Fashion Practice

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Fashion Cycles of Punks and the Mainstream: A US

Based Study of Symbols and Silhouettes

Monica Sklar, Sharon Autry & Lauren Klas

To cite this article: Monica Sklar, Sharon Autry & Lauren Klas (2021) Fashion Cycles of Punks
and the Mainstream: A US Based Study of Symbols and Silhouettes, Fashion Practice, 13:2,
253-274, DOI: 10.1080/17569370.2020.1794314

To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/17569370.2020.1794314

Published online: 14 Aug 2020.

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Fashion Practice, 2021, Volume 13, Issue 2, pp. 253–274
DOI: 10.1080/17569370.2020.1794314
# 2020 Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group

Fashion Cycles of
Punks and the
Mainstream: A US
Based Study of
Symbols and
Monica Sklar, Sharon
Autry and Lauren Klas Silhouettes
Monica Sklar, Ph.D., is an Abstract
Assistant Professor of fashion
history & merchandising and
Liaison to the Historic Clothing This research focuses on fashion cycles of punk merchandising interact-
and Textiles Collection at the ing with the mainstream. Punks’ perceptions of subcultural styles change
University of Georgia as well as
Vice President of Technology of
as the garments move through cycles internal to the scene, and as the
the Costume Society of America. looks are disseminated into mainstream society, furthermore as the indi-
She is the author of the book viduals age. The framework for this study is the entirety of the punk
Punk Style (2013) and frequent
writer and public speaker on
movement in North America: Punks self-identified within the movement
subculture and design, as she is without boundaries of time and definition, and therefore the time frame
also a longtime participant in the stretches from the 1970s to present day. Data were gathered from self-
punk scene. [email protected]
identified punks in the United States through qualitative mixed methods
254 Monica Sklar et al.

including an online survey of open ended questions, in-person inter-

Sharon Autry is a recent graduate
views, archive visits, and social media discussion groups. Findings indi- of the University of Georgia major-
cate that over time as the underground punk styles move into mass ing in Fashion Merchandising with
an emphasis on Product
usage the subcultural silhouettes, or general shape of the garments fol-
Development and Design and
low bell curve fashion cycles with little objection from original punk minoring in English.
wearers. However, when it comes to punk symbols, such as band logos
or iconic in-scene pictorial references, this same progression through Lauren Klas is a recent graduate
of the University of Georgia major-
fashion cycles tends to be met with resistance from former and current
ing in Marketing and International
subcultural members. Many punks maintain feelings of attachment to Business and minoring in French
subcultural symbols as they grow older and go through their personal and Fashion Merchandising.
life and stylistic cycles, yet they are more comfortable relinquishing the
shapes of subcultural garments to the masses. This research highlights
the complications of insular cultures who influence the mainstream and
addresses concepts of aesthetics, merchandising, authenticity, and appro-
priation using punk style as a way to consider design communicating
identity and community.

KEYWORDS: punk, subculture, aesthetics, fashion cycles,

merchandising

Introduction
“Once information was broadcast to a wider U.S. audience via TV and
brands, those subculture and street styles were seen and accepted in
mainstream fashion, which took away the magic and individuality of
our fashion. I found it cringe-worthy to see what was once subversive
style, like studded jackets, show up at shopping malls. The secret was
out and I hated that. Thank you Gap and MTV,” said research survey
respondent Anne (2018).
It is common for punk styles to be adopted by the mainstream, but
this can be a complicated fashion journey. Once the punk styles make it
to the mainstream they are met with mixed opinions from the original
wearers. Punk style generally reflects shared community values of being
against the limitations of conventional Western beauty standards, low
budgets, questioning standard capitalism, anti-authoritarianism, and
commenting on the zeitgeist of the times. Within the ensembles there are
symbols such as band logos and familiar reference illustrations or fonts,
and also silhouettes such as the width of the pants or the cut of the
jacket. The parts are pulled together to equal the whole of punk, in its
various incarnations, and were developed to be a mirror to their world,
as well as their innovations and their different approach to the times.
The subcultural symbols and silhouettes were created out of the same
time period context. Thus, symbols, at face value, are no more insular
to the scene than skinny, torn-up jeans or other common punk silhou-
ettes. Eventually these parts of the punk whole often make it to wider
cultural use as they move along the fashion cycles. However, despite
Fashion Cycles of Punks and the Mainstream 255

symbols and silhouettes starting on an equal footing, acceptance of their

respective movements along the fashion cycle differs in a punk’s
perspective.
This research explores the differing experience of two interrelated
punk details within aesthetics as they move from insular in punk to
broader mainstream adoption. It also looks at how and when objects
change meaning along the cycle and at how different aesthetic compo-
nents, such as symbols and silhouettes, are perceived differently despite
having similar origins. We evaluate the multiplicity of fashion cycles
regarding how they function within the mainstream, inside of subcul-
ture, and for an individual through aging. This study draws from aes-
thetics, fashion, and style scholarship such as DeLong (1998), Fiore
(2010), and Muggleton (2006), and fashion merchandising such as
Sproles (1981), Bailey and Seock (2010), and Appadurai (1986), to dis-
cuss visual and embodied aspects of subcultural history.

Background Literature Review

Punk attire is composed of its visuals but the concept is also partially
defined by the merchandising and embodiment journeys of the garments.
The manner the garments are styled and the way punk clothes are
bought and made is part of what makes them punk. Thus, when these
looks are used by non punks, people who did not make the garments or
buy them in the same manner as the original punks, there is a discussion
to be had as the garments shift along the cycle – from only a small por-
tion of the population wearing them to much of the population wear-
ing them.

