Ethiopia and the Red Sea and Gulf

of Aden Ports in the Nineteenth and

Twentieth Centuries
By RICHARD PANKHURST
Though the Aksumite Empire had enjoyed a flourish to different cultural influences were economically com
ing coastal civilization with considerable foreign trade plimentary. The interior needed the co-operation of the
and external connections,1 the Ethiopian state of later seaboard in marketing its gold, ivory, civet and other
days was largely landlocked and divorced from the sea, exports, as well as in obtaining its textiles, firearms and
much of the coastal strip falling under Arab and subse other imports, while the seaboard could not prosper
quently Turkish influence or control.2 This state of except on the trade of the interior. The strength of the
affairs, however, was in a sense artificial for the moun economic ties linking the two regions was such that
tainous interior and coastal seaboard though subjected despite the conflicts of the Middle Ages the trade routes

(Continued from page 35). supply the programming and money and personnel that
to continue to be strained as our educational goals are it should rightfully furnish. If there were to be privately
achieved. Teaching in Amharic can possibly offer some organised and operated, publicly subsidized, publish
relief to these situations. Without the handicap of learn ing houses, teacher training schools and lower level
ing content in a foreign language, students can achieve schools, there could result a saving in ministerial budgets,
greater results in a shorter time. Conceivably, as our a more effective use of staff, an increase in individual
methods of instruction improve and experience is initiative and business acumen, as well a growth of
gained, that level of knowledge which students now participation by mature and responsible people in com
achieve in six years can be achieved in five. If the munity affairs. The government's encouragement of
secondary program can be reduced to five years with no privately developed schools would not only provide a
impairments of results to the student, the result would type of education and plant which would meet the
be considerable economy of teaching staff, classroom desires of those parents willing to pay for them, but
space, and funds. would also release public funds for other educational
This suggestion regarding conversion in no way uses. In such a way, there might be provision of voca
reduces the need for effective teaching of English. Those tional, technical and academic schools, as well as teacher
students studying it as a language have a right to expect training institutions. The participation of groups of
teaching which will provide them with the greatest pos people willing to pay for such facilities would be of
sible degree of fluency. The teaching of this language benefit to the whole community. Payment for tuition
should undergo a scientific study in line with present in these private schools could be arranged on loan basis
day linguistic studies to determine the most effective to be refunded after employment for individuals that
means of transmitting the language. Certainly the same might be lacking the finance for the time being.
applies to Amharic, which would have to receive care As was stated at the outset of this paper, these arc
ful scientific attention if we were to become the medium personal ideas with which the reader may or may not
of instruction on advanced levels. agree. If his thinking has been stimulated, the purpose
The final suggestion involves a greater participation of the paper has been achieved.
* School Onsus, 1963,Ministry of Education and Fine Arts.
in education, teacher training, specialised vocational and 1 Year Book, B.C. 1940-41(1947-49); (Imperial Ethiopian Government,Ministry
technical schools in the printing and publishing of books. of Education and Fine Arts, 1950),p. 31.
■ElementarySchool Curriculum, Years I -VI (Imperial Ethiopian Government,
In Africa, as in most undeveloped countries elsewhere, Ministry of Education and Fine Arts, E.C. 1940).
>ibid, p. 14.
government ministries assume such responsibilities as « ibid, p. IS.
' ibid, p. 13.
are normally undertaken by private interests in devel
•ibid, p. 13.
oped countries. As a result the government is over ' ibid, p. 15.
■Year Boot, B.C. 1942-43(1949-51); (Imperial Ethiopian Government,Ministry
loaded with responsibilities other than those for which of Education and Fine Arts, 1952),p. 5.
• ElementarySchoolCurriculum, 1940,p. 17.
it was created. This results in a situation in which it is '•ibid, p. 117.
difficult to concentrate on the specific role and functions » ibid, p. 118.
"ibid, p. 119.
that legally belong to it. Often the secondary functions '• ibid, p. 128.
14ElementaryCommunitySchoolCurriculum, Years I-1V, Erperimental,1951E.C.
are not very well done because they are not a part of and Junior SecondarySchoolCurriculum, Years VII-V11I, Erperimental,1953E.C.
the raison d'etre of the ministry. They involve the ex (Imperial Ethiopian Government,Ministry of Education and Fine Arts).
" Elementary and Community School Curriculum I-IV, (Imper al Ethiopian
penditure of funds needed for the essentials. The central Government,Ministry of Education and Fine Arts, 1956B.C.).
'• Final Report of the Meeting of Experts on the Adaptation of the Oeneral
ized handling of functions create dissatisfaction among Sscondary School Curriculum in Africa, Tananarive, 2 to 13 July, 1962 (Paris,
the people not directly involved, and these situations UNESCO, 1962).
" GeneralSecondarySchool Curriculum, Vols. I, II and in, (Imperial Ethiopian
would not arise if the public should be encouraged to Government,Ministry of Education and Fine Arte, 1963).

