Annie Besant in India
Annie Besant in India
2021
Copyright © 2021 by Pedro Oliveira
All rights reserved. This book or any portion thereof may not be
reproduced or used in any manner whatsoever without the express
written permission of the publisher except for the use of brief quota-
tions in a book review or scholarly journal.
ISBN 978-0-646-81229-8
www.cwlworld.info
For Radhaji
Contents
Introduction …………………………………………..
1. An Enduring Dedication (1847-1891) ……………
2. From England to India …………………………..
3. Sanātana Dharma:
Education through Timeless Values ………………
4. President of the Theosophical Society:
‘Theosophy is for All’ …………………………….
5. Krishnaji and the World Teacher Movement
6. Her Vision for India ……………………………...
7. India’s Awakening ………………………………….
8. Home Rule for India ……………………………..
9. Commonwealth of India Bill:
Foundation for the Future ………………………..
10. The Departure of the Diamond Soul …………….
11. Epilogue …………………………………………
Appendix 1 …………………………………………..
Appendix 2 .………………………………………….
Appendix 3 …………………………………………..
Introduction
1
‘The Myth of the “Missing” Third Volume of The Secret Doctrine’, Blavat-
sky Archives, https://www.blavatskyarchives.com/sdiiipt1.htm
2
Secret Doctrine Würzburg Manuscript by David Reigle, Eastern School
Press, Cotopaxi, Colorado, 2014.
which it did not exist before. She helped in making the light of
Theosophy shine far and wide.
She introduced to the world a young, shy, sometimes vacant-
looking young boy called Jiddu Krishnamurti. She was completely
convinced that one day he would become the vehicle for the
Bodhisattva Maitreya, the World Teacher. Again she was ridiculed
and abused, even by some of her own TS members. But if you read
Krishnamurti’s final statement of February 1986, recorded a few
days before he died, and included in Chapter Five, you will see how
her vision for him was completely fulfilled. Those who knew him
closely reported on the depth of his love for ‘Amma’, as Krishnaji
referred to Dr Besant.
But it was her work for Mother India that occupied a great
deal of her time, to which she lent a mind and a heart galvanized by
the ever-present holiness which dwells in Āryavārta, the ancient
name for India. An essential part of this book consists of the many
and moving testimonies of her Indian colleagues and contemporaries
about how complete, self-denying and compassionate was her
dedication to India, and equally her courage and determination while
working for that nation. The testimonies reveal how her life and love
for the country was poured through the hearts and minds of her
colleagues and co-workers. She was venerated almost like a spiritual
political guru, with the fundamental difference that while many
‘political gurus’ use the adulation to pursue their own self-interest,
Dr Besant channelled the veneration towards her into a mass
movement that was instrumental in awakening India from its
slumber.
The real core of this book is her vision for India. Essential to
that vision is the principle that the state does not exist for itself but
must wisely use its powers and resources to awaken the potentialities
of every individual, to bring opportunities to all, to educate its citi-
zens in the truth that all life is one. In Dr Besant’s vision, the essence
of religion – which the Indian ethos calls dharma, duty, law, order,
essential nature – can provide the living background to the education
and growth of individuals. This comes about not by inculcating be-
liefs and dogmas, but by sharing the view that we do not exist for
ourselves alone. The significance of our lives is achieved when we
realize that we have a duty to society, and that duty is service. For
Dr Besant, that duty was spiritually compelling: “The Theosophic
Life must be a life of service. Unless we are serving, we have no
right to live. We live by the constant sacrifice of other lives on every
side, and we must pay it back; otherwise, to use an ancient phrase,
we are but thieves and do not repay the gift.” (The Theosophist,
March 1909)
When she publicly differed from M.K. Gandhi in his policies
of civil disobedience and non-cooperation, and was practically
shunted aside by the leadership of the freedom movement, she would
still press on with her work. She continued to maintain that India one
day would be a spiritual democracy. In his book, A Theosophist
Looks at the World, N. Sri Ram (TPH Adyar, 1950), who was at one
time Dr Besant’s private secretary, describes the concept:
A spiritual democracy can only mean for us a democracy in
which there is the preference of Wisdom to ignorance; order
brought by elimination of those conflicts which now tear the
democratic body; freedom for each to grow to his possible
stature; a democracy in which all laws and institutions in
every department will exist to afford an outlet to the creative
energies of the people and make an appeal by their rightness
to the good sense and idealism in every uncorrupted
individual. It must be a democracy planned and constructed
with proper measures and in due proportion, showing a
perfect adaptation of its various parts to each other and to the
whole.
This book contains three Appendices: ‘A Besant Diary of
Principal Events’, ‘A List of Books and Pamphlets Written by Annie
Besant’ and ‘Annie Besant and the Judge Case’. The first two were
selected by Dr Agarwal and the third one by me. Since so many
books, articles and essays have been written for more than one hun-
dred and twenty years condemning Dr Besant for her role in the
Judge Case it seems only appropriate to present her views of that
difficult period in the life of the Theosophical Society, together with
those of Col. Henry S. Olcott and some of his fellow workers in the
TS.
Acknowledgements
Radha Burnier, President of the Theosophical Society (1980-
2013) mentioned to me and to others at Adyar that, before he passed
away, J. Krishnamurti asked her to write a biography of ‘Amma’ (as
he used to refer to Annie Besant). While keeping the idea in her mind
she was constantly hampered by lack of time due to her heavy re-
sponsibilities, including many international travels. Mrs Burnier
then asked Dr C. V. Agarwal, former General Secretary of the The-
osophical Society in India and the author of the book The Buddhist
and Theosophical Movements, which depicted the unparalleled con-
tribution of Col. H. S. Olcott to the Buddhist revival in Sri Lanka, to
come to Adyar.
Dr Agarwal took up residence at Adyar, the International
Headquarters of the TS in Chennai, India, and conducted research on
the book for a number of years, until he passed away in June 2009.
He was also at that time Officer-in-Charge of the TS Archives.
Mrs Burnier realised that it was not possible to undertake a
full biography of Dr Besant. Instead, she said that the book should
concentrate on her work in India. She also decided that the first chap-
ter should consist of a condensed version of Annie Besant’s
Autobiography, which was duly prepared by Dr Agarwal.
After Dr Agarwal passed away, I went to Mrs Burnier’s of-
fice and indicated to her that with notes and material prepared by
him I could try and produce a manuscript for her consideration, to
which she agreed. After I left Adyar, in September 2011, I worked
on the manuscript in my spare time. A triennial meeting of the Indo-
Pacific Federation of the TS was scheduled to take place in Bali,
Indonesia, at the end of October 2013. I had planned to attend that
meeting and then proceed to Adyar in order to conduct a course at
The School of the Wisdom. I was also going to show the unfinished
manuscript to Radhaji.
On the morning of 1st November 2013, when my wife Linda
and I were at breakfast, John Vorstermans, National President of the
New Zealand Section of the TS, told us the news that Radhaji had
passed away on the night of 31st October at her residence at Adyar.
The news travelled very fast throughout the TS. Tributes to her came
from different parts of the world. After I arrived at Adyar I went up
to Parsi Quarters, her residence, now empty, to pay my respects to
her. She had helped me to dedicate myself to the work of the Society.
Before I left Adyar, in September 2011, Radhaji had ap-
proved the table of contents and chose the title for the book, Annie
Besant in India. We had several telephone conversations between
the end of 2011 and her passing in 2013. Working full time and with
a schedule of travels within Australia and sometimes also overseas,
my time allocated to work on the book was limited until more recent
times.
Sincere thanks are due to Mrs Radha Burnier for her encour-
agement, guidance and inspiration, as well as for conversations over
a period of more than seven years about the history of the TS and the
role of Adyar, about Dr Besant and also Krishnaji. [I would also
eventually ask her some Sanskrit questions, like the meaning of the
word stitha (in stithaprajña, the stable mind of the sage mentioned
in the Second Discourse in the Bhagavad Gitā). She said: ‘Immova-
ble’. In other words, a mind unshaken by experiences, steady, firm,
unassailable. That was her mind. My respect for her is renewed every
day, both in my mind and in my heart.]
This book would not have seen the light of day without the
steady and dedicated research work of Dr C. V. Agarwal. He
produced most of the content for the first four chapters: ‘An Endur-
ing Dedication (1847-1891)’ – a much condensed version of
important points in Mrs Besant’s Autobiography; ‘From England to
India’, containing Basil Hodgson-Smith’s serialized articles in The
Theosophist about Mrs Besant’s work from 1891 to 1911, entitled
‘Twenty Years of Work’; ‘Sanātana Dharma: Education through
Timeless Values’ and ‘President of the Theosophical Society: “The-
osophy is for All”’. The first two appendices are also the fruit of his
research: ‘A Besant Diary of Principal Events’ and ‘A List of Books
and Pamphlets Written by Annie Besant’, both originally published
in The Theosophist, October 1947, Besant Centenary Number.
Sincere thanks are also due to the Adyar Library and Re-
search Centre at the International Headquarters of the Theosophical
Society in Chennai, India. It was there that Dr Agarwal conducted
most of his research for this book over a number of years. Gratitude
is also expressed to the TS Archives at Adyar for the photographs
included in this book. Appreciation is also extended to the Campbell
Theosophical Research Library in Sydney which contains a unique
collection of Theosophical periodicals from the earliest years of the
TS.
I am grateful for the help given by Sri S. Sundaram, former
General Secretary of the Indian Section of the Theosophical Society,
and resident at its Headquarters, for providing information about Dr
Bhagavan Das and Dr Besant, in particular his moving testimony af-
ter the former had immersed her ashes in the Ganga. Srimati Manju
Sundaram, Visiting Professor of the Benares Hindu University, pro-
vided much needed information on the Indian pandits that helped
Mrs Besant with her translation of the Bhagavad Gitā into English.
Special thanks are due to Neeta Agrawal, an accomplished
designer, for her unique cover design and blurb, and also for her gen-
erous assistance over a long period of time. She has undertaken
voluntary work for the Theosophical Publishing House at Adyar for
many years thus enhancing, with her artistic acumen, the quality of
books and magazines that TPH Adyar brings out. Her work can be
seen on Instagram under ‘neetadesign’.
It is hoped that an Indian edition of this book may be pub-
lished in the not too distant future.
Pedro Oliveira
Compiler
1
Annie Besant would address these and other vital issues for
India’s life and progress vigorously and with sharp and focused in-
tent. Her kind, intelligent and compassionate nature responded to the
great social, economic and political issues of her time always with
energy, determination and selflessness. And throughout her strug-
gles one common factor was her heartfelt resonance to the vast and
appalling suffering she saw in the world. The lot of those who
suffered always received more attention from her than her own well-
being and comfort. Hers was a dedicated life.
Below are some of the highlights of Annie Besant’s life story
up to 1891 based on her Autobiography. In its Preface she wrote:
And she adds: ‘it may well be that the story of one may help
all, and that the tale of one soul that went out alone into the darkness
and on the other side found light, that struggled through the Storm
and on the other side found Peace, may bring some ray of light and
of peace into the darkness and the storm of other lives.’(op. cit., p.
xiv.)
No one, not even her loving parents, could have ever
dreamed that the baby, who was born in London on 1 October 1847,
would become known to people around the world for more than six
decades of sustained and courageous service to humanity and whose
example and teachings continue to inspire and elevate countless peo-
ple almost ninety years after her passing.
3
Annie Besant, An Autobiography, The Theosophical Publishing House,
Adyar, Madras, 1983, p. xiii.
Annie Besant’s father was Irish on his mother’s side ‘though
belonging to the Devonshire’s Woods on his father’s’. Her mother
was of pure Irish descent. Although born in London Annie Besant
declared that ‘three-quarters of my blood and all my heart are Irish’.
The mother instilled into Annie the ideal of acting honourably in the
face of suffering; she might starve but not run into debt, any sugges-
tion of shame must be shunned. Heart-breaking suffering must be
borne with a smile. This strict training established in young Annie a
sense of honour, reticence, and prepared her to face storm, slander
and attack in her future public life. There arose in her an attitude of
‘stubbornly resistant feeling’ and ‘inwardly asserted its own purity
in face of foulest lie, and turning scareful face against the foe, too
proud either to justify itself or to defend’.
A beautiful relationship existed between her father and
mother. ‘He was keenly intellectual and splendidly educated; a math-
ematician, a good classical scholar, and a master of six languages,
‘with a smattering of Hebrew and Gaelic’. As a student of philoso-
phy, he was profoundly sceptical to the extent of sending away the
priest who was brought to his death bed. Her mother was selflessly
devoted to those she loved, contemptuous of all that was mean or
base, highly sensitive on every question of honour, sweet in tender-
ness yet of iron will. She was a devout Christian but her husband’s
‘liberal and unorthodox thought modified and partially rationalized
her beliefs’. She did not have faith in doctrines like eternal punish-
ment, the vicarious atonement, the infallibility of the Bible, the
equality of the Son with the Father in the Trinity.
Such was the home atmosphere into which Annie was born,
deeply religious at heart but rebellious against dogmas that crushed
the reason and did not satisfy the soul. A calamity befell the family
when Annie was five years old. Her father caught a cold which set-
tled in his chest and he passed away. A few months later her infant
brother passed away leaving her and her elder brother as sole conso-
lation to the bereaved mother.
As a child Annie was ‘mystical and imaginative’, highly reli-
gious and ‘with a certain faculty for seeing visions and dreaming
dreams’. The sensitiveness to impressions other than physical ones
was a marked feature of her family. In her childhood elves and fairies
were real things, and she saw her dolls as real children.
Now began a period of struggle and hardship. Her father had
a good income but he left hardly anything for the family to live on.
On his death bed he urged that Harry, Annie’s elder brother, should
receive the best possible education. Her mother resolved to fulfil that
last wish and decided to educate him first at Harrow and later at
Cambridge or Oxford. This was a bold scheme for a penniless
widow, but she had a strong mind and will. Two of the family friends
had offered to educate him but could not afford such an ambitious
project, however, they helped. She moved to Harrow and the parents
of a boy Harry’s age kept him under her charge, which gave her an
income.
Soon afterwards a kindly maiden lady of means, Miss Mar-
ryat, came to the home and took an interest in Annie’s education.
She had already undertaken to educate one of her nieces and thought
it would be good to have two girls to teach. After some persuasion
and seeing the larger interests of the daughter the mother agreed to
leave Annie under the charge of Miss Marryat.
Miss Marryat delighted in seeking out children from families
of very small means and giving them the best possible education.
She had a perfect genius for teaching and taught everything except
music for which she engaged a teacher. She was very gentle and
taught in a manner that was a delight to the children, who called her
‘Auntie’. She strongly disapproved of learning by rote material they
did not understand. The emphasis was about children expressing
what they learnt. Thus, Annie covered a wide spectrum of subjects
including languages, and a joyous and healthy clarity of thought and
expression was ingrained in her.
Annie started reading from the age of five when she was fre-
quently absorbed in fairy land or in dreams of heroes or martyrs. Her
religious education, with a strongly evangelical bent, began at the
age of eight. Her memory was very good and took dreamy pleasure
in reciting from memory many parts of the Old and New Testaments.
When Annie was about fourteen years old Miss Marryat,
with a view to give a broader based education, took her along with
her other ‘children’ to Germany and France. While in Germany the
girls went to some lovely excursions such as climbing mountains,
rowing on the Rhine and wandering in exquisite valleys.
In Paris they spent seven happy, busy months, as part of her
training which stood Annie in good stead for later life. They had to
work hard at their studies on four days a week and spent time in gal-
leries of the Louvre crowded with Madonnas and saints, visited
almost all the beautiful Churches – that of St Germain de l’Auxerrois
impressed Annie. She remembers the solemn beauty of Notre Dame,
the gaudy magnificence of La Sainte Chapelle, the stately La Made-
leine and impressive St Roch. The English Chaplain at the church of
the Rue d'Aguesseau taking advantage of the visit of the Bishop of
Ohio there arranged for a confirmation ceremony. Annie had already
taken the vows made in her name at Baptism very seriously. She
carefully prepared for this ceremony with prolonged prayers, the
‘sevenfold gifts of the spirit’, which were to be given to her by ‘the
laying on of hands’.
Wise teacher as Miss Marryat was, she gradually and gently
withdrew her constant supervision and left Annie to find her own
way through her studies. She would intervene only when some mis-
take was made. Thus, Annie gradually became more and more self-
reliant. When sixteen years of age Annie perfected her French and
German and returned home to live with her mother, going each week
for a few lessons at Miss Marryat’s place. Her mother had a passion
for music and so arranged lessons with an able teacher.
The study she chose shows her bent of mind. She dwelt on
Fathers of the early Christian Church into whose writings she delved
deeply. Conception of a Catholic Church lasting through the centu-
ries gave her great joy. She dwelt on apostles and martyrs from the
early days of Christianity. ‘One Lord, one Faith, one Baptism’ and
considered herself a child of the Holy Church. Keen to tread the path-
way trodden by the Saints she fasted as enjoined by the Church and
flogged herself to see if she could bear physical pain. Constant study,
weekly communion, ecstatic meditation became part of devotional
life she voluntarily chose for herself.
At the Christmas in 1865 a little mission church was opened
near Annie’s grandfather’s house in a very poor district of Clapham,
in which she and her aunt worked hard for the as a preparation for
Easter decorating it beautifully. She had mentally prepared herself
for the great event of Resurrection, following the traditional Catholic
practice of fasting, prayers and mentally following the historical
events. For better understanding she compiled the occurrences from
the Four Gospels. As she proceeded, she became very uneasy on ac-
count of discrepancies and contradictions that increased as she
proceeded with the task. As all doubt is considered to be sin and ap-
parent contradictions were supposed to be tests of faith, she
shuddered and imposed on herself an extra fast as penance for her
‘ignorance and lack of firmness in the faith’. She had been indoctri-
nated against heresy. She was pained that doubt had struck her and
quickly buried it. ‘But it had been there, and it left its mark’.
Idealism led her to have a special regard for the priests and
the position of the wife of a priest seemed to her second only to that
of the nun. In the light of higher emotions and rise of the spirit of
real self-sacrifice the false prophets’ veil of youthful fancy are lifted.
Then follow either wreckage of life, or through all tribulations, outer
destruction and life ‘is steered by firm hand into the port of a nobler
faith’.
In the Easter of 1866 Annie met the Rev. Frank Besant who was
appointed a deacon in the little Mission Church; they hardly knew
each other. In the summer a small party went on holiday in which
these two were the only young ones and naturally in walks, rides and
drives they were together. A little before leaving he asked her if she
would marry him. She was startled and could not believe that her
going with him would be interpreted as flirtation whereas her
thoughts were in a totally different direction. She wanted to refuse
but remained quiet. He urged her to remain silent on the matter till
he had spoken to her mother and left to catch the train. This incident
put her to great distress and she was highly upset. In spite of this her
sense of honour was such that she did not speak to her mother. A
fortnight or so later when Mr Besant returned Annie refused to re-
main silent ‘but out of sheer weakness and fear of inflicting pain’ she
got engaged to a man she did not love.
So, she was betrothed and later married as she entered the
twenty first year of her life. On her broaching to mother the subject
of breaking the engagement she was reprimanded for being so dis-
honourable as to break her word. A few months before marriage
Annie and her mother stayed with an old friend, Mr Roberts, who
was reputed to be ‘the poor man’s lawyer’. There she began to take
an interest in the world of politics. He described the pitiable condi-
tions of women, naked to the waist with petticoats only up to the
knee, working even with three or four year old babies. Annie con-
sidered Mr Roberts as ‘her first tutor in Radicalism’ and he found in
her ‘an apt pupil’.
On 18 September a police van carrying two Fenian leaders
to jail was stopped and the entire Irish population surrounded it,
broke open the strong van and led the two to a place of safety. In this
process a policeman was accidentally shot and died. Violence broke
out between the Irish and the English. The poor naturally turned to
Mr Roberts for pleading the case in which five persons were accused
of murder. As Annie drove the wife and two daughters of Mr Roberts
through the Irish section of Manchester to the court the angry crowd,
waving fists, surrounded the vehicle shouting against the English. In
this critical situation Annie informed them of their identity where-
upon the mood changed completely in their favour and the road was
cleared for them.
The court was comprised of highly prejudiced judges one of
whom was predetermined to convict, and the jury paid little attention
to the arguments of Mr Roberts. Two were released as not being pre-
sent and the other three were hanged. Annie read in the National
Reformer that Charles Bradlaugh had written earlier against the man-
ner of trial and pleaded for the release of the innocent. She also read
his pleading for Ireland. At the close of his reasoning he wrote, ‘Let
a commission … sit solemnly to hear all complaints, and then let us
honestly legislate, not for the punishment of the discontented, but to
remove the causes of the discontent’.
In her Autobiography Mrs Besant writes: ‘In December
1867, I sailed out of the safe harbour of my happy and peaceful girl-
hood onto the wide sea of life, and the wave broke roughly as soon
as the bar was crossed.’4 Annie was accustomed to freedom, had
never a harsh word spoken and was indifferent to household details.
Mr Besant was very authoritarian, wanted things arranged and done
exactly as he wanted, was ill-tempered and spoke harshly to Annie
if his wishes were not carried out in detail. This shocked her first to
indignant tears which gradually led to defiant resistance.
Annie’s first serious attempts at writing were made in1868
when she was only twenty-one years old. She laboriously studied
and collected facts about the saints after whom Black Letter Days
were marked in the Calendar but details were not supplied. The man-
uscript seems to have been appreciated but mysteriously
disappeared. A Church brotherhood offered to publish it if she would
give ‘an act of piety to their order’. Its ultimate fate was unknown to
Mrs Besant. Her short stories regularly appeared in the Family
4
Op. cit. p. 64.
Herald. Her novel was not accepted as it was considered ‘too politi-
cal’ by the same magazine. She contributed a theological pamphlet
dealing with the duty of fasting incumbent on all faithful Christians.
Annie’s literary career was checked for some time when a
son was born in January 1869 and a daughter in August 1870. She
was ill on both occasions as her general health had been failing for
some time. As she could not afford to keep a nurse the young ones
kept her busy and also brought a new ray of happiness into her life.
The son was healthy but the daughter was delicate. Both caught
whooping cough in the spring of 1871. Young Mabel suffered bron-
chitis followed by congestion of the lungs. For weeks she lay in peril
of death on the knees of her loving mother day and night. The doctor
pronounced that she could die any moment but she survived mirac-
ulously. The child remained ailing and delicate but those weeks of
anguish exhausted Annie so much that after the danger was over she
collapsed and lay in bed for a week. This was followed by a struggle
in another dimension which lasted over three years and almost cost
her life. The struggle transformed her from a Christian to an Atheist.
She later wrote about the stand taken by Atheists on the question of
God: ‘The Atheist does not say “There is no God”, but he says, “I do
not know what you mean by God.”’
This added to the intensity of her suffering. To Mr Besant,
an ordained priest, such enquiry and questioning were intolerable for
they were considered inexcusable sins of doubt, more particularly in
the wife of a priest. This attitude greatly increased conflict and un-
happiness in the couple. Her unsuspected strength rose up in
rebellion; yet she did not dream of denial but refused to kneel.
One day in the summer of 1871 Mr Besant was away after a
fierce quarrel with her husband. She was desperate as she had lost
hope in God and had not learnt to live for hope for humans. She de-
cided to put an end to her life, brought a bottle of chloroform which
the doctor had left for the baby to relieve temporarily the intense
suffering of whooping cough, and was about to drink it. She heard
in a clear and soft voice, ‘O coward, coward, who used to dream of
martyrdom, and cannot bear a few short years of pain!’ She flung
away the bottle out of shame and for a moment felt strong enough
for a struggle, and then fell fainting on the floor. The thought of su-
icide occurred momentarily and only once again in her long periods
of strife but she put it aside as ‘unworthy of a strong soul’.
The kind clergyman to whom she had met some months be-
fore continued to write understanding letters, declaring the doctrine
of eternal punishment as baseless, that God is much better than what
she was taught to believe, and so on. But Mrs Besant could not be
moved by arguments that ‘appealed to emotions’ alone, leaving ‘the
intellect unconvinced’. She pined for rational answers to problems
of human misery on a vast scale, regardless of differences between
the innocent and the guilty. The long struggle shattered her health.
She lay for weeks helpless and prostrate with ceaseless headache,
unable to sleep.
As her condition improved slightly her doctor brought her
books on scientific subjects and would spare time to explain knotty
points on physiology. He perhaps saw that diversion of thought from
the channels in which it had been running to a dangerous extent was
necessary.
In her studies she could not find solution to four problems,
namely:
(1) Eternal punishment after death,
(2) The meaning of ‘goodness’ and ‘love’, as applied to a God
who had made this world, with all its sin and misery.
(3) The nature of the atonement of Christ, and the ‘justice’ of
God in accepting a vicarious suffering from Christ, and a vicarious
righteousness from the sinner.
(4) The meaning of ‘inspiration’ as applied to the Bible, and
the reconciliation of the perfections of the author with the blunders
and immoralities of the work.
It will be noticed that after the agony Mrs Besant had suf-
fered the progression of thought was orderly and steadily grew. The
doubts posed above are of a moral nature, ‘a protest of the conscience
rather than of the brain’. The deeper intellectual problems of religion
– the deity of Christ, the existence of God, the immortality of the
soul – came up later.
Later she would maintain that the rising tide of materialism
cannot be checked by sharp criticism and denunciation but by offer-
ing ‘a loftier ethic and a grander philosophy’ so as to satisfy the
educated conscience and the enquiring intellect.
The family eventually moved to Sibsey, in Lincolnshire.
Here Mrs Besant found more time to read and to continue with her
service to the poor. She studied heretical and Broad Church books
as well as orthodox ones. A year later, after Christmas in 1872, an
epidemic of typhoid fever broke out. She went from one home to
another nursing the sick most effectively, with great tenderness and
love. However, she found it impossible to return to the old faith.
Church services became a torture week after week. She kept doubts
to herself as she thought she should not shake the faith of others.
She found some relief from the mental strain in practical par-
ish work, nursing the sick, trying to brighten the lot of the poor. As
she had herself visited their dwelling places, ill-ventilated, with bro-
ken and leaking roofs, crowded to the full, her sympathies were
naturally with the claims of the agricultural labourers. One night she
found in one bed a drunken man, fever-stricken wife, the fever-
stricken child and a dead child. This became an integral part of her
political education.
Then a ray of light came as she went with her mother to a
Sunday morning service where there were people who had passed
through difficulties similar to hers. Her meeting and subsequent dis-
cussions with the Rev. Charles Voysey and his wife opened up to her
new views on religion, as their theism was free from defects that had
revolted her. She read newer books and the nightmare of an
Almighty Evil passed away and she felt relaxed to be able to com-
fortably renounce the orthodox dogmas.
In the autumn of 1872 Mrs Besant was introduced to Mr and
Mrs Thomas Scott. Their home was open to all who had a love of
Truth and the desire to spread freedom among the people. He was an
old man and for years had issued a series of monthly pamphlets on
various shades of thought but all were heretical. However, they were
all cultured and polished in tone. A few months later Mrs Besant
wrote a pamphlet, ‘On the Deity of Jesus of Nazareth’, which was
followed by others, though all were anonymous.
The year 1873 was a very crucial year in Mrs Besant's life.
She returned to her home in Sibsey, no longer in a state of doubt for
she had rejected the teachings of the Church. She was willing to at-
tend Church services not directed to God Himself but could no
longer attend the Holy Communion for that involved recognition of
Jesus as Deity. On the first ‘Sacrament Sunday’ with much pain she
left the church service as she could not take communion.
The knowledge of the great power of oratory that was hidden
in her came to her when one day when she was alone in the church,
ascended the pulpit and delivered her first lecture which was on the
‘Inspiration of the Bible’. ‘A feeling of power and delight’ came to
her as her voice went ‘ringing down the aisles’ and the passion in her
‘broke into balanced sentences’. She had never to pause for ‘musical
cadence or for rhythmical expression’. She then knew that she had
the ‘gift of speech’ which she could use to convey the intended mes-
sage.
The continual refusal of Mrs Besant to take communion led
her husband, in July or August, 1873, to tell her to conform or leave
the house. In spite of her ill-health she chose the latter. Her mother
was heartbroken.
She tried all possible avenues for work so as to maintain her-
self and her sickly daughter Mabel. After much searching work was
found in a household where she had to work as governess to young
ones, a cook and a nurse for which only board and lodging for her
and Mabel were given. The two young wards soon afterwards got,
one after another, serious infections and sickness and Mabel was sent
to her caring grandmother whereas Mrs Besant was to live in an iso-
lated room with an ailing ward under the risk of becoming ill, for not
even the mother of the boy would come to see her own son.
Her mother went to town and fell dangerously ill and Annie
rushed to nurse her. She had an intense longing for communion but
absolutely refused to do so unless her darling Annie did also. She
declared that she would rather be lost with Annie than saved without
her.