Punk style
Punk developed in the early 1970s, largely in major United States and
British cities, as a way to express subcultural ideas through new music,
dress, and lifestyle elements. Past and present individuals who identify
as punk are often critical of wider societal directions and views on art,
politics, sexual mores, social mores, and consumerism. Punks may feel
disenfranchised from mainstream society in some way and participate in
punk subculture to express their values (Hebdige 1979; Polhemus 1994;
Sklar and DeLong 2012). At present writing it remains a large and
viable international subculture and has splintered into many incarna-
tions and gone through repeated re-births, while keeping the core of its
original ethos and variants on the aesthetic components.
Punk style is a byproduct of punk subculture. It is the visual expres-
sion of the ideals, experiences, behaviors, and objects that belong to
punks. It develops distinctive punk looks that demonstrate to outsiders
an affiliation to a subculture that exists apart from mainstream culture.
“Subcultures are manifestations of self-expression, individual autonomy
and cultural diversity, and that these traits have an elective affinity with
256 Monica Sklar et al.

bohemian values that have increasingly come to define the experiences

of sections of post-war working-class and lower-middle-class youth,”
said author David Muggleton (2006, 167).
The look was originally composed from a merger of bricolage,
appropriation, creativity, circumstance, individual selection, low budget,
and aesthetic choices to match the mood like deconstruction or darkness
or aggression. This composite styling develops the punk looks of the
times, distancing the individual garments from their origins to make a
new whole that is punk. Key punk style aesthetics include the color
black, heavy accessories, leather in boots or jackets, tattered and manip-
ulated clothing, disproportionately sized garments, piercings, tattoos,
unnatural hair colors, band logos, jeans, t-shirts, and hooded sweatshirts
as well as vintage, workwear, athletic wear, and fetishwear (Sklar
2013). There is variation among the subgenres of punk, with some uni-
fying characteristics such as the aforementioned, but each niche takes on
its own particulars. However, when these same elements are then re-pur-
posed again and that time referencing the punk story, it is a question of
whether the distance has grown so far as to no longer tell its narrative
(Hebdige 1979; Sklar 2013). This continual reinvention to suit the times
is punk’s internal fashion cycle.
Clothes are imbued with their punk meaning through the merchan-
dising channels, the lived experience, and the aesthetics all combined.
Ensembles have stylistic details that serve as nonverbal cues, and the
off-the-rack items are likely to be personalized through manipulations
such as adding hand-done embellishments or changing the standard
wearing size and proportions. Wearers learn and then enact the cues in
subcultural social spaces including shows, stores, and activism events,
and also in public spaces when they glean non-punk reactions.
The garments are brought together into an ensemble by a punk fre-
quenting to a variety of new products retailers and resale locations for
self-selected items including mass market chain retailers, vintage stores,
workwear stores, military surplus, athletic retailers, as well as often
independently-run subcultural specific boutiques and merchandise sales
tables at music or related shows and activities. Not all of these stops on
the supply chain are originally punk in nature, however the way the
ensemble is put together and the context within which it is worn by a
specific punk scene member can then make a sweatshirt, manual labor
pants, or 1960s dress into a punk cultural artifact.

Merchandising and consumption

Merchandising is important in the scene development, meaning that
punks learn about the punk lifestyle as well as the clothes and culture
that go along with it through visiting punk stores and retail establish-
ments and interacting with other members of their community. Punks
learned about silhouettes and symbols at the same time and same places.
Punk lifestyle and aesthetics expanded and spread, and eventually by the
Fashion Cycles of Punks and the Mainstream 257

1990s the mounting popularity of the garments led to the growth of

subculture themed chain stores in malls. The style boom increased the
number of unrelated retailers, such as department stores, that sell gar-
ments that appear to have the specific shape, design, or logo of the
punk look. From the perspective of punks, there are in-the-scene mer-
chandisers such as a “merch” table at a show based in experiential con-
sumption, mid-level scene retailers such as Urban Outfitters based in
consolidated consumption, and retailers such as department stores that
are completely out of the scene with temporary and unknowing
consumption.
Further clarification indicates there are four main types of merchan-
dising transactions that can occur with punk aesthetics to shift and
move the silhouettes and symbols. They are: Punk to punk, mainstream
to mainstream, mainstream to punk, and punk to mainstream. Punk to
punk transactions are typically experiential and social, with silhouettes
and symbols being created through social shopping behaviors, innov-
ation, and craft. This may be shopping within a punk boutique or silk
screening on t-shirts via DIY methods. They can be thought of as the
innovation point of the aesthetics and its core production and consump-
tion. Mainstream to mainstream transactions are at the opposite end of
the idea, with the spread of trend fashion products featuring punk aes-
thetics made by and sold to non punk consumers as manifested through
conventional fashion cycles; for example, Old Navy selling black skinny
jeans to the masses after they were popularized in punk. Mainstream to
punk transactions are two-fold; with punks utilizing conventional con-
sumer products for functional end goals, and, to re-purpose through
bricolage to make a new statement or change the meaning of the initial
visuals. Punk to mainstream transactions occur when subcultural
retailers produce or sell to a wide audience, beyond their original popu-
lations. This can result in the spread of symbols and silhouettes to those
who are less knowing, and the intent of those consumers may be to dab-
ble in identity, community, or visual styles they saw in the punk mar-
kets. Those actions may be an entree into the subculture, or a
temporary stop on the mainstream fashion cycle. Prominent punk or
subculture retailers that participated in punk to mainstream transactions
include Trash & Vaudeville in New York, Commander Salamander in
Washington DC, or the Alley in Chicago. Their stores were in high traf-
fic cities, positioned in walking districts where the stores had mass visi-
bility, and the owners encouraged inclusivity of consumers.
In addition to the spread of the punk aesthetic through the garments,
there has also been the knowledge spread through print and online
media. The spread of the aesthetics of silhouettes and symbols is facili-
tated by media which increase the visibility of the aesthetics through
reaching a greater populous. In the late 20th century postmodern world,
visual media, in the form of television content, fashion magazines, celeb-
rity media personalities, and social media personalities increasingly serve
258 Monica Sklar et al.