37
from and to the ports were never wholly severed.3 The the period which followed Massawa was garrisoned by
rulers of the interior, for whom the import of firearms an occupying force of some 400 soldiers from Bosnia,
was always a matter of life and death,4 moreover never Albania and the Asiatic provinces of the Ottoman
forgot the old days when their predecessors, the kings Empire who had also established two forts on the coast
of Aksum, exercised unhindered sovereignty as far as near Arkiko. "It was probably intended," writes
the sea Ruppell, to "send out a conquering force into the
The present article has a twofold purpose. Firstly, to Christian Kingdom of Ethiopia which was at this time
examine the relations between Ethiopia and the Red Sea hard pressed by the neighbouring Muslim peoples, but
and the Gulf of Aden coast in the nineteenth and early this idea was soon abandoned because the mountainous
twentieth centuries, a period- in which, as we shall see, nature of the land offered too many obstacles." In the
the rulers of Ethiopia constantly reiterated their age-old course of time the occupying force intermarried with the
claim to access to the sea while the ports which they Habab, a bedouin tribe living further to the north along
had so long cherished changed hands between a handful the coast, and adopted much of its culture. The army
of foreign powers, the Ottoman Empire and Egypt, of occupation remained, however, a separate group,
France, Britain and Italy. Secondly, to chronicle the maintaining itself on a monthly payment of 1 ,400 ounces
various changes of status which occurred in the coastal of silver from the Massawa customs. In exchange for
areas of the Horn of Africa over the century or so which this payment the soldiers protected the wells from which
witnessed such varied events as the decay of the Otto Massawa obtained its drinking water and ensured the
man Empire, the opening of the Suez Canal, the safety of the trade with the hinterland against robbers
scramble for Africa, and the rise of Fascism in Italy and in the uninhabited coastal belt. The Pasha residing at
other parts of Europe. Massawa gradually delegated his authority to the chief
of the Habab who was given administration of the whole
of the neighbouring coast with the title of Naib, a
Persian word meaning representative, the same as the
Turkish word Kaimakan.
The nineteenth century dawned in Ethiopia during
the era of the "masefint", or princes, when the power When the diva at Constantinople no longer considered
of the monarchy was at its nadir, the various provinces it worthwhile to maintain a Pasha at Massawa off
the distant Ethiopian coast the head of the Habab was
being to all intents and purposes independent, in many
cases often even at war with each other. Division and also given the island to administer in return for a yearly
fratricide in the interior led inevitably to a weakening tribute to the Pasha of Jeddah. Towards the end of
of Ethiopian influence on the coast where the small the seventeenth century, however, the growing power
local chieftains learned to become more and more irre of the Ethiopians and the declining prestige of the Otto
sponsive to the will of the rulers of the interior. The man Empire in Arabia caused the Naib to cease paying
rulers of Tigre and Shoa — the two provinces nearest this yearly tax; since his essential foodstuffs and
the coast — nevertheless displayed strong though customs revenue were dependent on Ethiopian trade he
then, according to Ruppell, pledged himself to pay half
perhaps intermittent interest in the question of the coast,
this interest, as we shall see, being more forcefully his customs receipts to the ruler of the Tigre.8
expressed by the chieftains of Tigre whose highland In the latter part of the eighteenth century the balance
territory extended nearer to the sea than did the King of power changed once again. The sheriffs of Mecca
dom of Shoa to the south. Salt, for example, recorded obtained control of Arabia and extended their influence
early in the century that the Bahrnegash, or soi-disant to Massawa; they then reduced the monthly salary of
ruler of the sea-province, who was a Christian and a the descendants of the 400 Turkish soldiers at Arkiko
dependant of the ruler of Tigre, administered the Assauli from 1,400 to 1,005 ounces of silver. The distribution
mountains south-west of Massawa only eleven miles of this money, which, according to Lejean, went to an
from the sea,5 while a generation later Ruppell noted elite numbering 600 families, was by then extremely
that Halay, almost due south of the port and some thirty arbitrary, but served to employ a modest army. Ruppell
miles from the coast, was under Christian control;6 a states that twelve to sixteen persons in some cases
little later Mansfield Parkyns discovered an Ethiopian divided among themselves the wage of one original
frontier station at Kiaquor some twenty-five miles from soldier though others had inherited the wages of several.
Massawa on the road to Aksum.7 It was therefore no Some soldiers received half a Maria Theresa dollar a
exaggeration to say that Christian Ethiopia literally month and others a quarter. On the other hand, when
overlooked the port of Massawa for even the mule, the the family of a descendant died out it was customary
leisurely instrument of transport then employed, could to allocate its share to the hereditary paymaster of the
travel from the last Christian village to the coast in at military force who in this way acquired 56 dollars a
least two days, while the distance between Dabra Bizen, month.9 Blondeel, who more or less confirms this
one of the most important monasteries of Northern picture, declares that five dollars were given to the heirs
Ethiopia, and the sea was less than 50 kilometres, or of every man who died, one to two dollars to young men
little more than half the distance from London to on their marriage, and "the rest according to an estab
Oxford. lished scale to a large number of families". Notwith
The island of Massawa, the principal port of the standing this annual allowance of 12,000 dollars, mid-
north, and the neighbouring village of Arkiko were nineteenth century travellers remark that Arkiko had
nonetheless under foreign rule. They had become seen better days as was testified by its considerable
dependencies of the Ottoman Empire when conquered ruins.10
by the Turkish Emperor Selim in 1557. Throughout The Naibs often endeavoured to keep on good terms

