem myths,
and you will almost always find them among those who claim to be coun
tering modernism with the impenetrable barrier of the spirit, of emotion, the
subject, or the margins. In the effort to offer a supplement of soul to the
modern world, the one it has is taken away—the one it had, the one it was
l«7
188 NOTES TO PAGES 4-$
quite incapable of losing. That subtraction and that addition arc the two op
erations that allow the moderns and the antimoderns to frighten each other
by agreeing on the essential point: we are absolutely different from the others,
and we have broken radically with our own past." Here, the two understand
ings are similarly in agreement about their radical break from the past, while
relying on the myth of origins. See Bruno Latour, We Have Never Been
Modem (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 199J), p. 150.
5. V. S. Naipaul, India: A Wounded Civilization ILondon: Penguin Books, t977),
p. 17a.
6 Romila Thapar's Somanatha: the many voices of a history (New Delhi: Pen
guin Press, 2004I, Ramya Sreenivasan's The Many Lives of a Batput Queen:
Heroic Pasts in India c. 1500-1900 (Seattle: University of Washington
Press, 2007J. Shahid Amin s Conquest and Community: The Afterlife of
Warrior Saint Ghazi Miyan (New Delhi: Orient BlackSwan, lOisl. and Cyn
thia Talbot's The l.ast Hindu Emperor: Prilhvirai Chaulian and the Indian
Past. 1200-2000 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015! approach
binary categories of Hindu/Muslim by fracturing the historical certainty.
These excellent studies introduce multiple voices, provide ranges of histor
ical depiction, and point out usages of historical past outside of dominant
historiography.
7. For example, A. Aclar Moin’s The Millennial Sovereign Sacred Kingship and
Sainthood in Islam |Ncw York Columbia University Press, 2014) recapitu
lates the earlier scholarship of |ohn F. Richards to argue Mughal under
standing of kingship to be entirely derived from Central Asian or Safavid
theories of kingship—without any connection to either earlier Muslim poli
ties or contemporary Raipur or Vijayanagar politics. This prohibitively narrow
analytical lens makes sense only if one consistently argues that Mughal
polity is sui generis "outside" of a history of India. Another illustration of
this comes via Sudipta Kavirar’s 1995 influential essay "Religion, Politics and
Modernity," where he notes, repeatedly, "actual historical record" to assert
this difference back to the premodern world where Hindu and Muslim
communities understood better the "'inside' and ’outside’ realms” of interac
tions. For Kavirai, even though he is critiquing both the nationalist and com-
munalist understanding of premodern India, the histoticity of Muslims as
’•outsiders" governs the ways in which ’’assimilation" failed. (He marks two
sets of "indigenous" in his essay—indigenous society and indigenous con
verts—the first of which is insider and the second outsider.) See, Sudipta
KaviraJ, "Religion, Politics and Modernity," in Crisis and Change in Con
temporary India, Upendra Bax and Bhikhu Parckh, eds. (New Delhi Sage
Publications, 1995I, p 170.
8. These broad statements arc meant to highlight the uniqueness of the extraor
dinarily important work of scholars like Phillip Waggoner and Richard Eaton
on Vijayanagar—Power, Memory. Architecture Contested Sites on India's
Deccan Plateau. 1300-1600 |Ncw Delhi Oxford University Press, 2014—and
Finbarr Flood on C.haznavi nonh India—Objects of Translation: Matenal
Culture and Medieval -Hindu-Muslim" Encounter (Princeton, NJ: Princeton
University Press, 2009I—who directly inform the work I am doing here.
NOTES TO PAGES $-11 I89
10. See Richaid B Mather, "Chinese and Indian Perceptions of Each Other be
tween the First and Seventh Centuries," lournal of the American Oriental
Society ill, no. 1 ||an.-Mar. 1992I, pp. t-8.
11. Samuel Beal, Travels of Fah-Hian and Sung-Yun Buddhist Pilgrims from
China to India <400 A.D. and fiS A.DI |New Delhi: Asian Educational Ser
vices. 1996), p. 155.
22. Andri Wink, Al-Hind: The Making of the Indo-Muslim World, vol, 1 (Delhi:
Oxford University Press, 1990I, p. S-
13. This construction of the "Hindu" is usually credited to the British colonial
period, but some arguments have pointed toward Muslim rule in India as
well. Sec David Lorenzen, "Who Invented Hinduism?" Comparative Studies
in Society and History 41, no, 4 |Oct. 1999I, pp. 630-6S9 for a good discus
sion of the historical as well as historiographical issues involved, Also, sec
Arvtnd Shanna, "On Hindu, Hindustan, Hinduism and Hindutva," Numen
49. no. 1 I2002I, pp. I—36.
24. In classical Arabic, there were two clear usages of al-Hind and related words
based on the h-n-d stem: miihind, muhinddh. hindi. hindiivani. The first is of
Hind as a proper, feminine name for prominent women. The most known ex
ample is Hind bint 'Utbah, the wife of Abu Sufyan, mother of Mu'awiya |6oi-
680), who was the founder of the Umayyad dynasty. Another famous promi
nent woman in early sources, is Queen Hind al Hunud (Hind of the Hinds),
who founded the fifth-century central Arabian kingdom of Kindah. See Nabia
Abbott, "Prc-lslamic Arab Queens," The American lournal of Semitic Lan
guages and Literatures 58, no. 1 (Jan. 1941I, pp. 1-22. The second dominant
usage comes with products labeled as being "from al-Hind " They were mostly
swords [saif al-hindi, saif hindvani), but they also included metal, camphor,
sandalwood fud Hindi, musk, zaniabil, silk, and various spices. However, that
the products are termed "from al-Hind" provides no guarantee that they can
be shown to correspond as originating from the subcontinent. Merchandise
that could have origins elsewhere—silk IChina), camphor IMalay), metal |Ak-
sumitc Ethiopia) arc all tagged as "Hindi." Sec Nada Abd al-Rahman Yusuf
al-Shayl', Mu'jam Alfiiz al-hayah al-ljtimaTyah fi Dawdwin Shu'ara' al-
Mu'allaqdt al-’Ashr (Beirut: Maktab Lebanon, 1991I, pp. 313-314.
There exist raging debates on the identity of the mythic river Sarasvati land
whether or not it was the Indus) among the Hindutva supporters wishing a
particularly Indo-Aryan root to the Indus civilization. To get a sense of the
etymological debate, see Michael Witzel, "Substrate Languages in Old Indo-
Aryan IRgvedic, Middle and Late Vedic)," Electronic lournal of Vedic Studies
5, no. 1 |Aug. 1999I. PP I—67. On the historiographical and political debates,
sec the laudable Irfan Habib, "Imaging River Sarasvati: A Defence of Com
monsense," Social Scientist 29, no, 1/2, |Jan.—Feb. 2001), pp. 46-74.
26. A. H. Sayce. Lectures on the Origin and Growth of Religion as Illustrated
by the Religion of the Ancient Babylonians (Edinburgh: Williams and Nor
gate, 1888), p. 138.