No clergyman would agree to give communion to Annie on
account of her anti-church views. In desperation and with hesitancy
she went to Dean Stanley who knew her mother. He graciously
came, had a quiet chat with mother, returned and travelled again the
next day to see her. After talking to mother he tried to understand
Annie’s position. Dean Stanley was very liberal and understanding
and told Annie that conduct was far more important than theory, that
he regarded all as ‘Christians’ those who tried to follow the moral
law of Christ. On Annie’s question of the absolute Deity of Jesus he
paid little stress saying that Jesus was ‘in a special sense the Son of
God’ and considered it a folly to quarrel over words when dealing
with the mystery of the Divine existence.
The following day Dean Stanley celebrated the Holy Com-
munion at the bedside of her dear mother and told her to remember
that ‘our God is a God of truth, and therefore the honest search for
truth can never be displeasing in his eyes’. It was after eighteen
months that Mrs Besant took the Sacrament for the last time. Her
mother passed away on 10 May.
Mrs Besant wrote for Mr and Mrs Thomas Scott pamphlets
on subjects like Inspiration, Atonement, Meditation and Salvation,
Eternal Torture, Religious Education for Children, and earned a
small amount to run the household of two. Often she went to the
British Museum to study and could not afford to buy meals. Mrs
Scott would come to see her if she was absent for two days and of-
fered most needed dinner. She was always very welcome to their
household. When in 1879 Mr Scott died Mrs Besant wrote: ‘To no
living man – save one – do I owe the debt of gratitude that I owe to
Thomas Scott.’
At about this time she bought a copy of the National Re-
former. In it was a long letter attacking Mr Bradlaugh and a brief,
self-restrained answer from him. There was in the paper an article on
the National Secular Society devoted to the propagation of Free
Thought. As no dogma was attached to membership Mrs Besant ap-
plied for it and was informed that she could receive membership
certificate from the hands of Mr Bradlaugh.
It was a fateful Sunday evening of 2 August 1874 that Mrs Bes-
ant went to listen Mr Charles Bradlaugh from whom she learned
much while working in closest collaboration during the years to
come. He would become an enduring and significant influence on
her life.
The sound advice that he gave her included: ‘You should
never say you have an opinion about a subject until you have tried to
study the strongest thing was said against the view to which you are
inclined.’ ‘You must not think that you know a subject until you are
acquainted with all that the best minds have said about it.’ ‘No steady
work can be done in public unless the worker studies at home far
more than he talks outside.’ ‘Be your own hardest judge, listen to
your own speech and criticize it; read abuse of yourself and see what
grains of truth are in it.’ ‘Do not waste time reading opinions that are
mere echoes of your own; read opinions you disagree with, and you
will catch aspects of truth you do not readily see.’
As her study and reflection matured, her perception of the
world showed signs of a deeper understanding which was not limited
to traditional Atheism. In 1874, in her paper ‘On the Nature and Ex-
istence of God’, her advice was: ‘Study nature’s laws, conform to
them, work in harmony with them, and work becomes a prayer and
a thanksgiving, an adoration of the universal wisdom, and a true obe-
dience to the Universal law.’
She gave overwhelming importance to conduct as is evident
in her pamphlet of 1874 on the ‘True Basis of Morality’. She cau-
tioned her fellow workers in the Freethought movement to ensure
that while striking down dogmas of the Church people are not up-
rooted from the sanctions of morality before better basis is
implanted. ‘That which touches morality touches the heart of soci-
ety; a high and pure morality is the life-blood of humanity. ... It is,
then, a very important question whether we, who are endeavouring
to take away from the world the authority on which hitherto has been
based all its morality, can offer a new and firm ground whereupon
may safely be built up the fair edifice of a noble life.’
Her extreme political views as on the land question, taxation,
the cost of Royalty, the obstructive power of the House of Lords,
also gave rise to opposition towards her. She was a Home-Ruler, an
expression that later became well known in India, and opposed all
injustice to the weaker nations. She opposed the oppressive policy in
Ireland, in the Transvaal in South Africa, in India, in Afghanistan, in
Burma and in Egypt. She demanded national education instead of
big guns, public libraries, instead of warships.
She was given a place on the staff of the National Reformer
which could afford to pay her only a guinea a week. She wrote reg-
ularly under the pseudonym ‘Ajax’ from August 1874 and was sub-
editor, later co-editor, from 1877 until the death of Mr Bradlaugh in
1891. She started by taking part in informal debate, then reading of
a paper on ‘The Political Status of Women’. The title of her second
lecture, ‘True Basis of Morality’ shows the direction in which her
thinking was moving.
In January 1875 after much thought and self-analysis Mrs
Besant resolved to give herself wholly to propagandist work, as a
Freethinker and a Social Reformer. She counted the heavy cost. It
would outrage the feelings of her new friends and was likely to im-
peril the custody of her darling little Mabel. ‘But the desire to spread
liberty and truer thought among men, to war against bigotry and su-
perstition, to make the world freer and better’, all this impelled her
with a force that could not be denied. She seemed to hear the voice
of Truth ringing over the battlefield and she offered herself, risking
everything, for the cause she considered sacred.
‘Civil and Religious Liberty’ was the title of her talk with
which she started her definite lecturing in January 1875. On 12 Feb-
ruary she started on her first provincial lecturing tour and on the 28
spoke for the first time from the platform of the Hall of Science to
the Secularist audience with whom she stood leading them to the
cause of liberty. Such platform work continued for eighteen years,
in the course of which she bravely faced many hardships, slept in the
cottages of miners, dined at their tables.
In 1877 Mrs Besant was plunged into one of her most bitter
struggles from which she came out victorious, and her role and that
of Mr Bradlaugh were highly acclaimed. It brought with it such pain
and anguish that she did not want to recall it. Rev. Mr Malthus had
put forward the doctrine that married people should be taught to limit
their families within their means of livelihood. Dr Charles Knowl-
ton, convinced of the doctrine, wrote in 1835 a physiological treatise
giving practical advice on conjugal prudence and parental responsi-
bility. He was for early marriage, so as to avoid prostitution and
limiting the family so as to look after the children better. Four dec-
ades later, with a view to profiteering, a publisher added some
obscene and indecent pictures. On being prosecuted he pleaded
guilty and was convicted.
Mr Bradlaugh and Mrs Besant carefully considered the mat-
ter. He risked his Parliamentary position. For her much greater risks
were involved, facing slander, allegations of scandal, and most pain-
ful deprivation of the custody of her daughter. But the public cause,
the good of all would not deter them from sacrificing all. Their stand
was simple and definite. They would not have published the original
pamphlet – of course, no pictures. They believed that ‘on all ques-
tions affecting the happiness of the people … fullest right of free
discussion ought to be maintained at all hazards’. Mrs Besant could
not keep her out for she had seen the misery of the poor, of her sister
women with children crying for bread.
Mrs Besant and Mr Bradlaugh decided to sell the pamphlet
themselves in their personal capacity and not involving anyone else.
They delivered copies of the pamphlet to the concerned judicial and
police authorities and announced the place and time of sale. Both of
them were arrested. They would have been acquitted in the first sit-
ting of the case but for the insistence of one of the seven jurors. A
clause was added to the verdict that, the book ‘is calculated to de-
prave public morals’. The jurors, as well as the Lord Chief Justice,
entirely exonerated ‘the defendants from any corrupt motive in pub-
lishing it’. In fact the Lord Chief Justice described Mrs Besant and
Mr Bradlaugh as ‘two enthusiasts who have been actuated by a de-
sire to do good in a particular department of Society’. He added a
splendid statement on the law of population and praised their
straightforwardness.
Sadly, although an attempt made in April 1875 to deprive
Mrs Besant of the custody of Mabel had been unsuccessful a fresh
case was made out on the basis of the Knowlton pamphlet case and
her own views on atheism and the pamphlet ‘Law of Population’.
The judge before whom the case came up was a highly prejudiced
person and of very orthodox views. He passed an order to deprive
her of her child not allowing time for appeal. The judge admitted that
the mother had taken the greatest possible care of the child, but held
that mother, in deciding not to give the child religious education, was
sufficient ground for depriving her of custody of her child. Later an-
other very senior judge sharply rebuked the judge for going outside
the case and considered the judgement an ‘abuse of an unpopular
opinion’.
A messenger came from Mr Besant who virtually snatched
away the shrieking and struggling child. Digby and Mabel both came
back to their mother as soon as they reached of age of leaving behind
a miserable father whom none could help in spite of the best inten-
tions on account his irrational views.
As a result of the prosecution Malthusian views, which in
modern days are known as family planning, aroused interest all over
the country. Wherever Mrs Besant and Mr Bradlaugh went there
were crowds overflowing the lecture halls to listen to their Radical
and Freethought lectures and thousands heard for the first time what
secularism really meant. Her writings and speeches were, naturally,
marked with considerable bitterness against Christianity. Later in
life she admitted that her attacks should have been directed towards
dogmatic practices of the Church but not against Christianity and
need not have been so harsh.
In early 1879 she started studying under Dr E. B. Aveling
who was an able teacher in scientific subjects and had started writing
for the National Reformer. At the age of thirty-two, when most peo-
ple stop studies, she matriculated from the London University. Her
studies were in addition to her ever increasing writing, editing and
lecturing from one end of England to the other besides the ‘wear-
and-tear of pleading her case for the custody of her daughter’ in the
courts. As a result of her pleadings which were not merely for the
sake of her children but also for the cause of the free thought move-
ment, she gained full access to her children. The victory was hailed
by Mr Bradlaugh as ‘on with a pleading unequalled in any case on
record for the boldness of its affirmation of Freethought’. He added,
‘the most powerful pleading for freedom of opinion to which it has
been our good fortune to listen’.
Mrs Besant’s pleading exposed in the Press comments that it
was an offence in the eye of the law to hold unpopular opinion. The
outcome of all this long and painful struggle ‘was a change in the
law which had rested all power over the children in the hands of the
father, and from thenceforth the rights of the married mother were
recognized to a limited extent’.
Mrs Besant took advanced certificates and became a quali-
fied teacher in several branches of science. She took examinations
of London University and failed in B.Sc. Practical Chemical Exam-
ination, after having passed for more difficult examinations earlier.
On account of her views some attempts were made to prevent her
from studying in the University. She was denied permission to visit
the Botanical Garden in Regent’s Park. In spite of all this she gained
the distinction of being the only student to gain an Honours degree
in Botany in England.
In October 1879 Mrs Besant met Mr Herbert Burrows who
had come to attend a meeting to consider organizing Land Law Re-
forms. He worked with her in close cooperation in reform
movements in the years to come.
From 1880 began the long Parliamentary battle of Mr Brad-
laugh in which Mrs Besant was most closely associated with him.
She learned many lessons from Mr Bradlaugh in his dealings with
those who were bitterly against his principles, who did their best to
ruin him. He addressed in an exemplary manner the members of Par-
liament who had acted against the law, having harmed him to the
greatest extent, who did not let him take the seat to which he had
been elected, who had drawn him into expensive legal battles in
which he came out triumphant and, in spite of his poor resources,
they had him thrown out of the Parliament causing physical injury.
In spite of all such treatment from the members he upheld the dignity
of Parliament, never breaking the rules or violating the law, bearing
no ill will or bitterness against any. He believed in justice.
On 3 May Mr Bradlaugh presented himself and respectfully
begged the permission of the Speaker of the House of Commons ‘to
make a solemn affirmation or declaration, instead of taking an oath’
as provided under the Evidence Amendment Acts (of 1869 and
1870). He added that under these Acts he had made affirmation in
the highest courts of jurisdiction. The matter was debated more than
once and referred to Committee after Committee but no eloquence,
no plea for justice made in greatest humility and respect for the
House allowed him to take the oath. He refused to obey ‘because that
order was against the law’. The Serjeant-at-Arms, who happened to
be physically of a much smaller statue than Mr Bradlaugh, was or-
dered to remove him. All awaited in silence how he would do so. To
the surprise of all at the light touch of his shoulder he bowed and
accompanied his small captor to the prison of the House.
On the following day appeared a leaflet from Mrs Besant on
‘Law Makers and Law Breakers’. Her thesis was, ‘On freedom of
election depends our liberty; on freedom of conscience depends our
progress’. There was so much protest that the House rescinded its
resolution, Mr Bradlaugh was released from prison and allowed to
take the affirmation. Immediately after he had taken his seat he was
served with a writ for having voted without taking the oath and a
long and expensive battle in the law, court after court, began and was
finally won in the House of Lords. However, the Court of Appeal
decided against him and declared the seat vacant.
In the subsequent election Mr Bradlaugh was re-elected. A
similar drama began. A large crowd had gathered from all parts of
England and at one stage wanted to enter the House by force but Mrs
Besant stepped in between the crowd and the police and pacified the
masses not to break the law, thus preventing large scale violence.
However, from inside the House the Law-abiding, courteous
Mr Bradlaugh was flung out by fourteen hefty guards. He lay outside
the members’ door in torn clothes, injured, after which his arms had
to be kept bandaged for weeks. Someone remarked: ‘This man might
be broken but not bent’.
Mr Bradlaugh’s struggle with Parliament continued. In spite
of large scale protests, surprisingly, the House refused to allow him
his seat, at the same time refusing to declare it vacant for fear of his
being returned still more triumphantly. The House was started when
Mr Bradlaugh took the oath on 21 February and it expelled him. He
was returned for the third time to the House elected by more votes
but the House once again refused to let him take his seat. The entire
Liberal Press agitated.
In May 1882 Mrs Besant wrote that Mr Bradlaugh was a man
‘who by the infliction of great wrong had become the incarnation of
a great principle’. In the next general election he again won, took the
oath and his seat and brought in and carried an Oath’s Bill which
gave Members of the Parliament the right to affirm. It also made
Freethinkers competent as jurymen and witnesses.
She reprinted an article ‘Coercion in Ireland and its Results’
exposing wrong done under the Coercion Act. It had a wide circula-
tion. She pleaded for the release of the suspects and those who
pleaded for them. This had some effect, but an unfortunate incident
struck a blow. The Government reconsidered the policy and sent
Lord Cavendish with a message to release the suspects but he was
stabbed to death. Mrs Besant was shocked. She wrote: ‘They have
stabbed the newborn hope of friendship between two countries, and
have reopened the gulf of hatred that was just beginning to close.’
There was a wave of retaliation and hastily a new coercion Bill was
passed.
Mrs Besant's sympathy is to be seen in her sketch of ‘the
misery of the peasants in the grip of absentee landlords, the turning
out on the roadside to die of the mother with a newborn in her breast’.
All this was for want of a few shillings for overdue rack-rental. The
Bill was said to be for the ‘repression of crime’, for reconciliation of
England and Ireland, for friendship, but Mrs Besant observed that
‘they dug a new gulf’.
In the midst of this political and social strife Mrs Besant
heard for the first time about the Theosophical Society and she
thought that with no definite ideal for membership it had only a
dreamy, emotional, scholarly, interest in religio-philosophical fan-
cies; some having strange theory of ‘apparitions’ of the dead and
interest in otherworldism. In reply to a query she wrote in the Na-
tional Reformer while secularists have no right to refuse membership
to Theosophists, the consistent secularists cannot join the TS.
These views came to the notice of Madame H.P. Blavatsky
and she wrote in The Theosophist, August 1882, that the above views
have been expressed out of entirely misconceived notions and added:
‘The term “Supernaturalist” can no more apply to the latter [Theos-
ophists] than to Mrs A. Besant and Mr. C. Bradlaugh.’ She
occasionally commented appreciatively on the struggle of Mr Brad-
laugh in Parliament and for other causes. In one such note she wrote
very appreciatively of the work of Mrs Besant.
As a result of harassing persecutions, the circulation of theo-
logical and political writings of Mrs Besant and her associates
increased greatly and they moved to Fleet Street at larger premises
where she continued to work until Mr Bradlaugh’s death in 1891.
Mrs Besant wrote: ‘... it killed him at last, twenty years before his
time, sapping his splendid vitality, undermining his iron constitu-
tion.’ As Mrs Besant was all along helping him there was a great
strain on her also. Her remarkable legal acumen and persuasive elo-
quence showed forth when she appeared as a witness. These legal
battles ended in 1883 with a total victory for Mr Bradlaugh when the
House of Lords gave a judgement in his favour.
Paying tribute to him Mrs Besant wrote: ‘Nothing more
touching could be imagined than the conflict between the real reli-
gious feeling, abhorrent of heresy, and the determination to be just
despite all prejudice.’
This driving force that pushed her into politics was necessary
to help certain laws protecting the rights of the downtrodden. In 1884
a bill was introduced to Parliament fixing a twelve-hour day as the
limit of a young persons’ toil. She considered it to be brutal and de-
clared that the ‘legal day’ should be eight hours for five days in the
week and not more than five hours on the sixth. She was about to
embrace the Socialist viewpoint and praxis.
She pointed out that affluent people gave in the name of char-
ity, say, a meal in a year to a half-starved family whereas if they had
paid fair wages the family could have earned a hundred extra meals.
Out of the exploits of the ill-paid workmen they built hospitals and
pretended to be very generous. She added: ‘... and we see idlers
flaunting in the robes woven by the toilers, a glittering tinseled su-
perstructure founded on tears, the struggling, the grey, hopeless
misery of the poor.’ She says: ‘Socialism in its splendid ideal ap-
pealed to my heart, while the economic soundness of its basis
convinced my head.’ In it she saw a hope for brotherhood and pos-
sibility of a freer life for all. She said that conflict between ‘a
personal tie and a call of duty could not last long, and with heavy
heart I made up my mind to profess Socialism openly and work for
it with all energy’.
Eventually Mrs Besant joined the Fabian Society as it was
less antagonistic to the Radicals. It had eminent members, George
Bernard Shaw being the most widely known. There she worked hard
as a speaker and writer popularising socialist thought, sound eco-
nomics, and the effort to turn the workers’ energy towards social
rather than merely political reform.
During the same year (1885) a movement was started in Eng-
land to draw attention to the terrible sufferings of the Russian
political prisoners, and it was decided at a meeting held at Mrs Bes-
ant’s house to form a society of friends of Russia. Mr Bradlaugh
attended the meeting. She had moved to a sixteen-room mansion in
June 1883 on 19 Avenue Road which later in the early nineties be-
came a centre of Theosophical activity.
The impact of the Socialist movement, with its eminent and
forceful speakers, can be judged by the fact that the police authorities
stopped their speaking in the open air whereas they closed their eyes
to others so speaking. Herbert Burrows, later associated with Mrs
Besant in theosophical work, won a seat on the London School
Board, to which Mrs Besant was elected in 1888. He was the first to
demand industrial education.
The year 1886 was terrible for labour, with reduction in
wages and increase in the number of unemployed during a bitter win-
ter. Agitation for the eight hours day increased. Wages were so low
that some said: ‘We may as well starve idle as starve working.’ The
wrongs done to those poor hard working people set Mrs Besant’s
heart and tongue afire for those ‘trampled on, abused, derided, who
asked so little and needed so much, who were pathetically grateful
for the pettiest services, who were so loving and so loyal to those
who offered them poor services and helpless love’. The feelings urg-
ing her heart can better be expressed in her own words:
* * *
5
Annie Besant, An Autobiography, p. 332.
more light”. It is that cry for “light” which has been the keynote of
my own intellectual life, then and ever since, light – whithersoever
the light may take one; light, through whatever difficulties the light
may lead one; light, although in its brightness it should blast the eyes
that gaze upon it: I would rather be blinded by the light, than sit will-
fully in the twilight or the dark. Months before – in the August of the
preceding year – I had come to the Hall for the first time to receive
my certificate of entrance into the National Secular Society. I re-
ceived it then from the greatest president that Society has had or is
likely to have. From that time there dated a friendship to which no
words of mine can do justice, or speak the gratitude I feel – a friend-
ship that was only broken by the grave. Had he lived, this lecture
would, probably, not have needed to be given, for, if there was one
thing that Charles Bradlaugh did, it was to keep free the platform
which was given him in charge, and to permit no test of doctrine or
of belief to claim a right to bar the platform that was free in name
and in deed as well.
I pass hurriedly – for I have but brief time tonight – I pass
hurriedly over many years, taking but one point after another that
seems to me to be of interest in the retrospect of tonight. Not very
long after I came on to this platform, in the May following, I was
elected a vice-president of the National Secular Society, and that po-
sition I laid down when the late president gave up his office. I began
my service in the Society under him, and I could serve under no
lesser man. From that time forward – from the time, that is, of the
commencement of my service – I constantly occupied the platform
here and elsewhere. And they were rougher days then with the Free-
thought party in the provinces, than those they have now to face.
During my first year of lecturing work I can remember some rough
scenes that now it would not be easy to parallel. Stones that were
thrown as the most potent argument to use against a lecturer, even
though that lecturer were a woman; the broken windows of a hail; a
bruised neck at one place; a walk through waving sticks and a
cursing crowd at another place – these were the kind of arguments
which Christians were readier to use then than they are now. The
party has grown very much stronger during the sixteen and a half
years which have passed from then to now. I well remember, looking
backward, and recalling incident after incident that marked those
passing years, the memorable Conference in 1876, when there was
present on the platform a miner of Yorkshire who, a member of the
Society and an Atheist, was the first to spring into a cage to go down
where 143 of his comrades lay dead and others were in danger of
death after a colliery explosion – the cage into which none dared to
spring until the Atheist set the example and stimulated the courage
of others. My experience in the National Secular Society has taught
me that you may have the most splendid courage, the most absolute
self-devotion, the most heroic self-sacrifice, that those virtues can
exist without possessing faith in God or belief in a hereafter: they
are, indeed, the flowers of man’s nature springing up fragrant and
beautiful in every creed and in none.
It was not so long after my entrance into the National Secular
Society – a little more than two brief years – that that struggle came
upon us in which Charles Bradlaugh and I myself defended the right
to publish, at a cheap rate, information which we believed to be use-
ful to the masses of the poor and of the weak. What the upshot of
that struggle was you all know. How bitter the struggle was some of
you, perchance, may have gauged. I, who went through it, know its
results were that no amount of slander or abuse could hereafter make
much difference, when one thought it right to take a particular line
of conduct; for in the years that followed that trial there were no
words too foul, no epithets too vile, to be used in Christian and in
Freethought journals, against my co-defendant and myself. When
one has once been through that fire of torture, when everything that
man and woman hold dear, fame, good name, reputation, character,
and all else – when all have been sullied, slandered and maligned,
after such a hammering all subsequent attacks seem but poor and
feeble, and no words of reproach or unkindness that later can be used
avail to touch a courage that has held through trials such as that. And
I do not regret (I never have regretted and don’t now) the steps that
then I took, for I know that both in the eyes of the wise today, and in
the verdict of the history that in centuries to come shall judge our
struggles, the verdict that then shall be given will not be given on
what one has believed but on how one has worked: and I know that
though one’s eyes may often be blinded, and one’s efforts wrong,
the courage that dares to speak, the courage that dares to stand –
those are the things that men remember, and if you can never write
“coward” on man or woman’s grave, their place is safe in the hearts
of men, whether their views are blessed or banned in days to come.
I pass, however, to the theological position, for that is one
that interests all, is the most important, and the one to which your
thoughts and minds will most strongly turn tonight. In 1872 I broke
with Christianity, and I broke with it once and for all. I have nothing
to unsay, nothing to undo, nothing to retract, as regards my position
then and my position now. I broke with it, but I am no nearer to it in
1891 than I was when I first joined the ranks of the National Secular
Society. I do not say that my language then was not harsher than my
language would be now, for in the first moments after a great strug-
gle, when you have paid such a price as I paid for intellectual liberty,
you do not always in the first moments of freedom, in the reaction
from a great conflict, you do not always think of the feelings of oth-
ers as charity and as true toleration would command that you should
think. I spoke words bitterer then than I should speak now; words
harsher and more critical than I should speak today; but of the
groundwork of my rejection then I have nothing to alter, for I stand
upon that ground today as I stood then. I did not give up that Chris-
tian faith without much and bitter suffering; and I do not know
whether, if anyone set to work to fabricate some physical apparatus
which would give the best opportunity for suffering during life – I
do not know that any ingenious artificer could do very much more
cleverly, than to weld together in one human body the strong brain
of a man and the warm heart of a woman: for where a man can break
with opinions where logic tells him (not always, indeed, without bit-
ter suffering), I doubt if there can be any woman who can break with
any faith she has ever held, without paying some heart’s blood as the
price of alienation, some bitter need of pain to the idol which is bro-
ken.
In looking back, as I have been looking today over some of
my own past writing, I saw words with respect to the giving up of
Christianity which were true: true in the feeling that they then de-
picted, and true in my remembrance of it now for the deity of Christ
is the last Christian doctrine, I think, to which we cling when we
leave Christianity. “The doctrine was dear from association: there
was something at once soothing and ennobling in the idea of a union
between man and God, between a perfect man and a divine suprem-
acy, between a human heart and an almighty strength. Jesus as God
was interwoven with all art, with all beauty in religion; to break with
the deity of Jesus was to break with music, with painting, with liter-
ature. The Divine Child in his mother’s arms, the Divine Man in his
Passion and in his Triumph, the human friend encircled with the maj-
esty of the Godhead – did inexorable truth demand that this ideal
figure, with all its pathos, its beauty, its human love, should pass into
the pantheon of the dead Gods of the past ?” People speak so lightly
about change in theological belief. Those who speak lightly never
felt deeply. They do not know what a belief is to the life that has
been moulded round it, to the intellect that has accepted it, to the
heart that has worshipped it; and those are not the feeblest but mostly
the strongest Freethinkers who have been able to break with the faith
that they have outgrown and still feel the pang of letting the intellect
be master of the hearts. On that I have nothing more to say than this:
that, in the newer light into which I have passed, return to Christian-
ity has become even more impossible than in my older days of the
National Secular Society; for, whilst then I rejected, seeing the
logical impossibilities, now I understand why that faith has held men
for centuries as I never understood before; and if you want to be safe
against a superstition, know the human truth that underlies it, and
then no fresh name can ever take you back to it, no sort of new label
can ever make you accept as true the myth that covers the truth you
know.
To pass from that to the other two great points around which
the struggle of the age today is raging: belief in a personal God and
belief in the persistency of life after death. As regards the first, belief
in a personal God, I have again nothing to say different from that
which I wrote many years ago: “Existence evolving, into endless
forms, differing modes, changing phenomena, is wonderful enough;
but a God, self-existing, who creates out of nothing, who gives birth
to an existence entirely diverse from his own – ‘matter’ from ‘spirit’,
non-intelligence from ‘intelligence’– who, being everywhere, makes
the universe, thereby excluding himself from part of space, who be-
ing everywhere, makes the things which are not he, so that we have
everywhere and somewhere else, everything and something more –
such a God solves no question of existence, but only adds an unnec-
essary riddle to a problem already sufficiently perplexing.” Those
were the words with which I summed up an argument against a per-
sonal God outside nature. By those words I stand today, for the
concept is as impossible to me now as it was to me then.
Some years later, in 1886, I come across a phrase which shows
how at that time my mind was beginning to turn towards a different
conception. I was speaking of the various religions of the world, and
alluded to those of Hinduism and Buddhism as dealing with the
problem of existence, and then went on to say: “These mystic Ori-
ental religions are profoundly Pantheistic; one life pulsing through
all living things; one existence bodying itself forth in all individual
existences; such is the common ground of those mighty religions
which number amongst their adherents the vast majority of human
kind. And in this magnificent conception they are in accord with
modern science; the philosopher and the poet, with the far-reaching
glance of genius, caught sight of that unity of all things, the ‘one in
the many’ of Plato, a belief which it is the glory of modern science
to have placed on the sure foundation of ascertained fact.” I do not
mean that when I wrote those words I was a Pantheist; but I mean
that you have in them the recognition of that unity of existence which
is common to Pantheism and to Materialism, the great gulf between
the two being this: that whereas Pantheism speaks of one universal
life bodying itself forth in all lives, Materialism speaks of matter and
of force of which life and consciousness are the ultimate products
and not the essential fact. That is the difference in the opinions that
I held, and that I hold now. I still believe in the unity of existence,
but I realise that that existence is a living force, and not only what is
called “matter” and “energy”; that it is a principle of life, a principle
of consciousness; that the life and the consciousness that pulse out
from its centre evolve from that one eternal life without which life
and consciousness could never be. That is the great difference which
separates the position of the Materialism that I once held from the
position I hold today; and that has its natural corollary that, as the
essence of the universe is life, so the essence of each man is life as
well; that death is but a passing phenomenon, as simple and as natu-
ral as that which is spoken of as life; that in the heart of man as of
the universe, life is an eternal principle fulfilling itself in many
forms, but immortal, inextinguishable, never to be either created or
destroyed.
Now, glancing back to the Materialism to which I clung for so
many years of life, glancing back over the training it gave me, and
the steps by which slowly I left it behind, there is one point that I
desire here to place on record. You have Materialism of two very
different schools. There is the Materialism which cares nothing for
man but only for itself; which seeks only for personal gain, personal
pleasure, personal delight; which cares nothing for the race but only
for self; nothing for posterity but only for the moment; of which the
real expression is: “Let us eat and drink, for tomorrow we die.’ With
that Materialism neither I nor those with whom I worked had aught
in common. With that Materialism, which is only that of the brute,
we never had part nor lot. That is the Materialism that destroys all
the glory of human life, it is the Materialism that can only be held by
the selfish and, therefore, the degraded. It is never the Materialism
that was preached from this platform, nor which has been the training
school in which have been trained many of the noblest intellects and
truest hearts of our time.