38
with the rulers of Ethiopia. "Unlike the princes of were determined on resolute defence sailed off again
Adal," wrote Munzinger, "they [the Naibs] were not and contented themselves with plundering the island of
slow to recognise that it was to their advantage to live Dahlak.18
in good relations with their powerful Abyssinian neigh
Three years later, in 1814, Mohamed Ali of Egypt,
bour." Relations with the chiefs of Tigre were nonethe
acting as viceroy of the Ottoman empire, assumed
less often fraught with tension. Thus Salt records that control of Arabia. Almost immediately afterwards he
in 1800 Ras Walda Sellassie, the governor of Tigre, told
sent Kaimakan with sixty soldiers and couple of

a
him that some five years earlier he had been obliged to cannon from Jeddah to Massawa to control its customs,
send a military force to the coast to bring the Naib "to
promising at the same time to restore the wages of the
reason", and would have to "cut off all communica
descendants of the Turkish garrison who constituted the
tions" between Massawa and Ethiopia had not the Naib greater as well as the most influential part of the popu
"'appeased him by the most humble supplications". The lation of Massawa, Arkiko and the neighbouring region.
Ras, we are told, had at that time contemplated divert
Egyptian influence was naturally increased by this
ing Ethiopian trade to Bure, a place on the coast to the promise, and became predominant in 1818 when
east, which belonged to him and was situated not more
Mohamed Ali's soldier son, Ibrahim, was appointed by
than four days journey from his capital at Antalo.11
the Porte as governor of "Hejaz and Abyssinia". The
This alternative route was, however, never opened, and latter appointment was purely nominal as the Sultan's
the Naib was allowed to preserve his position. Notwith
suzerainty was in fact limite to Massawa and Arkiko.
standing such occasional friction the Naib, Salt adds, In 1820 when Mohamed Ali undertook his campaign in
was reputed to be on "very good terms" with the the Sudan he informed Salt, then British Consul-General
Emperor of Ethiopia though he no longer paid him any Cairo, that he intended to conquer Ethiopia as well

in
tribute.12 Salt was told by one of the Indian traders at as Senaar, but his attention was soon deflected to Syria;
this time that Massawa was "at the mercy of the King
the proposed invasion of Ethiopia failed to
of Abyssinia, and could offer no resistance were he to materialise.19
choose to attack, as his most forcible instrument would
be starvation, by cutting off the supplies from the upper
In the years which followed the Egyptians continued
to tighten their grip at Massawa. In the spring of 1826,
country"13 — an observation reiterated half a century
later by the German traveller von Heuglin.14 despite earlier promises to the garrison force the
Egyptian Kaimakan of Massawa declared that the
The Naib, though economically dependent on the treasury was empty and suspended the monthly payment
interior, was determined to maintain his position by of 1,005 thalers to the soldier aristocracy of Arkiko. By
means of a military blockade of Ethiopia. According this time the recipients scarcely served in any way. The
to Salt he took steps to limit the importation of arms Kaimakan's action was, nonetheless, complete failure.

a
into the interior and kept a jealous eye on the neigh The inhabitants of Arkiko withheld the daily delivery
bouring Red Sea coast. When, for example, he heard of water whereupon the Kaimakan threatened to let all
rumours that Salt was suggesting to use Amphyla Day the inhabitants of the mainland who happened to be

in
instead of Arkiko he immediately sent a letter in Massawa die of thirst. For several days traffic between
November 1809 under his seal to the chieftains of the the mainland and the island was at standstill until

a
region, declaring "if any property belonging to the finally the Naib's soldiers attacked the island from
English (Ferenge) should again be brought into your several sides. Munzinger says that about this time the
districts or towns, seize it and kill the persons in charge Naib had exclaimed in front of the Governor of
it,

of and all the property you may thus obtain equally Massawa, "The Sultan rules at Samboul [Istambul], the
among yourselves."16 Pasha [Mohamed Ali] at Massa [Cairo], and Naib
Such practices seem to have been traditional, for Hassan at Massawa." The Turks and Egyptians were
Munzinger says the Naib had earlier forced the ruler of obliged to embark, burning down large part of the
a

the port of Edd to the south not to harbour caravans, town to cover their flight. Arkiko was then threatened
the result of this action being that "the country of Edd, with punitive expedition from Jeddah. Since, how
a

once so flourishing, was ruined, and trade returned to ever, the prosperity of Massawa depended to so large
Massawa."16 an extent on its trade with the Yemen and Hejaz, and
could not withstand their hostility, its inhabitants sent
a
Salt's patron, Lord Valentia, discussing the problem representative to Jeddah to explain the cause of the
of the ports at the opening of the nineteenth century, insurrection and to make their submission to the Porte.
stated that the Naib considered "the gate of Hasbash They also petitioned for new Kaimakan. Naib Etman
a

as his" and "probably entertained hope that he might of Arkiko was then deposed and replaced by his relative
a

one day have again in his power to raise the duties to Yahia. The monthly payment was, however, restored;
it

a height that would liberate him from his pecuniary was paid regularly, though when Riippell wrote
in
it

embarrassments." The exactions he levied were indeed 1838, was five months in arrears as punishment for
it