27. See W Muss-Arnolt, "On Semitic Words in Greek and Latin," Transactions
of the American Philological Associations tiSky-iSyf,) 23 (1892).
NOTES TO PAGES 32-J6 195
18. See Michael Flecker, -'A Ninth-Century AD Arab or Indian Shipwreck in In
donesia: First Evidence for Direct Trade with China." World Archaeology
Ji, no. 3 (Feb. loot), pp. 335-354.
19. S. Maqbul Ahmad, Arabic Classical Accounts of India and China (Shimla:
Indian Institute of Advanced Study, 1989I, pp. 58-40.
50. Fred M. Donner, Narratives of Islamic Origins The Beginnings of Islamic
Historical Writing (Princeton: The Darwin Press, 1998I. p 181
51. This early Muslim historian is known to have written more than 200
works, including the following on al-Hind: Kitab Kirman (Book on the Re
gion of Kirmanl, Kitab Futuh Makran IBook on the Conquest of the Region
of Makran), Kitab Thughur al-Hind IBook on the Frontier of Hindi, and
Kitab Atnal al-Hind (Book on the Governors of Hind). See Bayard Dodge,
The Fihrist of al-Naditn: A Tenth Century Survey of Muslim Culture (New
York: Columbia University Press, 1970), p. 115,
31. Ahmad ibn Yahya Baladhuri, Futuh al-Bulddn (Beirut Maktaba al-Hilal,
1988), p. 416.
33. Sec N. A. Baloch, "The Probable Date of the First Arab Expeditions to India,"
Islamic Culture 2011946), pp. 250-266.
34. Baladhuri. Futuh al-Bulddn. p. 416.
35. See Matthew S. Gordon, The Breaking of a Thousand Swords: A History of
the liitkish Military of Sumatra (AH, 200-27^/811-889 C.EJ (Albany: State
University of New York Press, 2001I.
36. Futiih al-BuIdan, pp. 416-417,
37- Ibid., p. 417.
58. In 663-664, Abdallah bin Sawwar Abdi led two expeditions to Kikan, per
ishing in the second. In 665, Sinan ibn Salamah reached Makran and estab
lished a fort. Sinan's tenure, however, was short-lived, as Makran was soon
lost to the Muslims. Hence, the northernmost outpost of Muslims in the last
decades of the seventh century was at Bust in southern Afghanistan. From
here, raids to capture goods and slaves were carried into Makran or toward
Kabul but without much success. The local Zunbils of Zamindawar and Zab-
ulistan, and the Kabulshahs of Kabul were often persuaded to pay tribute but,
with the lack of a standing army, they often changed their mind and were a
ferocious opponent. Additionally, the impenetrable region provided ample
sanctuary to the Azariqa Kharaiitc—rebels against the Umayyad re
gime—who used it as a base to launch attacks. Ibn Khurdadhbih cites a cou
plet from Ihn Mufarrigh which laments the many graves that were filled with
Arab fighters at Kandhar. This may refer to another tradition about Qandhar
IKandahar, Afghanistan! that was often cited by nineteenth-century Orien
talists like Augustus Le Messurier and Joseph Pierre Ferrier: "In the time of
al-Muqtadar |yi6), during the digging for the foundation of a tower in Kan
dahar. a subterranean cave was discovered, in which were a thousand Arab
heads, all attached to the same chain, which had evidently remained in good
preservation since the year 70/698, for a paper with this date upon it was
found attached by a silken thread to the ears of the twenty-nine most impor
tant skulls, with their proper names." Needless to say Qandhar did not have
■ 96 NOTBS TO PAGES 36-43
63. See C. E. Bosworth, "Rulers of Makran and Qusdar in the Early Islamic Pe
riod,” Stadia Iramca, vol. 23, pp. 199-209; and M. S. Khan, "The Five Arab
States in South Asia," Hamdard Islamicus vol. 1$, no. 2I1992), pp. 5-28.
64. For a detailed analysis of early Isma'ili history in Sind, see Derryl N. Ma
clean. Religion and Society in Arab Sind (Leiden: E. |. Brill, 1989b
2. A FOUNDATION FOR HISTORY
1. Genre has lung determined the horizon of interpretation in South Asian his
toriography. The classification of texts, based on both internal and external
evidence, orients the reader to its style, approach, audience, and influence.
Under the colonial gaze, the genres were imbued with power as well—both
in the sense that particular genres were collected, archived, and published,
and in the sense that particular genres were deemed "historical." A wider
discussion of British. German, French, and Dutch collections remains nec
essary for a full conversation. It is to the credit of Narayana Rao, David
Shulman, and Saniay Subrahmanyan! that they tackled the second aspect
in their now-classic Textures of Time. My effort here is in conversation
with their work. Sec V. N. Rao, David Shulman, and Saniay Subrahmanyam,
7extures of Time: Writing History in South India, 1600-1800 IDelhi: Per
manent Black, aooi |.
2. Contrast this with the way in which contemporary scholarship reads as "cos
mopolitan” the eleventh-century scholar and poet Bilhana, who was born m
Kashmir and moved more than a thousand miles south to the Chalukya
court in Kalyani. See Whitney Cox, "Saffron in the Rasam," South Asian
Texts in History: Critical Engagements with Sheldon Pollock, edited by Yigal
Bronncr, Whitney Cox, and Lawrence McCrea. (Ann Arbor, Ml: Association
of Asian Studies, 2011I, pp. 177-201.
3. By the late tenth century, the city states of Multan, Uch, and Mansura were
governed by Oman-based Ismai'h rulers who looked toward the Fatimid ca
liphate in Egypt. This world faced its fiercest challenge from the north—from
those seeking favor of the caliph in Baghdad. See Samuel M. Stern, "Isma'ili
Propaganda and Fatimid Rule in Sind," Islamic Culture 23 (1949b pp. 298-
307; and C. E. Bosworth, The Ghaznavids (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University
Press, 1963b and Peter Jackson, The Delhi Sultanate: A Political and Mili
tary History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999).
4. Such as the two travel accounts by Buddhist monks Faxian (active ca. 399-
417) and Xuanzang (602-664I, who provide firsthand and detailed reports of
cities, ports, and routes in India Sec Samuel Beal, Travels of Fah-Hian and
Sung Yun: Buddhist Pilgrims from China to India /400 A.D. and 51S A.D)
(London: Triibner and Co., 1869b
5. R. B. Whitehead, "Multan: The House of Gold," The Numismatic Chronicle
and lournal of the Royal Numismatic Society vol. 17, no. 65 (1937b pp. 60-
72; and Yohanan Friedmann, "The Temple of Multan: A Note on Early
Muslim Attitudes to Idolatry," Israel Oriental Studies I1972I, pp. 176-182.
