An Assignment on

How have the early European anthropologist contributed to the development of oral literature.

Written by

Osim, Enara Eyam.

22237170GA

Department of law

Faculty of law

University of calabar, calabar.

Submitted to

Mrs Jayne Owan

Department of English and literary studies.

Faculty of arts.

In partial fulfilment of the course requirements. (Els 142)

January 2023.

The European study of oral literature in Africa begins about the middle of

the last century. There had been a few isolated efforts before then, notably

Roger’s retelling of Wolof fables from Senegal (1828) and an increasing

was no available evidence to refute the popular European image of Africa

as totally without literary pretensions. By about the 1850s the position

changed. African linguistic studies were emerging as a specialist and

scholarly field, and this in turn led to a fuller appreciation of the interest

and subtleties of African languages. The main motive of many of these

1 Written literature.

linguistic studies was to aid the evangelization of Africa, and grammars,

vocabularies, and collections of texts appeared by and for missionaries.

There was close collaboration between linguists and missionaries, and

many of the great collections of texts in the nineteenth century were a

result of professional or amateur linguists working in full sympathy with

the missionary movement and published under its auspices.3

A further

stimulus was the general interest in comparative studies. This was revealed

not only in linguistic work and in the comparative analysis of social and

political institutions, but also in the field of literature: in the school of

comparative mythology and in the impetus to collection arising from the

publications of the Grimm brothers in Germany.

The result of these various influences was the publication of many

lengthy collections of African texts and translations in the second half of the

nineteenth century. 4

These contain narratives of various kinds (including

stories about both animals and humans), historical texts, proverbs, riddles,

vernacular texts describing local customs, sometimes additional vernacular

is of course some variation in size and quality, but by and large these

editions compare favourably with many more recent publications. Most

include complete texts in the vernacular with a facing translation usually

into English or German, and occasionally a commentary (most often

linguistic).

The main emphasis in these collections was, it is true, linguistic (or, in

some cases, religio-educational, preoccupied with what it was thought

fitting for children to know). There was little attempt to relate the texts

to their social context, elucidate their literary significance, or describe the

normal circumstances of their recitation. There are many questions, therefore,

which these texts cannot answer. Nevertheless, the very size of many of

these collections, presenting a corpus of literature from a single people,

often throws more light on the current literary conventions among a given

people than all the odd bits and pieces which it became so fashionable topublish later. And the linguistic
and missionary motive was not always so

narrow as to exclude all interest in the wider relevance of these collections.

A number of scholars noted the connections between their work and the

progress in comparative studies in Europe. Bleek, for instance, significantly

entitles his collection of Hottentot stories Reynard the Fox in South Africa, to

bring out the parallelism between African and European tales. Although

at first some people refused to believe that tales of such striking similarity

to European folk-stories and fairy-tales could really be indigenous to

Africa, this similarity of content gradually became accepted. By the end

of the century, Chatelain could assert with confidence in his authoritative

survey that many myths, characters, and incidents known elsewhere also
occur in African narratives, and that African folklore is thus a ‘branch of

one universal tree’.5

The cultural implications of these collections were not

lost on their editors. There was a general recognition, often accompanied

by some slight air of surprise, that the negro too was capable of producing

works which manifested depth of feeling and artistry and showed him to

be human in the fullest sense of the word. Both the climate of opinion to

which he felt he had to address himself and his own conclusions on the

basis of his study of the language come out clearly in the preface to the

early work by Koelle, African Native Literature, or Proverbs, Tales, Fables and

Historical Fragments in the Kanuri or Bornu Language, published in 1854. It

is illuminating to quote this eloquent and early statement at some length:

It is hoped that the publication of these first specimens of a Kanuri literature

will prove useful in more than one way. Independently of the advantages it

offers for a practical acquaintance with the language, it also introduces the

reader, to some extent, into the inward world of Negro mind and Negro

thoughts, and this is a circumstance of paramount importance, so long as

there are any who either flatly negative the question, or, at least, consider

it still open, ‘whether the Negroes are a genuine portion of mankind or

not’. It is vain to speculate on this question from mere anatomical facts,

from peculiarities of the hair, or the colour of the skin: if it is mind that

distinguishes man from animals, the question cannot be decided without

consulting the languages of the Negroes; for language gives the expression

and manifestation of the mind. Now as the Grammar proves that Negro

languages are capable of expressing human thoughts, —some of them,

specimens like the following ‘Native Literature’ show that the Negroes

actually have thoughts to express, that they reflect and reason about things.