as sources of fashion knowledge and inspiration (Muggleton 2006). One

prevalent media form in which the aesthetics has been spread is through
print media such as zines like Maximumrocknroll and mass market ads,
such as Vogue featuring advertisements of brands including Cartier and
Tory Burch, who in 2019 both used punk-style pyramid stud embellish-
ments actively in their items. It is important to note that the increased
use of online social media in recent years has resulted in the even more
rapid spread of information through targeted direct advertising and per-
son to person knowledge sharing.
An examination of post-subcultural literature revealed that the late
20th century postmodern society is not only characterized by more
media outlets, but also greater supply and selection of commodities
available for consumption. Bennet references Maffesoli’s (1996) concept
of the tribal nature of subcultural groups, and the increasingly con-
sumer-oriented nature of these tribes as they identify and distinguish
themselves in a postmodern world: “ … that tribal identities serve to
illustrate the temporal nature of collective identities in modern consumer
society as individuals continually move between different sites of collect-
ive expression and ‘reconstruct’ themselves accordingly” (Bennet 1999,
606). Subcultural groups, or “tribes,” use consumer transactions to out-
fit themselves in an attempt to differentiate from the mainstream.
However, with the continuous growth of media, punk styles are spread
and more crossover transactions between punk and the mainstream lead
to the dispersion of punk aesthetics beyond the bounds of the defined
tribe. Commodities flow through different channels and within different
contexts, and it is this variety of contexts that links the social environ-
ment of a commodity and its symbolic state. The commodity context
brings together different actors from different cultural systems, such as
punk and mainstream consumers, who may not fully understand the
symbolic meanings of the commodity being bought but fully agree about
the terms of its trade (Appadurai 1986).
Where and how an item is acquired relates to how punk that item
is and to how it is perceived by subcultural members. Items bought
from mid-level or out-of-scene retailers are often perceived as being
less authentic than those bought from in-the-scene retailers. “Bought”
itself is a fluid term as trading is not an uncommon action within punk
consumption. Author David Muggleton (2006, 147) additionally recog-
nized that how an object is worn can be as important as where it
was bought:

the wearing of “conventional” items, or the purchasing of them

from particular shops, is not, in itself, an admission of
inauthenticity. What is important is the manner in which this is
included in a claim for the wearer’s heterogeneity and originality.
Similar sartorial behavior observed in others (and observed by
others in oneself) can, however, be interpreted quite differently, as
Fashion Cycles of Punks and the Mainstream 259

evidence of a fashion sensibility and of the wearer’s having

purchased “ready made” subcultural “outfits.”

Aesthetics
The garments of punk style share some aesthetic characteristics. The aes-
thetics impact the perceptions of the garments for the wearer and the
third-party viewer. Author Anne Marie Fiore (2010, 4) defined the aes-
thetic experience as “the sensitive selection or appreciation of formal,
expressive, or symbolic qualities of the product or environment, provid-
ing non-instrumental benefits that result in pleasure or satisfaction.”
Punk is both a community and a lifestyle, and its community values and
lifestyle characteristics are reflected and expressed in the aesthetics of
punk style.
The overall shape of the look is its silhouette. This can be defined as
follows: “a most basic shape of the apparel-body-construct is the silhou-
ette, which provides a frame of reference for our perception of all its
other shapes” (DeLong 1998, 190) (Figure 1).
Punks use and have used silhouettes, such as oversized tee shirts and
skinny jeans, and symbols, such as logos on band tees, within their
clothing to express themselves. Silhouettes direct the eye and imply
meaning with their directions, while symbols are images that stand for
something that must be learned, and thereby imply meaning through
association. Symbols and silhouettes can be used separately or in con-
junction to convey the same message. The silhouettes are developed out
of a combination of ideas including playing with forms both classic, of
the wider zeitgeist, and attempting new, function for the environment
and budget, and discussions of gender roles and attractiveness standards.
Often the silhouettes are recognizable from afar of what is considered
the story of punk, before coming closer and seeing the details that indi-
cate a potentially deeper narrative.
Distinctive fonts and patterns with selective placement, or graphics
such as an anarchy symbol, are highly recognized punk cues. “A few
clothing types have definite meanings by themselves, that is, they evolve
a stated agreement among users. When they do, they are often of the
sign type that is termed symbol - a badge, a club, pin, or uniform - that
all refer to, or stand for, something we must learn” (DeLong 1998,
254). These symbols refer to organizations and experiences that punks
learned about through participating in the lifestyle and thus develop a
shared meaning through social interaction. Some are the subtle cues that
are often based in in-the-know content awareness or familiarity and
may include particular brands such as Fred Perry with its laurel wreath
branding for one’s choice of polo-cut knit shirt instead of a Ralph
Lauren polo pony.
Some larger aesthetic characteristics such as color patterns (black and
white checkerboard, red tartan plaids) are tougher to relegate to either
260 Monica Sklar et al.