For what is the higher Materialism after all? What is it but
the reason and thought which is the groundwork of many a noble life
today? It is that which, while it believes that the life of the individual
ends in death, so far as he himself is concerned, recognises the life
of the race as that for which the individual is living, and to which all
that is noblest and best in him is to be devoted. That is the Material-
ism of such men as Clifford, who taught it in philosophy, and of such
men as Charles Bradlaugh, who lived it out in life. It was that Mate-
rialism which was put into words by Clifford when, for the moment
fearing he might be misunderstood, he said: “Do I seem to say, ‘Let
us eat and drink, for tomorrow we die’? Nay; rather let us take hands
and help, for today we are alive together.” Against that Materialism
I have no word of reproach to speak now. Never have I spoken word
of reproach against it, and I never shall; for I know that it is a philos-
ophy so selfless in its noblest forms that few are grand enough to
grasp it and live it out, and that which I have brought back as fruit
from my many years of Materialism is the teaching that to work
without self as the goal is the great object-lesson of human life. For
there can be no selflessness more complete than that which accepts
a life of struggle for itself that the race may have an easier life in
years to come, which is willing to die that, from its death, others may
have wider life; which is willing to sacrifice everything, so that even
on its own dead body others may rise to greater happiness and a truer
intellectual life.
But – and here comes the difference – there are problems in
the universe which Materialism not only does not solve but which it
declares are insoluble, difficulties in life and mind that Materialism
cannot grapple with, and in face of which it is not only dumb but
says that mankind must remain dumb for evermore. Now, in my own
studies and my own searching, I came to problem after problem for
which scientific Materialism had no answer – nay, told me that no
answer could be found. There were things that were facts, and the
whole scheme of science is not that you are to impose your own will
on nature, but that you are to question nature and listen to her answer,
whatever that answer may be. But I came upon fact after fact that did
not square with the theories of Materialism. I came across facts
which were facts of nature as much as any fact of the laboratory, or
any discovery by the knife or the scalpel of the anatomist. Was I to
refuse to see them because my philosophy had for them no place?
Was I to do what men have done in every age – insist that nature was
no greater than my knowledge, and that because a fact was new it
was, therefore, a fraud or an illusion? Not thus had I learned the les-
son of materialistic science from its deepest depths of investigation
into nature. And, when I found that there were facts that made life
other than Materialism deemed; when I found that there were facts
of life and consciousness that made the materialistic hypothesis im-
possible; then I determined still to study, although the foundations
were shaking, and not to be recusant enough to the search after truth
to draw back because it wore a face other than the one I expected.
When I found that in the researches of men of today, who still are
Materialists, there are many facts which they themselves admit they
cannot explain, and about which they will endeavour to form no the-
ory; when I found in studying such branches of mental science as
hypnotism and mesmerism, that there were undeniable facts which
had their place in nature as much as any other facts; when I found
that as those facts were analysed and experimented on, conscious-
ness did not rise and fall with the pulsations of the brain or the
vibrations of the cells of the brain; when I found that as you diminish
the throb of physical life your intellectual manifestations became
more vivid and more startling; when I found that in that brain in
which the blood ran freely, from which, on examination, every care-
ful instrument of science gave an leverage of the lowest conditions
that made life possible at all, when I found that from the person with
a brain in such a condition thoughts could proceed more vividly than
when the brain was in full activity – then do you wonder that I began
to ask whether other methods of investigation might not be useful,
and whether it was wise for me to turn my back upon any road which
promised to lead towards a better understanding of the subtlest prob-
lems of psychology?
Two or three years before, I had met with two books which I
read and re-read, and then put aside because I was unable to relate
them to any other information I could obtain, and I could find no
other method then of carrying my study further along those lines.
They were two books by Mr Sinnett. One was Esoteric Buddhism
and the other The Occult World. They fascinated me on my scientific
side, because for the first time they threw an intelligible light upon,
and brought within the realm of law and of natural order, a large
number of facts that had always remained to me unexplained in the
history of man. They did not carry me very far, but they suggested a
new line of investigation; and from that time onward, I was on the
look-out for other clues which might lead me in the direction I
sought. Those clues were not definitely found until early in the year
1889. I had experimented, to some extent, then, and many years be-
fore, in Spiritualism, and found some facts and, much folly; but I
never found there an answer, nor anything which carried me further
than the mere record of certain unexplainable phenomena. But in
1889 I had a book given to me to review, written by H. P. Blavatsky,
and known as The Secret Doctrine. I was given it to review, as a
book the reviewers of the paper did not care to tackle, and it was
thought I might do something with it, as I was considered more or
less mad on the subjects of which it treated. I accepted the task, I
read the book, and I knew that I had found the clue that I had been
seeking. I then asked for an introduction to the writer of that book,
feeling that the one who had written it would be able to show me
something at least of a path along which I might travel with some
hope of finding out more than I knew of life and mind. I met her for
the first time in that year. Before very long I placed myself under her
tuition, and there is nothing in the whole of my life for which, I am
one tithe so grateful as the apparent accident that threw her book into
my hands, and the resolution taken by myself that I would know the
writer of that book.
I know that in this hall there will not be many who will share
the view that I take of Helena Blavatsky. I knew her, you did not –
and in that may lie the difference of our opinion. You talk of her as
“fraud”, and fling about the word as carelessly of one with whom
you disagree, as Christians and others threw against me the epithet
of “harlot” in the days gone by, and with as much truth. I read the
evidence that was said to be against her. I read the great proofs of
the “fraud”: how she had written the letters which she said had come
to her from the men who had been her Teachers. I read the evidence
of W. Netherclift, the expert, first that the letters were not written by
her and then that they were. The expert at Berlin swore that they were
not written by her. I read most carefully the evidence against her,
because I had so much to lose. I read it; I judged it false on the read-
ing; I knew it to be false when I came to know her. And here is one
fact which may, perhaps, interest you much, as rather curious from
the point of view that Madame Blavatsky was the writer of those
famous letters.
You have known me in this Hall for sixteen and a half years.
You have never known me lie to you. My worst public enemy,
through the whole of my life, never cast a slur upon my integrity.
Everything else they have sullied, but my truth never; and I tell you
that since Madame Blavatsky left, I have had letters in the same
writing and from the same person. Unless you think that dead per-
sons write – and I do not think so – that is rather a curious fact against
the whole challenge of fraud. I do not ask you to believe me, but I
tell you this on the faith of a record that has never yet been sullied
by a conscious lie. Those who knew her, knew she could not very
well commit fraud, if she tried. She was the frankest of human be-
ings. It may be said: “What evidence have you beside hers?” My own
knowledge. For some time, all the evidence I had of the existence of
her Teachers and the existence of those so-called “abnormal powers”
was second-hand, gained through her. It is not so now, and it has not
been so for many months: unless every sense can be at the same time
deceived, unless a person can be, at the same moment, sane and in-
sane, I have exactly the same certainty for the truth of those
statements as I have for the fact that you are here. Of course you may
be all delusions, invented by myself and manufactured by my own
brain. I refuse – merely because ignorant people shout fraud and
trickery – to be false to all the knowledge of my intellect, the per-
ceptions of my senses, and my reasoning faculties as well.
And so I passed out of Materialism into Theosophy, and
every month that has gone since then has given me reason to be more
and more grateful for the light which then came; for it is better to
live in a universe you are beginning to understand than in one which
is full of problems never to be solved; and if you find yourself on the
way to the solution of many, that gives you at least a reasonable hope
that you may possibly at last be able to solve those that are at the
moment beyond your grasp. And, after all, those with whom I stand
are not quite the persons whom it is the part of wise men merely to
scoff at and make a jest of. Amongst them are men well able to in-
vestigate; many are men of the world, doctors and lawyers – the two
professions which are just the two which ought to be able to deal
with the value of scientific and logical evidence. Already you may
find the ranks of Theosophy winning day by day thoughtful and in-
tellectual adherents. Even in the ranks of my own party I have not
gone over quite alone, for my friend and colleague, Mr Herbert Bur-
rows, went over with me; and since then, Br. Carter-Blake has joined
us.
Are you quite wise to be so sure that you are right and that there
is nothing in the universe you do not know? It is not a safe position
to take up. It has been taken in all ages, and has always proved mis-
taken. It was taken by the Roman. Catholic Church centuries ago,
but they have been driven back. It has been taken by the Protestant
Church time after time. They also have been proved mistaken. If it
is taken by the Freethought party now, is that to be the only body in
human history that is the one and final possessor of the truth and
knowledge that never in all the centuries to come may be increased?
For, friends, that, and nothing else than that, is the position that you
are taking in this Hall at the present time. [“Quite Right”, and “No”,
“No”.] You say “no”. Listen for a moment, and let us see if it be not
so. What is the reason I leave your platform? Because your society
shuts me off it. [“No”, and “Yes”.] When you have done shouting
“no”, I will finish my sentence. The reason that this is my last lecture
in this Hall is because the condition which was placed upon my com-
ing on the platform, after the hall passes into the hands of the
National Secular Society, is that I shall not in my lectures say any-
thing that goes against the principles and objects of the Society.
Now I will never speak under such conditions. I did not break
with the great Church of England, and ruin my social position, and
break with all that women hold dear, in order to come to this platform
and be dictated to as to what I should say. Your great leader would
never have done it. Imagine Charles Bradlaugh standing upon this
platform and, when he went up to the room of the Committee of the
National Secular Society, their corning to him and saying: “You
should not have said so and so it your lecture.” And do you suppose
that I, who have spoken on this platform so long, will place myself
in that position? Mind, I do not deny the right of your Society to do
it. I do not challenge the right of your Society, or any other, to make
any conditions it pleases round its platform. You have exactly the
right that every church and sect has to say: “This is my creed and,
unless you accept it, you shall not speak within my walls.” You have
the right; but, O my friends and brothers, is it wise? Think. I have no
word today to say against the Society; no word to say against its
committee; but I have sat upon that committee for many a year, and
I know on it are many young men sent up by their societies – when
they have only been members a very short time – to take part in the
deliberations. Are these young fellows, who are not my equals in
training or knowledge, of the world, of history or theology – are they
to have the right to come and say to me, when I leave the platform:
“Your lecture went beyond the limits of the principles and objects of
our Society”? It is not thus I hold the position of a public teacher, of
a public speaker.
I will only speak from a platform where I may say what I
believe to be true. Whether it be true or not, it is my right to speak
it; whether it be correct or not, it is my right to submit it to a tribunal
of my fellows. But you, what is it you are saying? That you will have
no word from your platform save that which you already know, ech-
oing back from your brains to the brain of the speaker the truth you
have already discovered. While one more truth remains in the uni-
verse to be discovered, you do wrong to bar your platform. Truth is
mightier than our wildest dreamings; deeper than our longest plum-
met-line; higher than our loftiest wings; grander than you and I can
even imagine today. What are we? People of a moment. Do you think
centuries hence, millenniums hence, your principles and objects will
count in the truth which our race then will know? Why bar your plat-
form? If you are right, discussion will not shake your truth. If you
are right, you ought to be strong enough to hear a lecturer put views
you don’t agree with. I never dreamt that from this platform, identi-
fied with struggles for human liberty, a platform on which I have
stood with half the world against me, I never thought I should be
excluded from it by the barrier of objects already accepted; and while
I admit your right to do it, I sorely misdoubt the wisdom of the judg-
ment that so decides.
In bidding you farewell, I have no words save words of grat-
itude to say in this Hall; for well I know that for seventeen years I
have met with a kindness that has never changed, a loyalty that has
never broken, a courage that has always been ready to stand by me
and defend me. Without your help I had been crushed many a year
ago; without the love you gave me, my heart would have been bro-
ken many long years since. But not even for love of you, shall a gag
be placed upon my mouth; not even for your sake will I promise not
to speak of that which I know to be true. Although my knowledge
may be mistaken, it is knowledge to me. As long as I have it, I should
commit the worst treachery to truth and conscience if I allowed an-
yone to stand between my right to speak that which I believe I have
found to those who are willing to listen to me. And so, henceforth, I
must speak in other Halls than this; henceforth in this Hall – identi-
fied to me with so much of struggle, so much of pain, so much of the
strongest joy that anyone can know – after having tried to be faithful,
after having struggled to be true, henceforth in this Hall my voice
will not again be heard. To you, friends and comrades of so many
years, of whom I have spoken no harsh word since I left you, and of
whom through all the years to come no words save of gratitude shall
ever pass my lips – to you, friends and comrades, I must say farewell,
going out into a life that is shorn indeed of its friends, but has on it
that light of duty which is the polestar of every true conscience and
brave heart. I know – as far as human being can know – that Those
to Whom I have pledged my faith and service are true and pure and
great. I would not have left your platform had I not been compelled
but if I must be silent on what I know to be true, then I must take my
dismissal, and to you now, and for the rest of this life, to you I bid –
FAREWELL.
[As attempts are being made to misrepresent what is above
said, I add here that the above Farewell was meant, as was plainly
said, for the Hall of Science and its audience. In future, as since May,
1889, when joined the Theosophical Society, I shall speak to any
Branches of the National Secular Society, as I do to Spiritualists and
others with whom I disagree, so long as they do not claim a censor-
ship over what I say.]
After this period Mrs Besant would embark on a life of ener-
getic work for the Theosophical Society, visiting many countries,
writing many articles and books and establishing herself as a real
leader of the movement and a continuator of the work of the Found-
ers. She would go through a number of institutional crisis without
hesitating or doubting her ability to deal with them. Under her lead-
ership the Society would experience unprecedented growth and
influence and become a recognized force for change in the world.
But it would be in India that her skills, wisdom, courage and deter-
mination would place her at the centre of a renaissance movement, a
true awakening of the motherland, a spiritual spring, which in San-
skrit is called Vasant.
2
TO INDIAN THEOSOPHISTS
19 AVENUE RD., LONDON, N.W.,
October 21, 1892.
I fully admit that anyone who takes on the platform the po-
sition of public teacher of morality is rightly challenged for
explanation if anything arises that throws doubt on his probity and
purity; if he is not prepared to answer the challenge, he should re-
tire from the public position; he is bound in honor to declare what
he believes to be the real state of the case, and to leave the issue
clear . . . I am therefore ready to answer, ready to let the public
pass its verdict on me. Then I shall go on with my work, whatever
the verdict may be; for I have been condemned before by the pub-
lic and then have been as extravagantly praised. If now the wheel
has turned for another period of condemnation, I can work as con-
tentedly through it. Those who build on the rock of pure intention
may, from folly or ignorance, use poor materials in their building.
Who should be more glad than they if the fire burns these up, so
teaching more care for the future?
It had been planned that Mrs. Besant’s second Indian tour
should be on a much more restricted scale than the former: the Con-
vention lectures, a tour in the Punjab, visits to a few stations in the
North-West Province, a course in Calcutta, and a very short one at
Bombay. Her progress through the country provoked the same pop-
ular enthusiasm as had the first tour. Touching on the then crisis in
the Theosophical Society, she said:
‘In the year 1895, Dr. Besant and her colleague C.W.
Leadbeater, accompanied by Mr. Bertram Keightley, went for a short
holiday to Box Hill, Surrey. The holiday lasted from Friday, August
16, till Wednesday 21st. What happened during the trip was reported
at the time in a letter received by Miss F. Arundale in Benares. C.J.
[C. Jinarajadasa]
H. P. B., Col. Olcott and myself are now the persons assailed…
It is best that I remain at hand to deal with any specific accusations
that may be made. The plan adopted by the enemies of the Society
of gathering together accusations against prominent members,
keeping careful silence while the members are at hand, and launch-
ing the accusations publicly when they are on the other side of the
world, or are on the eve of departure, is not a very chivalrous or
honorable one; but we must take people as we find them . . . So I
have unpacked my boxes and settled down again to work here. I
am grieved to think of the disappointment that will be caused in
India by the cancelling of the arrangements. However, it is all one
work, whether in India or in England; and the duty of the faithful
servant is to be where the greatest stress happens to be at the mo-
ment …
For myself, I may say – as I see in many papers that I am going
to leave or have left the Theosophical Society – that since I joined
the Society in 1889, I have never had a moment’s regret for having
entered it; nay, that each year of membership has brought an ever-
deepening thankfulness and ever-increasing joy. I do not expect to
find perfection either in the outer Founders of the Theosophical
Society, or in its members, any more than they find it in myself,
and I can bear with their errors as I hope they can bear with mine.
But I can also feel gratitude to Col. Olcott for his twenty years of
brave and loyal service, and to H.P.B., for the giant’s work she did
against materialism, to say nothing of the personal debt to her that
I can never repay. Acceptance of the gift she poured out so freely
binds to her in changeless love and thankfulness all loyal souls she
served; and the gratitude I owe her grows as I know more and more
the value of the knowledge and the opportunities to which she
opened the way. Regret indeed there is for those who turn aside,
terrified by shadows, and so lose in this life the happiness they
might have had; but for them also shall the light dawn in the future,
and to them also shall other opportunities come.
MY DEAR FRIENDS,
I am told, on what ought to be good authority, that
there is a growing tendency in the Theosophical Society
in London to consider me as a sacrosanct personality, be-
yond and above criticism. Frankly, I cannot believe that
any claim so wild and preposterous is set up, or that many
know me so little as to imagine that, if it were set up, I
would meet it with anything but the uttermost condemna-
tion. Even a few people holding and acting on such a
theory would be a danger to the Society if any considera-
ble number held and acted on it, the Society would perish.
Liberty of opinion is the life-breath of the Society; the full-
est freedom in expressing opinions, the fullest freedom in
criticising opinions, are necessary for the preservation of
the growth and evolution of the Society. A ‘commanding
personality’ – to use the cant of the day – may in many
ways be of service to a movement, but in the Theosophical
Society the work of such a personality would be too dearly
purchased if it were bought by the surrender of individual
freedom of thought; and the Society would be safer if it
did not number such a personality among its members.
Over and over again I have emphasized this fact,
and have urged free criticism of all opinions, my own
among them. Like everybody else, I often make mistakes;
and it is a poor service to me to confirm me in those mis-
takes by abstaining from criticism. I would sooner never
write another word than have my words made into a gag
for other people’s thoughts. All my life I have followed
the practice of reading the harshest criticisms with a view
to utilise them, and I do not mean as I grow old to help the
growth of crystallization by evading the most rigorous
criticism. Moreover, anything that has been done through
me, not by me, for Theosophy would be outbalanced im-
measurably by making my crude knowledge a measure for
the thinking in the movement, and by turning me into an
obstacle of future progress. So I pray you, if you come
across any such absurd ideas, that you will resist them in
your own person and repudiate them on my behalf. No
greater disservice could be done to the Society or to me
than by allowing them to spread.
It is further alleged that a policy of ostracism is en-
forced against those who do not hold this view of me. I
cannot insult any member of the Society by believing that
he would initiate or endorse such a policy. It is obvious
that this would be an intolerable tyranny, to which no self-
respecting man would submit. I may say, in passing, that
in all selections for office in the movement, the sole con-
sideration should be the power of the candidate to serve
the Society, and not his opinion of any person: Colonel
Olcott, Mr. Sinnett, Mr. Mead or myself. We do not want
faction fights for party leaders, but a free choice of the best
man. Pardon me for troubling you with a formal repudia-
tion of a view that seems too absurd to merit denial; but,
as it is gravely put to me as a fact, I cannot ignore it. For
the Society, to me, is the object of my deepest love and
service; my life is given to it; it embodies my ideal of a
physical plane movement. And I would rather make my-
self ridiculous by tilting at a windmill such as I believe
this idea to be than run the smallest chance of leaving to
grow within the Society a form of personal idolatry which
would be fatal to its usefulness in the world. In the T. S.
there is no orthodoxy, there are no popes. It is a band of
students eager to learn the truth, and its well-being rests
on the maintenance of this ideal.
Sanātana Dharma:
Education through Timeless Values
1913 January 1st, transformed the Theosophist Office into Theo-
sophical Publishing House at Adyar; Entered Indian politics with the
clearly stated object of claiming Dominion Status for India within the Brit-
ish Commonwealth; Handed over Central Hindu College to become
nucleus of the Benares Hindu University; Started the Theosophical Edu-
cational Trust; September formed a small band, which later developed into
the Order of the Brothers of Service; Reorganized the German Section.
1914 January 2nd, started The Commonweal, a weekly journal of
national reform;
July 6th, re-elected President of the Theosophical Society; July
14th, started New India (daily newspaper) which lasted fifteen years and
revolutionized Indian journalism;
Started the Y.M.I.A. (Young Men’s Indian Association) and do-
nated Gokhale Hall (Madras) to be a centre of free speech.
1915 Wrote her famous summary of ‘What Does India Want?’;
Formed the Madras Parliament for parliamentary training and political
propaganda: Dec. 16th, inaugurated Adyar Arts League.
1916 Started the Home Rule League, which soon reoriented the
National Congress to a new vigour; Externed from the Bombay Presi-
dency; Started the Girls’ College, Benares.
1917 April 7th, founded the Order of the Brothers of Service;
May 8th, Women’s Indian Association organized in Adyar
under her Presidentship, from which grew the All-Indian Women’s Con-
ference at Poona in 1927, and the All-Asian Women’s Conference at
Lahore in 1931;
June — September, interned by the Government of Madras;
August, elected President of the Indian National Congress;
Dec. 26th, delivered her presidential address to the Congress,
later published as The Case for India; Started S.P.N.E. [Society for Pro-
motion of National Education] with a National University at Adyar under
the chancellorship of Rabindranath Tagore
1918 Organized the Indian Boy Scouts, which amalgamated with
the Baden-Powell Scouts in 1921.
1920 At the session of the Indian National Congress stood against
Mr Gandhi’s plan of non-co-operation — stood alone (with five others
supporting her) against shouting thousands, three brief years after being
a national hero and acclaimed by vast crowds.
*
* *
* * *
The necessity for such a movement is seen to be all the
greater when we cast our eyes over the world at the present time.
India is the one country that adds to the occult treasures hidden in
its Scriptures a continuous and unbroken tradition from archaic
times to the present, supporting the reality of occult truths. The
Sages who made her past so glorious and gave her the priceless
gift of her Shastras never left her wholly unguided; ever some dis-
ciples were among her children, and outside these there were the
exoteric beliefs and practices, by which a considerable number in
every generation re-verified the more easily proved of the state-
ments as to the unseen world. Now that all the world over
psychism is spreading, in America, Australasia and Europe, and
that statements of the most conflicting kind are being made by psy-
chics, each on his or her own independent authority, we are likely
to find the value of a long recorded experience endorsing the an-
cient statements of the giants of old. But in order that India may
play her part in spiritual evolution she must be able to meet the
West on equal terms as regards the knowledge of the physical
plane, and the education of her sons in nineteenth century lore
becomes important as increasing her influence as spiritual teacher.
We are threatened with a swirl of pseudo-occultism, of medieval
Rosicrucianism mixed up with misunderstood Hermeticism, and
such churned-in fragments of Fourth Race magic as their posses-
sors think too worthless to preserve the secrecy of their hidden
lodges, guarded by sterner initiations than frames debilitated by
luxurious western living are fit to face. In such times the teachings
of India now being popularized in the West may come as a healthy
wind blowing away miasmic fog, an may render clear the ancient
narrow way which Theosophy was sent by Indian Masters to re-
proclaim.
One part of our joint work, with other optimists, was the
starting of four classes in the city of Benares, in one of the houses
belonging to his family, two school classes and two college classes,
in which the effort was made to make the Hindu religion an integral
part of the education of Hindu boys. A tiny seed was sown, but it
grew to the Central College and School, and that into the Hindu Uni-
versity; for the Trustees – of whom we were two, gave over their
land, buildings and funds as a nucleus for that greater work. For
many years Mr Bhagavan Das was Secretary of the Managing Com-
mittee, and the success of the work was largely due to him.
The bond between us, growing out of a comradeship of many
years, will, I am sure, last through the change called death and will
bring us together in a future life.
ANNIE BESANT
In the January 1899 issue of Lucifer, the full prospectus for the
Central Hindu Colleges in Benares was published. The patron was
H. H. The Maharaja of Benares. The members of the Board of Trus-
tees were:
Justice Subramania Aier, Upendranath Basu, Mahamaho-
padhyaya Pandit Adityaram Bhattacharya, Annie Besant, Gyanendra
N. Chakravarti, Pandit Suraj Kaul, Bertram Keightley, Rai Baroda
K. Lahiri, Pandit Cheda Lal, Rai Pyari Lal, Rai Pramada Das Mitra
Bahadur, Kumar Narendranath Mitra, Colonel H. S. Olcott, Rai Ba-
hadur Kumar Parmanand, Raol Shri Harisinghji Rupasinghji, Kumar
Bharat Singh, with Govinda Das as Honorary Secretary.
The Managing Committee was composed of Upendranath
Basu, Jnaendranath Basu, Mahamahopadhyaya Pandit Adityaram
Bhattacharya, Annie Besant, Gyanendra N. Chakravarti, Bhagavan
Das, Govinda Das, Bertram Keightley, Pandit Cheda Lal, Kalicharan
Mitra.
Below is the preamble of the prospectus:
Educational Work
N. Sri Ram
‘It may well be that these (i.e. the schemes of the Mus-
lim University of Agakhan and Hindu University of
Malaviyaji) will be preferred to my scheme in which all reli-
gions of India were treated equally, and attempt was made to
unite instead of divide.’
In The Theosophist, May 1911, she alludes to an outside in-
fluence on the process: ‘The attacks made on myself by the party
which strove to wreck the T.S. on the passing of the President-
Founder wrought much harm to the College … from its inception the
College has been the child of the T.S.’
History of the Banaras Hindu University (p. 107) mentions
that Pandit Iqbal Narain Gurtu, who was then the Headmaster of the
CHC, visited a number of places enlisting support and collecting
funds for the amalgamation of the two schemes. Successful public
meetings were held with a good public response.
‘While Pandit I. N. Guru was organising these meetings, en-
listing the sympathy of the public in favour of the amalgamated
scheme, the controversy was still going on in the Press. At last, in
The Leader of 1st June 1911, Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya stated
his position in the following words:
“The question of amalgamation of Mrs Besant’s scheme of a
University of India and of a University of Benares is still under con-
sideration.” (op. cit., p.108)
‘The public did not like that the matter should be kept hang-
ing, and meetings were held at several places and resolutions passed
in favour of amalgamating the two original schemes and the CHC to
be the nucleus of the University.’ (op. cit., p.108)
‘On the10th July 1911, Pandit Malaviya came to Benares and
had an informal meeting with some members of the CHC Commit-
tee. He pointed out certain difficulties.... and proposed certain
alterations, which to those present seemed important.... He was ad-
vised by the CHC Committee to write to Mrs Besant’ who was in
Europe. Malaviyaji issued a statement on the same day which was
interpreted by different persons differently. (op. cit., pp. 107-08)
‘On 6 August 1911, at the usual half yearly meeting of the
Board of Trustees of the Central Hindu College, Malaviyaji was also
present and Mrs Besant’s letter of 11 April 1911 and modifications
due to certain difficulties raised by Malaviyaji were considered. The
Trustees expressed inability to accept the modifications proposed by
Malaviyaji without knowing the views of Besant. The Board passed
a tentative resolution mentioning its inability to take ‘any action in
regard to funds and properties of the institution but... was willing to
join hands with Mrs Besant end Malaviyaji... in promoting the es-
tablishment of the Hindu University at Benares of which the CHC
will be an integral part.’ (op. cit., p. 109)
‘Subsequently, Mrs Besant wrote to the Editor of the Luck-
now Advocate (date not given): “…after waiting since last April for
the amalgamation agreed upon between Malaviyaji and myself, I am
proceeding with the scheme as agreed to. I cannot throw aside the
scheme worked for several years, approved by the late Viceroy.”’
(op. cit., p.110)
Then Mrs Besant speaks of efforts made in England and dis-
cussions held with the highest officials to ‘change the name from the
University of India to the University of Benares necessitated by the
demand for a Muslim University .... I do not agree to drop my nearly
completed work, as the Hon. Pandit seems to expect.’ (op. cit., p.
110)
Mrs Besant returned to Benares from her European tour on
21 October 1911. On the same day, a meeting took place between
her and Malaviyaji. ‘All differences sank in the common aim which
promised so much for an awakened India.’ That evening she went to
the CHC along with Malaviyaji and those members of the Board of
Trustees of the CHC who could be present. There she announced
‘that the amalgamation of the three schemes for a university – those
of the Hon. Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya, the Hon. Maharaja Sir
Rameshwar Singh Bahadur of Darbhanga and her own – was an ac-
complished fact. Every heart rejoiced and the good news quickly
flew by wire all over the country.’ (op. cit., p. 193)
The next day, 22 October 1911, Mrs Besant, Malaviyaji, Ma-
haraja of Dharbhanga and four others met and signed a short
memorandum for a Hindu University with a governing body
consisting of representatives of the Hindu community, Mrs Besant
and representative trustees of the CHC. It also declared that the pe-
tition of Charter filed by Mrs Besant which was before the Secretary
of State for India will be withdrawn.