6. See C. E. Bosworth, The Ghaznavids: Their Empire in Afghanistan and
Eastern Iran 994-1040 (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1963),
NOTES TO PAGES $2-54 199
7. Juzjani, Minhaj Siraj, Tabaqal-i Ndsiri, ed. Abd Hayy Habibi (Quetta: Silsilah-
1 Asar-i Habibi. 1949, pp. 74J-744-
8. I am using the more generic ''Delhi" though the city has had several itera
tions. What Juzjani calls Hazrat-i Dilli |Exalted Delhi) or Uch as Hazrat-e
Uch is taken to mean "capital city."
The clearest articulation of the stage of transition is outlined in Sunil
Kumar, "Courts, Capitals and Kingship: Delhi and Its Sultans in the Thir
teenth and Fourteenth Centuries CE," in Court Cultures in the Muslim
World: Seventh to the Nineteenth Centuries, ed. Albrecht Fuess and Jan-Peter
Hartung (London: Routledge, ion), pp. 123-148.
Luther Obrock brought to my attention the Palam Baoli inscription (dated
1276), which situates itself between Uch (Sanskrit llccapuri) and Delhi |Yo-
gi'nipuu). Personal communication and unpublished draft "Reading the
Palam Baoli Inscription m the Mercantile Sultanate: Sanskrit in Circulation
in North India."
9. A telling account of this is in JuzjAni's description of his first meeting with
Iltutmish's army after their conquest of Uch in 1228. JUzjani met the com
mander, Tajuddin Sanjr Kazlak Khan, Juzjani found him surrounded by sol
diers and a steward with a severe disposition but a dignified look |ba nianzar
muhih o surat-e ba azmat). On seeing luziini, Kazlak Khan rose from his
seat, took Juzjani's hand, and led him to be seated at his own perch. After
honoring juzjani, Kazlak Khan presented a red apple to him, saying, "Mau-
lana, take this such that it makes a good omen, and may God's mercy shine
on us." There is undoubtedly a symbolic heft to the gift of the red apple—-a
gesture both to the apple groves of Ghazni and to the orchards planned for
Delhi—being presented to Juzjani in the alluvial plains of Sind. See Juzjani,
Tabaqdl-i Ndsirl. ed. Abd Hayy Habibi (Quetta: Silsilah-i Asar-i Habibi,
1949). P- 282.
10 See Sheldon Pollock, The Language of the Gods in the World of Men: San
skrit, Culture, and Power in Premodern India tBerkeley and Los Angeles:
University of California Press, 2006), pp, 12-19.
11. Atam refers broadly to the noncthnically Arab world and more closely the
Persian-speaking world, while Hind is the earlier designation for Hindustan
or India. I do have concerns about hyphenated linkages between ethnicity
and geography (Indo-Aryan, Indo-European, Greco-Roman, etc.) which
emerge in the nineteenth century An early example is in James B. Fraser's
The Persian Adventurer (1854), which offers this line set in Chandni Chowk
in Delhi: "I heard a voice at the door, inquiring in the Indo-Persian language
for Ismael Khan Bahadoor." lames B. Fraser, The Persian Adventurer (London:
Henry Colburn and Richard Betley, 1830I, p. 1911 and Charles E Trevelyan,
Charles E., James Prinsep, John Tytler, Alexander Duff, Henry Thoby
Prinscp, The Application of lhe Roman Alphabet to All the Oriental Lan
guages (Calcutta: Serampore Press, 1834). Hence, I remain skeptical about
"Indo-Persian" as a contemporary category for scholarship—though colleagues
in literary studies have adopted it as a designation for Persian/Persianate in the
Indian peninsula. However, from the historian's perspective, and for the
200 NOTES TO PAGES S S—59
invocation of a coveted object (the scent of iid was part of beauty regimcsl
and danger (the relief at not having lost men| sets the theme for Baladhuri’s
presentation of this frontier. S. Anya King, "The Importance of Imported
Aromatics in Arabic Culture: Illustrations from Pre-lslamic and Early Is
lamic Poetry/' lournal of Near Eastern Studies vol. 67. no. 3 (July 2008),
pp. 175-189.
38. Fathnama. p. to.
59. Baladhuri. Futuh al-Buldan (Beirut: Maktaba al-Hilal, 1988,, p. 425.
40. Fathnama, p. 25.
41. Ibid., p. 35. Emphasis added
42. Ibid., p. 185.
43. C. E. Bosworth. The History of Beyhaqi. vol. 1 (Boston, MA: Ilex Founda
tion, 2011I, p. 178.
44. Ibid., p. 183.
45. Ibid, p. 179.
46. Ibid, p. 183.
47. Henry Cousens, The Architectural Antiquities of Western India (London:
The India Society, 1926I, p. 2.
48. Ibid, p. 82.
49. Ibid, p. 13.
50. The earliest excavations in Sind were earned out in 1854 by A. F. Bcllasis
and C. M. Richardson, who also cited Chachnama in their report, though
they reported it as an original Arabic text. See A. F. Bcllasis, "An Account of
the Ancient and Ruined City of Brahminabad. in Sind," The lournal of the
Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society vol. $, no. 2011857I, p. 416-
51. Cousens, Antiquities of Sind, p. 19.
52. Ibid, p. 30.
53 1 thank Andrew Ollett for bringing this text to my attention and for sharing
his unpublished paper "The SaipdeAarasaka of Abd ur-Rahman" with me.
54. SamdeSarasaka of Abdala Rahamana, edited by H. C. Bhayani (Ahmedabad:
Prakrit Text Society, 1999I, P >4- This is easily read as praise in the rhythm
and structure evoked from the Qur'an's description of God in surah Haii:
"Hast thou not seen that unto Allah paycth adoration whosoever is in the
heavens and whosoever is in the earth, and the sun, and the moon, and the
stars, and the hills, and the trees, and the beasts, and many of mankind,
while there are many unto whom the doom is justly due. He whom Allah
scorneth, there is none to give him honour. Lol Allah doeth what He will."
However, in a similar vein surah Nahl (16:49) reads, "And unto Allah ma-
keth prostration whatsoever is in the heavens and whatsoever is in the earth
of living creatures, and the angels (also) and they are not proud." Also along
these lines is surah Fussilat 141:37): "And of His portents are the night and
the day and die sun and the moon. Do not prostrate to the sun or the moon;
but prostrate to Allah Who created them, if it is in truth Him Whom ye wor
ship." See The Glorious Qur'an, trans. Muhammad M. Pickthall (New
York: Muslim World League, 1977), p. 340.
55. Samdesarasaka of Abdala Rahamana. ed. H C. Bhayani |Ahmcdabad:
Prakrit Text Society, 1999I, P- 16-17-
NOTES TO PACES 72-75 2°5
$6. Ibid., p. 19. The distance unit, yotana, is five to eight miles.
57- Satish S. Misra, Muslim Communities in Gujarat iBaroda: University of
Baroda Press, 1964), p. 7. For more on the continuation of these communi
ties after the thirteenth century, the best account is in Samira Sheikh,
Forging u Region Sultans. Traders and Pilgrims in Gujarat. 1100-1500
(Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2010).
