UNIT 2_THEORY (II)

Silvia C. Barreiro Bilbao

Curso: Variedades fonético-fonológicas en la lengua inglesa

Unit 2: English Accents in the British Isles (II)

Remember that, apart from RP and GA, you need to choose and study ANOTHER
English accent. If you wish, it can be one of the accents described in this
document, otherwise, go to the UNIT 3! Hint: Make a choice based on your previous
knowledge or personal preference!

This second theoretical pdf document deals with some other main accents in the
British Isles, namely, Welsh English, Scottish English, and Irish English (Southern
Irish English, in particular).

In particular, the main pronunciation characteristics that distinguish these accents

from RP are detailed in depth, analyzing segmental (vowels and consonants) and
suprasegmental (or prosodic) differences, and phonotactic/lexical distribution features
that you need to know. All these pronunciation descriptions are preceded by an
explanation of the historical and social background in which these accents develop.

2. Welsh English

2.1. Historical and Social Background (non-compulsory, just for reading)

The first presence of English in Wales took place during the Norman conquest of
the country in the twelfth century, but the presence intensified upon the passing of the
Laws in Wales Acts (1535-1542) that promoted the dominance of English in Wales;
This, coupled with the closure of the monasteries (centres of Welsh education), led to
the decline of the Welsh language. With the Industrial Revolution the ascendancy of
English was intensified as many industries were ruled by Anglophones. During the
present century the rise of the English language in Wales has come together with a
decreasing number of Welsh speakers.

Nevertheless, while English accents have affected the accents of English in Wales,
influence has moved in both directions. To other English ears, the accent of many
people in border towns is Welsh.

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Curso: Variedades fonético-fonológicas en la lengua inglesa

2.2. Pronunciation in Welsh English

Welsh English refers to the varieties of English spoken in Wales. It is a variety which
can be divided into two sub-varieties: Northern and Southern Welsh English. Northern
Welsh English is the variety that shows the most Welsh influence as in that area
English was spread last. Furthermore, South Welsh English can be divided into two
main dialects, the Eastern and the Western: in other words, a more urban dialect
versus a more rural one. The Eastern Southern Welsh English is a variety closer to
RP, and, which, in turn, shows less Welsh influence.

Standard Welsh English, spoken by educated people, is not particularly different from
RP, except from a few features that are shown below.

2.2.1. Vowel system

The main PHONOLOGICAL difference between RP and Welsh English VOWELS is the
merger between /ʌ/ and /ə/ in the latter: Both vowels are pronounced with a mid,
unrounded, central vowel, like /ə/ in quality.

Regarding DIPHTHONGS, there are no phonological differences between Welsh English

and RP, except for the absence of centring diphthongs in many varieties of Welsh
English, being replaced in most cases by vowel sequences. In addition, we can find
other systemic contrasts in Welsh English, such as /ei/ vs. /ɛi/ (words spelt with ai
or ay), or /ou/ vs. /ɔu/ (words spelt with ow or ough), among others, as explained
below (p. 6).

Table 4 shows the symbols used to represent the Welsh English phonemes that we are
going to use for transcription practice, and their RP counterparts. The additional systemic
contrasts mentioned in the previous paragraph are not included in the table since they
are not equivalent in RP. Finally, it also includes PHONETIC information: A brief explanation
of the realisation of each sound to make clear the differences and similarities between
both accents:

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Curso: Variedades fonético-fonológicas en la lengua inglesa

WELSH RP KEY PHONETIC INFORMATION

ENGLISH counterpart
/iː/ /iː/ The same phonemic symbol. No relevant phonetic
differences between Welsh English and RP English

/ɪ/ /ɪ/ The same phonemic symbol. No relevant phonetic

differences between WE and RP English

/ɛ/ /e/ The WE vowel is opener and lower than its RP

counterpart

/a/ /æ/ The WE vowel is opener, lower and a good deal more
central, than its RP equivalent

/ə/ /ʌ/ No strut vowel in WE (especially in the southern areas),

being substituted by a schwa- See section
Phonotactic/Lexical distribution for further details.

/aː/ /ɑː/ The WE vowel is more advanced (by fronting the

tongue) than that of RP

/ɒ/ /ɒ/ The same phonemic symbol but the WE vowel is

closer and with higher quality than its RP counterpart

/ɔː/ /ɔː/ The same phonemic symbol. No relevant phonetic

differences between Welsh English and RP English

/ʊ/ /ʊ/ The same phonemic symbol. No relevant phonetic

differences between Welsh English and RP English

/uː/ /uː/ The same phonemic symbol. No relevant phonetic

differences between Welsh English and RP English

/ɜː/ /ɜː/ The same phonemic symbol but the WE vowel is more
advanced than that of RP, along with lip rounding

/ə/ /ə/ The same phonemic symbol. No relevant phonetic

differences between WE and RP English

/ai/ /aɪ/ The WE diphthong has a mid (instead of open) central

starting-point

/ei/ /eɪ/ The WE diphthong tends to be pronounced as a long

monophthong ([eː]). See section Phonotactic/Lexical
distribution for further details.

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/ɔi/ /ɔɪ/ The WE diphthong has a second element slightly

closer than its RP equivalent.
/au/ /aʊ/ The WE diphthong has a mid (instead of open) central
starting-point

/ou/ /əʊ/ The WE diphthong tends to be pronounced as a long

monophthong ([oː]). See section Phonotactic/Lexical
distribution for further details.