Figure 1
DeLong’s Apparel-Body-Construct is a diagram that shows the interrelationship of the wearer, viewer, and context of clothing, which then
influences perception and experiences regarding dress (from DeLong 1998).

the symbol or silhouette categorization. However, these characteristics

are closer aligned with symbol as they are coded most when in their spe-
cific color choices or when those choices are on a particular silhouette,
such as the plaid on a mini skirt or bondage pants.
Silhouettes and symbols simultaneously compose whole aesthetic
compositions and convey meaning to subcultural members of inclusion,
knowledge, and experience. Although these silhouettes and symbols
were created for similar purposes around the same time there is a differ-
ence in the acceptance of their dissemination to the mainstream.

Fashion cycles, upward flow, and innovation

The fashion cycle describes the acceptance of a trend or fashion item. It
depicts two cycles - the increasing number of people adopting the item
and putting it into regular use, and a description of at what point differ-
ent individuals feel comfortable accepting the item for themselves. As an
item moves from one group of adopters to the next, it follows its own
cycle from introduction, to rise, to peak, to decline, and finally to obso-
lescence (Rogers 2003). The speed of this can be as fast as a fad, slightly
slower with a trend, somewhat lasting if it’s in fashion, or quite lasting
if something becomes a classic for decades or longer. The cycle of the
adopters is split into five segments: innovators, early adopters, early
majority, late majority, and laggards. Many cycles co-exist individually.
A person may be first in line for the new smart-phone releases yet rarely
 Fashion Cycles of Punks and the Mainstream 261

Figure 2
Rogers’s chart of the diffusion of
fashion demonstrates the cycle for
the product through its inception
through peak use and rejection.
Rates of adoption move along the
curve as well, with innovators starting
a trend that is later utilized by a wider
number of people until it is not
desirable by any.

adjust their clothing styles to meet current trends. Cycles co-exist in

society as well; there can be a fashion cycle within punk subculture that
occurs simultaneously with one in the mainstream (Figure 2).
There is not one cycle in all of society as many are happening simul-
taneously. There are the large fashion cycles of mass fashion trends,
additionally, there are also closed loop cycles for insular cultures such
as subculture or ethnicities, and finally personal life cycles of individuals
who change their adoption rates as their lifestyle changes.
Innovators are essential to initiate the fashion cycle process. They are
the first to experiment with new ideas and looks, and, though they only
account for about 2.5 percent of the population, the fashion life cycle
really begins when venturesome and daring innovators choose to display
a new look. Although not all innovator-launched fashion reaches matur-
ity, enough does to show that innovators, located at the left extreme of
the normal curve, play a highly important role in the diffusion process
(Lynch and Strauss 2007; Rogers 2003). An item grows in popularity as
it reaches its peak and is widely used by the majority of adopters, and
then subsequently falls in popularity as it is adopted only by laggards,
the late-comers to a trend, after which the item enters obsolescence.
The punk cycle intersects with the mainstream cycle in contemporary
Western trends and can generate varied reactions. “Many new main-
stream trends borrow directly and indirectly from subcultural styles,
which result from subverting mainstream cultural symbols and styles.
This not only suggests a cyclical nature and interconnectedness in all
things concerning styles, but the movement may follow an infinite num-
ber of patterns and vectors, where the subculture is referencing the
mainstream culture, albeit subversively, and the mainstream culture is
referencing the subculture, usually in style (fashion) only,” said author
Theresa Winge (2012, 1). The movement of some aesthetics from a
niche group to the mainstream is possibly met with objection by original
wearers. The objection can be when an item is not seen as perceived as
useful or understood by the larger group. Thus, it is a question of
whether subculture serves as early adopters for everyone else, predicting
aesthetic movement for all, or, is in a cycle all its own, solely represent-
ing its in-scene culture.
262 Monica Sklar et al.

The subcultural fashion cycle does not exist in a bubble. Part of

what has kept punk from stagnation is its adherence to some traditions
while also expanding and changing. A style is insular to the community
and is filled with cues that are meaningful to that lived experience and
functional dress choices for the subcultural lifestyle. The style takes in
aesthetics from the mainstream through repurposing and general social
life. It also takes in styles from interrelated subcultures. In the example
of punk, the cycle takes from hip hop, skate, dance, goth and others at
times where they intersect. Subcultural cycles reach their own peak and
obsolescence may be the innovation of wider society’s cycle. Subcultural
members may or may not be the innovators on Rogers’ curve, or they
could possibly exist in an outside closed loop not intending to be placed
on that same curve.

Cycle - Upward flow theory

Subcultures such as punk thrive on challenging the status quo, often
exercised by youth culture or marginalized demographic groups. This
social commentary through creating a niche culture begets new visual
ideas to coincide with the concepts. This fresh or even challenging aes-
thetic in society often peg subcultures as innovators along the fashion
cycle. Issues arise because members of subcultures might not be comfort-
able in the role of a fashion inventor for others, since the dissemination
of their style often involves distortion of the original meaning of that
clothing. “Fashion leaders in the upward-flow theory are often young
members of lower economic groups whose fashion trends inspire other
economic groups, usually of greater wealth and status” (Bailey and
Seock 2010, 8).
It is a theme in punk attire to use the garments’ symbols to provoke
thought and express a punk ideology in a fairly blatant manner. This is
especially common in youth and is related to music cultures as often
clothing style is a viable way to express opinions when one has few
other places where they have social power other than over their own
body expression (Miller 2011). This may take the form of distressed
jeans, vintage picking, and more. The punk bricolage style may have
compiled nonpunk items to then have a punk message, and then when
that new composite is used by the group the commentary was originally
addressing, the narrative may fall flat when the diffused style loses the
point or may become widespread because the masses do adopt the cause
as well (Sklar 2013).