solely limited by realisation that the commerce of the the murder of four Turkish soldiers.20 The civil and
a

interior was indispensable to the prosperity of the port military government of Massawa and the neighbouring
and, as Valentia says, "were the trade turned into any islands was now firmly in the hands of the Kaimakan,
other channel would sink into insignificance".17 the Naib of Arkiko having no longer any jurisdiction
it

over them, though the coastal provinces he remained

in

The Naib's position was challenged in 1811 when the

Wehabites of Comfund launched sea expedition with entirely independent.21
a

the object of capturing Massawa. They bombarded the Division and weakness in early nineteenth-century
island for several hours, but seeing that the inhabitants Ethiopia naturally played into the hands of the Naib.

39
 our power to form that connection with Abyssinia which
Thus Riippell, writing in the eighteen thirties, reported
that the income of Halay and six other neighbouring
will for ever shut out the French; but if we neglect the
opportunity, they will profit by our folly, as they have
villages on the edge of the plateau had come under the
done in Arabia; and the discoveries made on the eastern
control of the Naib, originally in return for a yearly
shore of Africa, instead of becoming a national benefit
tribute of one thousand dollars to the governor of Tigre.
to the English, will only tend to increase the already too
This tax, however, was no longer paid though the Naib
preponderating power of her implacable adversary."
occasionally gave him nominal presents.22
Ras Wube, the then ruler of Tigre, seemed obliged Urging the advantage to Ethiopia of an alliance with
Britain, he continued: "The advantages that Abyssinia
to concur in these events. Combes and Tamisier, who
had discussed the matter with him, observed in 1838 that
will obtain, by a direct communication with European
though he could easily reach Massawa from Halay he
nations, are incalculable. At present, she is suffering
under all those evils that attend an inefficient govern
was held back by political reasons. Faced by Mohamed
Ali's troops to the east and north he was unwilling to ment. Her king is invariably in the power of one
ambitious subject or another, and receiving no revenue
give any pretext for a Muslim invasion, though if Europe
but from the nearly independent governors of his
promised assistance the rulers of Ethiopia, the French
men felt sure, would be quite willing to make the people
different provinces, he is incapable of securing a suffi
under the Naib do their duty.23 cient force to sustain himself, or of preventing them
from wasting the resources of the country in mutual
hostility . . ."
An alliance with Britain, he continued, would be of
European interest in the Gulf of Aden and the Red special advantage to Ras Walda Sellassie, the ruler of
Sea had meanwhile been increasing, largely because tne Tigre, the only province through which communication
advent of the steamboat rendered the area easier of with Gondar, the capital, could then be carried on. "An
access than before. alliance with the British," Valentia explained, "would
In 1805 the British nobleman, Lord Valentia, visited supply him with arms, ammunition, and revenue, and
Ethiopia, taking with him as his secretary and drafts thereby enable him to liberate his sovereign from the
man his compatriot Henry Salt, who travelled further oppression in which he is now held, and to place in his
into the country than his master and must indeed be hands the sceptre of the finest part of Africa. Abyssinia