58. See V. A. lanaki, Gujarat as the Arabs Knew It <A Study in Historical Geog
raphy) IBaroda: Maharaja Sayajirao University of Baroda Press, 1969b
S9- Sec the discussion in Travis Zadeh, Mopping Frontiers across Medieval
Islam: Geography. Translation and the Abbasid Empire ILondon: I. B. Tauns,
2011), pp. 22-2S. A useful correction to dominant historiographic readings
of Arab geographers is in I T. Olsson. "Tile World in Arab Eyes: A Reassess
ment of the Climes in Medieval Islamic Scholarship," Bulletin of the School
of Oriental and African Studies 77, 5 (Oct. 2014), pp, 487-508.
60. Ibn Khurradadhbih noted that he relied on the report of an anonymous em
issary of Yahya bin Khalid Barmaki id, 80s), who was sent to Hind to inves
tigate religion in 800 CE. Though the report itself is not extant, its presence
is heavily felt in the Arab historiographic tradition centuries after it was
written. One can surmise that the consistent invocation of the report in sub
sequent writings on India is due to the emphasis on chains of transmission
in Arab historical writings Sec Bruce B Lawrence, Shahrdstdnt on the In
dian Religions |The Hague. Mouton, 1976!, p. at. In Ibn Khurradadhbih, we
see the rules of the geographical genre: the accounts arc framed in climes
and regions, and then they list each city or settlement, with a description of
its main trade and its people. In addition to this nodal alignment of space,
the geographies gave a lot more space to ethnographic descriptions of inhab
itants and less space to the political conditions. There is no mention in Ibn
Khurradadhbih of the political climes in Hind. He does not mention that a
key polity was estabhshed by the Saffand brothers Ya'qub and Amr bin Layth,
who threatened Baghdad itself in the 870s and were given a grant by the
Ahbasid caliphs over Fars and Sind. These Saffarids took over many cities that
Ibn Khurradadhbih catalogs, such as Ghazna, Qusdar, Kikan, Qandabil, and
even Multan, holding them until 900 CE, See C, E. Bosworth, "Rulers of
Makran and Qusdar in the Early Islamic Period,” in Studio Iranica vol. 25
I1994), pp, 199-209; and M. S. Khan, "The Five Arab States in South Asia,"
Hamdard Islamicus vol. 15, no. 2I1992), pp 1-28.
Similarly, though Ibn Khurradadhbih catalogs the religions of Hind, he
does not mention the rebels and anti- Abbasid missionaries who populated
Sind. For Hind and Sind, there is also a special emphasis on capturing de
scriptions of wonders and marvels. It is notable that in rhe prodigious schol
arship on Ibn Khurradadhbih (and on the later geographers), there is little
thought given to how space on the Indic frontier is imagined and presented
or on what the temporal and empirical lags say about the political and cul
tural constructions in 'Abbasid textual traditions. See, for instance, Zayde
Antrim, Routes and Realms: The Power of Place in the Early Islamic World
|New York: Oxford University Press, 2012b and fames E. Montgomery, "Ser
endipity, Resistance, and Multivalency: Ibn Khurradadhbih and His Kitab
204 NOTES TO PAGES 73-80
pandit gave Dr. R. Shamasastry the full text of Arthasastra. written on palm
leaves in the Grantha script. Shamasastry published the text in 1909, and an
English translation followed tn 191$. It was then that the text entered philo
logical inquiry As well, the process of inquiry that established the text as
''native'' political theory and the establishment of its putative author
Canakya as an "Indian" political philosopher speaking to a Brahminical
Indian king. Arthasastra contains is books, comprising 150 chapters, with
roughly 6,000 verses in total. The first five hooks deal with the training of
the king and his daily routines, administrators, laws, crime, taxation, sala
ries, etc. In other words, the hooks deal with the domestic affairs of the
bureaucracy. Books seven through thirteen focus on foreign policy, diplo
macy, war, conquest, and governance over the conquered. The last books
deal with occult and philosophic practices. See L. N. Rangaraian, The Ar
thashaslra (Delhi: Penguin Books, 1991!, pp. 114-111.
16. Prathama Bancrice's reading of Arthasastra as a colonial text which is in
voked as political theory is apt and is important if we are to understand the
afterlife of this text. See Prathama Banerjee, "Chanakya/Kautilya: History,
Philosophy. Theater and the Twentieth-Century Political," History of the
Present, vol. 1, no. r (spring 2012I, pp. 24-51.
57. Rangaraian, The Arthashaslra, pp. 2, to, 47.
j8. Tlie king, Arthasastra states, is from noble birth, has intellect, is willing to
learn, is brave and resourceful, is eloquent and bold, is well trained in arts
and governance, is sweet in speech, and is without passion, anger, greed, and
fickleness. Most importantly, the king should follow the advice of his coun
selor. The advisor should be of the highest rank, a native of the land, trained
in all arts and logics, and able to provide governance guidance 10 the king.
"Only a king who is wise, disciplined, devoted to a just governing of the sub
lets and ever conscious of the welfare of all beings will enjoy the earth
unopposed." See Rangaraian, The Arthashaslra, p. 14}.
19 Yigal Bronner, “Review of The Bawd's Counsel: Being an Eighth-Century
Verse Novel in Sanskrit by Ddmodaragupla, ed. and transl., Csaha Dczsfi and
Dominic Goodall," Indo-lranian lournal 58, no. 1 I2015I, pp. 79-86,
40. A. Venkatasubbiah, "Pancatantra Studies," Annuls of the Bhandarkar Ori
ental Research Institute, vol. 15, no. 1/2 I1913-34I. PP- J9-66.
41. See Patrick Olivclle, I'ancatantra: The Book of India's Folk Wisdom (Oxford:
Oxford University Press, 1997), pp. 120-122.
42. Pathname, p. 45.
4. A DEMON WITH KUBY BYES
1 For an overview of conversion accounts, sec Simon Digby, "Anecdotes of a
Provincial Sufi of the Delhi Sultanate, Khwaja Gurgof Kara," Iran }211994I,
pp. 99-109. Digby argues that narratives conversion are split in two broad
frameworks: the individual who converts after a personal encounter with the
divine, and the civic community in a particular space (village, neighborhood,
etc.) that converts after witnessing a display of his miraculous powers
Ikaramdtl, often in contention with a rival. Contemporary histories of con
version to Islam focus on specific regions. They take textual data and aug-
NOTES TO PAGES IO3-1I2 109
>5. For a fuller exposition of Hindu subjects in Mahmud’s court and army, see
Finbarr B. Flood, Objects of Translation: Material Culture and Medieval
“Hindu-Muslim" Encounter (Delhi: Permanent Black, 2009I.
16- Fathnama, p. 173.
17. Ibid., p. 184.
18. Ibid., p. r8s-
19. A beautifully photographed recent travel diary by Annie Ali Khan illumi
nates this landscape. See Annie Ali Khan, "A Hindu Pilgrimage in Pakistan,"
accessed January 2016, on Roads o) Kingdoms http://roadsandkingdoms.com
/2016/a-hindu-pilgrimage-in-pakistan.