Cycle - Subcultural innovation theory

Subcultural innovation theory discusses how,

few subcultures will lead strictly from their socially ascribed class,
status, or prestige, for most subcultures rate low on these. More
Fashion Cycles of Punks and the Mainstream 263

likely a subculture leads simply by virtue of its ability to invent

new styles creatively … Eventually the unique style of a
subculture, whether new or customary, may be noticed by the
larger population and become admired for its creativity, artistic
excellence or relevance to current lifestyles. At that point, the style
emerges from the subculture and diffuses into the mass
population. Perhaps this diffusion occurs by a trickle-down
process, where the style skips from the originating subculture to
the upper class and then trickles down. Alternatively, the mass
market mechanism may take control, as mass production makes
the object available to innovators throughout consumer markets.
In such ways the admired symbols of subcultural identity are
selectively assimilated into the dominant culture. (Sproles
1981, 120)

This may be how embellishments are done on garments such as pins,

studs, and patches, as well as the fonts and colors that are distinctive to
punk including black, silver, and neons such as pink or green. Author
Diana Crane (1999, 20) stated:

Some designers draw their inspiration from urban subcultures,

resulting in a curious combination of the bottom-up model with
the top-down model. They have recycled themes from styles
associated with popular music genres such as punk, rap, and
grunge and used them to set styles for elite customers.

A small distinction between the upward flow theory and subcultural

innovation theory is that upward flow has more of a focus on economic
or demographic status, while the subcultural innovation theory focuses
more on the creative aspect of the styles; subcultures innovate by creat-
ing new styles or by making old styles new again, and this uniqueness is
attractive to the mainstream, causing the styles to disseminate. The
details and experiences relate to punk style change as the aesthetic cues
move through the fashion cycle.

Methodology
Data collection used qualitative mixed methods that received IRB
approval. Primary data were first acquired through a specifically
designed Facebook page as well as active discussion threads in multiple
Facebook community group pages with over 100 people commenting,
resulting in upwards of 500 comments. Next, an online survey com-
prised of nine open ended questions gathered opinions and sentiments
from subcultural enthusiasts who were active in their respective punk
scenes from the 1970s onward. The survey participants were comprised
of mostly consumers and some producers of style who live in the United
States and Canada. The data analyzed for this project included those
264 Monica Sklar et al.

who identified as punk or its subgenres and related overlaps with punk
such as hardcore, straight edge, skater, grunge, and some who cross
identified as participating within the scene. The results of the survey
were as follows; 154 participants used an average of twenty minutes to
complete the questions at lengths that ranged from phrases to para-
graphs of their writing, thus creating an in-depth narrative of their expe-
riences. Respondents were able to leave contact information if they
wished to contribute further, which enabled connections with partici-
pants who are producers, retailers, and style leaders. Ongoing individual
discussions and interviews, in person and online, have taken place across
the United States with over 20 individuals who are key to punk style
production and distribution such as owners of brands or retail stores.
These visits often include site visits to their establishments. The personal
interviews were generally with individuals and representatives of stores
and brands that were mentioned as instrumental during the surveys by
multiple respondents, as well as snowball method of suggested individu-
als from participants or those known the researchers.
Secondary data were collected through a literature review of academic
and in-scene texts, providing background on fashion and social theory
and history, as well as general context. Finally, archive visits have taken
place within the special collections libraries of University of California
Los Angeles, University of Maryland, and the Washington DC Public
Library that all have punk archives, as well as the LGBT-themed One
Archive at University of Southern California, which have added further
depth and context through review of catalogues, zines, flyers, photos,
newspapers, advertisements, and ephemera. This research is part of a
larger project on United States punk history and its merchandising.

Results
Punks may be innovators for the aesthetics of the masses however it is a
complicated journey. When subcultural objects move along the fashion
cycle they are similar visual objects, with potentially changed origins
and meanings, and used now by more people. The production, con-
sumption, and embodiment may differ. Subcultural members express
mixed opinions about the dissemination of their objects, thus, even if
the upward flow theory applies, in which a garment was developed by a
set and absorbed by a larger group, that movement does not mean sub-
cultural members are totally comfortable with their roles in the cycle.
While that is a fairly common occurrence in discussions of the fashion
industry or appropriation, this research focuses on particular aesthetic
elements having different outcomes (Figure 3).
Survey respondent Anne said:

As I saw stores like the Gap evolve from shopping mall jeans to
more “fashion” especially during the late 80s–90s along with the
creation of MTV (exposing music previously only available in
 Fashion Cycles of Punks and the Mainstream 265

Figure 3
International fast fashion chain retailer
Forever 21 with an in-store display of
tartan slim fit pants next to shelving
with black combat or work boot
resembling a Doc Martens style, as
well as leopard print dress objects.
The colors and patterns used on the
garments as well as their silhouettes
are familiar in punk aesthetics,
especially when all shown in
conjunction as the suggested
ensemble of a retail display. Yet this
is a store that has a primarily mass-
market consumer base and
production method. Photographer
Drew Angerer, Getty Images.

small record shops) in the 80s, I felt like both of those brands
(and others) uncovered all of our secrets and made them available
to the masses. Anyone could see, hear and have what we had that
was almost a secret society when one would remove themselves
from that environment and enter the mainstream world.