The 13th Annual Report of the CHC, published in December
1911, mentions that the Board of Trustees of the CHC met on 25 and
26 December 1911 at which meetings Mrs Besant formally informed
the members of the development that had taken place. She proposed
a resolution, which was passed. Mrs Besant, as President of the
CHC, said:
‘We are standing today with happiness and pride but with a
slight tincture of sorrow.... This college is OURS – is going largely
out of our hands, is passing into a wider life, and will yield loyalty
to other persons. The sorrow is that of a mother, glad that the son
is going out to do his work in the world.
‘Whether this be our last anniversary, whether we shall
gather here... I cannot say... It may be truly said that the CHC is
the foundation of that mighty university, which shall save for the
world the priceless Hindu Culture and shall use western thought.’
Though the CHC, ‘the fruits of all the years of labour and
self-sacrifice’, had been willingly surrendered to the Hindu Uni-
versity and was essential to its success, some of the university
authorities now entertained fears about the association of the uni-
versity with Mrs Besant. This was the climax to the antagonism
led by Dr Bhagavan Das... he went far along the same lines as did
Dr Steiner, when he suggested that members of the E.S. should be
excluded from all the offices of the T.S.... So bitter grew the oppo-
sition that Mrs Besant offered to resign as President of the Board
of Trustees.... The antagonism generated by Mr Arundale 's attach-
ment to J. Krishnamurti and his efforts to build up a group of young
men to help him when the time comes… he resigned his principal-
ship… many on the staff also resigned. Miss Arundale resigned
from the Girls School… Mrs Besant took steps to form a Theo-
sophical Educational Trust....
All through the year 1912, Babu Bhagavan Das wrote ve-
hemently against me, using the Indian Section magazine as a
weapon; then he poured accusations against me.... (When she went
to Benares) a great crowd of professors, masters and students came
to me, that Babu Bhagavan Das was circulating among them the
statement that I was mad, and begging me to take action.
6
Sources for this chapter include ‘Twenty Years of Work’, a compilation
by Basil Hodgson-Smith from the ‘Watch-Tower’ notes and ‘Supplement’ in
The Theosophist, from Lucifer and The Path, for the period between 1891 and 1911;
as well as others mentioned in the text.
The present King George, then Prince of Wales, visited, with
the Princess of Wales, the Central Hindu College at Benares in Jan-
uary or February. On the following morning the Princess sent for
Mrs. Besant to write in her private autograph book; Mrs. Besant re-
quested that a photo of the King be placed in the College Hall. Mrs.
Besant and others were honored with invitations to the royal recep-
tion. ‘Lotus’ writes in The Theosophical Review:
Again, he wrote:
In her next letter, dated from Sydney, July 7th, she says:
One could but wish that the train was more comfortable, and
that more than one small foot-warmer might be granted to three
shivering people. The train service is very antiquated, and the roll-
ing stock the worst I have encountered in my journeys over the
world. Among all the reform movements of N.Z., a corner might
surely be found for a reform in railway accommodation.
After a fortnight’s strenuous work, there was a less stormy
voyage to Tasmania, where Hobart and Launceston Lodges
received visits, with Lodge meetings, public lectures and inter-
views. Then back to Melbourne, and on across the southern coast
to Fremantle.
She writes:
April saw her once more in Bombay, where she held a meet-
ing of ‘The Daughters of India’. The President writes:
The last work of the day was a Lodge meeting in the new
Hall; and I was happy to congratulate the members on the services
they are rendering to the town. In addition to the two institutions
noted above, religious examinations are held annually for Hindu
boys, on the initiative of our members.
The morning of the 25th found us in Calcutta in the Garden
House of our ever-hospitable brother, Hirendranath Datta. Two
lectures were given to immense audiences and other work was
done, ere the train of the 27th carried us away to Madras. Here I
went to visit the Rama Krishna Students’ Home at Mylapore, on
March 9th, and found it to be a very useful and well conducted
institution. I also attended the Annual Meeting of the Madras So-
ciety for the Protection of Children, held at Government House,
His Excellency the Governor was in the chair. The Society is in its
infancy, but has begun its work on useful and well-chosen lines. It
has opened a Home for destitute children. I was invited to join the
Committee, but felt that I could not give the time which alone
would justify the acceptance of so responsible an offer; so I con-
tented myself with becoming a member.
There is a terrible evil existing in southern India – it may
exist elsewhere, but I have met it only here – the dedicating of little
girls to certain temples, a euphemism for saying that they are given
to a life of prostitution. This abomination can be dealt with best by
Hindus, as its mingling with religious rites makes it difficult to at-
tack without rousing religious antagonism. I know that the retort
to this condemnation may be, ‘At least we do not throw our pros-
titutes on the public streets and leave them to starve, as you English
do’. That is true. But ill-behavior in England does not excuse ill-
behavior here, although it should make us modest in our disap-
proval of our neighbor.
We have been having a remarkably successful series of six
popular lectures at Headquarters, the audiences growing with each
lecture, till the large Hall was crowded. The series was issued af-
terwards under the title Popular Lectures on Theosophy.
Our visit here was of only two days, but two lectures were
given to very interested audiences, and a number of Burmans at-
tended the second lecture on ‘The Noble Eightfold Path’, and
seemed to enjoy it. It was pleasant to see their kindly faces break
into smiles when some point was made that strongly impressed
them. We left Moulmein for Rangoon, where the lectures on ‘Zo-
roastrianism’ and ‘Islam’ were well attended. On the 30th we had
a Lodge meeting and an address on ‘Temperance’. Alas, that such
an address should be needed in Buddhist Burma! We also visited
a school for Buddhist girls, maintained for the last sixteen years by
Ma Hla Sung, a wealthy Buddhist lady. She is not, unfortunately,
supported in her good work by her co-religionists, and deserves
the more credit in that she stands alone. She also maintains a
school for Buddhist boys.
Krishna Dasa
S. Rangaswami Aiyangar, B. A.
Editor, The Hindu, Madras
… Mrs. Besant left England for India in 1893. Her first visit to
Madras was about December of that year. Since then I have had
unique opportunities of studying Dr. Besant’s activities and her
work for the uplift of India – opportunities which, I am proud to say,
not many even among the multitude of her Theosophic followers
can claim to have had. My work as a journalist brought me into con-
tact with Dr. Besant’s many-sided activities at many points and in a
great many centres. Life in India in all fields has begun to pulsate
with new aspirations and ideals, with the advent of Dr. Besant as
one of the most dominating personalities, even if she is not to be
reckoned as the main spring in all Indian activities. Armed with the
master-key to all esoteric and exoteric knowledge relating to Indian
thought and life, everywhere she found the treasures of Indian Wis-
dom open to her as the pages of a printed book to read and to
expound the basic principles underlying them all. She staggered
Indian leaders with the profundity and depth of her knowledge and
grasp of their religious beliefs and philosophical tenets. Proud as
Indians are, brought up in the traditions of their enlightened ortho-
doxy, which in matters of philosophy and religion gave them liberty
of thought almost amounting to liberty of free thought, they flocked
to listen to Mrs. Besant’s exposition of their philosophy and reli-
gion. It is unthinkable that she could have virtually walked into the
Wisdom-Treasures of the East as she has done, without her equip-
ment, which can only be explained by the doctrines of Karma and
Reincarnation.
Within a year of her arrival in India she came to be acknowl-
edged as the one soul possessing the necessary previous
preparation, equipment and the all-absorbing passion to lead India
back to her days of pristine purity in religion, philosophy and social
practices. Her admiration for the past of this land, her love for its
Ancient Wisdom and historical traditions, and social and religious
ideals, are born of an unerring insight and grasp of the fundamental
and universal principles on which they are based. India has found
no one critic more loving to her best points and more fearless in the
exposure of centuries of evils which have gathered around her pris-
tine foundations than Dr. Besant. Twenty years of unceasing
activities to rid the religious beliefs and social practices of Hindu
India of encrustations and impurities of centuries had endeared her
to the heart of the millions of the grateful people of this
land, when she felt the urgent call and turned her attention
of political work, which has come to be looked upon as the prin-
cipal road to India’s goal of emancipation in all spheres of her
existence. During her career as a social and religious reformer she
had traversed the length and breadth of India scores of times return-
ing every year to England, the fountainhead of all her energy. In
these tours and travels, she acquired an intimate knowledge of
Hindu Society of all grades and made her way into the heart of real
India, where her loving services and sacrifices will have an enduring
place for centuries. This is by no means the language of exaggera-
tion. As in the cause of Hindu religion so in the cause of Indian
politics, she has rendered incalculable service to the people of this
land and to the solidarity and permanence of British rule which she
has, through good repute and ill repute, striven to convert into a Na-
tional Government. Her unbounded love for India and her absorbing
passion to link her future for ever and ever with the British Empire,
had led to her motives being misunderstood and misrepresented by
narrow-minded Imperialists and Extremists, both in this country
and in England. But she has never allowed herself to be deflected
from what she considered to be the sure and safe path to the goal of
India’s Self-Government or Dominion Status, as an integral part of
the British Empire, a part which gives the only claim to Great Brit-
ain’s Imperial status. Whatever the judgment of ill-informed and
prejudiced critics, those that have followed Dr. Besant’s Indian ca-
reer for the best part of over a third of a century have no doubt as
to the large place which she has already won for herself in the heart
of the masses of India, by reason of her disinterested and genuine
constructive work for her uplift in the religious, political, social and
economic spheres.
When the history of India for the British Period comes to be writ-
ten, even if the historian happens to be unfriendly, he cannot but
recognise the large part which Mrs. Besant has played in shap-
ing India’s destinies at a critical period in the history of the British
Empire and in binding her to the British Commonwealth with the
silken ties of love of Freedom and Constitutional agitation for the
achievement to her goal of Self-Government as an important Mem-
ber of that Commonwealth. In no part of the world can the Jubilee
of Mrs. Besant’s fifty years of the most fruitful and the most selfless
work be celebrated today with greater thankfulness and appreciation
than in India, which she has made her Motherland, and the Hindu
religion her life’s inspiration. If love and service are passports to the
heart of the people, no one can say with greater justification than
Mrs. Besant, adapting the words of The Upanishads: “I am she (In-
dia), and she is myself.”
So thorough has been the identity and so complete the merging.
The prayers and the sincerest blessings of a grateful people will go
forth today to the Ordainer of all gifts that Dr. Besant may be spared
for many a long year to continue her devoted and disinterested work
for this land, which is her Motherland as much as it is for every loyal
Hindu.
The next striking feature of her life is her wonderful energy. She
has gone round the civilised world, not once but thrice within my
living memory, travelling from continent to continent and from
country to country, writing and speaking with matchless eloquence
and consummate wisdom, illuminating and inspiring wherever she
went. Everywhere she has fired people with her own zeal and
enthusiasm, ever tireless and energetic, proclaiming her divine mis-
sion and bringing men and women ever nearer to realities of life. In
1909, when she was touring in the United States of America, con-
tinuously for two months travelling by night and working by day,
the late Mr. W. T. Stead, her staunch friend and admirer, wrote in
his Review of Reviews that “she is sleeping in railway cars and living
on public platforms”. Years have since passed away, and yet even
to this day, in 1924, we read in English papers that at this age of
seventy-seven, she is working with an energy and intensity which
even younger workers can never aspire to reach. In her presence,
when we are face to face with the shining splendor of her body and
soul-fire, we feel that fatigue, illness, old age, and death are fig-
ments created by man’s faulty imagination.
It is this intense and energetic life of hers, which she has devoted
to the cause of Indian Freedom, the Freedom of the “Motherland of
my Master,” as she often says. It is, as she says, her last piece of
work for this life, and which it is her privilege to be allowed to do.
One has only to observe the intense life that she has poured into the
field of Indian politics, since she entered it ten years ago, to be con-
vinced of the truth of what I say. How she started The Commonweal
and New India with “For God, Crown, and Country,” as their motto
in 1914 ; how fearlessly she advocated the cause of Indian Freedom
through their columns; how she rallied together all the divergent el-
ements in the Congress camp of Hindus and Muhammadans, and of
Moderates and Nationalists; how she started the Home Rule Move-
ment and made it a watch-word in every home in town and hamlet,
and set the country from one end to another throbbing and pulsating
with the one idea of Home Rule; how the reactionary Government
interned her along with her two associates; how the internment at-
tracted the gaze of the whole civilised world to the Indian affairs
and brought its influence, especially that of the United States of
America, in the British Government, because of the historical letter
of Dr. S. Subramania Iyer to President Wilson; how that led to the
famous Declaration of August 20, 1917, and to the visit of Mr. Mon-
tagu to India and to the passing of the present Government of India
Act—all this is a matter of history, within the living memory of the
present generation. All this history is a history of appreciation of her
services by the sons of the Motherland. Then a change, and an un-
pleasant change, came—days of stress and trial for the leaders and
masses of India. Reactionary forces in Indian Bureaucracy brought
this disaster. The Panjab (sic) Tragedy and the Rowlatt Act were the
manifestations of these reactionary forces. They shook the land
from one end to the other. Mr. Gandhi proclaimed Non-Cooperation
with Government. Mrs. Besant clearly saw that the time to inspire
the people was over. Now was the time to control them. But none
would heed her counsel of discretion and self-control and Constitu-
tional methods of work. The leaders and masses judged her by the
standards of her reactionary countrymen, with whom she had noth-
ing in common except the color of the skin. They forgot their long-
tried friend. They yelled at her; tried to gag her in their National
Congress and on public platforms; tried to hound her out of the field
of politics. But hers was a heart warm with Supreme Love, which
no amount of hatred, ridicule, jeering or distrust could embitter. She
saw in all that rage and gagging a demand for the payment of a debt
for her white skin, and she silently and joyfully paid it. But she did
not lower down her flag, she did not budge even an inch from her
outlined path. She did not compromise; nor did she give a period of
trial to Mr. Gandhi’s plan and methods, as was done by Swarajists,
which was supposed to be a great feat of strategic retreat and patri-
otism. She gave a bold and resistant tough fight to Mr. Gandhi’s
views and methods of work through her papers. She rallied round
her flag National Home Rulers and Progressive Liberals who were
willing to work the Reforms for what they were worth; started the
Reforms Conferences and, lastly, the National Conference move-
ment, which developed ultimately into the NATIONAL
CONVENTION, the only method of constructive politics, and is now
working might and main for her Motherland with the aid of her whi-
lom friends and companions of the Labor Party in England, and she
is bound to work on till she succeeds in delivering her Motherland
from the bondage of a dependency and raising Her to the status of
full Dominion Home Rule.
I have called her an UNIQUE WORLD FIGURE, and verily she is
so. Four are the principal spheres of man’s life’s activities, corre-
sponding to his four constituent vehicles, the body, the desire, the
mind, and the spirit. These four spheres are Politics, Social Reform,
Education and Religion; and, again, they subdivide into two in each
sphere, i.e., one of a thinker, a writer, a philosopher and another of
a propagandist. I challenge any one of your readers to point out to
me a single instance on record in any book of living or ancient his-
tory or mythology of a personage who worked in all these four
spheres of human life, both as a thinker and a propagandist in the
span of a single physical life in this world. And yet we see this
unique wonder, wrought by this Great Lady, apparently putting on
the veil of an English body in the present, but who is really a trav-
elling ancient pilgrim both of the West and the East, and who is
really the choicest tribute of Mother Earth.
At the feet of such an One I place this humble Flower of Love in
silent and utter reverence.
W. L. Chiplunkar
High Court Vakil [Lawyer or Solicitor], Akola
The rich and wonderful life of Dr. Besant is a theme which may
be treated in different aspects. The present writer is content to dwell
a little on that big subject so far as he knows it from personal
knowledge. Her marvellous capacity for work is a phenomenon
which amazes one. She sits at her desk, writing page after page with-
out break for hours together, apparently without being tired, corrects
proofs with scrupulous precision, revises manuscripts in a way
which the most conscientious of subs. does not do, works away at
correspondence which does not seem to have any end, delivers her
prescribed lecture with her marked eloquence, performs other duties
in clock-like fashion, and goes to her well-merited rest apparently
with the one regret of her life that the day is not longer than it is. You
simply cannot overtake her. This tireless energy is due to her regular
habits, simple food, the spirit of hopefulness which never deserts,
her incurable optimism and enduring faith in a better future which
inspire her work. Her equable nature and equanimity of temper ena-
ble her to withstand those fierce blasts of opposition which are the
daily lot of a fighter, and it is remarkable how she adheres to the
opinions she holds in the face of obloquy and unpopularity. She
thrives on opposition which only whets her appetite, making her
more determined than ever to achieve her purpose. Praise is wel-
come, but blame makes her put redoubled energy into her work. The
Home Rule campaign and the NATIONAL CONVENTION movement
stand as monuments in the political field to her unrivalled organising
ability, her capacity to impart enthusiasm to those around her, her
unique power of mobilising scattered forces, fixing ideas in the pop-
ular mind by advertisement and iteration. Dr. Besant is ever open to
new ideas, the mind is alert, the intellect clear, the brain ever active.
The will to conquer, combined with abundant self-confidence, drives
away diffidence, doubt and despair. Of her earnestness, sincerity,
unselfishness and love of India all the world knows, and her great
gifts of oratory, intellect and the like have ever been freely and un-
reservedly placed at the disposal of India, which has benefited
appreciably in her unequal fight for Freedom. One is surprised that,
with such a hopeful outlook on life, she scarcely laughs; an explana-
tion which has been suggested is that she has no time for it.
She loves her paper, is never weary of looking after it. Does the
affection of a parent change with the changing health of the child?
When it reached the acme of popularity it drew the same loving re-
gard from her as it does now when the line is curving down. It is not
a newspaper in the strict sense of the term; it is mainly a propagandist
organ devoted to the achievement of Indian Home Rule. It is a study
to see her at the Office. She writes with her pencil—a bundle is al-
ways ready for use—in clear, rounded letters, in a hand which is
marvellously steady. She never dictates, rarely makes any change in
what she writes. It is sometimes said that Dr. Besant is a nominal
Editor. That is a stupendous mistake. A whole time Editor with no
other work to do cannot do a fourth of what she does. Her regular
hours, her care in preparing matter for the press, her punctilious re-
gard to punctuation and language, her fairness to admit mistakes, her
close attention to the hundred details which a real editor has to attend
to, all these are striking object-lessons to an young aspirant for a high
position in the journalistic world.
V. S. Ramaswami Sastri
Assistant Editor, New India
Fifty years have brought in their train their failures and successes,
their aspirations and achievements to Dr. Besant and to the causes
which she has represented and stood for. It was my privilege to be
associated for some years with the political work of this remarkable
personality, and it is with great alacrity, therefore, that I have com-
plied with the invitation to say a few, words about her and her work
on the occasion of the Jubilee of her entrance into public life.
Five years before I was born she had commenced her work on The
National Reformer, and, in the nature of things, it is impossible for
me to speak, save by hearsay and on the basis of materials furnished
by herself in her Autobiography, of the early years of her strivings
and accomplishments. In her doubts as in her certainties, Dr. Besant
has ever been firm and strong, and her long life has been one daunt-
less search for Truth regardless of consequences. The wife of a
clergyman who gave up her creed, rather than follow the dictates of
convention and conformity, it was ever the case that, in her own
words, “in the worst crisis of blinding agony my will clung fast to
Truth”. An ultimate verity also is enshrined in the following sen-
tence, the outer significance of which many will concede but the
implications of which few dare follow out: “It is true now,” she says
in her life of herself, “that he who loves father or mother better than
Truth is not worthy of her and the flint-strewed path of honesty is
the way to light and peace.” From a survey of her many-sided life it
must not be inferred that hers was that facile temperament which ex-
changes one opinion for another and clings with obstinacy to the
latest view. She had learnt from her comrade and co-worker, Charles
Bradlaugh, not to form a final opinion on a subject until she had tried
to study the strongest things said against the view to which she was
inclined. So, in those early days of the preaching of atheism and the
flouting of self-satisfied orthodoxies in the Knowlton pamphlet, as
in the later years of Socialism and in the still later days when she
claimed to have reached peace in the religious sense, it was always
the case that she was tolerant of contradiction and, in the language
of Charles Bradlaugh, again, she was her own judge, always scruti-
nising her own speeches and criticising them, gladly reading abuse
of herself and seeing what grains of truth there were in it.
Not sharing her religious beliefs and not being acquainted, save as
an outsider, with the organisation or the tenets of Theosophy, it is
impossible for me to speak with any authority of what has been, with
one exception, the most significant part of her career. But I do know
this: That it is due to Annie Besant that the Indian began increasingly
to feel that sense of self-respect in matters of religion and culture
which, during the early years of the English contact with this coun-
try, had been much to seek. Ignorant and prejudiced criticisms of
superficial observers and a partial survey of the Indian History had
led to this astounding result that it was possible for Macaulay to as-
sert that there was more truth and consolation to be derived from a
single English book than from all the literature of the East. A more
astounding fact was that for about fifty years, educated Indians hung
down their heads as if in shame at their own culture and their own
past, and accepted superior patronising criticisms and a camel-like
superciliousness on the part of uninstructed critics as their due. If
today the Indian feels proud of his past and confident of his future,
if he realises that his country is an entity in the procession of the
Nations, these beliefs were cherished and fostered by persons like
Col. Olcott and, later, by Mrs. Besant who popularised the Indian
scriptures, and, let us admit frankly, made us acquainted with our
own heritage. That work has been elaborated and perfected by Indian
and European scholars and writers, until today there is a reaction
and, indeed, a danger of hostility to the reception of foreign ideas.
But if to one person more than another must be attributed the begin-
nings of that feeling of true patriotism, not many will hesitate before
mentioning the name of Mrs. Besant.
Side by side with her religious work was that great and secular
struggle on behalf of labor and against oppression —a struggle in
which some of the most prominent leaders of the present Labor
Movement were her co-workers like Stead, Messrs. Burrows, Ber-
nard Shaw and Webbs, and many more were her followers and
disciples. Against hard landlords, against the farmers of children, in
favor of the dockers, against the producers of cheap and sweated
goods, in defence of the Match girls, she fought, and undoubtedly
was the pioneer of the Movement which has borne on its tide Labor
ideals until today Labor governs the most conservative country in
the world. All this, as I have already said, is a matter of history.
But let me add a few words of tribute in regard to the political
movement in which Dr. Besant and myself were associated for a few
years.
It was as her opponent that I met her. I conducted against her a
very important case concerning the guardianship of two young per-
sons who had been entrusted to her by their father and whom the
father desired to take back from her. It was, in many ways, a hard
and pitiless fight; but after that fight and, curiously, by reason of it,
we became friends, and soon after the termination of the case, which
she lost in the Indian Courts and only won before the Judicial Com-
mittee of the Privy Council, she did me the honor to invite me to join
her in the big political agitation which she was contemplating. The
history of the Home Rule Movement, its many troubles and travails,
the misunderstandings to which it was exposed, the internment of
Mrs. Besant, the subsequent recognition of her real loyalty to the
Empire and its underlying ideals, the embassy of Mr. Montagu and
Lord Chelmsford, which was almost the direct result of her labors,
the formulation of the Reform Act and the inauguration of an exper-
iment which is inevitably bound, if Indians unite practical wisdom
with the pursuit of ideals, to make of India a co-equal partner in the
great Commonwealth of Nations known as the British Empire, these
are writ large in the history of later India. Ranadé was a great helper;
Mehta, a firm and dominating ruler; Gokhale, a wise counsellor,
Gandhi, in certain phases of his activities, an inspirer of multitudes;
but for patient, steady work, apparently humdrum in character but
essentially regenerative, none has outpaced Dr. Besant in the field of
Indian political activity. Failures did not daunt her, invective never
turned her aside; by writing and by speech in her newspapers and on
the public platforms, she exhorted, she rallied, and thanks to her in-
domitable constitution, the hours of her work were almost the hours
of the day and night. And so she organised associations, she went
from Panjab (sic) to Madras and from Bengal to Sindh, and she laid
the foundations of that mass movement which has afterwards grown
in demonstrativeness, but has never been really so strong and so
well-knit as in the years 1916-19, when England was convinced of
the reality of the political demand. A missionary zeal and a confident
faith in the future and patient work to realise her ideals—these were
her watchwords and are the lessons of her life.
Public memories are short and political fashions vary from hour
to hour. The idol of the multitude today is the forgotten worthy of
tomorrow. It may be that the exact line of advance chalked out by
Dr. Besant may not command popular acceptance; but among the
makers of modern India, she will maintain a secure place by reason
of her educational endeavors, her labors in connection with the Be-
nares Hindu University and the Madanapalle College, her
inauguration of the indigenous Scout Movement, her generous ben-
efactions designed to produce and encourage corporate life, her
whole-hearted assimilation of Indian ideals and her strenuous labors
in many spheres, social, educational and political, for the uplift of
the country of her adoption.
The Hon. Mr. C. P. Ramaswami Aiyar, C. I. E.
The Law Member, Government of Madras
Theo. Scarcely. But I must tell you that during the last quarter
of every hundred years an attempt is made by those “Masters,” of
whom I have spoken, to help on the spiritual progress of Humanity
in a marked and definite way. Towards the close of each century
you will invariably find that an outpouring or upheaval of
spirituality — or call it mysticism if you prefer — has taken place.
Some one or more persons have appeared in the world as their
agents, and a greater or less amount of occult knowledge and
teaching has been given out. If you care to do so, you can trace
these movements back, century by century, as far as our detailed
historical records extend.
Enq. But how does this bear on the future of the Theosophical
Society?
Theo. If the present attempt, in the form of our Society, succeeds
better than its predecessors have done, then it will be in existence
as an organized, living and healthy body when the time comes for
the effort of the XXth century. The general condition of men’s
minds and hearts will have been improved and purified by the
spread of its teachings, and, as I have said, their prejudices and
dogmatic illusions will have been, to some extent at least,
removed. Not only so, but besides a large and accessible literature
ready to men’s hands, the next impulse will find a numerous
and united body of people ready to welcome the new torch-bearer
of Truth. He will find the minds of men prepared for his message,
a language ready for him in which to clothe the new truths he
brings, an organization awaiting his arrival, which will remove the
merely mechanical, material obstacles and difficulties from his
path. Think how much one, to whom such an opportunity is given,
could accomplish. Measure it by comparison with what the
Theosophical Society actually has achieved in the last fourteen
years, without any of these advantages and surrounded by hosts of
hindrances which would not hamper the new leader. Consider all
this, and then tell me whether I am too sanguine when I say that if
the Theosophical Society survives and lives true to its mission, to
its original impulses through the next hundred years — tell me, I
say, if I go too far in asserting that earth will be a heaven in the
twenty-first century in comparison with what it is now!
(https://www.theosociety.org/pasadena/key/key-conc.htm)
(January 3, 1910)
My dear Charles,
Many thanks for yours of Dec. 30th and 31st. You will have
had mine about the rooms, and that is arranged. Mrs. Lübke moves
over on her return. I told Naraniah exactly what you now say, that
this ceremony was the last the boys would be allowed to attend,
and that this was only for the sake of the weaker brethren.
I am very happy about Krishna, and am sorry I am of so
little use, though I am doing the little I can. But I am happy that he
is in such strong and loving hands as yours. I should not be sur-
prised if the initiation followed very quietly, perhaps on the 11th.
7
Lutyens, Mary, Krishnamurti – Years of Awakening, John Murray, London,
1975, p. 86.
called out to us, ‘Oh, why didn’t you send me out here before?’
Then came a brief silence.
And now he began to chant. Nothing had passed his lips for
nearly three days and his body was utterly exhausted with the in-
tense strain, and it was a quiet weary voice we heard chanting the
mantram sung every night at Adyar in the Shrine Room. Then si-
lence.
Long ago in Taormina, as Krishna had looked with medita-
tive eyes upon a beautiful painting of our Lord Gautama in
mendicant garb, we had felt for a blissful moment the divine pres-
ence of the Great One, who had deigned to send a thought. And
again this night, as Krishna, under the young pepper tree, finished
his song of adoration, I thought of the Tathagata [the Buddha] un-
der the Bo tree, and again I felt pervading the peaceful valley a
wave of that splendour, as if again He had sent a blessing upon
Krishna.
We sat with eyes fixed upon the tree, wondering if all was
well, for now there was perfect silence, and as we looked I saw
suddenly for a moment a great Star shining above the tree, and I
knew that Krishna’s body was being prepared for the Great One. I
leaned across and told Mr Warrington of the Star.
The place seemed to be filled with a Great Presence and a
great longing came upon me to go on my knees and adore, for I
knew that the Great Lord of all our hearts had come Himself; and
though we saw Him not, yet all felt the splendour of His presence.
Then the eyes of Rosalind were opened and she saw. Her face
changed as I have seen no face change, for she was blessed enough
to see with physical eyes the glories of that night. Her face was
transfigured, as she said to us, ‘Do you see Him, do you see Him?’
for she saw the divine Bodhisattva [the Lord Maitreya] and mil-
lions wait for incarnations to catch such glimpse of our Lord, but
she had eyes of innocence and had served our Lord faithfully. And
we who could not see saw the Splendours of the night mirrored in
her face pale with rapture in the starlight. Never shall I forget the
look on her face, for presently I who could not see but who gloried
in the presence of our Lord felt that He turned towards us and
spoke some words to Rosalind; her face shone with divine ecstasy
as she answered, ‘I will, I will,’ and she spoke the words as if they
were a promise given with splendid joy. Never shall I forget her
face when I looked at her; even I was almost blessed with vision.