20. Shaikh Khurdhid Hasan, "Origin of Chaukhandi Tombs," lournal of Paki
stan Historical Society |April 1976I, pp 98-107.
21. As cited in Shaikh Khurshid Hasan, "Inscriptions from Chaukhandi Tombs,"
loumal of the Pakistan Historical Society (Oct.-Dec. 2011|, pp. 121-113.
22. For a nuanced look at the role of captured men and women who were trained
for elite roles, see Sunil Kumar, "Bandagl and Naukari: Studying transitions
in Political Culture and Service under the North Indian Sultanates, t3-r6th
centuries," in Francesca Orsini and Samira Sheikh, eds., After Timur Came
(Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2014I, pp. 60-108.
23. This essay by Rizvi is an often-cited and highly influential study. It was first
published in 1977, revised and enlarged in 1991, and republished again in
2010. S. A. A. Rizvi, "Islamic Prosclytization: Seventh to Sixteenth Century,"
in Raziuddm Aquil, cd., Sufism and Society in Medieval India |New Delhi:
Oxford University Press, 2010), pp. 52-70.
24. Sec Derryl N. Maclean, Religion and Society in Arab Sind |Lciden: E. J. Brill,
1989I. My chief disagreement with Maclean is on his understanding of
Chachnamm I find the remainder of his study to be exemplary.
25. Fathnama, p. 101.
26. Ibid., p. 102.
27. Ibid., p. 180.
28. Ibid., pp. 25-27-
29. Ibid., p. 166.
jo. Ibid., p. 168.
31. Ibid.
32. Ibid., p. 181.
33. Baba Farid’s ascetic practice of suspension [chilla-e makhus) is also reflected
in sirsasana, part of the Hatha yoga and Vaishnavite yogic practices. See
lames Mallinson, The Khecarividyd of Adimitha (London: Routledge, 2007I.
For a depiction of the practice by a Sufi, see the illustrated manuscript of
Jami's (1604I held at Museo Lazaro C.aldiano, viewable at http://giKi.gl/aLtIDt
See also Khaliq Ahmed Nizami, The Life and Times of Shaikh Fand-u’d Din
Ganl-i Shakur (Aligarh: Aligarh University Press, 19$$). p. 89.
34. Farid is one of the four friends (char yaarl, along with other Chishti saints
Bahauddin Zakariya of Multan (1170-1267), Lal Shahbaz Qalandaiof Sehwan
(1177-1274). and Jalaluddin Bukhari of Uch (ca. 1192-1294I.
35. Illahdiyeh ibn Abd al-Rahim Chishti Usmani, as recorded in Siyar al-Aqtab
ILucknow, India: Naval Kishur, r88t|, pp. 167-69.
NOTES TO PAGES I23-I31 211
36. Sec the two seminal papers by Digby on such encounters. The papers locate
the question of natration, tropes, and prestige in these anecdotes. Simon
Digby, 'Encounters with |ogis in Indian Sufi Hagiography" llecturc at the
Seminar on Aspects of Religion in South Asia, University of London, Jan
1970I; and "To Ride a Tiger or a Wall- Strategies of Prestige in Indian Sufi
Legend," in According to Tradition: Hagiograplncal Writing in India. Wi
nand Callewaen and Rupert Snell, eds. IWicsbadcn, Germany: Harrastiwitz
Verlag, 1994I, pp 99-129.
17 Baladhuri provides a genealogy of Jat or Zui. who are considered rebellious.
Baladhuri reports that they are a people captured m the conquest of Sind
and Khurusan and relocated to Iraq lalong with their water buffalo), where
they establish themselves as highway robbers and brigands.
38. Pathname. p. ar.
39. The marriage is only alluded to in letters between Dahar and his brother,
where the case for Dahar's marriage is made. "Even though Bai is our father's
daughter, she is, in fact, the daughter of lats, and they arc a rebellious and
criminal people (mukhahf o muirami, especially their women. If you study
reality, you will see that they cannot be trusted, and they ate far from being
honest and devout. Consider the saying about the Jats: 'Whoever catches the
foot of a goat can milk her, and whoever catches the arm of a |at woman can
mount her.’ Hence, due to her forcignness by birth |mtzuf airiabii, this mar
riage would be valid. Still, I swear to you that I will not let any pollution
come between us, and 1 will do all matters to your liking," IFalhnama.
P 44l-
40. Ibid., p. 163.
5- THE HALF SMILE
i There are no female saints in more than twenty biographies in Masood Hasan
Shahah’s study Khita Pak-e Uch (Bahawalpur: Urdu Academy, 1968!.
2. An example of such a dismissal is in N. A Baloch, “End of Imad-ud-din Mu
hammad ibn Qasim, the Arab Conqueror of Sind," Islamic Culture vol.
19 no. 111945), pp. 54-66.
3. Such readings are not restricted to historians observing primary texts in the
tari'kh genre. They exist even in the adab genre, where the severest reading
was by Fcdwa Malti-Douglas in Womens' Body, Woman's Word: Gender and
Discourse in Arabo-lslamic Writing IPrinccton, N|: Princeton University
Press, 19911, which posited an exclusively male writer who used women as
marginal characters, highlighting their sexual licentiousness and cunning
in the social and political realm This reading was challenged by Julie Mei-
sami and later Marie Hammond, who both pointed toward a plethora of fe
male authors as well as nuances in the depiction of women m literature that
complicated Malti-Douglas's reading. Sec Julie Mcisami, "Writing Medieval
Women," in Julia Brcy (cd.). Writing and Representation in Medieval Islam
(London: Routledge, 2006), pp. 47-87; Maile Hammond, Beyond Elegy: Clas
sical Arabic Women's Poetry in Context (Oxford: Oxford University Press,
2010I. I should make clear that I am not making the claim that Chachnama
presents a woman's voice. Nor am I making a claim toward any "voice."
212 NOTES TO PAGES I3I-I44
flash of its passage, perhaps also its entire trajectory, even its origin," Just as
Foucault reads transgression as a "flash of lightening," I read the account of
the daughters as an act that illuminates the morally bankrupt center via an
immoral action and that also illuminates the morality of that lust action.
See Michel Foucault, "Preface to Transgression," Language. Counter Memory.
Practice: Selected Essays and Interviews, trans. Donald F. Bouchard and
Sherry Simon (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1977), p. 15. My thanks
to Durba Mitra for this reference and this line of thought,
30. For a full explication, see Peter Jackson, "Sultan Radiyya bint Iltutmish,"
in Women tn the Medieval Islamic World: Power. Patronage, and Piety.
cd. Gavin Hambly (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1998), pp. 181-197, and
Alyssa Gabbay, "In Reality a Man: Sultan Iltutmish, His Daughter, Raziya,
and Gender Ambiguity in Thirteenth Century Northern India," lournal of
Persianote Studies 4 (jot 1). pp. 45-63.