Results: Silhouettes
Subcultural members’ feelings towards the adoption of silhouettes is
indifferent or accepting at times, with examples such as skinny or over-
sized jeans in their modern incarnation that came from the under-
ground. Punks understand the natural fashion cycles that silhouettes
follow, and that mainstream adoption of some silhouettes is inevitable.
The invention of the silhouette may mirror lifestyle such as skateboard-
ing functionality, or gender and sexuality such as mini skirts with fish-
nets or unisex hoodies.
A resulting perk for the subculture is that when the mainstream
adopts the silhouettes, punks can more easily find items that fit into
their wardrobe. When their silhouettes are in every store, subcultural
members tend not to be offended because the styles are now without the
same meaning. Survey respondent Audra described how “it can be
annoying, but in the end, [she] really [does]n’t miss pegging [her] pants
when you can now go out and buy a million different styles of
skinny jeans.”
This is corroborated by survey respondent Sabrina who expressed
appreciation of the dissemination of silhouettes when she said, “a few
years ago it became much easier to find clothes that [she] really liked,
266 Monica Sklar et al.

so that was nice.” The increasingly mainstream a style becomes, the eas-
ier it is to let go of. Subcultural members recognize that the styles are
appreciated by the masses based solely on the look of the garments, and
the new adopters of these styles are still outsiders to the original subcul-
tural group.

Results: Symbols
Subculture is imbued with many symbols that can be representative of
music tastes, group values, political affiliations, and other insider-only
messages. Examples of symbols are band logos, images of hangouts or
references to charities and causes. Others object to styles they once felt
were unique becoming widely used, as this made them feel less special
and personalized.
Punks perceived a lack of creativity and community appreciation in
the new wearers of their symbols, and they object to the nuanced coding
of their community being readily available for purchase at chain stores
in shopping malls. “I was not thrilled when places such as Hot Topic
opened and I saw kids with Misfits shirts on and they didn’t even know
the band (specific cases, I’m not making a generalization). It seemed to
have cheapened what the subculture meant to me and I did not feel so
unique,” said survey respondent Heather. Many mall stores such as Hot
Topic increased access to punk-oriented attire to a wider population of
people including those who self identified as punk, however backlash
did arise within the scene due to the ease of the purchase potentially
without the other lifestyle components.
Cindy Levitt, one of the original founders of retail chain store Hot
Topic, said:

within six months of opening, doing this tour, we decided to turn

our store from a young men’s and women’s accessory store into
an alternative store. But it was because of the love of the product,
the music. We were all, you know everyone that worked there, we
were all about it. It wasn’t like corporate chains saying, “let’s do
this new concept.”

Thus, Levitt and her colleagues did appreciate the music and culture
they based their products on, which, for many people, helps make Hot
Topic seem more punk than other chain and apparently appropria-
tive retailers.
Findings point to the opposition to symbol dissemination being
linked to an experiential factor tied to symbols or the specificity of sym-
bols that silhouettes lack. Symbols such as band names or representa-
tions of activism are perceived as demonstrations of shared past
experiences and maintained ideologies that may not be recognized or
appreciated by mainstream consumers. Survey respondent Kirby said:
Fashion Cycles of Punks and the Mainstream 267

Leather jackets with band logos on clueless celebrities. Skate punk

look in some bands. Accessories such as noserings and tattoos are
normalized. [Dr] Doc Marten boots, trendy and now Made in
China. Vegan apparel is now a major industry, including web
belts. Punk logos adorning chic boutique bags. My thoughts are
it’s the worst form of commercialization of an underground
movement, thought punk should have created its own fashion
companies that were less commercial and could have been
a mainstay.

Some punks object to mainstream consumers using their symbols with-

out understanding the culture, making it so that the wearing of subcul-
tural symbols by mainstream members can read as appropriative to
subcultural members.

Results: Personal aging

In the beginning of their punk experience, participants were often teens
or young adults, heavily involved with subculture, and style innovators,
either for themselves or for wider society. Survey respondent Carolyn
described that, “just about everything is mainstream now. At first, this
irritated me, but as I have gotten older, I realize this happens with
everything – tattoos, piercings, music, clothing, motorcycles, environ-
mental awareness – some for the better and some for the worse.”
Later, physical aging and lifestyle changes such as work and family
life affect subcultural dress. Subcultural members may retain some
aspects of their style, but at this turning point they can potentially
become less involved in the scene and may no longer play the role of
style innovator. Survey respondent Erin acknowledges her more subdued
wardrobe when she stated that, “today I’m usually just wearing skinny
jeans or pants, black belt, and some white Adidas sambas or Converse,
and some kind of blank color t-shirt, striped shirt, or band shirt of all
kinds of genres.”
They do have other ways to demonstrate subcultural affiliation, for
instance in their lifestyle such as child raising, job, nutrition, and money
management. With aging comes the sense that there is no longer a need
to prove oneself as a subcultural member, and as a result the display of
subcultural apparel is reduced or transformed for many.

Discussion
Punk symbols and silhouettes began in the same place for many of the
same reasons, and both experienced changed meanings as over time they
became more widespread. However, mainstream adoption of symbols is
met with objection, even disdain, by punks, while adoption of silhou-
ettes is less so. The causes seem to be intent of how the item was created
and purpose in how it is used, and both are impacted by personal aging.
268 Monica Sklar et al.