under one master would resume her ancient conse
considered the first of the important nineteenth-century
visitors to Ethiopia. quence. ... By an alliance with Great Britain, the
Christian sovereign of these realms would be rendered
Salt and Valentia were both convinced of the need to
independent of his refractory chiefs, and those repeated
break the then existing stranglehold on Ethiopian trade;
insurrections and revolutions, in which the people
they believed this could be done by establishing an
invariably suffer equally with the monarch, would at
alternative port under European control. Valentia, who
once be at an end. He would have time to learn from
had given his name to a small island at the mouth of
his allies the arts of peace . . .
the bay of Zulla south of Massawa,24 was of opinion
that the trade of the interior could easily be diverted to "The restoring of tranquility to the provinces, and a
the southerly end of the bay, which was actually nearer legal trade to the united empire, would also have the
than Massawa to the Ethiopian frontier village of very important effort of putting an end to the exporta
Digsa and provided "equally good" facilities for tion of slaves, which here is not only liable to the same
embarkation.25 objections as on the western coast of Africa, but to the
The Englishman was moreover strongly in favour of still greater one, that the slaves exported are Christians,
British intervention in Ethiopian affairs. He believed and that they are carried into Arabia, where they
that the British Government should purchase the said invariably lose, not only their liberty, but their
Valentia island from the Naib of Arkiko who, he religion."27
thought, could be expected willingly to sell the place as Once the proposed emporium was firmly established,
it yielded him only a "few dollars" though under British Valentia concluded, "the native merchant would bring
control it would easily become "the great emporium oi his gold and ivory to the spot, and take in exchange the
trade with Eastern Africa". Once the said island was manufactures of Europe and India . . . That the con
acquired it would be possible, Valentia thought, to divert sumption of Abyssinia would increase greatly, even in
the trade from Massawa to Zulla. "This amicable the first instance, by the reduction of price, and the
arrangement," Valentia declared, "might prevent the temptation of many novel and useful articles, which the
immediate ruin of Massowa as an independent state; ingenuity of our merchants would soon discover, appears
but, as its power is merely artificial, by the revenues to me certain; but I look forward to still greater advan
arising from its trade, its gradual decay is inevitable, and tages, from the facility which that country will afford
it will scon either become a barren sand, or sink again of supplying Kordofan, Darfur, and the other neigh
into the empire of Abyssinia."26 bouring states, with every article, at a much lower price
Emphasising that though "the crescent of Mohammed than they have hitherto obtained them."28
no longer . . . forebodes danger to Christianity," Valentia On returning to England, Valentia presented a
warned his compatriots against "the equally terrible memorandum on his ideas to the Directors of the East
eagles of regenerated France," which, under Napoleon, India Company and also took steps to interest the
threatened "universal destruction to ancient establish British Government in the opening up of relations with
ments". It was, however, he declared, "completely in Ethiopia. The result was that in January, 1809, Salt was

