LGR2
LGR2
LGR2
PROJECT BRIEF
ON THE LOCAL GOVERNMENT
NO.2
REFORM IN TANZANIA
Odd-Helge Fjeldstad
Chr. Michelsen Institute
Before the rationalisation in June 2003 it was clear that the local tax system was overripe for reform. It was complicated, costly
to administrate and exacerbated inequity. Tax evasion was widespread, often reflected in persistent public resistance to pay.
Moreover, the linkages between the central and local government tax systems were in general weak leading to double taxation
and inconsistencies between tax policies implemented at various levels of government. Already in 1993, the Association of
Local Authorities in Tanzania (ALAT) advised the government to abolish development levy. This advice was partly based on
considerations of revenue generation, administrative costs, income distribution and economic efficiency. Furthermore, the
widespread tax resistance threatened to undermine the legitimacy of local authorities. Although there are reasons to question the
speed at which the recent rationalisation of local taxes took place and the limited consultation with local authorities, similar
considerations as those taken by ALAT ten years ago seem to have been the foundation for the recent reform.
The immediate consequences of the rationalisation are that some council activities are scaled down or postponed. In particular,
council meetings are postponed to save allowances. The reform will most likely also have impacts on activities at the village
level, since some of the development levy collected (20-45 percent) were retained in the villages, mainly as honorarium to
village leaders and Village Executive Officers, for stationery and to some extent for development activities, including women
and youth development funds. Furthermore, the way the local tax reform was carried out, taking many people both at the local
and central levels by surprise, has led to confusion among both collectors and taxpayers on what taxes actually are abolished and
which are still in place. Hence, in some councils taxpayers now actively resist paying levies and taxes which have been retained.
Tax collection has, therefore, dropped by more in recent months than the revenue shortfall caused by the abolished taxes alone.
Not surprisingly, ordinary citizens and many councillors are positive to the tax rationalisation. Moreover, people interviewed
during a recent visit to some district councils, argued that the abolishment of local taxes, particularly development levy, would
make citizens more able and willing to contribute to self-help activities and to pay user fees for social services. Yet, some
councillors expressed concern about the impacts of the tax rationalisation on council activities, including sitting allowances.
Both the council management teams and some councillors questioned the sustainability of the tax reform.
There is undoubtedly room for further improved financial management in most local authorities as well as improved co-ordination
between the different levels of government. In particular, there is a need to simplify the licence and fee structures by reducing the
number of rates and coverage. Fees and licences that have regulatory functions, such as sand fees, hunting and business licences,
should be harmonised with central government taxes, to avoid double taxation and conflicts with national development policies
such as employment creation and environmental protection. Furthermore, uniform rates on agricultural taxes, that is, crop cess,
are necessary to minimise distortions. In this context it might be worth considering the possibility to centralise the collection of
certain local taxes. For instance, cess on export crops could be collected by the Tanzania Revenue Authority (TRA) at their
points of export.
Property tax has some attractions as a local revenue base since it is imposed on immobile assets and therefore is difficult to avoid
- at least in principle. However, it also has some obvious weaknesses which need to be taken into consideration before heavy
reliance is placed on it. For instance, problems of valuation and tax enforcement often occur due to political interventions and
administrative weaknesses. Furthermore, harsh enforcement mechanisms may result in intervention from politicians facing
complaints from their constituents. Hence, experience advocates cautiousness when extending property tax to district councils,
and when imposing a commercial land tax in local authorities.
A fundamental requirement when further redesigning the local tax system is greater emphasis on the cost-effectiveness of
revenue collection, taking into account not only the direct costs of tax administration, but also the overall costs to the economy,
including the compliance costs to the taxpayers. In addition, losses through corruption and tax evasion need to be reduced. Such
improvements may take a long time to achieve, although additional simplification of the local revenue system should provide a
positive contribution towards these aims.
Some councils have already started to explore methods to reduce the financial gap caused by the tax rationalisation by: (1)
outsourcing revenue collection to private collectors to increase revenues from existing sources such as natural resource products,
including charcoal, wood and other forest products, and livestock auction fees; (2) reducing costs, for example by limiting the
number of meetings and workshops and by retrenching surplus staff; and (3) imposing more cost-effective spending, for example
on electricity and stationeries. Current attempts for economic diversification will also help to expand the tax base like, for
instance, a longer-term strategy introducing new cash crops. Moreover, co-production of services by councils and local communities
is on the rise. For instance, in several councils recently visited the increasing number of primary schools is maintained and
expanded via self-help schemes combined with technical support from the council. Such measures are welcome as well as
promising for the future sustainability of local authorities.