CIA- ACTIVITY- 1

THE SECOND CONGO WAR

ABSTRACT:

One year after the First Congo War's conclusion, in 1998, the Second Congo War started.
Laurence Desire Kabila was elected president and the Alliance des forces démocratiques pour
la libération du Congo-Zaire (ADFL) came to power as a result of the First Congo War. The
dictator of Zaire, now known as the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Joseph Desire-
Mobutu, was overthrown during the First Congo War with the assistance of an alliance
between Rwanda and Uganda. The First Congo War, together with the conflicts in Burundi in
1993 and Rwanda in 1994, all contributed to the Second Congo War. It was characterized by
the development of ethnic conflicts over international borders and the continuously shifting
alliances between diverse actors, both domestic and external. It was a particularly intricate
formation of wars within wars. It was the largest interstate conflict in contemporary African
history, directly involving nine different countries and twenty or so armed organizations,
earning the nicknames "Africa's World War" and "Great War of Africa." In this paper, I will
be explaining how one of the deadliest war was started. I will also be including details about
all the countries that supported the Congo government, how peace was made, the formation
of a transitional government and the aftermath of the war.

Keywords: war, conflict, countries, Africa, Congo, alliance, government

INTRODUCTION:

Little more than a year after the First Congo War and involving some of the same issues, the
Second Congo War (also known as the Great War of Africa) started in August 1998 in the
Democratic Republic of the Congo. It was officially over in July 2003 when the Transitional
Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo came to power. However, the Lord's
Resistance Army insurgency has persisted since then, as have the conflicts in Kivu and Ituri.
It has directly involved nine African nations as well as about 20 armed organisations and is
the worst conflict in contemporary African history. The Second Congo War was the worst
battle in the world since World War II by 2008, when the war and its aftermath had claimed
5.4 million lives, largely from illness and malnutrition. Additional millions more people lost
their homes and/or applied for asylum in neighbouring nations.

Despite the nominal end of the conflict in July 2003 and the former combatants' agreement to
form a government of national unity, 1,000 people per day perished in 2004 from diseases
and starvation that could have been avoided. The trade in conflict minerals was one factor
that fueled the war and the conflicts that followed.

HOW THE SECOND CONGO WAR STARTED?

The Banyamulenge in Goma burst into insurrection on August 2, 1998. Early in August, the
Rally for Congolese Democracy (RCD), a well-armed rebel group made up mostly of
Banyamulenge and supported by Rwanda and Uganda, arose after Rwanda provided them
urgent help. With headquarters in Goma, this gang swiftly grew to control the resource-rich
eastern regions. The Kivus cities of Bukavu and Uvira were swiftly taken over by the RCD.
Uganda and Burundi joined forces against the Tutsi-run government of Rwanda, and Burundi
also reacted by capturing a section of northeastern Congo. President Kabila solicited the
cooperation of Hutu refugees in eastern Congo to aid in the removal of the occupying
Rwandans. He also started stirring up anti-Tutsi sentiment, which led to a number of public
lynchings in the streets of Kinshasa. Using a radio station in Bunia, eastern Congo, a loyalist
army major called for resistance on August 12: "People must bring a machete, a spear, an
arrow, a hoe, spades, rakes, nails, truncheons, electric irons, barbed wire, stones, and the like,
dear listeners, in order to slaughter the Rwandan Tutsis."

By arguing that a sizable portion of eastern Congo was "historically Rwandan," the Rwandan
government also questioned the validity of existing borders. The Tutsi people of Rwanda
claimed that Kabila was planning a genocide against them in the Kivu area. It's still up for
dispute to what extent Rwanda's action was driven by a desire to defend the Banyamulenge as
opposed to utilising them as a front for its regional ambitions after toppling Mobutu.

Under the leadership of James Kabarebe, Rwandan soldiers made a cunning manoeuvre when
they commandeered three aircraft and flew them to the Kitona government facility on the
Atlantic coast.  The aircraft landed in the centre of the Kitona base, but the disparate group of
soldiers there—including ex-FAZ, Angolan UNITA members, and former Pascal Lissouba
fighters from Brazzaville—were in terrible health and unable to fight without food and
ammunition.  They were easily persuaded to support Rwanda. As the combined RCD,
Rwandan, and rebel fighters overran the government forces amid a flurry of fruitless
diplomatic efforts by several African governments, more towns in the east and around Kitona
fell in quick succession. Less than two weeks after the uprising started, on August 13, rebels
controlled the Matadi port, through which the majority of Kinshasa's food was transported, as
well as the Inga hydroelectric station, which supplied Kinshasa with electricity. On August
23, the rebels took control of Kisangani's diamond district, and by late August, soldiers
marching from the east were posing a threat to Kinshasa. While continuing to support the
RCD together with Rwanda, Uganda also established the Movement for the Liberation of
Congo (MLC), a rebel organisation that it sponsored solely (MLC).