Then the outcome is that symbols are held onto stronger than
silhouettes.
“They have been bastardized … .people have stripped them of their
original meaning and they are now cheapened … this is why I won’t
wear it. I am not a poser,” said survey respondent Jessica. Survey
respondent Peter added, “Currently celebrities can be seen emulating
‘punk fashion’ by wearing clothes with patches or shirts of bands they
have never heard and this makes me cringe. They are ‘posers’ for lack
of a better word. It’s disrespectful to the artists and fans to sport a shirt
or patch of a band you know absolutely nothing about.”

Discussion: Silhouettes vs. symbols

Both symbols and silhouettes originated in the same community for
similar purposes, and were both originally reflective of low or selective
budgets, shared community values, and/or social experiences. Thus, sym-
bols at face value are no more insular to punk than torn up jean jacket
or oversized hoodies. However, despite symbols and silhouettes starting
similarly, acceptance of their respective movements along the fashion
cycle by punks differs.
Skateboard culture and punk have a great deal of overlaps particu-
larly when both are positioned in their community as subcultural hubs
or through the Do It Yourself (DIY) approach. Often, they are the same
scene or have overlapping community members. The designed functional
items such as boards and clothing can be discussed in conjunction for
this research context by members who align with both niches.
Interviewee Brandon said:

skate shops build such a community and it’s what skateboarding

is all about, community. And the people that you can tell are
disconnected from the community, are the people that are going
to [chain retail store] Zumiez to buy their skateboard. Because
they don’t know the culture, and like, it’s obvious to people who
are involved if they’re not involved.

The symbols used in design represent that community lived experience.

There is an experiential factor to the importance of symbols, with
primarily insiders knowing the context and narrative for the symbol. It
is possible that individuals’ sense of memory and lived experience is tied
into specific experiences, such as seeing a band and the social engage-
ment that night, and all that rippled out from it, such as love, friends,
learned ideologies, that can be almost summed up for them in the one
symbol representing that night.
Symbols serve as a reminder of certain moments of time that can be
tied to youthful experiences, which explains the reason that punks have
such strong emotional connections to their symbols. Many of the silhou-
ettes were self-made, involving creative processes and taking time and
Fashion Cycles of Punks and the Mainstream 269

effort, and yet this handmade process does not seem to hold as strong
of an emotional connection to subculture as symbols do. Perhaps this is
due to the fact that the symbols were extremely concrete and recogniz-
able. Although there were multiple style tribes overlapping at the same
time, the symbols served as specific points of distinction between them.
The implication may be that silhouettes are less blatant. A silhouette,
which they wore daily, is more universal to an entire time period and
context, and therefore is less able to sum up specific lived experiences.
Other people of the same time may have worn that garment. This is not
to say that the silhouette is inauthentic as punk, as often punks vali-
dated their commitment to the silhouette by sticking with it past main-
stream trending. However, if this research is specifically evaluating
feelings around if a band name gets used in the mainstream cycle and
not the jeans, then the symbol has to be tied to exact experiences with
that band, and color palette.
Perhaps when trends are transferred to the mainstream, distortion of
styles makes it harder to tell which subculture the mainstream is pulling
from; the styles are inspired by all of subculture, not one specific genre.
And yet when a symbol is adopted, it is immediately apparent which
subcultural group it was pulled from, which can give the members of
that specific group the feeling that a symbol specific to them has been
ripped off and appropriated. Silhouette trends and intersections may
come inbound from the masses and other subcultures and the symbols
are more specific to the punk culture itself.
There are differences in the nature of how the silhouette is used by
wearers versus how the symbols are employed. The silhouette can often
transfer to other contexts such as to the workplace, family life, daily
routine activities, and even formal affairs. Examples may be the brothel
creeper platform shoes. While those items serve a community function
as cues of social association, they also serve a general function as clothes
appropriate per the context for average wearers.
A symbol is often positioned on casual-wear, such as on backpacks,
t-shirts, and jackets, and magnified in use in subcultural contexts, some-
times even removed from use in other contexts to tone down the overt
punk aesthetic of an ensemble or make it more subtly coded for know-
ing insiders. The symbol’s function is almost entirely about experience
and community membership, and when worn by non-scene members
that function is stripped or changed.

Discussion: Intent of how the item was produced, distributed,

and consumed
The merchandising of the symbols was relevant to their personal impact.
It was more difficult to obtain punk symbols as they were designed,
made, and sold within the scene, while often silhouettes were purchased
through wider channels such as athletic, vintage, and workwear stores.
Even silhouettes bought at punk chains and similar locations were often
270 Monica Sklar et al.

amalgamations of garments previously styled by punk innovators

reworking school-uniform skirts, fetish metal chains, athletic sweat-
shirts, and vintage denim jackets. In addition to where an item was
bought, the sizes and embellishments of the garment also added to the
punk aesthetic. Although true value lay in what punks did with the gar-
ment and where they wore it, they do value recognizing that their
clothes and the clothes of another punk were bought in the location.
Punk symbols and silhouettes are consumed through four main types
of transactions; punk to punk, mainstream to mainstream, mainstream
to punk, and punk to mainstream. The identity of the buyer and the
seller in these transactions determines whether subcultural silhouettes
and symbols are created, further spread, or experience meaning loss or
change. Creation of new punk symbols and silhouettes can be in the
form of DIY done by subcultural entrepreneurs as illustrated by survey
respondent Kelly: “I was part of the Riot Grrrl movement in DC and
we would have regular meetings that involved making things. We’d
teach each other how to do things. I'd also help out friend’s bands by
working their table at their shows. Later I helped design t-shirts for
friend’s bands.” These same symbols and silhouettes may later lose
meaning through punk to mainstream transactions, when subcultural
retailers willingly sell a variety of subcultural aesthetics to a wide popu-
lous of consumers who are less knowing. For example, Ray Goodman
of Trash & Vaudeville describes his selling to the mainstream:

It wasn’t like we were just gonna concentrate on that segment no.