/iːə/ /ɪə/ No diphthong in WE, being replaced by a vocalic

sequence

/ɛː/ /eə/ The WE diphthong tends to be replaced by a very long

monophthong

/uːə/ /ʊə/ No diphthong in WE, being replaced by a vocalic

sequence

Table 4. Welsh English versus RP: vowels

Notice in Table 4 that in Welsh English there are more monophthongs and fewer
diphthongs than most accents in English. Also, the five Welsh English diphthongs are
generally narrow (with a rather short movement).

Additionally, it is also worth mentioning that in Welsh English it is quite common for
sequences of closing diphthongs plus schwa (TRIPHTHONGS) to be separated by a linking
/j/ or /w/ giving rise to the realisations fire /ˈfaijə/ or sour /ˈsauwə/. In other words, there
is a strengthening of the second element with an additional semivowel instead of
smoothing. A phenomenon that should be shown in the transcription exercises. 

2.2.2. Consonant system

The existence of the phonemes /ɬ/ (voiceless alveolar lateral fricative) and /x/
(voiceless velar fricative) in the Welsh English consonantal system is the main
PHONOLOGICAL difference between RP and this accent. These phonemes are present in
loan-words from Welsh and placenames, as in loch.

Regarding PHONETICS, four key features can be pointed out in Welsh English:

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Curso: Variedades fonético-fonológicas en la lengua inglesa

a) Consonants, -most noticeably voiceless-, are usually lengthened when

they occur intervocalically (ˈV_V) and the first vowel is a stressed
monophthong, as in letter [tː]. Consequently, the duration of that previous
stressed vowel is usually shortened.

b) Voiceless plosives are usually strongly aspirated. Also, they are

released and without glottalization in final position, as in tick [kh].

c) /r/ realization is very variable. It ranges from a roll [r] or alveolar flap [ɾ]
(especially in intervocalic position when the first vowel is stressed, as in
ferry) to an approximant [ɹ] (as in RP). It mainly depends on the
geographical area, although the use of the flap is increasing.

d) /l/ is clear [l] in all phonetic environments, as in loyal [l], [l]

e) Others: /t, d, n/ are often dental ([t̪] and [d̪]) rather than alveolar in many
varieties of Welsh English

Remember that phonetic features are not shown in phonemic transcriptions! 

2.2.3. Prosody

A sing-song or lilting INTONATION is one of the most striking suprasegmental features of

Welsh English, very much influenced by the Welsh language, including those speakers
with English as their first language. It implies the use of rise-fall tones at the end of
statements where RP would have a fall, giving the impression of having an
unexpected prominent syllable after the nucleus (or tonic syllable).

Also, rising TONES indicating incomplete information seem to rise higher (with a high-rise
tone instead of a low-rise) in Welsh English than they do in their corresponding form in
RP.

Welsh English RHYTHM is clearly different from that of other accents of England, as it gives
the impression of being more syllable-timed than the typical stressed-timed English. This
kind of rhythm accounts for the low presence of weak forms in unaccented syllables. It is

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Curso: Variedades fonético-fonológicas en la lengua inglesa

also responsible for the phenomenon of consonant lengthening mentioned above

together with the additional difference between Welsh English and RP related to word
STRESS: The primary lexical stress involves a longer duration of the vowel in the stressed
syllable, which in the case of Welsh English entails the shortening of the vowel of the
stressed syllable together with a lengthening of the immediately following consonant, as
stated above (Webb, 2011).

2.2.4. Phonotactic/lexical distribution features

The main phonotactic/lexical distribution characteristics that are common to most Welsh
English varieties can be summarized as follows:

a) Rhoticity: Welsh English is mostly a non-rhotic accent, that is, /r/ does
not occur in pre-consonantal and word-final positions. Consequently, R-
liaison takes place in connected speech.

b) /iː/ (phonetically [iˑ]) used in word-final unstressed position in words

spelt with final ‘-y’, ‘-ee’, ‘-ie’ or ‘-ey’ after one or more consonant letters,
as in happy, committee, Annie or easy. Also, when it is at the end of part
of a compound word or of a stem, or in an inflected form containing an
additional final consonant sound, as in bellybutton, happier, easiest,
newsiness, hurried, Lesley’s or cookies, according to JC Wells.

c) Words which in RP have /ɑː/ before the voiceless fricatives /θ, f, s/

(as in laugh, path…), or before clusters of a nasal plus another
consonant (as in dance, plant, can’t…), usually have /a/ in WE,
(pronounced a bit longer than usual, [aː]). Be aware, however, that there is
a great sociolinguistic and geographical variation and many speakers
produce /aː/, or even /ɑː/, in that phonetic context.

d) Unstressed orthographic e tends to be produced with a full vowel /ɛ/

(instead of a schwa) in final checked (or closed) syllables (i.e., those that
end in a consonant), as in moment. To be used in content words only!
A full vowel /ɛ/ may also be heard in the suffixes –ed and –est (as in
fronted or smallest).