Her face showed the rapture of her heart, for the innermost part of
her being was ablaze with His presence but her eyes saw. And si-
lently I prayed that He might accept me as His servant and all our
hearts were full of that prayer. In the distance we heard divine mu-
sic softly played, all of us heard though hidden from us were the
Gandharvas.8
The following is Krishna’s own account:
Ever since I left Australia I have been thinking and delib-
erating about the message which the Master K.H. gave me while
I was there. I naturally wanted to achieve those orders as soon as
I could, and I was to a certain extent uncertain as to the best
method of attaining the ideals which were put before me. I do not
think a day passed without spending some thought over it, but I
am ashamed to say all this was done most casually and rather care-
lessly. But at the back of my mind the message of the Master ever
dwelt.
Well, since August 3rd, I meditated regularly for about
thirty minutes every morning. I could, to my astonishment, con-
centrate with considerable ease, and within a few days I began to
see clearly where I had failed and where I was failing. Immediately
I set about, consciously, to annihilate the wrong accumulations of
the past years. With the same deliberation I set about to find out
8
J. Krishnamurti’ Process – Probing the Mystery by R. E. Mark Lee, Edwin
House Publishing, Ojai, California, 2020, p. 22. Reproduced by kind permission
of the author.
ways and means to achieve my aim. First I realized that I had to
harmonize all my other bodies with the Buddhic plane [the highest
plane of consciousness] and to bring about this happy combination
I had to find out what my ego wanted on the Buddhic plane. To
harmonize the various bodies I had to keep them vibrating at the
same rate as the Buddhic, and to do this I had to find out what was
the vital interest of the Buddhic. With ease which rather astonished
me I found the main interest on that high plane was to serve the
Lord Maitreya and the Masters. With that idea clear in my physical
mind I had to direct and control the other bodies to act and to think
the same as on the noble and spiritual plane. During that period of
less than three weeks, I concentrated to keep in mind the image of
the Lord Maitreya throughout the entire day, and I found no diffi-
culty in doing this. I found that I was getting calmer and more
serene. My whole outlook on life was changed.
Then, on the 17th August, I felt acute pain at the nape of my neck
and I had to cut down my meditation to fifteen minutes. The pain
instead of getting better as I had hoped grew worse. The climax
was reached on the 9th. I could not think, nor was I able to do
anything, and I was forced by friends here to retire to bed. Then I
became almost unconscious, though I was well aware of what was
happening around me. I came to myself at about noon each day.
On the first day while I was in that state and more conscious of the
things around me, I had the first most extraordinary experience.
There was a man mending the road; that man was myself; the pick-
axe he held was myself; the very stone which he was breaking up
was a part of me; the tender blade of grass was my very being, and
the tree beside the man was myself. I almost could feel and think
like the roadmender, and I could feel the wind passing through the
tree, and the little ant on the blade of grass I could feel. The birds,
the dust, and the very noise were a part of me. Just then there was
a car passing by at some distance; I was the driver, the engine, and
the tyres; as the car went further away from me, I was going away
from myself. I was in everything, or rather everything was in me,
inanimate and animate, the mountain, the worm, and all breathing
things. All day long I remained in this happy condition. I could not
eat anything, and again at about six I began to lose my physical
body, and naturally the physical elemental did what it liked; I was
semi-conscious.
The morning of the next day (the 20th) was almost the same as
the previous day, and I could not tolerate too many people in the
room. I could feel them in rather a curious way and their vibrations
got on my nerves. That evening at about the same hour of six I felt
worse than ever. I wanted nobody near me nor anybody to touch
me. I was feeling extremely tired and weak. I think I was weeping
from mere exhaustion and lack of physical control. My head was
pretty bad and the top part felt as though many needles were being
driven in. While I was in this state I felt that the bed in which I was
lying, the same one as on the previous day, was dirty and filthy
beyond imagination and I could not lie in it. Suddenly I found my-
self sitting on the floor and Nitya and Rosalind asking me to get
into bed. I asked them not to touch me and cried out that the bed
was not clean. I went on like this for some time till eventually I
wandered out on the verandah and sat a few moments exhausted
and slightly calmer. I began to come to myself and finally Mr War-
rington asked me to go under the pepper tree which is near the
house. There I sat cross-legged in the meditation posture. When I
had sat thus for some time, I felt myself going out of my body, I
saw myself sitting down with the delicate tender leaves of the tree
over me. I was facing the east. In front of me was my body and
over my head I saw the Star, bright and clear. Then I could feel the
vibrations of the Lord Buddha; I beheld Lord Maitreya and Master
K.H. I was so happy, calm and at peace. I could still see my body
and I was hovering near it. There was such profound calmness both
in the air and within myself, the calmness of the bottom of a deep
unfathomable lake. Like the lake, I felt my physical body, with its
mind and emotions, could be ruffled on the surface but nothing,
nay nothing, could disturb the calmness of my soul. The Presence
of the mighty Beings was with me for some time and then They
were gone. I was supremely happy, for I had seen. Nothing could
ever be the same. I have drunk at the clear and pure waters at the
source of the fountain of life and my thirst was appeased. Never
more could I be thirsty, never more could I be in utter darkness. I
have seen the Light. I have touched compassion which heals all
sorrow and suffering; it is not for myself, but for the world. I have
stood on the mountain top and gazed at the mighty Beings. Never
can I be in utter darkness; I have seen the glorious and healing
Light. The fountain of Truth has been revealed to me and the dark-
ness has been dispersed. Love in all its glory has intoxicated my
heart; my heart can never be closed. I have drunk at the fountain
of Joy and eternal Beauty. I am God-intoxicated.9
In a note, Annie Besant writes about the purpose of Krish-
naji’s first tour in the United States in 1923:
He will go from New York to Chicago, accompanied by Dr.
Annie Besant, President of the Theosophical Society, Mr. L.W.
Rogers, General Secretary of the T.S. in the United States, and oth-
ers, including Mr. D. Rajagopal Acharya, the General Secretary of
the Order of the Star in the East. There will be a large gathering of
the members of the Order in Chicago, over which he will preside,
and both he and Dr. Annie Besant will address members of the
Theosophical Society and the Star at the Annual Convention of the
former. His message and his work are aimed at the reconstitution
of human society on foundations which will form a basis for
widely spread and enduring happiness, enduring because based on
intellectual and moral possessions by each citizen, possessions
9
J. Krishnamurti’ Process – Probing the Mystery by R. E. Mark Lee, Edwin
House Publishing, Ojai, California, 2020, p. 22. Reproduced by kind permission
of the author.
which are not exhausted but increased by sharing, being gained not
by struggling against others for material wealth, which perishes in
the using, but by self-discipline, self-control, the minimising rather
than the multiplication of bodily wants, the seeking of beauty, such
as Nature flings broadcast on all to enjoy without cost or monop-
oly, but only to be enjoyed to the full by self-culture, by developing
the power of keen delight in color, form, harmony, an education of
the senses, the emotions and the mind which makes beautiful mu-
sic afford an intense pleasure which does not lead to satiety or
weariness, but refines and uplifts. He will call on the rich to aban-
don luxury and display which are essentially vulgar and
coarsening, to simplify their life, setting an example of beauty, and
using wealth for establishing centres of beauty and culture open
freely to all, encouraging artists to make the common life beautiful
in well-planned, well-decorated cities as in Egypt, in India, in
Greece, and to a less extent in medieval times. Krishnaji aims at
inspiring men and women to reconstruct their world, and to sub-
stitute grace for show in daily life. He aims at comradeship which
is made possible by wider and deeper education, by mutual con-
sideration and courtesy, by avoidance of hurry, in calmness and
charity. For manners are not idle, but the fruit of loyal and of noble
minds.
(From the Radha Burnier collection, Adyar Archives)
* * *
10
Lutyens, Mary, Krishnamurti – The Open Door, London, John Murray
Publishers, 1988, pp. 148-149.
6
Her Vision for India
The Means of India’s Regeneration
[A lecture delivered by Annie Besant in 1895 and published in her
book India – Bond or Free? – A World Problem, London & New York, G.
P. Putnam’s Sons, 1926.]
India’s Awakening
1921 April 6th, appointed Hon. Commissioner for All-India of the Boy
Scouts Association;
July 6th, re-elected President of the Theosophical Society;
July 23-26, president of the first Theosophical World Congress
at Paris (1400 delegates representing 39 countries);
July 26th, lectured at the Sorbonne in French;
Dec. 3rd, welcomed back to India J. Krishnamurti and brother;
Dec. 14th, Benares Hindu University conferred on her the hon.
degree of Doctor of Letters;
1921 December, instituted Adyar Day, to begin 17 Feb. 1922;
Started the 1921 Political Club in Madras, from which came the
idea of drafting a constitution for India
1922 October inaugurated the Brahmavidyā Ashrama at Adyar
1922-23 Engaged in the Martyn ‘case’
1923 Inaugurated the Youth Movement in the Theosophical Society;
Inaugurated the Brotherhood Campaign for which wrote the
powerful universal prayer, ‘O hidden Life’
1924 Attended in Queen’s Hall, London, the Golden Jubilee celebra-
tion of her Public activities; also in Bombay and Madras
1925 Took the Commonwealth of India Bill to London, to be pre-
sented in Parliament;
Attended a great Star Camp in Holland;
Celebrated the Golden Jubilee of the Theosophical Society at
Adyar, to which 3,000 delegates came from all over the world;
Established Temples of the religions in Adyar;
Proclaimed three World Movements;
Dec. 28th, was present at a memorable meeting of the Order of
the Star
India’s Awakening
[A lecture delivered by Annie Besant in 1910 and published in her
book India – Bond or Free? –A World Problem, London & New York, G.
P. Putnam’s Sons, 1926.]
For many long years past I have urged on you, and on those
like you in all parts of India, the necessity of a spiritual awakening
before the awakening of a material prosperity becomes possible. You
know that during many years past, since the Theosophical Society
was established on these shores, the importance of religion, the ne-
cessity of spiritual knowledge, has been constantly insisted upon, has
been constantly urged; and in doing this, those who brought the re-
newal of the message were only treading in the footsteps of their far-
off predecessors, who have ever declared that from the Spirit come
forth all things that exist, and that without the life of the Spirit not
even animal, vegetable or mineral life were possible. That profound
truth in the ancient philosophy of India is the only foundation for
progress of every kind. One Spirit, and one only; one Life, and none
other; every form from the one living Essence, every being rooted in
the everlasting One.
In the past, I have sometimes traced for you the steps of In-
dia’s descent; how from the time of her great spirituality, when the
life of the Spirit was seen as the sun in the heavens, how from that
time downwards, with the decay of spirituality, went also the decay
of all desirable things. And I remember how often I have pressed
upon you how first there came the lessening of the spiritual life, then
the decay of the original side of intellectual thought, of the creative
intelligence, and only when those had gone far down into the twi-
light, came the slow decay of material prosperity. You may
remember that I have put it to you that the awakening, the reviving,
of Indian life must follow the order in which the descent had gone.
First of all, the reviving of true spirituality, of true religion, of the
vital understanding of the profoundest truths of all existence; then,
after that has made its way to an appreciable extent, then must come
the training, the culture, the guidance of the intelligence, so that a
wisely planned and wisely guided education might train the future
workers of the land. I remember saying to you that when the spiritual
life has again become potent, when the educational life has again
become pervasive, then only can material prosperity safely return.
To men with the knowledge of the One, with the unselfishness which
grows out of the realisation of the common life, to their hands only
can be safely entrusted the material guidance of the people. It is
along that line that Indian progress has gone for many a year past.
First, the great revival of religion. It began with the revival of Bud-
dhism in the island of Ceylon, where, as you may remember,
education swiftly followed after the re-awakened faith. Then came
the great revival of Hinduism, that has spread from one end of the
land to the other, from the Himalayas to Tuticorin, and everywhere
is recognised as a fact. Then followed the recognition that in a rightly
directed education lay the only way of training for the motherland
citizens who would be worthy of her past and therefore capable of
building her future; out of that will arise all the varied activities of a
full and rich national life, and we shall see the nation, which India
never yet has been, but which India shall be in the days that are
dawning.
Now the change to the material awakening has come some-
what more swiftly than most of us expected. I should say it has come
a little too soon, were it not that I believe that over the destinies of
nations there are hands so wise and so loving that guide, that nothing
can really come either too soon or too late. But, to our eyes, looking
with purblind vision, we should sometimes be almost inclined to say
that events are travelling in India a little more rapidly than is well.
For we need for the wise guiding of a material movement, men
trained from boyhood in religion and in true wisdom, so that the
brain may be balanced and calm, the hands strong and steady, for the
moment you touch the popular mind and the popular heart you
awaken forces that are apt to go beyond the control of wisdom, and
it needs a nucleus of wise and steady thinkers in order that a popular
movement may find its way aright.
Let us, then, at this moment of immense importance to In-
dia’s future, consider what ought to be the line most wisely to be
followed in the great rush which is coming upon us. I pause a mo-
ment on the sentence just uttered, of the hands that guide, and the
wisdom and the love which shape a nation’s destinies. It is no new
thought to you, who have grown up in the atmosphere in which the
celestial and the physical worlds are mingling—it is no new thought
to you that the Devas, the Shining Ones, mingle in the affairs of men.
Nor should it be a new thought to you—although to many it may
now seem strange—that every nation also has its own Devas who
guide its affairs, who shape its present and its future.
Let me then remind you that in the vast unseen hierarchy who
mingle in human affairs, there are Devas of many grades, as well as
the great Rishis who are the planners and regulators of events. First
of all, there is the plan of the Lord himself, of Ishvara, the Ruler of
the system, who sketches, in the dawn of the creative days, the plan
of evolution along which His universe shall go. Out of the innumer-
able conceivabilities in the mind of the Supreme, some are chosen
by the Ishvara, who builds a system, as the material for His system,
and woven into the plan for His unfolding. No pen, save that of His
finger, writes that wondrous drama, which slowly is unfolded in the
history of the evolving universe, written so that none may change,
written so that none may amend, written by a wisdom inconceivable
to us, and by a love of which the deepest love of the human heart is
but the faintest and most shadowy reflection.
Then the working out of that plan is given into the hands of
those whom we may call His ministers, the great Ones who come
into the system, from systems long gone by, to co-operate with Him
in the shaping of a new humanity; into their hands His plan is given,
and theirs the brains of wisdom and the hands of strength that bring
that plan into the details that we call history. They plan out the work-
ing and give to every nation the acting of a part in that great plan; to
the Deva who rules the nation, and who has under his control a hier-
archy of lesser Devas, that part is given to be worked out in the
history of the people. Now the plan is for all humanity, and not for
one nation only, and each nation, in turn, has its part to play; each
nation in turn is cast either for the moment’s weal or the moment’s
woe; and those only can read aright the history of humanity who
know the powers that work behind the veil; for you cannot manage
a household unless you know the will of the householder, and before
you can realise the wisdom of household guidance, you must know
the wants of the children and of the other members of the house. So
in the history of peoples you cannot judge by the Statesmen, the Gen-
erals, the Admirals, and the Monarchs, who all work out the various
tasks that are given them to do. You must look behind them to those
who guide, to the great Householder, the supreme Grihastha of the
system. When we come to India, we know that all this is true of India
and of India’s Deva-King, who stands high above the nation and
works out, millennium after millennium, the parts which are given
to him for his nation to play in the world’s history, these parts have
outlined the nation’s story through all the difficulties, the dangers,
the humiliations of the past. On that I may not dwell long now. For
the moment I leave them untouched, to turn to that which immedi-
ately concerns us. Now to the present and its working.
First of all, in order that India might again take her place
amongst the nations of the world, mightier even than in the past—a
glorious past—there came the spiritual messengers, the messengers
who were to revive the varied religions of the land. That has been
done to a great extent as regards Hinduism and Buddhism. But you
must remember that the other religions must also have, and to some
extent have had, each in its own place, the advantage of the same
spiritual and enlivening influence. Look at the community called
Zoroastrian, and see how it has of late years become spiritualising in
its tendencies instead of materialising as in the past. The great faith
of Islam is the one which only shows in a very limited measure the
enlivening influence of the new spiritual impulse, yet there also the
same working is beginning, and there also there are signs of the
spreading of the same influence, so that Islam also shall take her
place, spiritually alive and spiritually potent, to bear her part in the
re-shaping of India as she is to be. That work is not finished, in fact
never will he finished, rather ever continuing, but all the first great
steps are taken and success in that is assured.
Passing to education, there an immense amount has been
done, and far more has yet to be done, as I shall put it to you in a few
moments. We have only begun the very A B C of the educational
reform which is necessary in order to make India what she should
be. Now, when a nation does not move sufficiently swiftly along the
path of progress, when she does not rouse herself enough to the voice
that appeals, that warns, and that counsels, then the Deva of the na-
tion takes other means in hand, in order to awaken his people and
make them see along what lines their path should be trodden. And
these other means used by the Deva are goads. They are like the whip
that touches the horse when he is too lazy, and what you look on as
national misfortunes, as things that you even cry out against with
insistence and with passion, these are very often, rightly seen, the
goads which make a nation move a little faster towards the goal on
which the Deva’s eyes are fixed. This is especially true just now, and
will serve my purpose well as an illustration with regard to educa-
tion. Education is a matter that belongs to the nation when rightly
understood. Fathers and guardians are the people who ought to fash-
ion the national education. How long have I been urging upon you
to take this matter of education into your own hands, and not leave
it for others to guide and plan. How long, in my travels up and down
through the country, have I urged upon you the importance of this
question of national education. I remember how about three years
ago when I spoke in Bombay, I urged on every man and on every
woman, mother and father, that on them lay the heavy responsibility
of the education and the training of the child. I remember how there
I urged upon you that your own interests, if nothing else, should stir
you to the guidance of your children’s education; for you do not want
to continue to overcrowd, as you are doing, the ranks of the so-called
learned professions and the ranks of the Government service. Those
are not things which make nations great, however necessary they
may be, and however necessary they are, for the mechanism and ad-
ministration of the nation. The things that make a nation great, from
the material standpoint, are not the learned professions and Govern-
ment service, but scientific agriculture, well-devised manufactures,
thoughtfully planned arts and crafts, and the innumerable forms of
workmanship that go to the building up of national wealth. But along
the lines on which education has been going on, this has been left on
one side, and, mind you, the blame for that does not lie on the Gov-
ernment; it lies on the people. It is useless and idle to blame
Government, when you are the people who can do it, if you have the
heart, the will, and the perseverance. Out of your pocket comes every
rupee that the Government spends on education. Out of your pocket
come the far too few rupees that build the colleges and schools, save
the missionary establishments. If instead of sending your boys to
Government colleges and missionary schools, you built your own
schools, and had your own teachers, you might guide education ex-
actly as you would. It is not that there is not money enough in the
country. I know it is said that India is poor; so she is in a sense poor,
that is as regards the masses of her people. But not too poor to build
colleges and schools for your children, while you are able to main-
tain, as you are doing, large crowds of men as mendicants, in the full
strength of vigorous life, who are innocent of all sacred learning, in-
nocent of the light, who have nothing of the Sannyasi but the cloth
that covers them, and who are yet fed and sheltered by the crore.
India is not poor so long as your Chetties and Banias can give lakhs
upon lakhs of rupees for the restoration of ancient temples and the
gilding of their pinnacles. You do not need to increase your charities,
that is not wanted; but oh! if you would only turn them into channels
that fertilise instead of channels that corrupt, India would have
wealth enough to educate her sons and daughters, and to make pos-
sible a new life in the future.
I do not speak against the restoration of temples. That is well.
It is well that man should worship, rightly, nobly and rationally. I do
not speak against the restoration of temples, but I do speak against
the mere restoration that leaves the priesthood ignorant and profli-
gate. I do speak against the restoration of a temple where no school
lives under its shadow, and where children are not taught by those
whose duty it is to teach—less gilding on the pinnacles of temples,
and more gilding of learning in the hearts of boys and girls. And if
you still keep your temples in order, but spend some of the money
that is wasted on vast crowds of idle mendicants on the education of
your children, how rapidly would India rise in the scale of nations,
and how quickly she would claim her right place among the peoples
of the world.
And that is your work. Last year in speaking on “Theosophy
in Relation to Politics”, I urged upon you the formation of Educa-
tional Boards in every district of India. Now Government has
nothing to do with that. You do not need to ask for Government per-
mission or authority. You have only to gather a few of your cleverest
men and princes together and make them into an Educational Board,
for a definitely outlined area. What is wanted is not Government
help. It is your work. What is wanted is self-devotion, energy, initi-
ative, the willingness to go through years of drudgery; for only in
that way can true education be built up. This has not yet been acted
on. The idea, when spoken about anywhere, causes a good deal of
cheering, but only in a few places has there been any real earnest
work, even in starting an Indian school. Hence a goad was needed,
and it has been applied. An Education Commission goes all round
the country. The Education Commission presents its report, and the
representative of the vast majority of those whose children have to
be educated under the new law presents a minority report—a minor-
ity of one. Now certainly, if you weigh heads instead of counting
them, that minority might outweigh many, for that one was Mr Jus-
tice Gurudas Bannerji. He knew very well what sort of education
was wanted by the people, but he was only one, and the English ma-
jority shaped the Education Bill, and passed the Act. When it was
passed, a number of very wise protests were made—thoughtful,
well-considered, and rational; but why only protests? Why were not
the protests followed by the formation of Boards, which should do
that which the protestors wished? The protest was wisely made. Such
protests are necessary, but they should be followed by action, for
thought that is not followed by action acts like a gangrene in the hu-
man mind. Better remain silent, better not even think, if you are not
prepared to act; better not think, unless you are prepared to put your
activity into action, for in the higher spheres, as you know, thought
produces action; down here, thought and especially talk, without ac-
tion, does not get a nation very far along the line of progress. So all
the energy flows out in the talk, and nothing is done. The national
Deva thought something more in the way of pressure was wanted,
and the Education Act became law. And very well it did. You do not
approve of it, nor do I; but still it was wanted, because nothing else
would stir the people into action. That was why I said that where a
people would not move by exhortation and advice, some goad was
used in order to stir them into activity. Now that you find education
has become dearer, that to educate the boys strains to breaking the
narrow incomes of the fathers; now that you see Higher Education is
being more and more blocked to the class that needs it most—a class
hereditarily learned, but always poor and now largely shut out from
the costly education of the day; now that the education question has
come in this form: “You must take this costly education or noth-
ing”—you must begin to say: “No, it shall not be nothing. It shall be
something, created by my own hands and out of my own money and
brains.” But in order that the goad may serve its purpose well, it is
necessary that there should be hot and bitter feelings in the hearts of
many of the people affected. It is that which makes the steam that
drives the engine. It is that which presently makes the piston to go
backwards and forwards and the wheels to turn. It is that which gives
force, though it also causes an immense amount of excitement and
foolish talk. These things are necessary, in order to generate the
forces which make the engine of the nation move. So that, the Edu-
cation Act is, as I regard it, a goad to make us struggle against it, as
we are obliged to struggle at Benares, in keeping our fees low. I am
glad it has passed, because it has—I hope it has—given the impulse
which will make men take the education of their children into their
own hands.
But now, how? By beginning at the right end and not at the
wrong. First by making your Educational Boards all over the coun-
try; next by creating colleges and universities, and most of all by
making such a public opinion, especially among the Indian princes,
the great merchants, and employers of labour, as shall induce them
to recognise the degrees given by the Indian universities as valid cre-
dentials for those who are seeking employment. Until you have done
that, you have done nothing. It is no good even making a university,
unless you have made a body of people who are prepared to take its
graduates when they have taken their degrees, and thus open to them
means of livelihood. It is no good beginning with boys. You must
begin with men.
Now I will tell you why I object to boys being thrown into
political conflicts. They may ruin their whole lives in a sudden surge
of excitement, and in their manhood bitterly reproach those who took
advantage of their inexperience. While education is under the control
of Government, and the fate of every boy is in the hands of the offi-
cials of his town, it is cruel to fling the lads against them. A boy
dismissed from school or college, and refused a leaving certificate,
has his education ruined and his future livelihood destroyed. When
people unaccustomed to political action suddenly plunge into it, they
are apt to think after they act instead of before. Here lies one of the
dangers in India’s Awakening, and that is why I said, I fear it has
come too soon. Those who are trained in politics, as in my past life
I have been—for I have taken a large part in the political struggles
of the people in England, and I worked there in difficult times side
by side with my old friend, Mr. Charles Bradlaugh—make it, as we
made it, one of the rules of political life never to tell another man to
go where there was risk, where we did not go in front; never to tell a
procession to go where there was danger, unless we walked in front,
so that we should be the first people on whom blows fell. It was the
glory of Charles Bradlaugh, when he lay on his deathbed, that de-
spite his struggles and difficulties, there was not one home that had
been made desolate by him, not one man who had gone to jail for the
work that he had asked him to do. The front is the place of the leader;
it is the place of the man, and not the place of the boy.
There is another reason why it is bad to send boys to the
front. There can be no wise politics without thought beforehand.
People who shout first and think afterwards make a mob, they do not
make a political party; and that is the thing that the boy does. How
much do you think a boy of this height (pointing to a boy about four
feet) knows about the good or the evil of the Partition of Bengal? He
shouts out and protests. It is bad training for the future. In the Col-
lege, students should discuss political questions, social questions and
economic questions. They should debate them, discuss them, and
talk them over in every possible way. We train them to do that in the
Central Hindu College. But we do not allow them to protest against
the Government. And the reason is a very simple one. When they
have discussed these questions beforehand, when they have talked
them over, then, when they have gone out into the world, they will
be ready to form rational opinions. But if, before they study and un-
derstand the questions of the day, they shout their approval or
disapproval out of empty heads, they make a great deal of noise, but
noise of no value, like bladders which, when beaten, make a noise,
but collapse if you prick them with a pin. I do not want India to work
along those lines. Train your boys to think first and then to form
opinions, not to call out first and then wonder what they have been
shouting for. That is bad moral training. It puts boys on wrong lines,
and it takes away that profound sense of responsibility which ought
to be at the heart of everyone who mingles in political life. For, re-
member what playing at politics means. Remember that it means
playing with property; it means playing with liberty; it means play-
ing with the lives of men. Leaders in the political arena have to
remember all that, when they take the responsibility of calling men
to action. When you have a man like Mr. Gokhale, who has trained
himself by years upon years of study and of self-denial, by his self-
sacrificing work in the Fergusson College, for twenty years on Rs.
75 a month and a retiring pension of Rs. 25 a month—when you have
a man trained in that way, and who studies every subject to the very
bottom before he speaks about it, then you have a man who may be
trusted and of whom a nation may well be proud, a worthy leader in
the political arena.
In the matter of education, why not begin to act? You know
you send your boys still by thousands and thousands to missionary
schools, and it is a disgrace—not to the missionaries, for they are
doing work which they honestly think to be to the glory of God and
for the good of all men; they believe that their religion is much better
than yours, and I am bound to say that they love it better, because
they work for it much harder, as a rule. You ought to remember that
your religion is the oldest of all living religions, and the most perfect
in its range and in its details. Surely, it is not for you to take the
children, whose bodies you have given, and, robbing them of their
birthright, put them into other hands and mould them in an anti-In-
dian fashion. The missionaries do not make many Christians. Here
and there they do, as in Trichinopoly, but, as a rule, they do not make
many converts. But I tell you what they do. They dig up the roots of
devotion and religion in the plastic soil of the boy’s heart. They
wither them with ridicule, they trample them down with sarcasm,
and when the boy grows up, he grows up an unbeliever in all reli-
gion, a bad Hindu and not a Christian—a kind of hybrid, who is of
no use to his country. When you despiritualise an Indian, you dena-
tionalise him. Why does that go on? Because you do not care. It
sounds hard to say so, but it is true. If you cared, it would not last for
another month. What does it want to bring about the change? A few
men in every town to band themselves together into an Educational
Committee; a few rich merchants to be visited and asked to subscribe
so much per month for some years, and then the putting up of a build-
ing for a school, and the sending of the boys. There is one difficulty
in your way—the recognition of the school by the Government, and
that is a serious difficulty as things are for unless the school is rec-
ognised, the pupils of the school are not permitted to go on into the
University. Still, if you would work well and steadily and persever-
ingly, you would, I think, be able to win recognition in the long-run,
and, if not, to do without it. I have in my mind what happened in
Trichinopoly two or three years ago, when I got a few people to-
gether who said that they would collect monthly subscriptions in the
town to have a college of their own. The Roman Catholics have a
college, and some other missionary body has a college, but the Hin-
dus and the Mussulmans have no college of their own. Did they
succeed? Not a bit of it. I myself drew up a proposal for the Madras
University. The University took it into consideration. But where
were the funds? The people of Trichinopoly did not care enough to
keep their children from the missionary schools and colleges, to sup-
ply the small sum, comparatively, that is wanted to make a college
there, where the Hindu and Mussulman boys might learn apart from
Christian influence. Not long ago in another southern town there was
a college for sale, and for sale without money. It is not often that you
can buy anything without money. The Government wanted to get rid
of it, but the Government asked for a body of Hindu gentlemen who
would pledge themselves to conduct the college. But they could not
get them. The college went a-begging and still is in Government
hands.