JI. Ain al-Malak Abdullah Mahrii, Inslid-i Mahru (Lahore: Intisharat-i
Taliqiqat-i Pakistan, 1965), p. 233.
32. Ibid.
33. Thomas Hood, The Daughters of King Daher A Story of the Mohammedan
Invasion of Scinde. and Other Poems (London: Saundeis, Otley, and Co.,
1861|, p, 30.
34 Ayaz's poem came at the height of anti Pakistan Sindhi nationalism in tile
late 1970s and early 1980s—the aftermath of the 1971 massacre in East Pak
istan by the military regime in West Pakistan This was the reaction of most
minority driven political consciousness under Pakistan's totalitarian mili
tary state after the creation of Bangladesh. Counter-nationalist claims began
immediately in Baluchistan and Sind, leading to civil and military crack
downs in 1974-1976 and 1980-1982. Even in Uch a Serai’ki national claim
emerged in the mid-1980s, and it continues to this day. I have made some
changes to the translation. Compare with Fahmida Riaz, Pakistan: Litera
ture and Society (New Delhi: Patriot Publishers, 1986I, p. 19.
33. In juxtaposing spatially and temporally separated episodes tn certain histori
cally disjunctive moments, I draw upon the work of Reinhart Koselleck,
who read nonsimultaneous pasts simultaneously. This was his notion of
Gleichzeitigkeit des Ungleichzcitigcn. Sec Reinhart Kosclleck, Futures Past
On the Semantics of Historical Time (New York: Columbia University Press,
2004I, p. 95; and Reinhart Koselleck. "Einlcitung," in Zeilschiehien. Studien
ztir Historik (Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp Verlag, 2000I, pp. 9-16.
36. Sec Imtiaz Ali Taj, Andrkalt (Lahore: Ferozesons Publishers, 1961I, p. 3.
37. Syed Muhammad Latif, Lahore: Its History, Architectural Remains, and An
tiquities (Lahore: New Imperial Press, 1892!, p. r86.
38. Shireen Moosavi provides a good overview of the legend and the possibility
of who Anarkali may have been "In 1396, Prince Salim is reported to have
fallen violently in love with the daughter of Zain Khan Koka, the foster
brother of Akbar and a high noble. For some reason, Akbar did not approve
of the match and a nft occurred between the father and the son Salim's in
fatuation was, however, so intense that Akbar yielded to the persuasion of
his mother Hamida Bano, and the wedding look place in her apartments on
214 NOTES TO PAGES 148-155
8Tir*i R Y./AH 1004 (29 lune 1s96l.lt is, thus, probable that the rumor mill
got hold of Salim’s dispute with his father on a marital issue. Within four
months of Salim's marriage with Zain Khan Koka's daughter, in the evening
of 26 Mehr of the same year (19 October 1596), the mother of Prince Dany.il
died, the very next day an old’ concubine of Akbar passed away and a day
after, on 28 Mehr |2t October 1 $96), Prince Salim's wife, who was the daughter
of Raja 'All Khan, the ruler of Khandesh. died. She had been sent by her father,
in token of submission, at the end of April 1593, on the persuasion of Akbar’s
envoy, the poet Faizi, to marry Prince Salim, the heir apparent. It is possible
that the deaths of Danyal’s mother and Salim's wife with the difference of
two days caused their identities to be confused, DAnyAl’s mother being
confounded with lahingir's wife, for whom Jahangir's inscribed declara
tions of love were really intended The confusion may have been aided by
the fact that Danyal's mother had been a concubine (khow-wds) of Akbar,
and there is, therefore, a possibility that she might have originally borne the
harem name of Anar-kalL" See Shireen Moosavi, "The Invention and Per
sistence of a Legend—The Anarkali Story," in Studies in People's History 1,
1I2014I, pp. 63-68.
39. Among the rate works to pay attention to the political lives of Mughal women
is Ruby Lal’s Domesticity and Power in the Early Moghul World (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 2005I.
6. A CONQUEST OF PASTS
1. On the significance and history of long graves (non gaz) in West Asia, see
Brannon M. Wheeler, Mecca and Eden: Ritual. Relics, and Territory in Islam
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2006I, pp. 100-22.
2. For al-Ansari, see David Shulman, "Muslim Popular Literature in Tamil: The
Tamirmancari Malai,"in Yohanan Friedmann, cd., Islam in Asia: South
Asia, vol. t (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1980I. pp. 174-207.1 and David
Cook. "Tamim al-Dari," Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African
Studies, University of London, 61, no. 1 (1998). pp. 20-28. For Dinar, see
G. S Kliwaia, "An Arabic Epigraph Pertaining to Early Islamic Mission to
Kerala," lournal of the Epigraphical Society of India vol. 2$, 1999. pp. 54-58.
3. For explication of some of these stories, see Masood Hasan Shahab, Khitd
Pak-e Uch (Bahawalpur: Urdu Academy, 1968I.
4. See Abu'l-Fazl. The History of Akbar, ed. and trans. Wheeler M. Thackston,
vol. 1, (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2015), pp 47-70 and
559-571.
5. Muhammad Masum Bakkari, Ta'rikh i Sind Best Known as Ta'rikhi-
Ma'sumi (Poona: Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, 1938I, p. 4.
6. Ibid., p. 22.
7. Qani‘ authored more than forty-two works, including numerous compendia
of his own poetry |he excelled in the mathnavi and qastdaj a dictionary of
Persian poets in Sind, Muti'allat-e Shur'a (1760)1 a history from the Abbasid
reign, Tar’ikh-i Abbasi I1761I, and a unique cultural history of Sind, incor
porating everything from fashion to culinary skills and means of relaxation,
Nisab til-Bulgha I1783), Tuhfat ul-Kiram |t76tl comprises three volumes. The
NOTES TO PAGES I56-I6O 11$
first volume deals with the history of the prophets down to the early caliphs.
The second volume is divided into seven sections, each section containing
histories of cities and towns in Sind, along with descriptions of the spiritual
and ruling elite. The third volume is dedicated to the history of Sind, from
Chach to the Sindhi Kalhora regime, contemporary to Qani'.
8. The best scholarly treatment of Firishta is in Sanjay Subrahmanyam, Courtly
Encounters: The Courtliness and Violences of Early Modern Eurasia (Cam
bridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2012), pp. 34-103.
9, See Muhammad Qasim Hindu Shah Astarabadi Firishta, Ta'rlkh-i Firishlil
(Tehran: Aniuman-i Asar va Mafakhir-i Farhangi, 2009).
to. It is little discussed, but Firishta presents a complex theory of historiography,
providing criteria for how kings, cities, and regions should be assembled in
a broad universal history. Take, for example, his insistence that Qabacha not
be mentioned in the rise of the Delhi sultans but should rather be included
in the accounts of Sind. Firishta is here commenting directly on Juziani's Ta-
baqar and later universal histories.