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e) Unstressed orthographic a or o tend to be produced with a full vowel

instead of a schwa, as in above /a/ and collect /ɒ/. To be used in content
words only! 

f) Words spelt with ai or ay (as in maid or day) are typically pronounced

with the diphthong /ɛi/. Words like face, hey, eight, break, -spelt with a,
ey, ei, and ea, respectively-, contain the diphthong /ei/.

g) Words spelt with u, ue, eu, or ew are often pronounced with the diphthong
/ɪu/ rather than with /juː/, as in tune, used, cue, deuce or news. It is worth
mentioning that /ɪu/ is also heard after /l/ and /r/, a context in which in RP
we find /uː/, as in rude or blew.

h) Words spelt with ow or ough are typically pronounced with the diphthong
/ɔu/ rather than with /ou/, as in blow, though.

i) Initial H-dropping in content words takes place especially in casual

speech, making the words arm and harm homophones in modern regional
Welsh English pronunciations. We do not recommend using it in our
transcriptions exercises unless we are reproducing casual speech 

j) No relevant differences with RP in relation to Yod-dropping and Yod-

coalescence.

Remember that all these phonotactic/lexical distribution features must be considered on

transcribing Welsh English!  Those mentioned in Trudgill & Hannah’s book (pp. 36-38,
sections 2.3.1 (subsections 1, 2, 3, 5, 7 and 9) and 2.3.3) are for voluntary reading (no
need to be studied!)

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Curso: Variedades fonético-fonológicas en la lengua inglesa

3. Scottish English
3.1. Historical and Social Background (non-compulsory, just for reading)
The history of the English language in Scotland has no parallel in the world. Until the
Highlands Clearance (18th century), the people in the Highlands of Scotland were
mainly Gaelic speaking. Scottish Gaelic has been retreating in the face of some form of
English ever since then. It is still spoken in the Hebrides by a decreasing number of
people.

Although Gaelic was once spoken in parts of the Lowlands as well, the people in most of
those areas have spoken a Germanic language since at least the seventh century when
Anglo-Saxons captured Edinburgh. They spoke a northern dialect of Old English, a
Germanic language that gradually became dominant in Scotland. By the times of James
VI of Scotland (who became James I of England at the beginning of the 17th century),
the version of this language spoken in Scotland had become known as Scottis. In 1603
the Union of the Crowns meant the decline of Scottis, although it managed to survive
as a vernacular language, called today Scots. Besides, in the eighteenth century, since
the Union of Parliaments in 1707, a different type of English was re-introduced from the
south of England, but much influenced by Scots; it is this that it is now described as
Scottish English. Therefore, Scottish English is not uniform in pronunciation, grammar,
or vocabulary, and is sometimes more like the English of England, and sometimes more
like the Scots.

From 1970 onwards there has been a resurgence of national consciousness, with a
literary recognition not only to Scottish Gaelic but also to Scots.

3.2. Pronunciation in Scottish English

Scottish English refers to the varieties of English spoken in Scotland, as explained

above. Be aware that the pronunciation of Standard Scottish English is difficult to
understand for those non-native speakers who are only familiar with RP or GA.

3.2.1. Vowel system

The VOWEL system of Scottish English accents is radically from other English

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Curso: Variedades fonético-fonológicas en la lengua inglesa

accents, including RP. The main PHONOLOGICAL difference between RP and Standard
Scottish English vowels is the loss of systemic durational difference between long
and short vowels in Scottish English. Consequently, the contrasts /ɑː/ and /æ/, /uː/
and /ʊ/, and /ɔː/ and /ɒ/ are pronounced /a/, /u/ and /ɔ/, respectively in Scottish English.
Thus, pairs of words such as Pam and palm, pull and pool, and cot and caught are
homophonous in this accent. So, duration will not be marked in our transcription
exercises.

In relation to vowel duration, it tends to vary sharply according to the phonetic

environment. All vowels, -except /ɪ/ and /ʌ/ which are always short-, are longer before
voiced fricatives (/v/, /ð/ and /z/) and /r/, and word-finally (even if a suffix is added, as
in agreed) than in the rest of phonetic environments as stated by the Scottish Vowel
Length Rule (read Trudgill & Hannah’s (p. 97, both editions), for further details, if you
wish).

Another significant systemic difference is that the loss of non-prevocalic /r/ that occurred
in RP (with the resulting development of central vowel / ɜː / and the centring diphthongs
/ ɪə, eə, ʊə /) did not take place in Scottish English. Therefore, the central vowel /ɜː/
was substituted by the presence of different vowels followed by /r/. Thus, words
such as girl, term (or heard), word or hurt are usually pronounced with /ɪr/, /ɛr/ and
/ʌr/ (the last two words), in that order.

Concerning DIPHTHONGS, the RP centring diphthongs /ɪə/, /eə/ and /ʊə/

correspond to a sequence of vowel plus /r/ (namely, /ir/, /er/ and /ur/, respectively)
in this variety. Furthermore, there is a clear tendency to phonological monophthonging
in Scottish English. The RP diphthongs /eɪ/ and /əʊ/ in words like bay and go are
monophthongs in Scottish English, that is, /e/ and /o/, in that order. Therefore, there are
only three diphthongs in Scottish English, namely /ʌi/ (or (/ae/ depending on the
context as explained below), /ʌu/ and /ɔi/.