These are the things which you have to take seriously, espe-
cially now that the people are awakening. For things are going on
swiftly, and unless you bestir yourselves to make your educational
mechanism, the tide of enthusiasm will flow into channels that will
be harmful instead of useful. Do not call your boys out from the pre-
sent schools until you have others in which to receive them. When
you can say to your son, “My boy, walk across the road to that
school, which is our own”, then by all means do it. Then you can do
without missionary schools. Otherwise you will find yourselves in
endless trouble. What you should do in Madras, and do at once, is to
begin the formation of a great organisation of leading, wealthy, in-
fluential people, who will give employment to your boys, if so be,
when the pinch comes, and Government refuses to recognise your
colleges or universities. I believe in Indian universities for Indians,
where Indian degrees shall be given in Arts and Science, and in in-
dustries that are useful for the national unfolding.
I see they are now going to teach French and German, Latin
and Greek. Very useful, no doubt. So many of you will want to go
to France, and talk French in Paris. So many of you will want to go
to Germany, and enter into trade concerns there. Latin and Greek
you may want to read, in order to understand medieval Christian
writers, I suppose, for your spiritual training. Unless this absurdity
is the idea, it is difficult to see why they should be preferred to San-
skrit and Arabic, for Sanskrit is as good and as intellectual a training
as either of these two languages—Greek being but a child of San-
skrit—and Arabic is the language in which the Middle-Age learning
of Islam is embodied. Our Mussulman brothers are not at present
wise enough to vindicate Islamic learning by translating the treasures
of that knowledge, which from Bagdad spread into Europe. Arabic
and Sanskrit, these are the two classical languages for India, not
Latin and Greek. Instead of French and German, you should teach
English and one vernacular, one common language which would
serve everywhere as a means of communication between educated
and uneducated alike. You ought to make Hindi a second language
throughout the land. I have heard it said that Tamil has a literature
which is magnificent, and this must certainly not be left to die. But
in addition to the boy’s own vernacular, he should always learn
Hindi, for that is the most widely spread vernacular of the country,
and one can go from one end of the land to the other and talk in Hindi
to all, save the most illiterate people in every part of it. If you had
Sanskrit or Arabic, according to the religion of the boy, Hindi as a
common tongue, a thorough knowledge of his own vernacular, and
then the necessary English for all dealings with foreign countries,
and in Government and Court matters, you would have an education,
so far as languages are concerned, that would make a boy ready for
the future, and enable him to take up his work in the world as soon
as he goes into it.
The most important thing, which I have often urged, is tech-
nical education, and above all thorough education in agriculture.
Unfortunately you have got only one general business here, namely,
agriculture. At least it might be made very much better than it is at
present, so that famines, which are a recurring horror in the land,
might be prevented. Famines are preventable things, and things that
ought to be prevented. But they can only be prevented by a wiser
system of agriculture on the one hand, and by the building up of
manufacturing industries throughout the land on the other.
But, mind you, the manufactures that you want are the man-
ufactures of this country. Here arts and crafts are fast dying. Your
weaving craft is dying out of existence, because its products are not
bought. That brings me to the next point, for education here slips into
economics. Why is it that the weavers of cloths, the potters, the metal
workers, and the makers of beautiful objects of all kinds, the weavers
of shawls in Kashmir, and of muslins, silks, in other parts of the land,
why are they slowly disappearing? These people, who, by heredity,
are fitted for the work, are swelling the ranks of the agricultural la-
bourers, starving the land and overcrowding the fields. Why this?
Because for many many years you have been wearing foreign goods
in preference to home-made ones. It should not have wanted the Par-
tition of Bengal to teach you to produce at home what you need.
When you think of it, the Svadeshi movement has nothing to do with
that. Whether Bengal has one Lieutenant-Governor, or two, may be
a point of serious importance to the population over whom they rule.
But the Partition of Bengal was not wanted to make the Svadeshi
movement. The Svadeshi movement was not born after the Partition.
It has been going on for years and up and down the country, but the
difficulty was that only a few people were in favour of it, and the
great mass of the people were totally indifferent. One thing, of
course, was that the foreign-made goods were cheaper, but also less
durable. Assuming that they are cheaper, how stupid that they should
be so! You grow cotton, you send the cotton to Lancashire, Lanca-
shire spins and weaves it into cloths and sends them out here, and
sells them cheaper than you can spin and weave your own cotton!
There is something very badly managed in this, to say the least of it.
If a thing can be sold more cheaply after paying all the freight to
Lancashire and back, after paying high wages in England instead of
small wages to Indian handloom weavers, it is certainly by some
queer kind of upside-down management. I am not forgetting, of
course, the unfair duties levied on Indian mills for the benefit of Lan-
cashire, and other difficulties that occur to your minds. But they do
not practically touch your village weaving industry at all. You
should have gone on supporting the Indian weaver, working in his
own village, and giving you lasting and well-made cloths. If that had
been done, the village weavers would have remained prosperous,
and that prosperity would have reacted on the agriculturists, and so
with everything else. Fashion has been more powerful than
patriotism. Now, thanks to the Partition of Bengal, poor patriotism
has a chance. But the present enthusiasm for Svadeshi goods will
only be a flare like the blaze of twigs, easily lighted and quickly dy-
ing out, unless a principle underlies the movement and not a passing
political irritation. No durable things are built on violent passion.
Nature grows her plants in silence and in darkness, and only when
they have become strong do they put their heads above the ground.
Now I am glad of all this excitement, for, as I said before, it
generates steam. It has made the Svadeshi movement a far more liv-
ing movement than it was. So I am very glad of it. I am glad to see
all the froth and the bubble and the fuss. Some of them are very fool-
ish, I admit, but still it means life instead of stagnation. What all good
men should set their faces against is any attempt to put forcible pres-
sure on people to do what others think that they ought to do. Wear
Svadeshi clothes, as I have been urging you to do for years, but if
your neighbour chooses to wear an English coat, argue with him, tell
him it is unpatriotic, but do not tear it off his back. That sort of vio-
lence has ruined some good movements in England, and it is always
wrong. None has the right to force other people to tread his own path
against their will. Every man has a right to choose, to follow, his own
judgment. Convince him by argument and reasoning. Tell him that
his conduct is unpatriotic, wrong and irrational; tell him he is making
other countries rich while he starves his own. But do not carry on a
mad crusade against everything English, especially with the help of
the boys. Appeal to a man’s brains. Surely there is argument enough:
without home manufactures, there is no prosperity; without home
manufactures, there are recurring famines; without home manufac-
tures, there are overcrowded unproductive professions and
undermanned industrial pursuits.
Every one of you can quietly, in his own town, go against the
craze for foreign goods, and help forward Indian manufactures. It is
so easy to do. Sometimes there is a little more trouble, I admit; some-
times I have had to wait patiently for four or five days, or even
weeks, before I could get an Indian-made thing, when I could have
got a foreign-made one in a moment; but if you cannot be patient for
the sake of building up the industrial prosperity of your country,
what a poor thing your patriotism must be. Help this movement in
every way that you can, save by ways that are wrong; for remember
that the Devas are behind all national policies, and therefore that the
wrong way is always the long way, and useless.
Utilise the enthusiasm of the moment by turning it into
wisely planned channels. Band yourselves together, for cooperation
strengthens and helps enthusiasm. Use the crafts and products of this
country in preference to others. But be a little patient. If you find that
Government, which has been favourable to this movement, is now
frowning on it in one part of the country, remember that, after all,
that is quite natural under the conditions that have arisen. Govern-
ments are not perfect, any more than the governed. After all,
Governments are only men, just as you are, with the same faults and
the same short-sightedness. Therefore the Government should learn
to be patient with the governed, and the governed with the Govern-
ment. Now in the past, Government has been favourable to the
Svadeshi movement, and it will be so again. Naturally, for Govern-
ment does not want famines in the land; it does not want the people
to be poor, for, apart from all questions of humanity, if they are poor
they cannot pay much in the way of taxes. It is to the advantage of
Government that you should be rich; therefore it will help the move-
ment again, when things are quieter; just now, it has been made into
a political battle-cry, but that will pass. Politics are constantly chang-
ing, one burning question today and another tomorrow. Go on
quietly and steadily without any fuss, building up your Indian man-
ufactures, educating your sons. You think brains are wanted for
pleading; much more brains are wanted for carrying on large agri-
cultural and industrial concerns. We want the brightest brains for the
building up of Indian industries at the present time. If an Indian
prince wants to have an electrical plant installed in his capital, he has
to go to Europe to find an engineer who will set up for him his elec-
trical machinery. That must be so, until you educate your boys on
the right lines. Educate them on all the lines of the learning wanted
to make a nation great. Get rid of the stupid idea that it is good, from
the standpoint of class, to be a starving pleader, and had to be a flour-
ishing merchant. It is a mistake. A nation that goes that way goes
down. It is a man’s business to make his livelihood respectable, and
respectability grows not out of the nature of the livelihood but out of
the man. A man of high character, of noble ideal, of pure life, can
make any calling respectable, and do not forget that a calling which
helps national prosperity is more respectable than a calling which
does not. That is a lesson that has to be learned in modern India.
Many resent the changes which are coming about, but alt-
hough many of them be not along the lines of the ancient civilisation,
yet it must be remembered that the spirit of this time, as much as that
of any other, is the Divine spirit. In whatever form it clothes itself, it
is in the work of humanity today, as it was in the work of humanity
in the past, to help humanity onwards, or to make it step forward in
the right way. But it is not the right way now to tread only in the
footprints of the past, simply to reintroduce what has been. Your
duty is to be inspired by the same spirit that made the past great, and
in that spirit to shape the form suitable for the India of tomorrow.
Why should you be afraid to tread a new path? What is the
creator of every form save the spirit? Why then be afraid to go on
with the life, and to leave dead forms behind? And the strange thing
is that often men cling most passionately to the forms which do not
really belong to the life, but which are only excrescences which have
happened to grow up round the living forms, as barnacles grow on a
ship’s bottom, and can be knocked off without harming the ship.
There is one rule that helps us in distinguishing customs that are only
barnacles from the vessel that carries the life. That is to be preserved
which is ancient, according to the Shastras, and universal. But that
which is local, partial, modern, not according to the Shastras, these
are the things which may indeed have been useful at the time of their
formulation, but are now the useless and even mischievous barnacles
on the ship. Trust to life, to the living spirit. We were not there to
guide the life, when it made the glorious past. Life can be trusted, for
it is divinely guided, and all we have to do is to cooperate with it.
That is the idea you must have above all things. Life is something
greater than yourselves; you are only one tiny part of life, and the
life makes its own forms. Study its tendencies and work with them,
but it is life that builds, not men. Then you cooperate in the building
of the forms, and if a form does not succeed it will be broken; and
you should be glad in the breaking of the useless form as you should
be glad in the form that means success. Failure often means winning,
and it needs dozens, nay hundreds, of attempts before the perfect
masterpiece shines out in full. Trust life; that is the great lesson for
these days of change, for change is coming, change from every side.
Those changes that are good will endure, and you must be very pa-
tient while they are in the making. But full of hope and full of
courage.
All men die. You may say: Is that encouraging? Surely yes,
for when a man dies, his blunders, which are of the form, all die with
him, but the things in him that are part of the life never die, although
the form be broken.
There is a new form to be built here, a form which has never
yet been built, and that she exists in the world of spirit; as one nation,
she exists in the world of mind. As one nation, she has never yet
existed on the physical plane, but the day of her birth is near. Many
States and Kings have been, many Maharajas, Rajas, and sometimes
one Raja, great beyond his fellows, has held a wide imperial sway.
But never yet has there been one India from north to south, from east
to west. But she is coming. That one India, when she comes, will
have her head crowned with the Himalayas, and her feet will be
bathed in the waters that wash the shores of Tuticorin; she will
stretch out her right hand to Burma and Assam, and her left hand to
Kathiawar and Beluchistan. That India has to be born. How? First,
by believing in her with a strenuous faith, for faith is a mighty power;
and then by thinking of her and aspiring after her as an ideal. For
what a man thinks becomes actual in practice. And never yet was a
nation born that did not begin in the spirit, pass to the heart and the
mind, and then take an outer form in the world of men. That India,
the sound of her feet is on the mountains, and soon the rising eastern
sun shall glow upon her forehead. Already she is born in the mind of
men.
But let your thought for unity be potent and resolute; learn to
drop sectarian divisions; learn to drop provincial divisions and ani-
mosities; leave off saying: “I am a Madrasi; I am a Punjabi; I am a
Bengali; I am an up country man”; leave all that behind and teach
your boys and girls to say “I am an Indian”. Out of the mouths of the
children thus speaking shall be born the India of tomorrow. Many
religions will grow within her; not only her own parent religion, but
others too will be woven into her being. Hindu and Mussulman must
join hands, for both are Indians. Mussulmans, Parsis, Christians,
must join hands, for all are Indians. In the India of the future, all men
of every faith must join.
If India is to be the spiritual light of the future, in her must
be focussed the light that comes from every faith, until in the prism
of India they are all united into the one light which shall flood with
sunlight the world, and all lights shall blend in the Divine Wisdom.
That is our work. My Brothers, I am now talking to you, but this
thing will not be made by talking. It is made by living. I would not
dare to speak to you and offer you counsel, if I did not strive to live
that which I advise. Day by day, week by week, month by month, I
strive to shape my life on the noble models which may serve the land,
and in serving India will serve Humanity; for greater than any land
is Humanity, and greater than any one people is the race of whom all
people are but branches; and if we have such hopes of future India,
it is because we believe that her coming will be a new light to the
world. There was an old people in the ancient days, and not very
ancient either, that was conquered, and apparently cast away. One
person of that race cried out: “If the fall of them be the riches of the
world . . . what shall the receiving of them be but as life from the
dead?” If India’s humiliation has, in a very real sense, been the riches
of the world—for this has been the means of spreading India’s
thoughts in the most widely-spoken tongue of the world, to the north
and south, east and west, all round the habitable globe —what shall
it be for humanity when India herself in her new glory is born into
the world? India, from whose lips, in this land of the Rishis, came
the religion that uplifts and spiritualises, the philosophy that illu-
mines, and the science that trains; India, from whose mind,
throughout the world of mind, came those great systems of thought
which are now recognised as the noblest products of the human in-
tellect; India, whose feet once passed through many States, and made
every one of them fertile, prosperous, and wealthy India, who was
perfect in spirit and mind when that India is born into the full vision
of the eyes of men, perfect in body, is it too much to say that her
coming will be as life from the dead? That is the glorious goal, for
which we work; that is the splendid hope, that cheers our labour; that
is the sublime aspiration, that rises perpetually to the ears of the De-
vas. For India’s coming means the spiritualising of humanity; India’s
thinking means the lifting of thought on to a higher level; prosperity
shall be the justification of religion, the justification of philosophy,
as part of the life of a nation; and the world shall be redeemed from
materialism because India is awake.
8
I PROMISE
“1. To disregard all restrictions based on Caste.
“2. Not to marry my sons while they are still minors, nor my
daughters till they have entered their seventeenth year.
(‘Marry’ includes any ceremony which widows one party on the
death of the other.)
“3. To educate my wife and daughters—and the other
women of my family, so far as they will permit—to promote girls’
education, and to discountenance the seclusion of women.
“4. To promote the education of the masses as far as lies in
my power.
11
This is an error; we only kept a register of lodging-
houses with trustworthy landladies, and of private families
where Indian lads would be taken as paying guests.
“5. To ignore all color distinctions in social and political life,
and to do what I can to promote the free entry of colored races into
all countries on the same footing as white immigrants.
“6. To oppose actively any social ostracism of widows who
remarry.
“7. To promote union among the workers in the fields of
spiritual, educational, social and political progress, under the
headship and direction of the Indian National Congress.”
It was further pointed out that while the Theosophical Soci-
ety could not, as a whole, be committed to special lines of activities,
it should work in India as it was doing in England, “ventilating plans
for profound social re-organization with love instead of hatred as an
inspiration. She (Mrs. Besant) aims at the ever-closer union of the
British and Indian races by mutual understanding and mutual re-
spect”. A further publication urged “the changes necessary to enable
her (India) to take her equal place among the Self-Governing Na-
tions which owe allegiance to the British crown”. Religious Hindus
were warmly invited to join in the work, “in order that they may
preserve to India the ancient and priceless religion of Hinduism,
now threatened with decay by its practical separation from the
movement of Progress in India”. It was stated that Hinduism should
shelter all progressive movements, and not stand apart in selfish iso-
lation. “Let her cling only to the essentials—the Immanence of God
and the Solidarity of Man. All gracious customs and elevating tra-
ditions may be followed by her children, but not imposed on the
unwilling, nor used as barriers to prevent social union. So shall she
become a unifier instead of a divider, and again assert her glory as
the most liberal of religions, the model of an active spirituality,
which inspires intellectual vigor, moral purity and national prosper-
ity.”
This was followed by a course of lectures delivered by me in
Madras, in October and November, 1913, the subjects of which
show how definitely the Reform Movement was guided, and the
chairmen the type of men who supported it.
Foreign Travel: Chairman, Dr. S. Subramania lyer, late Acting
Chief Justice of the Madras High Court.
Child-Marriage and Its Results: Chairman, the Hon. Dewan Ba-
hadur T. S. Sadasiva Iyer, M.L., Acting Judge of the Madras High
Court.
Our Duty to the Depressed Classes: Chairman, the Hon. Justice
B. Tyabji.
Indian Industries as Related to Self-Government: Chairman,
Dewan Bahadur M. Ādinārāyana Iyah.
Appendix to the above lecture.
1. Exports.
2. Weaving.
3. Political Effects.
4. Moral Effects.
Mass Education: Chairman, the Hon. Justice Miller.
The Education of Indian Girls: Chairman, the Hon. Mr. P.
S. Sivaswāmi Aiyer, C.I.E., C.S.I., Indian Member of Executive
Council, Madras.
The Color Bar in England, the Colonies and India Chairman:
The Hon. Kesava Pillai.
The Passing of the Caste System: Chairman, Dewan Bahadur L.
A. Govindarāghava Iyer.
It will be noticed that the three first Chairmen were Judges of
the High Court, two (Theosophist) Hindus and one Musalmān,
while an English judge was the Chairman of the fifth lecture. The
eighth was also a Theosophist. All the lectures dealt with burning
social questions, and were intended to lead up to a Political Move-
ment.
With the object of training ourselves in Parliamentary meth-
ods, on January 1, 1915, it was proposed to form a “Madras
Parliament,” a Debating Society with Parliamentary forms. We
passed a Pañchayat Act, presented by Mr., T. Rangachari, now a
member of the Legislative Assembly and its late Deputy President;
an Education Act, presented by Mr. C. P. Ramaswami Aiyar, now
Law Member, Vice-President of the Madras Executive Council,
K.C.I.E.; and a Commonwealth of India Act presented by myself,
the parent of the Bill now before the House of Commons. We
flooded the country with pamphlets, bearing the stirring motto:
How India Wrought for Freedom, the story of the Congress front
1885 to 1914, was published week by week in the Commonweal, and
was published as a book with a Historical Preface, arousing great
wrath in the I.C.S. and the Anglo-Indian press, being a narrative of
facts, then known to few, but now used by writers on India, and fa-
miliar all over the country. In New India we wrote on grievances,
demanded Home Rule, hammered away day in and day on how
“Home Rule” was woven into scarves, borders of saris, handker-
chiefs. Its red and green colors appeared everywhere. Then we
decided to have a Home Rule League, and Dadabbai Naorogi ap-
proved, but the local leaders were more cautious, fearing it might
weaken the Congress, whereas we wanted to carry on a continuous
agitation to support Congress in the equality it had claimed in the
Congress of 1914. The effect of the agitation, aided by the before
quoted words of Asquith, and the daily news from fields of battle,
swept over the land, carrying all before it. Here are two extracts, a
prose one and a song of my own writing, which show the feeling of
those thrilling days:
“While this many-featured and powerful educational agitation—
a thoroughly healthy and constitutional one, never once disfigured
by violence—was going on all over the country, the circumstances
of the time were such as to force the Nation rapidly forward into a
consciousness of Nationhood, and of her then place in the eyes of
the world, a place so unworthy of her storied past, and of the virility
of her people in the present, when stirred by a call that moved them
to exertion. That call came from the War, which became more and
more terrible as it swept over the lands, and India became full of
pride in the prowess of her soldiers, fighting side by side with the
flower of European troops, and fighting against the mightiest army
in the world. India felt herself living as her children died for Free-
dom, and the villages which sent their men became conscious of a
wider and more stirring world. The words of English statesmen, spo-
ken to enhearten their own countrymen, rang across the seas to India.
Asquith spoke of what England would feel if Germans filled her
highest offices, controlled her policy, levied her taxes, made her
laws; it would be inconceivable, he cried, and intolerable. India lis-
tened, and murmured to herself: ‘But that is exactly my condition;
here, these same Englishmen think it the only conceivable and the
only tolerable life for me.’ He spoke of the ‘intolerable degradation
of a foreign yoke; India whispered: ‘Is it so? Do Englishmen think
thus? What, then of me?’ She had accepted English rule by habit;
now she was shocked into realising the position which she filled in
the eyes of the world. A subject Nation. A subject race. Was that
really how the white Nations looked on her? Was that why her sons
were treated as coolies in the outside world? Did a foreign yoke at
home mean unspeakable humiliations abroad?
“Then the pride of the Aryan Motherland awoke. Had she not a
civilisation dating back by millennia, beside which these white
races, sprang from her womb, were but of yesterday? Had she not
been rich, strong, and self-ruled, while these wandered naked in
their forests, and quarrelled with each other? Had she not lived as
equal with the mightiest Nations of a far-off past, when Babylon
was the wonder of the world, when the streets of Nineveh were
crowded, when Egypt was the teacher of wisdom, when Persia was
a mighty Empire, when Greek philosophy was an offshoot of her
schools, when Rome clad her haughtiest matrons in the products of
her looms? Had not many a Nation invaded her, and had she not
either driven them back, or assimilated them, and re-created them
into Indians? Had not the gold of the world flowed into her coffers?
Yet now she was poor. Had not great Empires, now dead, sent am-
bassadors to her Courts? But now she was ‘a Dependency’ of a little
far-off Island in northern seas. She had been asleep. She had been
dreaming. But now she awakened. She opened her eyes, and looked
around her. She saw her peasants, starving at home, but holding
their own as soldiers abroad. The coolies, despised in England’s
Colonies, were cheered as heroes by Englishmen in the streets of
their capital city. Yes, Asquith was right: ‘the intolerable degrada-
tion of a foreign yoke.’ If she was worthy to fight for Freedom, she
was worthy to enjoy it. If she stood equal with Englishmen, Scotch-
men, Colonials, in the trenches, and her poured-out blood mingled
with theirs, indistinguishably soaking into French and Flemish soil,
then she should be equal with them in her own ancient land. The
souls of her dead in France, in Belgium, in Gallipoli, in Palestine,
in Syria, in Mesopotamia, in East Africa, cried to her to claim the
Freedom for which their bodies lay scattered far from home and kin.
India sprang to her feet—a Nation.
“And then, because a white woman had been crying in her sleep-
ing ears these truths about herself for more than twenty years, and
was crying them aloud still in her ears awakened by the crash of
War, she turned to her for a while as her natural leader, who had
blown the conch for Liberty’s battle in India. And she sang!”
Here is one of the songs:
WAKE UP, INDIA
SUMMARY OF BILL.
General Principles.
India will be placed on an equal footing with the Self-
Governing Dominions, sharing their responsibilities and their privi-
leges.
The right of Self-Government will be exercised from the Vil-
lage upwards in each successive autonomous area of wider extent,
namely, the Taluka; the District; the Province; and India (exclud-
ing the Indian States).
The three great spheres of activity, Legislative, Executive and
Judicial, will, as far as possible, be independent of each other, while
correlated in their working.
Declaration of Rights.
The following Fundamental Rights will be guaranteed to every
person: (a) Inviolability of the liberty of the person and of his dwell-
ing and property, save by process of law in a duly constituted Court
of Law. (b) Freedom of conscience and the free practice of religion,
subject to public order or morality. (c) Free expression of opinion
and the right of assembly peaceably and without arms, and of form-
ing Associations or Unions, subject to public order or morality. (d)
Free Elementary Education as soon as practicable. (e) The use of
roads, places dedicated to the public, Courts of Justice and the like.
(f) Equality before the law, irrespective of considerations of Nation-
ality, and (g) Equality of sexes.
Legislative.
Legislative power is vested in the King, a Legislative Assembly
and a Senate. “Parliament” shall mean only the Parliament of the
Commonwealth of India, The Legislative Assembly will consist of
300 Members, and the Senate of 150.
The Senate will have equal powers with the Legislative Assembly
except in regard to Money Bills, which will originate only in the lat-
ter. The life of the Legislative Assembly will ordinarily be for five
years, that of the Senate for six years. The Senate will have a contin-
uous existence, with half the number of Members retiring every three
years by a process of rotation.
In the Provincial Legislative Councils, the number of Members
will vary from 100 to 200 according to the size and importance of
the Province. The life of a Legislative Council will ordinarily be for
four years. There will be at present only one Chamber in a Provincial
Legislature, but provision has been made in the Bill for the addition
of a Second Chamber in a Province, if it so decides.
In the District, Taluka, and Village Councils, which are termed
the Sub-Provincial Units of Government, the number of members
will vary according to local conditions. The ordinary life-term of
the District Councils will be for three years, that of the Taluka for
two years, and that of the Village Councils for one year.
Franchises.
The franchises for the various Legislative bodies have been
graded, commencing with universal adult suffrage in the Village,
and restricted by higher educative, or administrative, or property or
other monetary qualifications in the case of each higher body.
The principle of direct election has been maintained throughout,
except in the case of the Senate, where candidates will be nomin-
ated to a panel from which the electorate will make its choice. A
distinction has also been observed between Members and Electors,
the qualifications for the former being kept at a somewhat higher
level than for the latter.
The powers of the various Legislative bodies have been em-
bodied in a Schedule to the Constitution; and residuary powers
have been vested in the Parliament.
Defence.
There will be a Defence Commission with a majority of Indians
thereon, every five years, appointed by the Viceroy in con-
sultation with his Cabinet. The Commission will
recommend a minimum of non-votable expenditure for the De-
fence Forces and also report on the progress of the
Indianisation of those Forces. In the event of disagreement,
the Viceroy will have power to secure the minimum which, in
his opinion, is necessary for the Defence Forces. No revenue
of India may be spent on any branch of Defence Forces in
which Indians are ineligible for holding commissioned rank.
As soon as the Commission recommends favorably, Parlia-
ment may pass an Act to undertake the full responsibility of
Defence.
Executive.
There will be a Cabinet in the Government of India consist-
ing of the Prime Minister and not less than seven Ministers of
State, who will be collectively responsible for the administra-
tion of the Commonwealth. The Prime Minister will be
appointed by the Viceroy, and the other Ministers on the nom-
ination of the Prime Minister. The Viceroy will be temporarily
in charge of the Defence Forces. In all matters except Defence,
the Viceroy will act only upon the advice of the Cabinet. The
salaries of the Viceroy and of the Members of the Cabinet will
be fixed by Parliament, but in the case of the former, no alter-
ation will come into force during his continuance in office. The
Cabinet will resign as soon as it has lost the support of a ma-
jority in the Legislative Assembly.
In the Provinces, the same principles will apply as in the
Central Government, except that the minimum number of Min-
isters will be three.
The Secretary of State.
The powers and functions of the Secretary of State and the Secre-
tary of State in Council over the revenues and the administration of
India will be transferred to the Commonwealth Executive.
Judicial.
There will be a Supreme Court of India, consisting of a Chief Jus-
tice and not less than two other judges with original as well as
appellate jurisdiction to deal with such matters as may be deter-
mined by statute. It will have power to deal with all matters arising
out of the interpretation of the Constitution or of laws made by the
Parliament. It will also be the final appellate authority in India, un-
less it certifies that the question is one which should be determined
by the Privy Council.
The existing High Courts will have the same powers and author-
ity as before the establishment of the Commonwealth.
Finance.
The revenues of Parliament will form a consolidated revenue fund,
and will be vested in the Viceroy. No revenue may be raised by the
Executive without the sanction of Parliament.
The allocation of revenues between Parliament and the Prov-
inces will be decided by a Finance Commission every five years.
New Provinces.
Parliament will have the power to alter the limits of existing Prov-
inces or establish new Provinces and make laws for their
administration.
Minorities
Communal Representation as now existing will be abolished, and
all elections will be held on the basis of purely territorial electorates.
As a temporary measure, the number of seats now reserved for Mu-
salmāns and Europeans will be guaranteed for five years, at the end
of which period the question of its continuance, modification or abo-
lition will be examined by a Franchise Commission.
Bills affecting the religion or the religious rites or usages of a
community or communities will be referred to a Standing Commit-
tee of the Legislature in which they are introduced; and if the
Committee, on which there will be a majority of the members of
the community or communities concerned, reports adversely, such
Bills will lapse for the period of one year.