By the end of the century the same point could be stated more dogmatically

and succinctly; as Seidel has it in his description of the impact of African

oral literature, ‘Und alle sahen mit Erstaunen, dass der Neger denkt und

fült, wie wir selbst.denken und fühlen’; (Seidel 1896: 3) but the point has been

made—and often with a similar air of discovery—at intervals ever since. 6

The appreciation of the cultural relevance of the collected texts was taken

further by the emerging tradition that a general study of any African people

could suitably include a section on their unwritten literature. Even in the

nineteenth century some general volumes appeared in which the literary

creations of African peoples were set in the context of their life in general.7

One of the striking contributions of these early collectors—missionaries,

linguists, ethnographers—is the frequent recognition that the texts they

recorded could be truly regarded as a type of literature, fundamentally

analogous to the written fiction, history, and poetry of European nations.

This point is worth making. Recent scholars of the subject too often give

the impression that they are the first to recognize the true nature of these

texts as literature (although it must indeed be admitted that not only has it

been difficult for this approach to gain popular acceptance, but for much

of this century it has for various reasons been overlooked by professional

students of Africa). Many of those working in this field in the nineteenth

century, however, were quite clear on the point. The term ‘literature’

appears in the titles of books or sections,8

common attitude among collectors when he stressed the importance of

studying ‘their unwritten, oral literature’. (1894: 16).9

One of the earliest

clear statements is that of Bleek in the preface to his famous collection of

Namaqa Hottentot tales. These fables, he writes, form

By the end of the century, then, the subject was fairly well recognized by a

limited group of scholars. A certain amount had been both recorded and

published—in special collections, in general surveys of particular peoples,

and as appendices and illustrations in grammatical works. Though few

were working in this field, they tended to be in touch and to be aware of

each other’s research, so that by the 1890s serious comparative and general

accounts could be produced, drawing on the published works of others.10

It is true that a certain air of condescension was at times discernible; but

this attitude in fact often seems less noticeable in these nineteenth-century

sources than in many produced later. There was a general appreciation

of the cultural implications of the studies: the fact that Africa could no

longer be treated as an area totally without its own cultural traditions,

that these could be looked at comparatively in the context of European as

well as of African studies, and, finally, that the texts recorded by linguists,

missionaries, and others could be treated as at least analogous to parallel

written forms. Needless to say, this more liberal approach met with little

popular recognition. The works were obscurely published and intended

for specialist reading, and—perhaps even more important—the common

myth that saw the African as uncultivated and un-literary was too firmly
established to allow for easy demolition.11 But at least among a small group

of scholars, in particular the German and English linguists, there was a

sense that the subject had been established as one worthy of study and one

which had even made a certain amount of progress.

This serious interest was consolidated by the group of German scholars

working together towards the end of the nineteenth and during the

first decades of the twentieth century—and also, to a lesser extent, later.

Linguistic studies were considered to include African languages, and a

series of specialist journals were published, some short-lived, others still

continuing today, in which systematic work on various aspects of AfricanBy the end of the century, then,
the subject was fairly well recognized by a

limited group of scholars. A certain amount had been both recorded and

published—in special collections, in general surveys of particular peoples,

and as appendices and illustrations in grammatical works. Though few

were working in this field, they tended to be in touch and to be aware of

each other’s research, so that by the 1890s serious comparative and general

accounts could be produced, drawing on the published works of others.10

It is true that a certain air of condescension was at times discernible; but

this attitude in fact often seems less noticeable in these nineteenth-century

sources than in many produced later. There was a general appreciation

of the cultural implications of the studies: the fact that Africa could no

longer be treated as an area totally without its own cultural traditions,

that these could be looked at comparatively in the context of European as

well as of African studies, and, finally, that the texts recorded by linguists,

missionaries, and others could be treated as at least analogous to parallel

written forms. Needless to say, this more liberal approach met with little
popular recognition. The works were obscurely published and intended

for specialist reading, and—perhaps even more important—the common

myth that saw the African as uncultivated and un-literary was too firmly

established to allow for easy demolition.11 But at least among a small group

of scholars, in particular the German and English linguists, there was a

sense that the subject had been established as one worthy of study and one

which had even made a certain amount of progress.

This serious interest was consolidated by the group of German scholars

working together towards the end of the nineteenth and during the

first decades of the twentieth century—and also, to a lesser extent, later.

Linguistic studies were considered to include African languages, and a

se still

continuing today, in which systematic work on various aspect whereby oral literature appeared.