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Table 5 shows the symbols used to represent the Scottish English phonemes that we are
going to use for transcription practice, and their RP counterparts. It also includes a brief
explanation of the PHONETIC realisation of each sound to make clear the differences and
similarities between both accents:

SCOTTISH RP KEY PHONETIC INFORMATION

ENGLISH
/i/ /iː/ The same phonemic symbol. No relevant phonetic
differences between Scottish English and RP English
/ɪ/ /ɪ/ The same phonemic symbol, but in SE it may be
produced considerably opener and/or more retracted
(very [ə]-like in quality, or even [ʌ]-like)
/ɛ/ /e/ The SE vowel is opener and lower than in RP. In a few
words (originally of the lexical set kit) is less open
and considerably centralized (/ɛ̈/), as in bury, devil,
clever, eleven, heaven, next, shepherd and twenty,
to mention a few.
/ə/ /ə/ The same phonemic symbol. No relevant phonetic
differences between SE and RP English
/ʌ/ /ʌ/ The same phonemic symbol, but in Scottish English it
tends to be produced a bit further back
/a/ /æ/ and /ɑː/ The SE vowel is opener, lower and a good deal more
advanced or centralised than the RP /ɑː/.
/ɔ/ /ɒ/ and /ɔː/ The SE vowel is back and between mid-close and mid-
open, and medium lip rounding, similar in quality to that
in RP ([ɔː])
/u/ /ʊ/ and /uː/ The SE vowel is close, similar in quality to RP [uː] but
more advanced or centralised ([u])
/ɪ/(+/r/), /ɛ/(+/r/) /ɜː/ No central vowel in SE, being substituted by
sequences of short vowels plus /r/
or /ʌ/(+/r/)
/ʌi/ or /ae/ /aɪ/ The SE diphthong is usually closer (and sometimes
more central) than in RP ([ɛɪ] ⁓ [ɐɪ]), with a
considerable qualitative as well as quantitative
variability.
See section Phonotactic/Lexical distribution for further
details about when to use /ʌi/ or /ae/ in SE
,
/e/ /eɪ/ The SE sound tends to be pronounced as a long
monophthong ([eː])

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/ɔi/ /ɔɪ/ The SE diphthong is usually closer. It may have a

different starting-point than that of RP, being
transcribed /ɒi/.
/ʌu/ /aʊ/ The SE diphthong is raised to give [ʌu]. It can even
be centralized ([ɜu]). It shows a considerably
sociolinguistic variability
/o/ /əʊ/ The SE sound tends to be pronounced as a long
monophthong ([oː])
/i/ (+/r/) /ɪə/ No diphthong in SE, being substituted by a vowel plus
/r/ (pronounced [iːr]). In those words which have no ‘r’
in the spelling, use /i/.
/e/ (+/r/) /eə/ No diphthong in SE, being substituted by a vowel plus
/r/ (pronounced [eːr]). .
/u/ (+/r/) /ʊə/ No diphthong in SE, being substituted by a vowel plus
/r/ (pronounced [uːr]). In those words which have no
‘r’ in the spelling, use /u/.

Table 5. Scottish English versus RP: vowels

Notice in table 5 that the three Scottish English diphthongs are generally very narrow
(with a significantly short movement)!

The equivalence of sequences of closing diphthongs plus schwa (TRIPHTHONGS) in

Scottish English is not straightforward. The general tendency is the absence of the final
schwa plus the addition of the /r/: /aer/, /ʌur/ and /ɔir/, as in tyre, hour and coir. And
that is the way it will be shown in our transcription exercises.

3.2.2. Consonant system

PHONOLOGICALLY, Scottish English consonantal system is very conservative. It still retains

two phonemes: a voiceless velar fricative /x/ (in the coda of certain words, as loch) and a
voiceless labial-velar fricative /ʍ/ (instead of /w/) in wh-words (as in which, what or
whine) with the result of a new phonological contrast between /w/ and /ʍ/ (were vs.
where) for many speakers, except for those cases where the wh- is followed by /u/ or /ɔ/

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or /o/ where /h/ is heard in words like whose, whore, or whole.

.
It is worth mentioning that /t/ is often substituted by a glottal stop (/ʔ/) in non-
initial environments, as in butter /ˈbʌɁɪr/ (intervocalically following an accented vowel)
or even militant /ˈmɪləɁənɁ/ (before an unstressed vowel or a word boundary). This
replacement phenomenon, known as T- Glottalling, occurs during the release stage of
the oral plosive. As it is optional in Standard Scottish English, it is not compulsory to show
it in our transcription practice exercises.

As regards PHONETICS, five key features can be pointed out in Scottish English:

a) Voiceless plosives are often unaspirated in stressed initial position, as in

pie [p=].

b) A glottal stop ([Ɂ]) can be inserted before the oral closure of voiceless
plosives, what is called glottal reinforcement (or glottalisation), in word-
and syllable-final positions, as in lot [lɔɁt]. This phenomenon occurs
during the approaching phase of the oral plosive, and it is more likely to
occur at the end of a stressed syllable. It will be not shown in our phonemic
transcription exercises as it is considered allophonic (and consequently
indicated in phonetic transcriptions).

c) /r/ tends to be a post-alveolar approximant [ɹ] (as in lord) or an alveolar

flap [ɾ] (mainly between vowels (ˈV_V, as in carry); these are the most
common pronunciations. Some speakers, however, pronounce it as
a retroflex approximant [ɻ], and even as a trill [r] (very rare).

d) /l/ is dark [ɫ] in all phonetic environments, as in lily [ɫ], [ɫ]. Be aware,
however, that the clear allophone can be heard in some northern and
southwestern varieties of Scottish English.

e) Others: (i) /t, d/ may be dental ([ t̪ ] and [d̪]) rather than alveolar in many
varieties of Scottish English.

Remember that phonetic features are not shown in phonemic transcriptions! 