40
sent by the Government to carry gifts to the Emperor by Valentia, who had written as early as 1808 to the
Egwala Seyon from King George IV.29 The emissary's British Foreign Secretary Lord Canning that Aden was
instructions were that he was to report on the country, "the Gibraltar of the East', and had added: "At a trifling
make friends with the tribes in the plains by the sea expense [it] might be made impregnable." Despite th.s
coast, and persuade them that trade with England would recommendation the British were slow to act. They
be to their benefit. As things turned out Salt was landed a stock of coal at Aden in 1829 only to abandon
unable to reach Gondar; he therefore stopped at Antalo the place shortly afterwards in favour of the island of
in Tigre, where he presented the British Government's Sokotra in the Indian Ocean to the East of the entrance
gifts to Ras Walda Sellassie and then returned home, to the Gulf of Aden. In 1834 they attempted to purchase
leaving behind him two Englishmen, Pearce and Coffin, this island outright for 10,000 dollars; the local Sultan
whom the Ras befriended.30 refused to sell; they thereupon invaded the island only
This first attempt at the opening up of relations to find the harbour was useless.34 Interest therefore
between Britain and Ethiopia, like several later efforts, moved back to Aden. "Early in 1837", writes Coupland,
was, however, destined to failure. The British, who, in "an opportunity for action presented itself. A Madras-
the nature of things, would have had to take the initiative owned ship under British colours, carrying pilgrims
in developing contact with Ethiopia, displayed little bound for Mecca, ran ashore near Aden. The survivors
interest in the country. This was perhaps not surprising were plundered and the wreck looted by Arabs." This
for until the cutting of the Suez Canal half a century action was declared "an insult to the British flag'. The
or so later the Red Sea area was the part of the African British immediately made clear their intention of inter
coast furthest to reach from Europe. Ethiopia, as we vening and in the following year, 1838, secured a treaty
have said, was moreover politically divided and hence with the old Sultan of Aden which was, however, almost
of less account than in former times, while the fact that immediately repudiated by his son. In consequence,
she had lost her ancient seaboard rendered difficult the British and Indian troops landed on January 16, 1839,
forging of any alliance between the two countries. The and occupied the place without much difficulty. A new
Ethiopians, for their part, were most anxious to regain treaty of "peace and friendship" was signed early in
their former access to the sea, but felt this could not be February in which it was stated that Aden "belonged to
accomplished without British aid. Thus Pearce reported, the English".35
in a letter of October 10, 1809, that "the Ras [Walda Having established themselves at the port the British
Sellassie] says that in case he sends his people to take almost automatically looked across the Gulf of Aden to
Massawa it will be of no use as it is an island ... he the African coast, whence the port obtained most of its
says the English must settle business with the Naybe supplies. On August 19, 1840, a year or so after the
[Naib] by land and he will protect all their goods by acquisition of Aden, Captain Robert Moresby of the
land."31 The basic realities of the situation were further British East India Company concluded a Treaty with