It was everything and the idea with Trash & Vaudeville would
present this array of clothing and could come just like you would
walk into an art supply store and pick out and choose the colors
that the paints the things you the mediums you want to work in
we’ll give you the materials you put it together the way you see fit
and you wear it the way you want to wear it it’s just it just
become more of an individual.

Although specific meaning may be lost when the aesthetics translate from
in-scene to out-of-scene, subculture ideals such as the art of individual style
reach a wider audience and may be seen as positive spreading of messages.

Discussion: How much commitment to “understand” the item

If an individual can buy a pair of jeans at the mall, whether the store is
large or small, in the end the product’s primary function is the jeans’
functionality through a common understanding of the garment’s usage,
regardless of the particulars of their styling. In other words, the details
of the jean may communicate things about their wearer, but in the end
the jeans more or less function the same. However, symbols are essen-
tially an embellishment and exist solely for the sake of the message com-
munication, much more than the function. The symbol does not have
Fashion Cycles of Punks and the Mainstream 271

that dual purpose. In all of dress there is nonverbal communication of

demographics and social-cultural issues. In subculture, this outreach is
knowingly and purposeful, thus a garment is not solely a functional jean
or sweatshirt but is coded with intention. They are always there to pro-
ject a band name, to grab attention with a bright neon color, or to
obscure a word with a scratchy font. Subcultural garments expressly
communicate in-the scene-knowledge. Therefore, these garments do not
have the same multi-perspective-use as silhouette, which also has body
fit components. Subcultural garments have the function component of
facilitating communication of community. Wearing certain garments
conveys sentiments such as personally knowing the band, being present
at the protest activity, and related. However, these garments then seem
not useful to someone who is not expressing that. An oversized sweat-
shirt may be able to express the punk meaning simultaneous to mass
interpretations such as athleticism.

Discussion: Passage of time and aging

As people age and progress through their lives their attachment to
objects changes. There are fashion cycles internal to niche cultures, the
fashion cycle of the mass market that interacts with these smaller cycles,
and, individuals go through their own fashion life cycle. As punk indi-
viduals move along their personal fashion cycle with age as well as fol-
lowing in-scene trends, they relinquish a potent sense of ownership of
garment silhouettes because they have discarded them in favor of new
selections that fit their aging lifestyles, changing physicality, and evolu-
tions in the community standards. This indifference to silhouette dissem-
ination over time could be attributed to the ability of silhouettes to
function in mainstream society while retaining some of the original
punk style when worn in subcultural contexts. We have also observed
that punks have internalized so much of the meaning behind their style
and recognized the wider appeal of some of their silhouettes, and they
tend to relish the ease that comes with an item being more widely mer-
chandised. The more saturated a style gets, the easier it is for them to
let go of a sense of control of the look, yet symbols still retain their
meaning through time as they rarely are used as widely and are more
specific to lived experiences and a sense of community.

Conclusions
Punks internalized much of the meaning they displayed through dress.
They recognize what had wider appeal in some silhouettes, and they
even appreciate it at times because it is more readily available. They
may wrestle with the idea that their materials are being picked up by
the mainstream. Punks might even recognize that dissemination to the
masses might be a social, almost activist, accomplishment because they
pushed the mainstream to feel the way they do. Punks convincing the
272 Monica Sklar et al.

mainstream of the validity of their perspective could be viewed as them

increasing their own social cachet.
However, it also indicates that the mainstream is allowed to feel that
way through a single purchase and not through the whole lifestyle. That
is a complicated thing. Perhaps it is about clear social statements. The
louder the statement, more elaborate the costume, more specific the font
chosen on the t-shirt, then the more expectation there is that one did
the lifestyle, but the quieter statement is a win without shouting.
Regardless of the intensity of expression, a statement, one not recog-
nized or not intentionally created by mainstream shoppers, is still being
made. Perhaps for the more specific items, in this case the symbols tied
into specific experiences, the statement is felt more deeply and is consid-
ered to have more meaning than the silhouettes, and thus, even as time
passes, meaning remains for the original wearers.
Aesthetics do not always lose their original meaning, but different
aspects of aesthetics do change in meaning over time. This change results in
a challenge to original meanings but not a total stripping of their impact.
Punk aesthetics are vulnerable to adoption by the mainstream, and whether
meaning is lost or made dual during this transition depends upon whether
the aesthetic is a symbol rooted in experience, or a silhouette that is a
byproduct of mass market fashion cycles and the need for practical gar-
ments. This concept is articulated by survey respondent Jacob:

Over the years, many mainstream retailers and designers have

borrowed from the punk subculture. It is the nature of things, I
guess. It bothered me a lot when I was younger. I felt ownership
over my subcultural dress. But, in time, I understood that
subcultures are forced to move forward or disappear when
mainstream consumes the aesthetics.

Acknowledgements
We appreciate the initial concept and writing assistance by UGA gradu-
ate research assistant Ariana Gibson-Rivera, and research support from
the University of Georgia Willson Center for Humanities and Art,
Pasold Research Fund, and Costume Society of America.

Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.

Funding
The authors would like to acknowledge the University of Georgia
Willson Center for Arts and Humanities and the Pasold Research Fund
for their financial support of this project.
Fashion Cycles of Punks and the Mainstream 273

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