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3.2.3. Prosody

No prosodic information is provided in the book by Trudgill & Hannah. Now on to

discuss two of the highlights based on Wells (1982) and two research papers (Scobbie
et al. 2006, Stuart-Smith, 2008):

a) INTONATION: The intonational system of Scottish English shows important

regional variability. For instance, Edinburgh English intonation is fairly
similar to RP one whereas in Glasgow speakers tend to mark stress on
syllables using a fall in intonation instead of a rise. This dipping/rising
pattern involving a series of falls (or rise-falls) on each of the accented
syllables can be observed in statements, yes/no questions and wh-
questions. Besides, in general, Scottish English shows a tendency to
use a narrower pitch range than RP English.

b) RHYTHM: Some studies point out the tendency in Scottish English to

prefer open syllables. For instance, in the word weekend the
syllabification would be as follows: wee kend, or in Saint Andrews, Sain
tandrews.

c) ACCENTUATION: Certain words are stressed in Scottish English differently

from RP; in particular in those ending in –ize (and some in –ate) the
stress is placed on the syllable containing the suffix, as in organize
(instead of organize), for instance.

3.2.4. Others: Phonotactic/lexical distribution differences

Four features are the main phonotactic/lexical distribution differences between RP and
Scottish English, namely:
a) Rhoticity: Scottish English is a rhotic accent, that is, /r/ does occur in a
wide variety of phonetic contexts, including pre-consonantal and word-
final positions. Consequently, there is no need for R-liaison (both
intrusive and linking /r/) in connected speech in Scottish English.

b) /e/ is usually used instead of /i/ in word-final unstressed position in

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words spelt with final ‘-y’, ‘-ee’, ‘-ie’ or ‘-ey’ after one or more consonant
letters, as in happy, committee, Annie or easy. Also, when it is at the
end of part of a compound word or of a stem, or in an inflected form
containing an additional final consonant sound, as in bellybutton,
happier, easiest, newsiness, hurried, Lesley’s or cookies.

c) Words which in RP have /ɑː/ before the voiceless fricatives /θ, f, s/ (as
in laugh, path…), or before clusters of a nasal plus another consonant
(as in dance, plant, can’t…), have /a/ in SE, as there is no distinction
between /ɑː/ and /æ/ in this variety of English.

d) Words which have /aɪ/ in RP, as explained in table 5 above, have two
counterparts in SE:
 ae/ in two phonetic environments: (i) in word-final position
(even if it’s followed by a suffix) as in buy, tried and shyness,
and (ii) before a tautosyllabic (belonging to the same syllable)
voiced fricative or /r/, as in prize and fire.
 /ʌi/ is used elsewhere, as in wipe or ice.

e) The analysis of unstressed vowels it is rather complicated in Scottish

English. In many Scottish accents (except for Edinburgh speech) there
is a consistent replacement of the unstressed vowel schwa by /ɪ/ within
a word, as in pilot, letter or centre. There is not much information in the
bibliography in relation to the syllable structure and position within a
word in which it may take place. From the examples used by JC Wells
and Trudgill & Hannah, it seems to occur in checked syllables of content
words after the stressed syllable. Therefore, that will be the only phonetic
environment in which it should be marked in our transcription practice
exercises…

Furthermore, when there is an unstressed orthographic a it is usual to

hear an opener vowel /ʌ/ (instead of schwa) in word-final position, as in
extra or sofa.

f) Yod-dropping is usual after /l/ in the sequence /ju/, and for most
speakers it also occurs after /s/, as in lure /lur/ or suit /sut/. Yod will be

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only dropped in these two cases in the transcription practice exercises; in

other contexts, this most conservative variety generally preserves the yod.

g) Yod-coalescence is heard, although it is less common than in most

accents. It can even occur in stressed syllables for many speakers.

h) There is no initial H-dropping in Scottish English, except in auxiliaries

and unstressed pronouns as it occurs in the rest of the English accents.

Remember that all these phonotactic/lexical distribution features must be considered on

transcribing Scottish English!  Those mentioned in Trudgill & Hannah’s book (p. 97,
sections 5.1.1.7 and 5.1.3) are for voluntary reading (no need to be studied!), except the
pronunciation of a voiceless fricative (instead of the voiced RP sound) in the words with
and though).

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4. Southern Irish English

4.1. Historical and Social Background (non-compulsory, just for reading)

The first arrival of English speakers to Ireland was in 1169, when Henry II landed his
Anglo-Norman troops to Ireland. However, as English had little prestige at that time, it
was soon gaelicized by the Irish. In the sixteenth century there was a Roman Catholic
opposition to the Reformation. Irish Gaelic became the symbol of Catholic Ireland,
while English was the language of the Protestant country, with a resulting further decline
in its usage that lasted till the seventeenth century. At that time Cromwell settled
English people there to counteract the Catholic influence. The English deriving from this
settlement has been also called ‘Hiberno-English’, or ‘Southern Hiberno- English’ to
distinguish it from the language of English settlers in Ulster. Meanwhile Ulster had been
colonised by instituting plantation with some English, but mainly with Scots settlers
under James I. The language of the Scots settlers is called ‘Ulster- Scots’ and the
people are known as the ‘Scots-Irish’. Although the Scots were much more numerous
and the influence of their language on their English co-settlers persists to the present
day, we can still find a Northern Hiberno-English in the areas which were English-
dominated which is distinct from the Ulster-Scots.

English power grew in the towns in the eighteenth century and came to dominate
there, even in the Irish ruling classes. In 1801 Ireland became part of the United
Kingdom by the Act of Union and the English influenced grew considerably. The
expansion of English occurred at the expense of Irish. Since then, English continued to
consolidate its position in Ireland despite the return to regarding Irish as the language
of Ireland (since 1916) and part of Irish identity.