Public Services.
There will be a Public Services Commission to exercise full con-
trol over the public services of India as regards recruitment,
discipline, promotion and pensions. Officers now in the service of
the Government of India or of the Provincial Governments will be
guaranteed their existing rights but, at the establishment of the
Commonwealth, they will pass into the service of the Common-
wealth or the Provinces, as the case may be.
The Schedules.
The First Schedule gives the oath of allegiance and affirmation
to His Majesty King George V and his heirs and successors.
The Second Schedule
(1) Electors must be at least 21 years of age.
(2) Qualifications for the graded electorates are given, begin-
ning with the Village, where universal suffrage is provided for. The
qualifications of the remaining electorates relate to (a) administra-
tive experience, (b) education—literary or technical, (c) economic
and industrial ministration (co-operative stores and banks, wells,
tanks and canals, cottage industries, forests, local taxation, works of
public utility), (d) income, (e) possession of land property, (f) occu-
pation of a house; thus including different classes of citizens. These
qualifications are graded, being very low for the Taluka (collection
of villages), and highest for the Senate. Only one of the various
qualifications is required to qualify a man or woman as a voter in
any council.
* * *
LOKAMANYA B. G. TILAK
“You have adopted India to be your Motherland; you have suffered
a great deal for her, and found her almost triumphant. India is united
for the commonweal, and all our efforts are directed towards reach-
ing the goal of Swaraj. Our reception may not be as magnificent as
from others you may have obtained. But I may assure you it comes
from the inmost of our hearts. If India is nearer the goal, it is due to
your strenuous efforts, and, if I may be allowed to add also, largely
to your internment. Regarding you as an embodiment of our princi-
ples and our success, we offer you our welcome and wish you long
life and inexhaustible energy.”
15 October 1917, New India
MR. M. K. GANDHI
“Cultivate the great qualities of Dr. Besant, namely, firmness, sim-
plicity, self-control, etc. She is one of the greatest orators of the
world, because she speaks what she believes and acts according to
what she speaks.... She has the courage of her convictions and al-
ways puts her words into action ... Imitate her unflinching
determination and simplicity of life.... Obtain the same strength and
indomitable will that she possesses which alone will bring Swaraj.
India is not fit for Swaraj without these qualities. Remove India’s
chains and then alone will we achieve our goal. Religion is interwo-
ven in Dr. Besant’s life and she has built a bridge between politics
and religion. Swaraj without religion is of no use. It is Dr. Besant
who has awakened India from her deep slumber and I pray that she
may live long to witness a free India.”
2 October 1928, New India
Mrs. Besant was forty-seven and I was four when we first met
each other. I am fifty-seven now—ten years older than what she was
when first I set my baby eyes upon her, as affectionately described
by herself on one occasion; but as I think of her today, I cannot help
feeling that I am still a tiny child; and if I met her—and I wish I could
meet her—I am sure I would feel much the same as I must have felt
at that time: an eternal child before eternal age. And still Mrs. Besant
was not a person who would make anyone feel that she was so wise,
so great, so famous. She was herself as simple as a child with chil-
dren, and made no child feel small before her. My earliest memory,
confirmed by continuous contact of years, is that she was a very hu-
man person. She made every allowance for human weaknesses and
did not put any strain on ordinary human nature in others even when
she, more often than not, transcended it in her own person. She was
so approachable, so sympathetic, so understanding.
She loved India with a fervour and devotion all her own. Our
country’s philosophy, our history, our legends, our spiritual heritage,
our achievements in the past, our sorrows in the present, our aspira-
tions for the future, were part and parcel of Mrs. Besant’s own life.
India’s climate, however, I fear, did not suit her; and any attempt on
her part to pass a hot summer in the burning plains, made her very
uncomfortable and even ill. But in India, she would live like an In-
dian; she would refuse to go to hill stations as so many Europeans
did, and imitating them our own people do; and so she more often
than not utilised the summer months for travels abroad, making India
known to the world and drawing the attention of thinking men and
women in many lands to this ancient country with its continuing tra-
ditions and its past glories.
And, as I think of it, it was just as well that she went abroad;
for when she came back, she did not fail to bring a box of toys for
the little children of her friends and colleagues here. It used to be a
great day indeed for us when she came back from her annual pil-
grimages abroad, came without fail to breakfast with us and to
distribute the beautiful toys and the useful presents that she had
brought. She had something to give to everyone; and not only to give
but also to explain how the various mechanisms in the toys were
worked and what amusement and instruction could be got out of
them. No wonder all of us children clamoured round her as the “Bari
Mem Saheb”, the grand-old lady with her white hair, white face and
white clothes, distributed these welcome gifts to us.
The gifts were suitable to the individuals concerned and they
changed as the receiver grew up. For me, they began with little
blocks with pasted pictures on them, and then changed into toy
steamers, and at last books. It was Henty's “In Freedom’s Cause”
when I was fourteen; a book on travels a little later; and then, a book
of the beautiful pictures of Scotland still later; and then the gifts
stopped, for I was twenty and accompanied her to England for stud-
ies. Let me not forget that she was keen on these breakfasts—of
which she ate so little that even a sparrow could scarcely break its
fast on the amount. When my father was in jail in 1921 and she came
to Benares for the annual Theosophical Convention, and I, with the
rest of political India, was angry with her for the attitude she had
then taken up regarding Gandhiji’s movement and the boycott of the
Prince of Wales’ visit, I had a note from her saying: “I have not had
my usual invitation to breakfast!” And she came afterwards full of
sympathy for us, despite obvious differences.
The great lesson that she can usefully teach to all, specially to
us in India, is the simple art—which almost everyone here lacks—
of encouraging others in good work. Where nobody seemed to en-
courage a boy to do anything, she offered the greatest possible
encouragement, not only to the children of her friends’ families, but
to all students of her College. She published an article on the “Com-
mon Language of India” from me in the Central Hindu College
Magazine that she edited and which I had ventured to send to her
when I was only fourteen years of age. She came to tell my mother
what a good article I had written; and later gave me the further priv-
ilege of translating into English a few stories on Rajput chivalry,
published later with her own contributions in a book entitled the
“Children of the Motherland”. She prominently published my name
in the Introduction as one of her “colleagues” in the work. Any boy
of fifteen would feel proud—any man of even fifty-seven will feel
proud—of such recognition at the hands of a famous author like her.
She would come down from the gallery and congratulate me
for having made a very “fine” speech in the College debating soci-
ety: to have such words of praise from the recognisedly greatest
orator of the time, would make anyone feel elated and encouraged to
do his best; and it was the sorrow of her life as I almost compelled
her to tell me, that we in India were not a generous people and would
not encourage the young and enable them to take their place in world
affairs. I asked her: “What is it, in your opinion, that does not enable
us to rise? You should surely be able to tell me after your whole life
passed with us and in our service.” And she hesitatingly said: “Your
leaders do not help younger people to find their feet”.
Another characteristic of Mrs. Besant, forcibly printed on my
mind, is her capacity not only of attracting people, but of keeping
them bound to her in chains of unbreakable affection. She would
never neglect a friend. She would cling to him despite his weak-
nesses, his limitations and even his unkindnesses. It was this
generosity of her nature which enabled her to make herself win
friends and keep them attached to her work. It was—so it strikes me
as I throw my mind backwards—the root of her success. She was
able to build up her great institutions by making all her friends and
colleagues feel all the time that they were doing her work, that she
was constantly looking at them, admiring, helping and encouraging
them throughout. She was full of praise of her friends and had not
any unkind thought or word for them at any time, whatever befell.
She was a most punctual woman and punctiliously fulfilled
all her engagements and her promises. We are often inclined to make
vague promises of all sorts off-hand, without the least intention of
fulfilling them. Not so she. She would fulfil her promises to a child.
I took it in my head, for instance, to ask for a particular book as a
prize for a recitation at my school anniversary. That book was not
available in India. She wrote for it to England herself; got it at
Madras and remembered that it was meant for me, months after-
wards when it arrived. She packed it herself, addressed it herself, and
sent it on to me. I was anxious on one occasion that a special silver
badge in recognition of good work should be awarded to a fellow
student. She had invited me to come and see her one morning and I
mentioned this desire of mine to her. She then asked me to leave the
name behind, and some weeks later, at a public function, unknown
to anyone she called up this young gentleman to the dais and pre-
sented him with the badge and praised him, before all, for the good
work that he had done for the poor students in the College.
Mrs. Besant kept herself in personal touch with all her col-
leagues and with all her students in the college—the Central Hindu
College—that she made. I can never forget how during the anxious
days when I was scarcely fifteen, my father was dangerously ill and
she came night after night, after busy days of hard work, to nurse
him through the dangerous illness. The gratitude that we all felt for
her efficient nursing, for her affectionate solicitude, could never be
repaid; but she did what she did without thinking anything about it
and took it all as part of the day’s work. It was all second nature with
her; she wanted no thanks; she expected no gratitude. My father was
one of her dearest and closest colleagues in her Theosophical work
in India. She wrote to him every day when in India, and every week
when abroad. Along with her letters to him, came innumerable
stamps of all countries, torn from envelopes sent to her, all meant for
my brother who was at that time an enthusiastic stamp-collector.
She was a great letter-writer and kept in touch with all her
friends all the time. From distant lands I have had letters from her,
of congratulation on my marriage, of condolence at my wife’s death.
And I have known of fellow students who received letters of sympa-
thy and enquiries when seriously ill and in great physical suffering.
People would entrust her with missions of all sorts and she always
executed them most carefully. I remember her old friend Dr. G. N.
Chakravarty, wanting a dressing gown of a particular variety from
London when I went with her, for the sample gown was packed in
my box. She took great pains to have a similar one made in London
for him and must have given it to him on return. She would scrupu-
lously and promptly reply to every letter written to her, whether the
letter came from a child or a great man. She made twenty-four hours
yield the work of three times as many hours, for she was punctual to
a second in everything, whether it was in taking her food, in deliver-
ing a lecture or in going to bed.
And then there was a third great characteristic of Mrs. Bes-
ant’s: she was most scrupulous about the care of her health. No
wonder who lived to be almost eighty-six. She was a great horse-
woman in her comparatively younger days. She was old-fashioned
and did not ride astride as ladies now do. She could keep on
horseback for long hours, fatiguing her companions a third of her
age. She was an exquisite croquet player. She did not shun the thea-
tre, and loved to play “patience” with her cards. She was indeed very
human and she had no pretences. She dressed well, though always
simply; she ate well, although frugally; and she always travelled in
comfort without denying herself anything that was necessary to
make her efficient and fit for her work in life. She had no prejudices,
and would use any vehicle that came her way to travel about to carry
her message far and wide.
My memories as a child of her are wrapt up also with her
wonderful eloquence. I learnt English fairly early in life; so I remem-
ber even to have been able to follow her very early lectures on the
“Ramayana” a few years later. She needed no notes, and spoke just
for sixty minutes, keeping her audiences spell-bound all the time and
leaving them at the very climax of her oratory, gaping and yearning
for more. I think the best setting for her lectures was the Queen’s
Hall of London, where I had heard her to the best advantage and in
the most fitting surroundings. She was an artist in words, and she
was keen both on the dress she wore when delivering her lectures
and also the seating arrangements she wanted made at them. She did
not like anyone to speak after her, and she always resented any at-
tempts on the part of her chairman to give instructions to the
audience after her lectures. At Oxford, a chairman after her lecture
told his audience of the exits provided for them; and she said to the
managers of her lectures afterwards that all notices of exits and en-
trances must be given before she began. She never liked an open
vacant aisle in front of her when speaking. She felt as if she was
lecturing to empty space even though the sides were crowded.
She was a most motherly person and she was essentially a
woman. She would give good advice as to how to keep out the dust
nuisance or to keep the room cool in the summer. She knew how
babies should be treated, and she once pulled me up badly for stand-
ing behind my baby when she was holding it in her hands, because
the little one would try to turn its eyes backwards in order to see me.
She wanted me to stand in front and not hurt the baby’s eyes. As a
speaker, she was great. She helped us to discover our own country
and take pride in our ancient days. She ashamed us for our present
and encouraged us to work for a really great future of freedom and
of joy. She was a great master who taught us how we should live and
build up happy homes, though her own was shattered. She was a
woman who lent grace and dignity to whatever she touched, and kept
her friends and her colleagues bound and attached to her in eternal
affection and devotion. She was a person full of human kindness, full
of sympathetic understanding, ever anxious that others should be
helped to find their feet in life and trained to do the world’s work in
the right spirit, and for the right ends. And today, as we celebrate the
centenary of her birth, I lay at her feet my tribute of admiration and
of gratitude, and with the innumerable memories that crowd in my
mind today, I offer her the love and reverence of a grandson to a
grand-mother: I cannot offer less, I dare not offer more.
Annie Besant
B. Sanjiva Rao
“In life, through death to life again, I am but the Servant of the
Great Brotherhood and those on whose head but for a moment the
hand of the Master has rested in blessing can never again look at the
world save with eyes made luminous with the radiance of the eternal
peace.”
These are the closing words with which this great servant of
Humanity concludes the first chapter of a life of storm and stress, of
a ceaseless search for truth, battling against the tyranny of an age
which had not outgrown the fanatic in tolerance of the middle ages.
With the joining of the Theosophical Society and the taking up once
more with her Teacher the link that had bound her to Him during
many lives in the past there dawned upon her the peace that broods
over those who dwell in the eternal.
The readers of the ‘Autobiography’ are hardly prepared to
realise that the close of that first chapter marks the beginning of a
work so great, so wonderful, so far-reaching that I do not believe that
contemporaries can do justice to its importance. Forty years ago In-
dia appeared to our fathers to be lost in a slumber so profound that
even the greatest patriots of the day declared that it was dead and
that the leaders of the Theosophical movement were attempting the
futile task of awakening a dead people.
It was Mrs. Besant’s supreme privilege to be given the task
of awakening a whole nation from its sleep of centuries, of pouring
into India that splendid stream of vitality which has created a new
elation out of a people who had given themselves up as lost. It is true
that so stupendous a task cannot be the work of a single individual,
however eminent, however great. Yet history shows us that at every
great crisis in human affairs there stand out great and towering per-
sonalities through whom the great Hierarchy of the Elder Brothers
of humanity guides the destinies of nations till they reach their ap-
pointed end. There is only one name by which Mrs, Besant’s
personality can be adequately described: ‘In life, through death to
life again, she is but the great Servant of the Great Brotherhood’. It
is as a Servant of the Great Brotherhood that she stands out before
the outer world.
Throughout her long period of the service of India, the key-
note of her life is that of a splendid consecration of all her faculties,
of her supremely commanding will; of her magnificent organising
capacity to the carrying out of a plan given to her to be worked out
by the Guardians of Humanity.
“The most significant fact of modern days is this,” says
Rabindranath Tagore, “that the West has met the East. Such a mo-
mentous meeting of humanity, in order to be fruitful, must have in
its heart some great emotional idea, generous and creative. There can
be no doubt that God’s choice has fallen upon the knight errants of
the West for the service of the present age ..... The world today is
offered to the West. She will destroy it, if she does not use it for a
great creation of man.” Splendidly equipped with the latest scientific
culture of the West and having gained or rather regained a
knowledge of the mystic and hidden wisdom of the East, Mrs. Besant
came to India, to interpret India to the Western world, to restore to
India the dignity and splendour of her ancient heritage of Aryan wis-
dom.
For many a long year, she studied India with reverent sym-
pathy, fearing to condemn, lest through her ignorance she should
destroy the delicate fabric of the ancient culture, she studied the writ-
ings of the Rishis, and by her sympathy and insight gained a
marvellous power of entering into the spirit of Hinduism and of the
Hindu people. She travelled incessantly through the length and
breadth of India, proclaiming to a people who were unconscious of
the greatness of their ancient inheritance, the priceless value of In-
dian philosophy and Indian religion. Those were happy days for our
President, living in her Benares home, in loving communion with
her Hindu friends, attracting by her wonderful sympathy, many an
ardent soul to the cause of Theosophy, many people do not realise
the vital connection between her work of reviving Hinduism and her
present political work. She saw truly that the heart of India was
deeply religious, that the secret of her culture lay in her profound
religious consciousness. Placed amidst surroundings which by their
vastness, their glory and majesty ever whisper of the Infinite the In-
dian mind turns to the Eternal within him to meet the touch of the
Supreme Person. Social reform, Political and Educational reform to
be successful must be viewed from the standpoint of the spirit in
man.
The same truth was seen by that virile and fiery prophet of
Bengal, the late Swami Vivekananda. It expresses itself in the life
and work of Mr. Gokhale who declared that politics must be
spiritualized. It is the secret of the marvellous outburst of devotion
of the millions of the Indian people at the call of the prophet of non-
violence whatever one may think of the practical outcome of the
movement of non-cooperation, one cannot be convinced, that it is
the call of the ideal that brings out the supreme qualities in the Indian
heart.
It was Mrs. Besant’s privilege to help in the great revival of
a people’s latent genius. The testimony of one who had so long been
the champion of scientific agnosticism to the deathless reality of the
spirit in man, a testimony not based on mere tradition or authority by
any book however sacred and ancient, but on the bedrock of personal
realisation made on an instant and powerful appeal to the eager In-
tellect of educated India. I do not think it is an exaggeration to say
that almost every eminent man of our time has some time or other in
his life been profoundly affected by the teachings of Theosophy. But
religion, if it is vital, must express itself in life and work. This is the
wonderful truth that our President brought from her western home.
The true greatness of the West lies not so much in the marvellous
development of her scientific research, but in the spirit of service
devoted to the welfare of man.
It is this combination of the mystic with the soul in eternal
communion with the Immortal Ruler within and the practical worker
ever engaged in the work of the outer world, it is this union of the
East and West that is seen in rare perfection in the personality of our
President. She is certainly one of the most active workers of the
world though she has attained the age of 75. Yet the atmosphere
which surrounds her is one of peace and repose. It is as if in the midst
of her ceaseless work, she holds unseen communion with a Power
that is not of earth. Absolutely tireless in her efforts, it looks as if the
work is not so much the result of any outer thing but rather the ex-
pression of an exuberant vitality of the spirit that must pour itself
forth in active work for the welfare of man. It is as spontaneous as
the music of the singer or the melody of the poet, the song of the
bird. Such vitality of the spirit is of the very essence of that creative
power that gives birth to art and literature and there breathes in all
that she does that spirit of harmony and beauty which we associate
with a great poem, but what a magnificent poem it is! l have watched
her at work, at committee meetings, in the railway trains, at all kinds
of functions. There is no false note, no discord; it is as if one heard
the far-off tones of a divine music of a spirit in harmony with the
will of the Supreme.
It has been my privilege to listen to the wonderful eloquence
of our President and be thrilled and inspired by it. But I believe I
have learnt far more by watching her at work. I remember going up
to her considerably troubled by an impending financial crisis that
was about to take place in one of her many departments of work. She
asked me not to worry. Foolish I asked her if she would not feel wor-
ried if her Master had some grave trouble. Her answer was
characteristic – it was an emphatic “no”. “I give myself up to my
Master – I hold back nothing”, she said. It taught me more than many
lectures have done. It enabled me to realise the continual abiding
consciousness of the Supreme, not as a vague, shadowy, far off real-
ity to be felt in moments of rare insight, but as something which lay
behind every action and thought of her, influencing, through the au-
tomatism of the body, every detail of her daily life,
I understood, as never before, how an occultist works. Seated
in the heart of the Eternal, every detail of life on the plane of thought,
feeling or action is but the spontaneous expression of that Divine will
to which the human has been attuned. That central lesson of the Gita
which teaches us to look upon ourselves as the instruments of the
one worker was borne in upon me. It is said that all spiritual truths
are taught to us through the medium of personality. The personality
of our President is the supreme gift of the West and the East alike to
the culture of a future age.
Dr. Besant as Constructive Statesman
By B. Shiva Rao
12
The Life of Annie Besant, by Geoffrey West.
bring together into one mighty power all the powers of the world.
The Indian nation of the future is not to be a nation of one single
religion only but to embody the very essence of all religions; that it
will have in it the philosophy of Hinduism, the valour and learning
of Islam, the purity of Zoroastrianism, the love and tenderness of
Buddhism, the self-sacrifice of Christianity.” Religious exclusive-
ness destroys love of country. It is the exclusiveness that is the
enemy and not religion. Therefore the warring religions must learn
their unity, and when they feel themselves as one they will strength-
en, not weaken, patriotism.
Turning her attention to Education, she said that just as one cannot
build a good house out of rotten bricks, so “you cannot build a great
nation out of citizens of bad or indifferent character. The citizens are
the nation; and as is their character so must be the character of the
nation. Hence it is vital that the education given by any nation to its
youth should include the building up of character by religious and
moral methods, and an education that leaves out of account religion
and morality is no true education at all.” She emphasized that one of
the chief virtues necessary to the good citizen is public spirit, and
that without public spirit there is no nation. She was equally em-
phatic that “with one’s patriotism should not be mingled the poison
of hatred, for hatred is the root of vices as love is the root of virtues.
When patriotism is poisoned by the hatred of other countries, it be-
comes diseased and loses its essence and its life.”
Soon after she came to India she saw the need for social reform.
The illiteracy of the masses, the treatment of the submerged classes,
the non-recognition of the rightful place of women in the life of the
nation, all these could not but attract her attention; and when she
found that the ancient ideals of Hindu life could not be restored, she
did not hesitate to draw pointed attention to these social evils in the
country and plead for their eradication.
In 1913 she organized a band of T.S. workers, who took a pledge
the last clause of which was: “I promise to promote union among the
workers in the fields of spiritual, educational, social and political
progress, under the headship and direction of the Indian National
Congress.” It seemed to Dr. Besant that the National Congress could
not ultimately succeed unless its programme included these four as-
pects of National life, but the Congress hesitated. Then she started a
weekly paper, The Commonweal, to popularize her ideas. In enunci-
ating its editorial policy, she declared: “We stand, then, for Union
among all workers in the National cause and ask only to be allowed
to serve it in any of the four great departments.” She respected the
wishes of the Congress leaders who thought that a separate organi-
zation for educative propaganda would weaken the Congress, and
agreed to postpone the formation of a Home Rule League for the
purpose till 31st August 1916, and to start the League after that if the
Congress did nothing in the meanwhile.
The Congress took no action till August 1916, and so Dr. Besant
duly formed the Home Rule League. The propaganda proposed for
the Home Rule Leage was subsequently accepted by the Congress,
and vigorous propaganda for Home Rule began in earnest with the
result that the Government sought to stifle the movement by intern-
ing her. Her internment, far from weakening the movement, rallied
the nation as nothing else could have done, and the Government were
forced to release her within three months of her internment, with a
promise that the Secretary of State was coming to India to hear for
himself what India wanted.
The great work done by Dr. Besant in this and other directions
won the enthusiastic appreciation of members of all schools of
thought and communities. Sir C. Y. Chintamani said that “Dr. Besant
looked upon India and served India as her Motherland with a devo-
tion and at a sacrifice equalled by few and surpassed by none”.
Lokmanya Tilak, leader of the Extremist section, admitted that “if
India is nearer the goal it is due to your strenuous efforts”. Mr. Jinnah
of the Muslim League was no less appreciative; he said “No other
person has worked and served our cause with that singleness of
purpose, devotion and transparent sincerity as has Mrs. Besant. She
has sacrificed all she could. What for? For the freedom of India.”
Of her work since then up to about a couple of years before her
passing in 1933, who can give a complete account? Many sided were
her activities, and each one of them would fill a volume if justice is
to be done to her. Her ideal was a World Federation, a “Common-
wealth of Free Nations in which India plays her equal part. The East
and West are to be brought together not for themselves alone but for
the good of the world. India and Britain are to be the main constitu-
ents of the Commonwealth.” Hence her insistence on maintaining
the link between India and Britain. She exhorted Indians “to work
actively for the preservation of the link between India and Britain. It
preserves peace between Asia and Europe. It stands out as a barrier
against the breaking out of war between the two continents, a war
which would mean a conflict of coloured and white humanity, prob-
ably accompanied by the destruction alike of Asiatic and European
civilizations.”
The Swarāj she contemplated for India was no imitation of what
obtained in other countries. She did not want a replica of English
Self-Government “in the form in which England with the wide ex-
tension of suffrage is discovering to be unworkable”. She did not
want devolution but evolution which is natural and easy. She orga-
nized a National Convention consisting of the elected members of
the Legislatures in the country and a few distinguished workers out-
side the Legislative bodies, (practically a Constituent Assembly such
as we have now), and helped them to draft a Commonwealth of India
Bill. This Bill embodies a system of graded franchise suited to In-
dia’s millions. The village is the unit of administration with complete
adult suffrage in it, the Village Council dealing with all matters con-
cerning the village. Then come Councils for Towns, also with adult
suffrage. Next in order come the Taluk Boards and smaller Munici-
palities, and then the District Boards and larger Municipalities, and
the Provincial and National Parliaments with more and more
restricted franchise, for in her view “the voter should understand and
be capable of forming an opinion on the questions which his repre-
sentative is going to decide.” The Bill passed a first reading in the
House of Commons. It did not go through further stages. Gandhiji
would not put his signature to it, unless he had a previous guarantee
that the Parliament would pass it as presented.
Dr. Besant knew that, to achieve Freedom, there should he a
united front on the part of India without difference of parties or of
Hindus and Muslims. The Congress had broken up in 1907 into two
parties—Extremists and Moderates —and when it met again in 1908
it was without the Extremists led by Lokmanya Tilak. With the con-
sent and approval of Mr. Gokhale, leader of the Moderates, Mrs.
Besant went and saw Mr. Tilak in 1914, brought about a meeting
between them, and a proposal was discussed to open a way for a
return of the Extremists to the Congress. The necessary change was
made in the Congress of 1915, and the Tilak party rejoined the Con-
gress in 1916 at Lucknow.
No less remarkable was the success which attended her efforts to
bring together Hindus and Muslims for common National work. The
Hon’able Sir Syed Nabi handsomely acknowledged it in his tribute
to her in the 1917 Conference of the All-India Muslim League. He
said: “I shall be untrue to myself, untrue to the Muslim community,
untrue to the community at large, if I failed at the moment to publicly
acknowledge the services rendered by that great and sincere friend
of India, Mrs. Annie Besant, who was mainly instrumental in bring-
ing about the spirit of unity between the two great communities. It
was she who made that union possible and we cannot be sufficiently
grateful to her.”
It cannot be denied that Dr. Besant’s work has borne fruit
(though not within her lifetime as she expected), significantly
enough, in the Centenary year of her birth. Swarāj, independence,
Dominion Status, has come, (though by a partition of India), within
the British Commonwealth. But will this continue? Dr. Besant firmly
believed that it is in the plan of “the Inner Government of the world”
that Britain and India should remain united as equals, and she wrote
in 1928: “The Will of the Inner Government will he done at last, no
matter what may be the size of the present parties. In the end, Their
Will will triumph—the time is nothing. The Congress may pass
whatever resolutions it pleases; whatever is against that Will will be
broken.”
The relation between Muslims and Hindus began to change even
during Dr. Besant's lifetime and she felt that the question as regards
Muhammadans in India was both serious and urgent.
Can it be that the division of India into Pakistan and Indian Un-
ion, which one expects to be temporary, will ultimately pave the way
for a united India without the menace of independence? God grant
that the leaders of both the Dominions will see that these hopes are
realized. In the words of Dr. Annie Besant, “nothing is too great a
sacrifice if it secures a united front.”
In her political work she was strictly constitutional in her meth-
ods. She did not object to a leader disobeying a bad law and bearing
its consequences in his own person. As a matter of fact, when the
Rowlat Bill was before the public, she had resolved to protest against
the Bill, when it became law, by disregarding its impossible instruc-
tions. But the Bill was largely modified in the Viceroy’s Legislative
Council leaving nothing that she wanted to disregard or protest
against, without being a revolutionary. And when Gandhiji deter-
mined to carry on a campaign of passive resistance, by breaking
other laws, she opposed him with all the power at her command. “To
break other non-tyrannous laws, which one has hitherto obeyed, be-
cause a new tyrannous law had in it no clause that one could
righteously disregard” was not her way of political agitation. “Such
a policy was certain to give rise” (as it actually did) “among the ig-
norant and the criminal, to general lawlessness, destructive of all
Government and fatal to society.” There were undoubtedly many in
this country, who were of her way of thinking at the starting of the
Non-Cooperation movement and during its different stages, but who
did not speak out their minds freely.
Dr. Besant always gratefully acknowledged the valuable train-
ing she had for political work at the hands of Charles Bradlaugh, and
she has often stated that there was not one home that had been made
desolate by him, not one man who had gone to jail for the work that
he had asked him to do. This was strictly true of her also.
The policy she enunciated during those days, because of which
she was so badly misunderstood by the public and lost all her vast
popularity, is now being slowly vindicated. The recognition is slow
in coming, but come it will, in due course. (The sooner it comes the
better for India.) For instance: She was entirely against students still
in schools and colleges taking part in active politics. She loved them
far too much to stand aside and allow all their prospects and useful-
ness to the country ruined. During the days of the partition of Bengal,
she took up that view and enforced it in her college and school at
Benares. Bengal was furious with her. Bepin Chandra Pal was no
exception to it. But, later on, he had the fairness to make amends for
his previous harsh judgment of her: “In common fairness to Mrs.