11. It was Ham, son of Adam, Firishta writes, whose six sons—Hind, Sind, faish,
Afrani, Hormuz, and Buiya—laid the foundation of a city in Hindustan.
12. Alexander Dow, The History of Hindostan; from the Earliest Account of
Time, to the Death of Akbar; Translated from the Persian of Mahummud
Casim Ferishta of Delhi: Together with a Dissertation Concerning the Re
ligion and Philosophy of the Brahmins; With an Appendix, Containing
the History of the Mogul Empire, from Its Decline in the Reign of Ma
hummud Shaw, to the Present Times (London: T. Becket and P. A. de Hondt,
1768). p. ii.
13. Ibid, p. vi.
14. Ibid, p. xiii.
rs Alexander Dow, The History of Hindostan. from the Death of Akbar, to the
Complete Settlement of the Empire under Aurungrebe To Which Are Pre
fixed, I. A Dissertation on the Origin and Nature of Despotism in Hind
ostan II. An Enquiry into the State of Bengal; With a Plan for Restoring
That Kingdom to Its Former Prosperity and Splendor ILondon: T. Becket
and P. A. de Hondt in the Strand. >772), p. xv.
16. Ibid, p. xxxv.
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135
1}6 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
David Lleyveld, Mums Faruqui, Jorge Flores, Kamran Asdar Ali, the
late Kumkum Chatterjee, Ramya Srinivasan, Iftikhar Dadi, Prachi
Deshpande, Avinoam Shalom, and Bodhisattava Kar. They each have
contributed to this book in their own way, and they each continue to
enlighten me. Thank you.
My gratitude to Farina Mir and Will Glover at Michigan, Michael
Weiss at Princeton, and Kris Manjapara and Ayesha Jalal at Tufts, who
invited me to their seminars and helped me clarify my ideas. I pre
sented parts of this work at Columbia at the Literary Theory Univer
sity Seminar and at the Faculty Seminar at MESA AS. I want to thank
Tim Mitchell and Bruce Robbins for their generosity and the audiences
lor their engagement. I also presented portions of the book at the Zu-
kunftsphilologie workshop at Freie Universitat Berlin, at American
University at Cairo, and for conference panels at the Annual South
Asia Conference at Madison, the Association for Asian Studies Con
ference, and the American Historical Association. Sunil Kumar pub
lished my first article on Chachnama and has solidified my personal
standard for exacting research and clarity of ideas. I am indebted to
him for his encouragement and support. Ideas in Chapters 1 and 4
were explored in Indian Economic and Social History Review and
Medieval History lournal. I thank the editors, the readers, and the
interlocutors.
Allison Busch, Partha Chatterjee, Elizabeth Blackmar, Marwa El
Shakry, Adam Kosto, Elisheva Carlebach, and Carol Gluck read the
draft manuscript and gave extensive feedback and corrections. Cynthia
Talbot's careful reading and comments were critical to both the man
uscript and to me. I am thankful for her generosity in person and in
her scholarship. Kavita Datla, Karuna Mantena, Teena Purohit, Dennis
Tenen, Eleanor Johnson, Mark Mazower, and Tamer El Leithy read
parts of the manuscript and engaged deeply with the work. Durba Mitra
thought and molded this hook through countless conversations. She
read every line and this book bears the marks of that intellectual labor.
I owe her the same thought and care for her book. Her astute questions
pushed me to articulate my arguments clearly and forcefully. 1 am ex
tremely grateful for their labor and attention.
Islam Dayeh, George Khalil, Schirin Amir-Moazzami, Regula For
ster, Gudrun Kramer, Bettina Graf, Ingeborg Baldauf, Ulrike Freitag,
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 137
mark on this book. I thank her and Heather Hughes at Harvard Uni
versity Press for their good cheer and support. I am also grateful to the
two anonymous readers whose critically astute feedback strengthened
this manuscript. Thanks also to David Emanuel, Deborah Grahame-
Smith, and Derek Gottlieb for their editorial and indexical work—and
immense professionalism.
The generous intellectual gifts of all of these individuals go along
with gifts of love, friendship, and companionship that I received over
the course of the last two decades from Rajeev K. Kinra, Prithvi Datta
Chandra Shobhi, Blake T. Wentworth, Whitney M. Cox, Daisy Rock
well, Sarah Neilson, Bulbul Tiwan, Doowan Lee, Kouslaa Kessler-Mata,
Edward Yazijian, Lisa Knight, Sonam Kachru, lane Mikkleson, Katar-
zyna Pazucha, Alicia Czaplewski, Gerard Siarny, Antje Postema, Megan
Heffernan, David "Raver" Emanuel, Saud al-Zaid, A. Sean Pue, Salman
Hussain, Rachel Dwyer, Michael Dwyer, Madhuri Deshmukh, Nikhil
Rao, Veronika Fuechtner, Rajkamal Kahlon, Sergei Spetchinsky, Bani
Abdi, Mantra Schleyer, Daniel Pineu, Andrea Flcschenberg, Sarnath
Banerjee, Oily Akkerman, Saskia Schiifer, Anubhuti Maurya, Sarover
Zaidi, Ananya Vajpeyi, Ali Raza, Bilal Tanweer, Afzal Khan, Aijaz
Ahmed, Sumayya Kassamali, Rebecca Goetz, Gaiutra Bahadur, Mana
Kia, Eric Beverley, Madiha Tahir, Aamir Naveed, Durba Mitra, Abeer
Hoque, Azeen Khan, Annie Ali Khan, Anand Vivek Taneja, Elizabeth
Angell, Abhishek Kaicker, Jonathan Shamin, Amitava Kumar, Shahnaz
Rouse, Kaiama Glover, Kelly Josephs, and Alex Gil. My gratitude to
Kitty for her support over the years. Thank you to all, and to any.
My friend and colleague Dennis Tenen helped me begin and end
the writing of this book. We were joined by many writers between
December 2014 and December 2015. My thanks to Roj3s, Young To
bias, and Durba Mitra |DB), among others. The collective lunches at
Brownie’s and the evening PST at Taqueria y Fonda la Mcxicana were
instrumental on the hard days. Thanks to the many friends there.
This book is dedicated to my mother, Shaista Ahmed, in Lahore. She
sent her eightcen-ycar-old son to the United States for education and
has watched his life from a great distance. It is a testament to her love,
strength, and ethics. When 1 was turning seventeen, I had dearly wanted
denim jeans made by the American brand Jordache. She was unmoved
by my pleas to be as stylish as my friends at Punjab University. A few
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS 2J9
days before my birthday, when I threw a petulant fit, she spoke in all
seriousness of Muhammad bin Qasim’s accomplishments and how he
had conquered India by the age of seventeen, highlighting my ignomin
ious whining about buying jeans. I doubt she remembers it, but that
conversation started generating questions for me about history, memory,
and nationalisms. Those questions led me to study under Matthew
Gordon in 1995.1 cannot say, even in retrospect, that I had much hope
of finishing a B.A., let alone a Ph.D. or even this book. But 1 still had a
desire and a drive, and they too were given to me by my mother. My
2008 dissertation, "The Many Lives of Muhammad bin Qasim," was
my answer for her, and 1 hope she takes this book as an extended
discursion on the subject of history and provenance of accomplished
seventeen-year-oids. My father, Sultan Ahmed Asif, was a Gastarbeiter
(guest worker) in Doha, Qatar, for more than thirty years. He spent
almost twenty of those years away from his family. He passed away in
2012, and 1 am sorry that I cannot see him hold this book in his hands.