Fighting persisted across the nation despite the shifting of the front lines. Government
soldiers continued to fight for control of cities in the country's east as rebel fighters moved
closer to Kinshasa. The Hutu insurgents who Kabila was working with were a sizable force in
the east as well. Nevertheless, it seemed increasingly likely that the capital would fall, as well
as Kabila, who had spent the preceding weeks frantically seeking assistance from other
African countries and Cuba.

The rebel offensive was quickly stopped as a result of Kabila's diplomatic success. Southern
African Development Community members were the first African nations to react to Kabila's
call for assistance (SADC). Although formally obligated by a mutual defence agreement in
the event of foreign assault, many SADC member countries chose to remain neutral in the
conflict. Nevertheless, following a conference in Harare, Zimbabwe, on August 19, the
governments of Namibia, Zimbabwe, and Angola backed the Kabila administration. Over the
ensuing weeks, Chad, Libya, and Sudan all joined the fight for Kabila. Thus, a multifaceted
war started.

FOREIGN SUPPORTERS OF THE CONGO GOVERNMENT:

Zimbabwe:

In 1998, the Zimbabwean government sent troops to support Kabila. The most fervent
advocate for intervention on Kabila's behalf was President Robert Mugabe. The only nation
fighting in the conflict to have a cutting-edge and skilled air force was Zimbabwe. It, together
with the Special Air Service, Zim Commandos, and Paras, as well as other special units of the
Zimbabwe National Army, all played a significant part in securing Kinshasa and driving back
rebel forces who had advanced to the city's outskirts. Warplanes from Zimbabwe were crucial
in the destruction of German columns headed towards the city. Zimbabwean soldiers were
also responsible for retaking the complete Inga dam from rebel forces that had been
occupying it, which allowed the capital's electricity to be restored.

Angola:

Because Mobutu Sésé Seko had backed the rebel UNITA in the Angolan Civil War, the
Angolan government had fought against him in the First Congo War. The UNITA activities
in southern Congo, which traded foreign guns for diamonds taken from rebel-held Angola,
were to be stopped by the Angolan government. Angola lacked faith that a new leader would
be more successful than Kabila and was concerned that a protracted conflict would result in a
power vacuum that would only benefit UNITA. The result of both wars depended heavily on
the experienced Angolan soldiers' intervention.

Namibia:

Similar to Mugabe, President Sam Nujoma had interests in the Congo, and various members
of his family were active in the country's mining industry. Few matters of national
importance to Namibia were involved in the conflict, therefore the country's engagement was
met with shock and fury from the public and opposition parties.

Chad:

Following a summit meeting in Libreville, Gabon, on September 24, Chad decided to send
2000 troops, despite Kabila's initial rejection of the idea of backing from Francophone Africa.
In order to restore influence in a region where they had fled during the 1994 Rwandan
massacre, France had encouraged Chad to join. Nonetheless, the Chadian intervention was a
disaster. Almost as soon as they entered the nation, its forces were accused of major human
rights violations and plundering. They immediately retreated in response to opposition from
abroad and from within their own country.

Sudan:

Unconfirmed reports from September suggested that the Sudanese government was engaged
in border-region warfare with rebels in Orientale Province. Though it continued to provide
substantial support to the Lord's Resistance Army, the Uganda National Rescue Front II, and
the Allied Democratic Forces in retribution for Ugandan support for the Sudan People's
Liberation Army, Sudan did not develop a strong military presence inside the DRC.

NOMINAL PEACE:
There were numerous attempts to stop the violence, but none of them were effective. The
situation in Rwanda started to get worse in 2002. Many RCD fighters opted to stop fighting
or joined Kabila's administration. Additionally, the Banyamulenge, the core of Rwanda's
militia forces, grew weary of Kigali's rule and the never-ending conflict. A few of them
rebelled, which resulted in bloody fights between them and Rwandan forces. Under the
younger Kabila, the western Congo was growing more secure at the same time. As the
inflation rate was brought under control, international aid was restored.

On April 19, 2002, the Sun City Agreement became legally binding. It served as a blueprint
for establishing a multiparty, unified government in the Congo as well as democratic
elections; nevertheless, detractors pointed out that the agreement lacked provisions for the
unification of the army, which diminished its potency. Despite numerous documented
violations of the Sun City agreement, there has been little fighting.

After five days of negotiations in Pretoria, South Africa, Rwanda and the Democratic
Republic of the Congo signed a peace accord on July 30, 2002. Two topics were discussed in
depth. One was the exodus of the about 20,000 Rwandan soldiers who had been stationed in
the Congo. The other was gathering up former Rwandan soldiers and disarming Interahamwe,
a Hutu extremist group that participated in the 1994 genocide in Rwanda and still operates
out of eastern Congo. Previously, Rwanda had resisted leaving until the Hutu militants were
subdued.