The language spoken in Ireland in the present day has been formed by three main
sources: (i) the English language brought mainly from the west of England (Anglo- Irish);
(ii) the Scots language (others consider it a dialect) introduced into the northern areas of
Ireland from Scotland (Scotch-Irish); and the Irish Gaelic itself, the indigenous Irish
language of Celtic origin.

Neither RP nor popular accents in England exert much perceptible influence on Irish
English, a very conservative variety where one cannot find either the British or the
American innovations.

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4.2. Pronunciation in Southern Irish English

Southern Irish English is a label that refers to the British-origin varieties of the south of
Ireland. Compared to the north, it shows less regional variation; nevertheless, historically
it can be sub-divided into two main areas, the east coast (including Dublin) on one hand,
and the south and west, on the other hand. The former shows traces of the south-west
English input to the region after the initial settlement by the English in the late Middle
Ages, whereas the latter includes all those areas parts where Irish survived longest and
where its influence was greatest (Hickey 2001).

Since Southern Irish English has proved to be very conservative, it retains many
phonemic differentiations which have merged in other English accents, as explained
below.

4.2.1. Vowel system

PHONOLOGICALLY, the VOWEL system of Southern Irish English accents contains fewer
phonemes than RP as the loss of non-prevocalic /r/ that took place in RP did not occur
in this variety. Therefore, and as in Scottish English, there is no vocalic phoneme /ɜː/,
which, in this case, is mostly substituted by /ʌ/ followed by /r/. Be aware, however,
that in lower-status (and less prestigious) accents one can find different short vowels
plus /r/: (i) in words containing an orthographic e(a)r(r), the phoneme tends to be /ɛr/ (as
in heard or per), (ii) in words containing ur(r), it tends to be /ʌr/ but /ər/ or /ʊr/ can also be
heard (as in nurse), and (iii) in words containing yr or ir, the phoneme is usually /ɪr/ (as in
girl or myrrh).

Another consequence of having /r/ in non-prevocalic positions is the absence of

centring DIPHTHONGS /ɪə/, /eə/ and /ʊə/ in Southern Irish English, which is the main
phonological difference between this variety and RP. In this accent they correspond
to a sequence of long vowel plus /r/, namely, /iːr/, /eːr/ and /uːr/, as in near, square
and poor.

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Additionally, there are no /eɪ/ and /əʊ/ in Southern Irish English (being substituted by
long monophthongs, that is, /eː/ and /oː/, in that order), and with no clear distinction
between /aɪ/ and /ɔɪ/ in some popular varieties due to the centralisation of the starting-
points (or first elements).

Table 6 shows the symbols used to represent the Southern Irish English phonemes that
we are going to use for transcription practice, and their RP counterparts. It also includes
a brief explanation of the PHONETIC realisation of each sound to make clear the differences
and similarities between both accents:

SOUTHERN RP KEY PHONETIC INFORMATION

IRISH ENGLISH
/iː/ /iː/ The same phonemic symbol. No relevant phonetic
differences between Southern Irish English and RP
English
/ɪ/ /ɪ/ The same phonemic symbol. No relevant phonetic
differences between SIE and RP English
/ɛ/ /e/ The SIE vowel is a bit opener and lower than in RP.

/æ/ /æ/ The same phonemic symbol, but the SIE vowel is opener,
lower and a good deal more central than its RP
counterpart ([a]).
/ʌ/ /ʌ/ The same phonemic symbol, but in SIE it is a mid central
back somewhat rounded vowel ([ɔ┫])
/aː/ /ɑː/ The SIE vowel is usually more advanced/centralised
than its RP counterpart ([aː]).
/ɒ/ /ɒ/ The same phonemic symbol, but in SIE tends to be
unrounded ([ɑ])
/ɔː/ /ɔː/ The same phonemic symbol, but in SIE tends to be
unrounded ([ɑː]).
/ʊ/ /ʊ/ The same phonemic symbol. No relevant phonetic
differences between SIE and RP English
/uː/ /uː/ The same phonemic symbol but in SIE it is more
advanced/centralised ([uː])
/ʌ/(+/r/) /ɜː/ No central vowel in SIE, being usually substituted by
/ʌr/. See above for further details.
/ə/ /ə/ The same phonemic symbol. No relevant phonetic
differences between SIE and RP English

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/aɪ/ /aɪ/ The same phonemic symbol, but in SIE it is usually

more central than that of RP, especially the starting
point ([ɜɪ]).
/eː/ /eɪ/ The SIE diphthong tends to be a long monophthong.

/ɔɪ/ /ɔɪ/ The same phonemic symbol, but in popular varieties of

SIE it can have a more open starting-point ([ɒɪ] or even
[ʌɪ]) than that of RP.
/aʊ/ /aʊ/ The same phonemic symbol, but in SIE it is usually
centralized ([ɜu]), with a fair range of phonetic
variation.
/oː/ /əʊ/ The SIE vowel tends to be a long monophthong.

/iː/ (+/r/) /ɪə/ No diphthong in SIE, being generally substituted by a

long vowel plus /r/. In those cases where there is no ‘r’
in the spelling it is a long vowel /iː/.
/eː/ (+/r/) /eə/ No diphthong in SIE, being generally substituted by a
long vowel plus /r/.
/uː/ (+/r/) /ʊə/ No diphthong in SIE, being generally substituted by a
long vowel plus /r/. In those cases where there is no ‘r’
in the spelling it is a long vowel /uː/.