His sons, scattered in the world, reflect their parents’ ethos and love.
My brothers and our families are always together in group chats filled
with pictures and sounds of familial love. Finally, all possible words
of thanks are inadequate for my Maha and my Kavi. May they flower
and make beautiful their own new words and worlds.
Index
Abbasids, 34-37, 40, 42, 44 -46, 50, $8. Aligarh University, 171-72
75, 95. «96n$6 alliance-building, 86-92, 181-182,
Abdalluh, Umar bin, 20507 2IOO22
Abd al-Malik, 36, 41 All India Muslim League, 3
Abdulaziz Habari. Amr bin, 44 Amarasakti (king), 98
Ab e Kausar llkraml, 175 Amin, Shahid, 4
Abi'IThaqaH, Uthman bin, 35 Anarkah, 147-148, 2iifn38
Abu Bakr Ash'ari, Ain-al Mulk, 54, $7 Andaman Islands, 27
Abu'l-Faz'l, 153-154 Anglo-Afghan War, 160-162
Achh, Saifuddin Aybek, aooniz Ansab al Ashra/(Baladhuri), 34
adab, 57, 95-132, 21103 Anushirwan, Khusru, too
Adah ul Kabir IMuqatfa), toi Anvar > Suhatlt |Na$ru‘llahl, 101
Adab Harb wa'I Shaja'a |Mudabbir|, 53 Aquil, Raziuddin, 207034
Aden, 28-29, 3« "Arab Conquest of Sind" (Maiumdar),
Adulc, 30 172, 174
advice genres, 21, Si, 84-102, 109-110, Arabia, 157) India’s contacts with. 23-26
2O6ni2 Arabian Sea, 26-27
Agham, 107-109 Arabic language and literature), 8-21.
A'inaye Iskandari (Dehlavil, 95 43-48. 54-70,92-102, 144. «53. 180.
Am Nameh (Muqaffa), 101 See also translation; specific authors
Akbar, Jalaludin, 147-148, 153-155/ and works
18!, 184 Arabs in Sind |Sprcnger), 168
Akbarnama |Abu'l-Faz'l|, 153, 155-156 Aram community, 179
Akhbar al-Sin wa'I-Hind lanonymousl, archaeology, 26-32, 69-77, 202050
3> Aristotle, 93-95
Akhlaq-i Nasin (Din Thsi), 96 Arminius, t
Alam, Muzaffar, $5, 207033 Arnold, T. W, 172
Alawis, 14, 36, 42 Aror, 13, 40, 65, 120, 131-133 See also
Alexander the Great, 26, 29, 68-70, 87. Dahar; Qasim, Muhammad bin
92-95, 182 Artaxerxes Mnemon of Persia, 29. 93
241
242 INDEX
149. 170-171, 174; textual traditions 38-44, 120-121, 134, 146, 174-176,
embedded in, 16, 21,15-26, 32-44, 181; religious differences and,
$4-69. 92-102, 110-111, 114 115, 86 102, 105-106, 110-115, 135-136;
<53-154; as translation of Arabic temple destruction and, 25, 163,
text, 9, 11, 15, 19-20, $5-62, 64-65, 167-168, 171, 174. 196056; women's
Mt, 171; Uch's depiction in, 9-12, erasure from, 144-149, See also
20-21, 71, 80-8i; women in. 65-66, specific cities and regions
128-144 The Conquest of New Spain (Diaz
Chakravarti, Ranabir, 192113 del Castillo), 6
Chakravarti, Uma, 4 conversions |religious|, 115-124,
Chalukya, 50 163, 177
Chandella, 50 Corpus Insertpt ionum Indicarum.
Channan Pir, 20904 1971158
Charlemagne, r Cosmas Indicoplcustes, to
Chaudhry, laved, 9 courtesans, 72
Chaudhun, K. N,, 192113 "Courts, Capitals, and Kingships"
Chauhan. 50 (Kumarl, 199ns
China, 29-30, 32 Cousens, Henry, 69-71, 170
Chinghiz Khan, 1, 51-52 Crow, Nathan, 159
Chishti Usmatii, Alhadiya, 122 Ctesias of Cnidus, 29, 93
Cholistan desert, 19, 182
Christian Topography (Cosmasl, jo Dahar: advice genre and, 82, 84-85,
Claudius Ptolemy, 28 87-9«; Chach’s succession and, 13,
Collectanea Rerum Memorabihum 64, 82-83, 85-86; colonial under
(Solinus), 29, 93 standings of, 167-168; in conquest
colonialism: anticolonialism and, narratives, 37-44. 87, 134; death of,
170-179; British depictions of 120, 136) Ladi’s relationship to, 134;
Muslims and, 69-70, 75-77, 160-171; marriage of, 2iinj9; religious
Chachnama's misreading and, conversion and, 117
151-152, 181-184; education and. 7-8, Daharsena, 13, 82-86
171, 176-177; essentialism and, Daily Dawn, 178
157-158, 163-64, 171-179, 1941123, Daily fang. 9
21 sn 18; historiography and, 1-6, Damascus, 14, 25, 32, 41. 44. 72
19-21, 150-152, >71-179; Indian Daudpota, Umar bin Muhammad, 13,
nationalism and, 170-171; origin 171-173. 175
stories and, 15-16, 162-179; post- Daughters of King Daher (Hood), 145
colonialism and, 6, 180-184; Sind's Dawar, 110
British conquest and, 159-1711 Daybul: conquest narrativesand, 35, 39,
translation issues and, 157, <7»-«79. 50, 52, 91, 154-155. 164-165, 174;
2161123 trade and, 30, 44. 71
conquest narratives: advice genre and, Deccan, 50, 72-74. >56
2i, 81, 84-102, 109-110; alliance Dehlavi, Amir Khusraw, 95
building and, 86-92, 181-182, Delhi, 50-52, 54.57. 7 b 76, 83, 153.
2ion22; British colonialism and, 156, 184
1S9-I7I; Chach's exploits and, demons, 109-111
107—109, 125, 133-134, 142-143; De Mundo, 94
conversionsand, 115-124, 163, 177; dharmasastra texts, 98
Muslims in, 32-44. 62-67, 86-92, Diaz del Castillo, Bernal, 6
110-113, 162-171, 181, 2Oin37; Dilshad, Muhammad, 128
political acumen and, 33-34. 86-92, Dinar, Malik bin, 150
2ion22,- Qasim's exploits and, 2, Dinawari, 94
244 INDEX