The Luanda Agreement, which was signed on September 6, 2002, established the peace
between the Congo and Uganda. The deal sought to strengthen relations between the two
nations and compel Uganda to withdraw its forces from Bunia, but its implementation proved
challenging. The first Rwandan soldiers were removed from the eastern DRC eleven days
later. Rwanda declared the end of its pullout on October 5; MONUC verified that more than
20,000 Rwandan soldiers had left.

The UN's Expert Panel Report on armed groups' exploitation of natural resources was
released on October 21. Accusations that high military and political elites were involved in
the illegal trafficking of looted resources were denied by both Rwanda and Uganda.

The Global and All-Inclusive Agreement was signed on December 17, 2002, by the
Congolese parties to the Inter-Congolese Dialogue, including the national government, the
MLC, the RCD, the RCD-ML, the RCD-N, the domestic political opposition, civil society
leaders, and the Mai Mai. The Agreement laid out a strategy for interim rule that called for
parliamentary and presidential elections to take place within two years after its signing and
declared the Second Congo War to be officially concluded.

TRANSITIONAL GOVERNMENT:

The Transitional Government was established on July 18, 2003, as outlined in the Global and
All-Inclusive Agreement. The parties are required by the Agreement to implement a plan for
national reunification, disarm and reconcile the warring groups, and hold elections.
Numerous issues led to widespread ongoing turmoil and a postponement of the planned
general elections from June 2005 to July 2006.

The fundamental factor preventing the former belligerent groups from ceding control to a
centralised, impartial national government is their persistent resistance. As the International
Crisis Group has noted, certain belligerents continued to maintain administrative and military
command-and-control systems apart from those of the Transitional Government. Further
instability is brought on by a high amount of public corruption that diverts funds away from
infrastructure projects, military, and civil servants.

The first elections in the DRC were held on July 30, 2006, following the approval of a new
constitution by the people. On October 30, a second round was held.

AFTERMATH:

In the east, violence and violations of human rights have persisted due to the fragility of the
state. There are three main conflict hotspots: (i) Ituri, where MONUC has failed to contain
the numerous militia and groups fueling the Ituri conflict; (ii) north Katanga, where Mai-Mai
created by Laurent Kabila escaped Kinshasa's control; (iii) north Kivu, where a weakened
FDLR continues to threaten the Rwandan border and the Banyamulenge. Rwanda also
supports RCD-Goma rebels against Kinshasa.

People on both sides of the war have been motivated by the ethnic violence between Hutu
and Tutsi-aligned groups because they fear being eliminated as a race. The Kinshasa- and
Hutu-aligned forces cultivated tight ties as a result of their shared aim in driving out the army
and proxies of Uganda and Rwanda. While the soldiers allied with Rwanda and Uganda
cooperated closely to annex territory from Kinshasa, rivalry for resources led to a rift in their
partnership. According to sources, Uganda allowed Kinshasa to smuggle weapons to the Hutu
FDLR through territory controlled by rebels it supports because both Uganda and Kinshasa,
as well as the Hutus, are working in varied degrees to counteract the impact of Rwanda and
its allies.

DEATH TOLL:

The 5.4 million war-related fatalities reported by the Human Security Report Project of
Simon Fraser University between 1998 and 2008 have been disputed. It claims that the first
two of the IRC's five retrospective mortality surveys should be disregarded because of the
methodology's serious flaws. 2.83 million extra deaths were reported within the time frame of
the three following polls, according to the IRC's estimate. However, the analysis in the
Report contended that this estimate was based on an unacceptably low baseline mortality rate.
The excess death toll decreased by more than two million to less than one-third of the IRC's
estimate when a more suitable baseline rate was used. According to the Human Security
Project, the 2.83 million extra deaths reported by the IRC between May 2001 and April 2007
should actually be 0.86 million. In response to the criticism, one of the IRC report's authors
admitted that the original study had certain statistical flaws, but added that the report had
undergone extensive review and was thought to be a realistic estimate of the number of
people killed.

CONCLUSION:

One of the most difficult post-conflict peace processes in the world is taking place in the
Democratic Republic of the Congo. The nation's intricate network of political, sociological,
ethnic, and economic divisions results in a highly fractured culture that gives its numerous
groups good reason to keep using violence. The issues raised here don't fully address the
complexity of this dispute, but they do highlight the main root reasons of unresolvable
conflict in the area. It is reasonable to assume that the DRC could become a champion of
peaceful transition in Africa with the proper implementation of new policies, building on the
achievements in the peace accords that have previously been reached, and putting some of the
recommendations mentioned in this article into practise.

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