Table 6. Southern Irish English versus RP: vowels

Notice that there are only three clear diphthongs in Southern Irish English, as most RP
diphthongs have been substituted by long monophthongs or long monophthongs plus /r/.

The equivalence of sequences of closing diphthongs plus schwa (TRIPHTHONGS) in

Southern Irish English follows the general tendency in most rhotic accents, that is, the
absence of the final schwa plus the addition of the /r/: /aɪr/, /aʊr/ and /ɔɪr/, as in fire, our
and coir, or /eːr/ and /oːr/ as in payer and mower.

4.2.2. Consonant system

Turning to the consonant system, and due to the influence of Irish phonetics and
phonology the most striking features of a Southern Irish English PHONOLOGICALLY are
found in two areas.

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First of all, , as in Scottish English, the presence of the voiceless labial-velar fricative /ʍ/
in wh-words (like in what), which leads to a new phonological contrast between /w/
and /ʍ/ (witch vs. which), except for those cases where the wh- is followed by /uː/, /ɔː/
or /oː/, as in words like whose, whore, or whole.

And secondly, the treatment of the contrasts /t/-/θ/ and /d/-/ð/: In many varieties of
Southern Irish English, the phonemic difference between /t/-/θ/ and /d/-/ð/ does not exist,
being mostly replaced by the plosives /t/ and /d/ with a dental realization (pronounced [t̪]
and [d̪], in that order). It is very perceptible when followed by /r/, as in through or true.
This Irish influence seems to be primarily an urban phenomenon. Read Trudgill &
Hannah’s (p. 106) for additional details if you wish. Do not show this neutralization in
the transcription practice exercises except in the case of a following /r/, as in three
(/triː/).

Four main PHONETIC features can be identified in Southern Irish English:

a) Voiceless plosives are released and aspirated in final position, as in

lip [ph]. Also, they are pronounced without glottal reinforcement (or
glottalisation), in word- and syllable-final positions. In other words, a
glottal stop ([Ɂ]) is not inserted before the oral closure of the voiceless
plosives.

b) Clusters of /t/ and /d/ followed by /r/ are realised as [t ̪ɾ] and [d̪ɾ]
(dental plosive plus tap) by most speakers, as in trap [t̪ɾæpʰ].

c) /r/ has a strongly dark resonance, particularly in non-prevocalic

positions. Its actual pronunciation varies from a post-alveolar
approximant ([ɹ]) (as in RP) before stressed vowels to a retroflex
approximant ([ɻ]) (as in GA) in the rest of environments. Thus, we have

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red [ɹ] but sorry [ɻ]

d) /l/, in contrast, tends to be clear [l] in all environments, as in loyal [l], [l].

e) Others (optional, just for reading):

a. T-Slit: /t/ is sometimes reduced to an apico-alveolar fricative
(represented as [t̜]), produced by not quite touching the
alveolar ridge with the tip of the tongue. It occurs in positions
of maximal openness, that is, in intervocalic position (as in pity)
and word finally before pause. It is not found in initial position, or
before a further consonant either within or across words.
Examples: time, button (with syllabic nasal) and hit three.
b. There may be a certain degree of affrication added to final
voiceless plosives in places like Dublin, as in tap [pɸ].

Remember that phonetic features are not shown in phonemic transcriptions! 

4.2.3. Prosody

Not much information is provided in the textbook (Trudgill & Hannah, p. 106, section
5.2.5). WORD STRESS of a few words seems to be more flexible in Southern Irish English
than in RP. Thus, the primary stress of words on other syllables (as recognize or
discipline, architecture, orchestra) goes alongside the RP-type initial stressed
alternatives.

Based on Wells (1982) it can be said that the INTONATION of Southern Irish English is
not strikingly different from that of RP. It can be mentioned, however, that Irish English
yes/no questions may be pronounced with a low tone (a mild low-fall nuclear tone)
against the low-rise of the RP.

4.2.4. Others: Phonotactic/lexical distribution differences

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The main phonotactic/lexical distribution differences between RP and Southern Irish

English, that is:

a) Rhoticity: Southern Irish English is a rhotic accent, that is, /r/ does occur
in a wide variety of phonetic contexts, including pre-consonantal and word-
final positions. Consequently, there is no need for R-liaison (both
intrusive and linking /r/) in connected speech in Southern Irish English.

b) /iː/ (phonetically [iˑ]) tends to be used in word-final unstressed position

in words spelt with final ‘-y’, ‘-ee’, ‘-ie’ or ‘-ey’ after one or more consonant
letters, as in happy, committee, Annie or easy. Also, when it is at the
end of part of a compound word or of a stem, or in an inflected form
containing an additional final consonant sound, as in bellybutton,
happier, easiest, newsiness, hurried Lesley’s or cookies, according to
JC Wells.

c) Words which in RP have /ɑː/ before the voiceless fricatives /θ, f, s/ (as
in laugh, path…), or before clusters of a nasal plus another consonant
(as in dance, plant…), usually have /æ/ (pronounced [a]) in this variety.
In other contexts, it is /aː/.

d) Weak Vowel Merger: Phonemic merger of schwa with an unstressed /ɪ/

in weak non-final positions. In other words, /ə/ is used, instead of /ɪ/, in
those weak syllables ended in consonant of words, such as buses, rabbit,
making or wanted. The merged forms are also gaining ground particularly
in the Southern Hemisphere, as you will see in UNIT 4_Theory. (To be
shown in contents words only!)

e) Most words spelled with ‘o’ which in RP have /ɒ/ are pronounced with
/ɔː/ in Southern-Irish English when the ‘o’ is followed by a voiceless
fricative, or before ng, as cloth or long. Also, in the words job, dog, orange
or gone.