Besant, it must be admitted, however difficult it may have been for
us to recognize it in those exciting days, that we did not stop to
calmly consider the real psychology of her policy. We did not even
impartially examine the facts of the case. Looking back upon that
unfortunate misunderstanding today, when the old controversies
have died away and the old excitement has given place to a newer
and larger enthusiasm for the Nationalist cause, in which Mrs. Bes-
ant stands completely united and identified with the Nationalist party
in India, we are forced to recognize the very wide difference between
the attitude of the Government and that of Mrs. Besant in the matter.
. . Mrs. Besant’s attitude and action in this matter was strictly correct
and constitutional.”
Is it too much to expect the leaders who are administering the
country today, to re-examine the attitude once adopted towards her;
to see whether there is not wisdom in the methods she recommended,
and in her admonitions and warnings against risks she foresaw and
wanted to guard against; and so to follow her counsels, adapting
them where necessary, in the present circumstances of the country?
That would rejoice her exceedingly, not because her policy was be-
ing vindicated, but that India’s feet were set at last on the only and
best way to achieve her high destiny and fulfil her mission to the
world.
Just a hundred years ago a child was born who was destined to play
a remarkable and varied part in the history of the progress of the
world; and we are celebrating the event today. Among those who
have materially contributed to the shaping of India, Mrs. Besant is
one of the biggest personalities. She helped young India to feel sure
of the greatness of Indian culture and religion. Christianity as well
as Science has made a great and successful attack on Hindu religion.
Mrs. Besant’s service in repelling these attacks and in conserving the
self-confidence of India in these matters deserves most grateful ap-
preciation. Mrs. Besant was one of those who, like Gandhiji, could
not be put in a compartment. All things are interrelated; arid religion,
politics, art, industry, education, all are interrelated branches of the
same Truth. Mrs Besant therefore took as much part in politics as in
the revival movement of Hinduism. Her contribution to the cause of
Indian freedom is great. Lokamanya Tilak, Gandhiji and other Indian
leaders were her contemporaries. Groups gathered round these great
figures came sometimes in conflict with one another. I, as a young
man, kept somewhat away from Mrs. Besant; that is to say speaking
relatively. But I now see in the large perspective how great a person
she was and how much she has done for India. The Theosophical
Society, of which she was the Head, was the target of very severe
attacks in Madras especially. I now see how foolish all these attacks
were and how much she has been misunderstood. She was a firm
believer in the immortality of the spirit. Let us pay our homage to
her spirit on this day of memory a hundred years after she was born.
How can I tell my own heavy personal debt to her? I was never
worthy to unloose the latchet of her shoes; yet she allowed me the
privilege of doing so, and serving as her personal assistant, in Bena-
res and on some of the long tours she made in India year after year
in connection with her work, some ten years before she made Adyar
her principal residence after taking up the Presidentship of The The-
osophical Society. Once I fell very ill with malaria. She was, as
usual, very busy with all kinds of work, and, besides, was preparing
to leave Benares for England for the summer. One morning, on com-
ing back to my senses after a night’s mind-wandering, I was
astounded to learn that she had passed nearly the whole of the night
on a sofa, near my sick-bed, taking turns with my wife in trying to
soothe my wretched worthless mind and body. What wonder that we
all regarded her as veritable mother!
* * *
Epilogue
For those who subscribe to the ‘received tradition’ about An-
nie Besant, she was a deluded woman, power-hungry, naïve,
manipulated by men, including G. N. Chakravarti and C. W. Lead-
beater. For such individuals she was responsible for the breakup the
Theosophical Society in 1895, when the Judge Case culminated in
the secession by William Q. Judge and the formation of the inde-
pendent Theosophical Society in America.
The word ‘image’ is derived from the Latin imago, ‘image,
imitation, likeness, statue, representation.’ The images of Annie Bes-
ant mentioned above were created by the intellectual and emotional
passions of those who convinced themselves that that image was a
true one. And with more than a century of strong, passionate, parti-
san image-making, that image acquired a living form in the minds of
many people, academicians included, thus reducing her monumen-
tal, age-transforming work, to an exercise of vanity and egoism on
the part of a woman who was perceived to be psychologically de-
pendent on men. However, as Krishnamurti repeatedly said, the
image or the word is not the thing.
This book is only a bird’s-eye view of Annie Besant’s im-
mense work, encompassing education, social awareness and action,
real politics, a theosophical tour de force, and the compelling and
profoundly transformative work of an individual – a woman – who
worked without fear for the spiritual, social, educational and political
awakening of India. Such a woman is not an image, a representation,
a statue, an imitation. She was an embodiment of a resistless spiritual
force that has its spring in that spiritual intuition which renders all
action effective, right, loving and transformative. Every one of the
burning issues of India today can be seen mirrored in Annie Besant’s
work more than a century ago: the condition of women, child mar-
riage, casteism and communalism, the duties of the parliament, the
relationship between religious communities and the welfare of the
poor. Her diagnosis of Indian society was spot on.
Annie Besant was and continues to be, subjected to nothing
less than a markedly hostile treatment by some of the followers of
William Q. Judge. She is portrayed as a traitor of the Theosophical
Movement, and solely responsible for its fragmentation. Once again,
image-making has played a very large part in this portrayal of her.
But when one reads her motion to the 1894 Convention of the The-
osophical Society, it can be clearly seen that her motives in that
serious crisis were not personal animosity against Mr Judge but a
plea for him to explain himself, which he refused. She never wanted
him to be expelled from the Theosophical Society and he never was.
When she introduced J. Krishnamurti to the world as the ve-
hicle for the coming World Teacher Dr Besant was again attacked,
savagely so. But she continued to work and even when Krishnaji
dissolved the Order of the Star in the East in 1929 she maintained
her certainty that he would be the vehicle for a new teaching to hu-
manity. Krishnaji’s work from that time to his death in 1986, proved
that Dr Besant’s vision was not the ravings of a deluded brain, but
the certainty of a spiritual intuition born in those spheres of con-
sciousness in which there is no doubt, no fear, and no hesitation.
A number of years ago, in conversation with an Indian friend,
I was told that when Annie Besant differed from Gandhiji publicly
she was ‘shelved’ by the leadership of the Independence movement.
Yet, the testimonies included in the last chapter of this book by her
contemporary eminent Indians, and by Gandhji himself, show a
moving recognition of her legacy, as someone who had embraced
India and its soul from the very moment she stepped on its soil in
1893. She gave India her all.
H. P. Blavatsky welcomed Annie Besant into the TS in 1889, in
London, and the latter soon became her right hand. Below we
include Madame Blavatsky’s appointment of Annie Besant to a sig-
nificant position in HPB’s inner, esoteric work. This happened less
than two years of Mrs Besant joined the Theosophical Society:
ORDER
“To Annie Besant, C.S. of the I.G. of the E.S. & R. of the T.
“April 1, 1891.
“Read and Recorded April 11/91. William Q. Judge, Sec. U.S.”
Shalt thou abstain from action? Not so shall gain thy soul her
freedom. To reach Nirvâna one must reach Self-Knowledge, and
Self-Knowledge is of loving deeds the child.
Fragment II
Hast thou attuned thy heart and mind to the great mind and
heart of all mankind? For as the sacred River’s roaring voice
whereby all Nature-sounds are echoed back, so must the heart of
him ‘who in the stream would enter,’ thrill in response to every
sigh and thought of all that lives and breathes.
Fragment III
1866 Easter, met the Rev. Frank Besant, whom she married
in Dec. 1867; A very devout Christian, she met her
first religious doubt and conquered it temporarily
1871 Attempted suicide: for the first time heard her Mas-
ter’s voice
1872 Met Mr Thomas Scott who became her most
helpful friend
1874-86 Atheist
Pre-Theosophical
On the Religions
Annie Besant in Ceylon, 1893, (on Buddhism)
Aspects of the Christ, 1912
Atonement and the Law of Sacrifice, The, 1898, (inc. in
Esot. Christianity)
Avataras, The, Convention Lectures of 1899
Beauties of Islam, 1944, (new ed. of Islam in the Light
of Theosophy)
Bhagavad Gita, The, 1895, (translated from Sanskrit)
Bhagavad Gita, The, 1905, (another translation jointly
with Bhagavan Das)
Brotherhood of Religions, The, 1913, (article of 1907)
Buddhist Popular Lectures of 1907
Dharma, 1899. (lectures of 1898)
Esoteric Christianity, 1898; enlarged and entitled Eso-
teric Christianity or the Lesser Mysteries, 1901
Five Sermonettes (of 1927), 1929
Four Great Religions, Convention Lectures of 1896;
later published in four parts, entitled: Hinduism, Zoroas-
trianism, Buddhism, and Christianity
Hidden Side of Religions, The, 1898, (inc. in Esoteric
Christianity)
Hints of the Study of the Bhagavad Gita, Convention
Lectures of 1905
In Defence of Hinduism, 1908
Islam, 1903, (inc. in The Life and Teachings of Muham-
mad)
Islam in the Light of Theosophy, 1912 (inc. in The Birth
of New India)
Life and Teachings of Muhammad, The, 1932
Natural and Spiritual Bodies, 1898, (inc. in Esoteric
Christianity)
Noble Eightfold Path, The, about 1907
Protestant Spirit, The, 1920, (article of 1905)
Questions on Hinduism with Answers, 1909
Reincarnation a Christian Doctrine, 1904
Relativity of Hindu Ethics, The, 1914
Religious Problem in India, The, Convention Lectures
of 1901 (later published in four parts, entitled: Islam,
Jainism, Sikhism, Theosophy)
Sacraments and Revelation, 1898, (inc. in Esoteric
Christianity)
Theosophical Christianity, 1922
Theosophy and Christianity, about 1892
Trinity: Divine Incarnation, The, 1898, (inc. in Esoteric
Christianity)
Universal Textbook of Religion and Morals, The, Part I,
1910; Part II, 1911; Part III, 1915
Wisdom of the Upanishads, The, Convention Lectures
of 1906
Queen’s Hall Lectures
* * *
SUPPLEMENT TO THEOSOPHIST.
SEPTEMBER 1894.
EXECUTIVE NOTICE.
THEOSOPHICAL SOCIETY,
PRESIDENT'S OFFICE,
LONDON, 21st , July 1894.
APPENDIX.
Since March last, charges have been going round the world
against me, to which the name of Annie Besant has been attached,
without her consent as she now says, that I have been guilty of forg-
ing the names and handwritings of the Mahatmas and of misusing
the said names and handwritings. The charge has also arisen that I
suppressed the name of Annie Besant as mover in the matter from
fear of the same. All this has been causing great trouble and working
injury to all concerned, that is, to all our members. It is now time that
this should be put an end to once for all if possible.
I now state as follows:
1. I left the name of Annie Besant out of my published circular
by request of my friends in the T. S. then near me so as to
save her and leave it to others to put her name to the charge.
It now appears that if I had so put her name it would have run
counter to her present statement.
2. I repeat my denial of the said rumoured charges of forging
the said names and handwritings of the Mahatmas or of
misusing the same.
3. I admit that I have received and delivered messages from
the Mahatmas and assert their genuineness.
4. I say that I have heard and do hear from the Mahatmas, and
that I am an agent of the Mahatmas; but I deny that I have
ever sought to induce that belief in others, and this is the first
time to my knowledge that I have ever made the claim now
made. I am pressed into the place where I must make it. My
desire and effort have been to distract attention from such an
idea as related to me. But I have no desire to make the claim,
which I repudiate, that I am the only channel for communi-
cation with Masters; and it is my opinion that such
communication is open to any human being who, by endeav-
ouring to serve mankind, affords the necessary conditions.
5. Whatever messages from the Mahatmas have been delivered
by me as such—and they are extremely few—I now declare
were and are genuine messages from the Mahatmas so far as
my knowledge extends; they were obtained through me, but
as to how they were obtained or produced I cannot state. But
I can now again say, as I have said publicly before, and as
was said by H. P. Blavatsky so often that I have always
thought it common knowledge among studious Theoso-
phists, that precipitation of words or messages is of no
consequence and constitutes no proof of connection with Ma-
hatmas; it is only phenomenal and not of the slightest value.
6. So far as methods are concerned for the reception and deliv-
ery of messages from the Masters, they are many. My own
methods may disagree from the views of others, and I
acknowledge their right to criticize them if they choose; but
I deny the right of any one to say that they know or can prove
the non-genuineness of such messages to or through me un-
less they are able to see on that plane. I can only say that I
have done my best to report — in the few instances when I
have done it at all—correctly and truthfully such messages
as I think I have received for transmission, and never to my
knowledge have I tried therewith to deceive any person or
persons whatever.
7. And I say that in 1893 the Master sent me a message in which
he thanked me for all my work and exertions in the Theo-
sophical field, and expressed satisfaction therewith, ending
with sage advice to guard me against the failings and follies
of my lower nature; that message Mrs. Besant unreservedly
admits.
8. Lastly, and only because of absurd statements made and cir-
culated, I willingly say that which I never denied, that I am a
human being, full of error, liable to mistake, not infallible,
but just the same as any other human being like to myself, or
of the class of human beings like to myself, or of the class of
human beings to which I belong. And I freely, fully and sin-
cerely forgive anyone who may be thought to have injured or
tried to injure me.
WILLIAM Q. JUDGE.
__________
The following important results have come out of the above in-
quiry: (a) The absolute neutrality of the Theosophical Society in all
matters of personal belief, and the perfect right of private judgment
in religious, mystical and other questions have been authoritatively
and permanently declared by Executive affirmation, endorsement by
the General Council, and confirmation by a Judicial Committee or-
ganized under the provisions of the Society’s Revised Rules, and
composed of Delegates chosen by the existing three Sections as pos-
sessing their respect and confidence; (b) The authoritative and
dogmatic value of statements as to the existence of Mahatmas, their
relations with and messages to private persons, or through them to
third parties, the Society or the general public, is denied; all such
statements, messages or teachings are to be taken at their intrinsic
value and the recipients left to form and declare, if they choose, their
own opinions with respect to their genuineness: the Society, as a
body, maintaining its constitutional neutrality in the premises.
As to the disposal of the charges against the Vice-President, the
report of the Judicial Committee gives all necessary information: the
public statements of Mrs. Besant and Mr. Judge contained in the Ap-
pendix showing how the case stands. No final decision has been
reached, since the defence of Mr. Judge precluded an inquiry into the
facts, and it would not be constitutional for one to be made by any
Committee, Council or Branch of the Society. To undertake it would
be a dangerous precedent, one which would furnish an excuse to try
a member for holding to the dogmas of the sect to which he might
belong. Generally speaking, the elementary principles of tolerance
and brotherliness which are professed by all true Theosophists, teach
us to exercise towards each other a generous charity and forgiveness
for displays of those human imperfections which we all equally
share.
H. S. OLCOTT, P. T. S.
Mrs. Annie Besant has been but five years in this work, and
not all of that time engaged in occult study and practice. Her
abilities as a writer and speaker are rare and high for either man or
woman, her devotion and sincerity of purpose cannot be doubted.
She gave many years of her life to the cause of the oppressed as
she understood it: against the dread blight of materialistic belief in
herself, she worked thus without hope in a future life and in every
way proved her altruistic purpose and aim. Since 1889 she has
done great service to the T.S. and devoted herself to it. But all this
does not prevent a sincere person from making errors in Occultism,
especially when he, as Mrs. Besant did, tries to force himself along
the path of practical work in that field. Sincerity does not confer of
itself knowledge, much less wisdom. H.P.B. and all the history
of occultism say that seven years of training and trial at the very
least are needed. Mrs. Besant has had but five. Mistakes made by
such a disciple will ultimately be turned to the advantage of the
movement, and their immediate results will be mitigated to the
person making them, provided they are not inspired by an evil
intention on the person’s part. And I wish it to be clearly
understood that Mrs. Besant has had herself no conscious evil
intention; she has simply gone for a while outside the line of her
Guru (H.P.B.), begun work with others, and fallen under their
influence. We should not push her further down, but neither will
the true sympathy we have blind our eyes so as to let her go on, to
the detriment of the movement. I could easily retire from the whole
T.S., but my conceptions of duty are different, although the
personal cost to myself in this work is heavy, and as I am ordered
to stay I will stay and try my best to aid her and everyone else as
much as possible. And the same authority tells me that “could she
open her eyes and see her real line of work, and correct the present
condition in herself as well as the one she has helped to make in
the T.S. and E.S.T., she would find herself in mental, physical and
spiritual conditions of a kind much better than ever before, for her
present state is due to the attacks of the dark powers,
unconsciously to her.”
WQJ
PRESIDENT’S ADDRESS
MR. B. KEIGHTLEY:
Mr. President-Founder and Brothers:
In seconding the motion which Mrs. Besant has just read to you,
but very few words are needful on my part, after the admirably clear
and lucid statement of the whole circumstances and events in this
matter, and of the reasons which have led her to propose this step to
the present meeting. With regard to my own position in the matter,
my resignation will, in the course of today, be in the hands of the
Convention of the Indian Section in due course. I am a yearly officer
and it rests with my Section, charged as I have been with condoning
fraud, either to choose to re-elect me or otherwise. I have tried in
the matter to act honestly. When I thought we had a sufficiently well
considered and strong case, I urged the President-Founder to take
public action. When I return to Europe, I found that some links in
the chain of evidence utterly broke down; I therefore advised my
other colleagues here to proceed no further in the matter but to wait
for further evidence. That further evidence was supplied by Mrs.
Besant herself from her own knowledge. As soon as the case stood
complete, action was taken immediately. I was a party to the Judi-
cial Committee, I gave it as my opinion, that the technical objection
raised by Mr. Judge was a sound and good one. As a lawyer, I held
it was well taken, and hold it so even to this moment; and then find-
ing that the Committee was abortive, I signed a strongly-worded
protest against tampering with truth or deviation from honesty. It
was signed by Mrs. Besant and others, and sent with the copy of
judicial proceedings to every newspaper in London. If then you hold
with these facts before you, that I have condoned a fraud, it lies with
you to elect someone in the course of today as General Secretary to
the Indian Section in my place.
I hold that, be he guilty or be he innocent, Mr. Judge ought to
have taken that course long ago. His resignation ought now to be in
the hands of the Society. His resignation would neither have de-
clared his guilt nor would it have proved his innocence. It would
have been the course that any honorable man would have taken. I
am reminded of another case in point, in which Mrs. Besant played
a part; the famous case of the “Knowlton pamphlet.” She was then
Vice-President, while Mr. Charles Bradlaugh, Member of Parlia-
ment, was President, of the National Secular Society. They thought
it right to publish a certain pamphlet known as the “Knowlton pam-
phlet” which became the object of a criminal prosecution. The very
moment that these proceedings were commenced, both Mr. Brad-
laugh and Mrs. Besant tendered their resignations of their offices as
President and Vice-President in the National Secular Society. Sub-
sequently, they were triumphantly re-elected and re-instated. That
was the precedent which every honorable man ought to have fol-
lowed, a precedent which the creator of this movement, H. P. B., set
before you; this is the precedent which Mr. Judge as Vice-President
should have followed. His not having followed it, places him in my
estimation in a false position. It places the Society to which we all
belong, in a position which is absolutely untenable; and therefore I
hold, that it is our duty here today to formally move, the President-
Founder to request Mr. Judge to tender his resignation—not,
thereby in any way prejudging his guilt or innocence, but simply
reminding him of that duty which, as an honorable man and as an
officer of this Society, he should have long ago recognized and per-
formed. Therefore I second this resolution of Mrs. Besant’s and
endorse everything which she has said. Her statement of facts has
been accurate to the letter and I trust that this meeting, this anniver-
sary gathering of the Theosophical Society, will pass this resolution
without a single dissentient voice.
THE PRESIDENT:
I may state that the argument of the honorable gentleman is entirely
irrelevant, because every right of the individual is protected by our
Constitution. No man would have any right to expel Mr. Judge, or
make him resign, without giving him the chance of defence. This is
nothing but an informal meeting of the Society to express its opin-
ion. The members have a perfect liberty to ask me to take action as
the Executive, subject to the approval of the General Council. The
Motion of Capt. Banon can only be accepted as the expression of
the opinion of those who will support his amendment. The time has
not come when we should expel Mr. Judge. We may ask him to
resign, but must, before expulsion, give him every opportunity of
answering charges made against him. I will now request Dr. Huebbe
Schleiden, as a renowned Doctor of Laws, to favour us with his
views on the subject.
MR. E. M. SASSEVILLE:
Brother Theosophists, I come from America. I am extremely
glad to be present here today. I have been a Theosophist for over ten
years. I little dreamt when I first joined, that this happy day of our
meeting would ever come. I never expected that I would ever have
the pleasure of looking at so many faces of my Hindu brethren. I
must say that, if I speak in that way I am sure that I also represent
the sentiment of probably ninety-nine per cent, or even a hundred
per cent of the American Theosophists. Our leader, Mr. Judge—for
I must still call him our leader—has been with us for years, and has
done grand and noble work. We all acknowledge it. All the Ameri-
cans would certainly stand by him, no matter what happened to him.
Mr. Judge probably has been guilty of something, I am afraid. What
it is I cannot say, because I have not heard his side of the case. But
I think that the motion brought by Mrs. Besant, requesting the Presi-
dent to ask Mr. Judge to resign, is a just and proper one. Yet I am
entirely against the amendment to the motion, which asks for his
expulsion from the Society. If you expel Mr. Judge before having
asked him to resign, before giving him a chance, as the honourable
gentleman put it, to say what he has to say in his explanation—I
think you will commit a hasty action, and it will charge heavily on
the whole Society. Please remember that the American Section of
the Theosophical Society is no very small branch. It would be a pity
to expel Mr. Judge in a hasty fashion, and thus injure the cause of
Theosophy in our country; and not only in our country, but all over
the world. Please remember that Mr. Judge, although he may be
guilty, still has done great work. He has been ever since the founda-
tion of the Society in the harness and has worked for the cause.
Please remember this, and do not act too hastily. I am happy to bring
you brotherly greetings from all the American Theosophists.
MR. KEIGHTLEY:
With the permission of the President, I would like to clear up
some misconceptions. We are getting confused in regard to the is-
sues before us. My friend, Mr. S. Subramanier has contributed
unwittingly to our confusion. He has endeavoured to make out that
the Resolution as moved by Mrs. Besant, and seconded by myself,
formulated a new and fresh charge against Mr. Judge, or in a way
condemns him, or passes judgment. It does nothing of the kind. It
recites a number of facts, none of which can be disputed. It recites,
first, the appearance of the articles in the Westminster Gazette; sec-
ondly, it recites the charges of fraud and deception, supported by a
large body of evidence. It then goes on to recite various other points,
including the point that his recent publications have tended to raise
strife in the Sections. It then shows that every honorable man, be he
guilty or innocent, under circumstances of this kind would naturally
tender his resignation of office in such a Society as ours, without
hesitation. And it only asks him, in conclusion, as a matter of
common honour and honesty, to place his resignation in the hands
of the President, and it asks the President to call upon Mr. Judge to
do so. That is a clear issue. It does not pronounce any opinion on
Mr. Judge. It does not expel him, it does not remove him from the
office of Vice-President; but it simply reminds him of a duty which
he ought to have long ago recognised on his own account. I wish to
say also that I am strongly opposed to such hasty action as would
be involved in the Resolution of expulsion. I fully agree with my
friend, Mr. Subramanier and with Mr. Sasseville, who has just spo-
ken. It would be a most untheosophical, most wrong, most injurious,
as well as most illegal proceeding to pass a resolution expelling any
member of this Society without first formally calling upon him for
an answer to the charges against him. That you must remember. The
Resolution of Mrs. Besant calls upon him to place the office of the
Vice-President back into the hands of the Society, so that when his
official answer is made, when his defence is before the Society, he
may then offer himself for re-election, and by submitting to that or-
deal, give an opportunity to the Society to pronounce its final
verdict; because, owing to his own course of raising technical ob-
jections, it is impossible for this Society to take any judicial action
against him, or bring him before any court before which he could
make his formal legal defence. The only way to give him an oppor-
tunity to make his defence, is by his placing the resignation in the
hands of the President-Founder, and then standing for re-election.
THE PRESIDENT:
There was an opportunity given Mr. Judge last July to make a
defence. He has not yet refused to make an explanation, as I under-
stand it, so far as I know, but I am in hopes that he will do so. I
cannot conceive of his doing otherwise, however many affectionate
friends may dissuade him. The tone of all his private letters to me is
that he is innocent of wrongdoing, and as one of his oldest and
staunchest friends I should deplore his shirking a full and precise
official explanation. It is for us to see whether he is disposed to meet
the wishes of the Society in this respect. Further action may be taken
later.
THE PRESIDENT:
Let us close the matter by bringing it to a practical issue. This
meeting, although representative of several Sections, has no legal
power whatever to expel Mr. Judge. This meeting can only recom-
mend to the Executive of the Society, who represents the General
Council, to take certain action. It has been suggested here, first, by
Mrs. Besant, that Mr. Judge be requested to resign. In the second
place, it has been suggested by Capt. Banon that he be summarily
expelled; and in the third place, it has been suggested by Mr. S.
Subramanier that he be requested to explain and if he does not ex-
plain or resign, that steps be taken to remove him from the office of
Vice-President. Mrs. Besant has the floor for a rejoinder.
MRS. BESANT:
I need do nothing in reply except to sum up the points on which
your decision has to be made, and I do ask of you to preserve a quiet
dignity in so serious a matter. It is not a matter for laughter. It is not
a matter for passion. It is a matter involving the future of a great
spiritual movement, and you should, I think, show dignity and a
quiet spirit. In giving your vote for it, you will have to answer in the
future. The first amendment that will be put to you by the Chair is
that of the Honorable S. Subramanier. If his speech had been deliv-
ered a year ago, I should have agreed, but we have done exactly
what he now asks us to do again. We have asked Mr. Judge to ex-
plain. We have called him before the Judicial Committee, which is
the only constitutional and legal way of trying him. We asked him
there to meet the charges and he evaded the whole thing. To ask him
over again is to put yourselves in the absurd position of finding
yourselves next year exactly in the position where you were at the
commencement. He will probably go through the same succession
of excuses, prevarications and evasions. And, remember that all the
trouble of the best lawyers in your Society was taken last Spring to
find out the way in which he could be brought to book. There is no
other way in the Constitution except the one tried. and which failed;
so that if you pass that amendment you will practically tell your
President to do what he has already done—to waste another year in
doing what the past year has been wasted in doing—and at the end
you will be exactly where you are now. If Mr. Judge gives no ex-
planation and keeps his position in the face of the world, then there
comes the question, how are you going to force him to act. There is
no other way. You have a Constitution and you cannot break it; you
have laws and you must abide by them. There is no way of reaching
Mr. Judge except the way you have tried. Then comes the question
of expulsion; but you cannot expel him. You may start on lines
which ultimately, you hope, will lead you in that direction, but noth-
ing more. But remember that, supposing you pass the original
Resolution and through the President call on him to resign, that does
not deter the General Council from expelling him if he does not
choose to make his explanation. I can conceive nothing more un-
wise, more rash than to plunge into the act of expulsion, because
one gentleman says that my statement is true. That gives you no
reason to refuse to hear Mr. Judge. That is not judicial, to expel him.
To ask him to resign is to leave him absolutely free. To ask him to
do what an honourable man would have done a year ago, is the only
thing remaining to be done. I am seeking to clear the Society and
not to raise party spirit. Mr. Judge says one thing; Mrs. Besant says
another thing. Let them both look for one thing, that is the Society’s
welfare. Let the thing be fought out; but the Society should not be
compromised in the face of the world. So I ask you to say “No” to
both the amendments; that is, to keep your hands carefully at your
sides without raising them, until the original Resolution is put
before you, and then to vote upon it. Let me say one thing—that
mistake may not arise; one word with reference to the telegram
which the Countess Wachtmeister said was sent by Mr. Judge to
Australia. It was a newspaper telegram. I have no reason to believe
that Mr. Judge sent it. With this public statement I leave the question
in your hands.
***
I sailed from Bombay on the 10th of May in the French steamer “La
Seine” and at Suez was transferred to the “Australien,” and sailed in her
for Marseilles on the 21st. The reader may picture to himself my astonish-
ment when, on reaching Marseilles on the 30th of the month, among the
large number of letters awaiting me was one from Mr. Judge notifying me
of the secession of the American Section on the 28th of April, last past.
This was his first intimation to me of his intention, and his reward for my
judicial impartiality and undiminished friendliness up to that moment. If
this might not be called a crisis, what would? However, I lost no sleep
over it nor shed a tear; I simply regarded it as an act of moral suicide which
concerned only the individual himself: as for its destroying, or even per-
manently weakening the Society I did not entertain the thought. The fact
is that a dozen such “crises” would not make me pass a sleepless night or
lose a meal, for down to the very roots of my being I have the conviction
that those who are behind this movement are stronger than all adverse
forces which could be combined together. If the eyes of our timid mem-
bers could only be opened like those of Elisha’s servant, they, like him,
would see “the mountain full of horses and chariots of fire round about”—
the Society.