In many other environments it varies freely between /ɒ/ and /ɔː/;

nevertheless, and to avoid further complications, in all these other cases
we will use the symbol /ɒ/ in the transcription practice exercises.

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f) Yod-coalescence occurs in this variety, being common even in stressed

syllables: /d/ + /j/ and /t/+ /j/ (becoming /ʤ/ and /ʧ/), as in dew /ʤuː/ or
tune /ʧuː/.

g) Yod-dropping is heard in this variety, including after /n/ as in nude /nuːd/;

Also, in unstressed syllables (after consonants), it is more frequently found
than in RP, as in education /ˌɛduˈkeːʃn̩/.

h) In general, there is no initial H-dropping in Southern Irish English, except

of course in auxiliaries and unstressed pronouns as it occurs in the rest of
the English accents.

i) Others: There is a great variability found in many words, such as:

i. nurse, turn (/ʊ/ rather than /ʌ/)

ii. book, cook (/uː/ rather than /ʊ/)
iii. hoarse, mourning (/ɔː/ rather than /oː/)
iv. any, many (have /æ/ rather than /ɛ/)

Remember that all these phonotactic/lexical distribution features must be considered on

transcribing Southern Irish English!  Those mentioned in Trudgill & Hannah’s book (p.
105, sections 5.2.3) are for voluntary reading (no need to be studied!).

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Curso: Variedades fonético-fonológicas en la lengua inglesa

4.3. Pronunciation in Northern Irish English (additional = non-compulsory)

Remember that the northern parts of Ireland stand apart from the rest of the island, not
only politically but also linguistically. In 1609 the Plantation of Ulster meant the
introduction of two kinds of English into the area: English coming from the north and
west-midlands of England, and the Scots dialects from south-west Scotland. Therefore,
these English- speaking territories have been subject to strong Scottish influence
rather than the English of Dublin and its surroundings, especially the Ulster-Scots
varieties in the far north rather than less heavily Scots-influenced Mid-Ulster.

Given Northern Irish English shares traits with Scottish English, it was decided
that you cannot choose it for the final exam. 

If you still want to know its pronunciation, you can use Trudgill & Hannah’s book (5th
edition pp. 103-105, or 6th edition pp. 105-106), and the audio files and documents
uploaded in the virtual course.

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Curso: Variedades fonético-fonológicas en la lengua inglesa

APPENDIX: REFERENCES & FURTHER READING

Welsh English:
1. Coupland, N. & A. R. Thomas. 1990. English in Wales: diversity, conflict and
change. Philadelphia: Multilingual Matters.
2. Thomas, A.R. 1994. English in Wales, in Burchfield, R. The Cambridge
History of the English Language, vol v. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University
Press, 94-147.
3. Wells, J.C. 1982. Accents of English. Vol. 2. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.
4. Websites:
a) Dialects and Accents of Wales (recordings from the website
International Dialects of English Archive)
b) South Wales (recordings of words from the website Accents of
English around the World)

Scottish English:
1. McClure, J. 1994. English in Scotland, in Burchfield, R. The Cambridge
History of the English Language, vol v. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University
Press, 23-93.

2. Scobbie, J.M., Gordeeva, O.B. & B. Mathews. 2006. "Acquisition of Scottish

English phonology: an overview”, Science Research Centre Working Papers,
4-30.

3. Stuart-Smith J. 2008. Scottish English: Phonology, en Varieties of English: the

British Isles, vol. 1. Kortmann, B. & C. Upton (eds.), New York: Mouton de Gruyter.
4. Wells, J.C. 1982. Accents of English. Vol. 2. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press.
5. Websites:
a) Dialects and Accents of Scotland (recordings from the website
International Dialects of English Archive)
b) Scottish Corpus of Text and Speech (it includes collection of texts
in Scots and Standard Scottish English)
c) Standard Scottish English (recordings of words from the website

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Accents of English Around the World)

d) Scottish English (recordings of vowels, consonants and prosodic
features from the website Phonetiks)

Irish English:

1. Hickey, R. 2007. Irish English: history and present-day forms. Cambridge:

Cambridge University Press.
2. Kallen, J.L. 1994. English in Ireland, in Burchfield, R. The Cambridge History
of the English Language, vol v. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press,
148-196.
3. Kallen, J.L. 1997. Irish English: context and contacts. En J.L. Kallen (ed.),
Focus on Ireland. Amsterdam/ Philadelphia: Benjamins, 1-33.
4. Wells, J.C. 1982. Accents of English. Vol. 2. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press.
5. Websites:
a) Dialects and Accents of Ireland (recordings from the website
International Dialects of English Archive)
b) Irish English Resource Centre (oral material showing the regional
and historical diversity in Ireland, among other key information)
c) Southern Irish English (recordings of vowels, consonants and
prosodic features from the website Phonetiks)
d) Southern Irish English (Hickey, R. 2007. In D. Britain (ed.), Language
in the British Isles. 2nd ed. Cambridge: University Press, 2007, 135-51)

***

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