explained by Salt, who records that the Ras had the Sultan or Tajarah by which the latter engaged not
observed that "it would be useless for him to interfere to enter into any Bond or Treaty with any other Power
with the Mahometans on the coast, so long as they had which should prove detrimental or injurious to British
a naval superiority on the Red Sea". "There was so interests, and agreed not to sign any agreement with a
much good sense in these remarks," the Englishman foreign Power without first informing the authorities in
adds, 'and they so exactly corresponded with my own Aden. These undertakings, which were destined to be
views on the subject, that they did not admit of any violated a generation later, were embodied in the follow
reply, except that I would never lose sight of the interests ing Articles:
of Abyssinia, and that I was disposed to think that his "Article IV. Sultan Mahomed-ben-Mohammed, of
Majesty's ministers would find a pleasure in doing their Tajowra, engages at all times to respect and regard the
utmost to promote the welfare of his country."32 friendly advice of any authorized person belonging to
A generation later Valentia's former servant, Coffin, the British Government, and agrees not to enter into any
was sent by Sabagardis, the chief then in control of Tigre, other Treaty or Bond with any other European nation
to England in a further effort to forge an alliance. or person without, in the first instance, bringing the
Coffin wrote a letter at the request of the Ras declaring subject to the notice of the Government authorities at
"I hope you will take the Port Massowa and give it to us Aden, so that the same may in no ways prove detri
or keep it in Your Majesty's Possession; as our country mental to his Friends, the English, or their Commerce.
is lost by it." In return for these conditions, the British Government
Riippell states that Coffin was instructed to offer the will observe the interests of the State of Tajowra, and
port of Arkiko to the British Government in exchange do all in their power to assist in improving their com
for 400 troops and sufficient arms to consolidate his mercial resources.
position. Little, however, came of the negotiations, "Article VII. In entering into any Bond or Treaty or
though Coffin was sent back with some arms.33 trading with either Europeans or other Powers, Sultan
Mahomed-ben-Mohammed engages that no Bond or
Treaty shall be acceded to, or acquired in, by him whicn
Though the British Government had thus failed to will, either at the present or at future period, prove detri
implement any of the suggestions for an Ethiopian mental to the interests of the British, either in political
alliance it had not lost sight of the importance of tnv or commercial point of view, and in return for such
Red Sea area. British interest shifted, however, to Aden, agreement, the English promise that they will act in no
which was far more strategically placed than any part manner which may have an evil tendency towards the
of the East African coast. This had indeed been realised state of Tajowra."36

41
 The Frenchman Rochet d'Hericourt claims that this all directions, particularly from the north; the village
treaty was expressly designed at this time to forestall consisted only of a few rude huts and the adjoining
his own efforts to gain influence in the area.37 land, which was scorched by the sun, was quite
On the same day as the Sultan signed the aforesaid uncultivated; the old trade route to Antalo in Tigre
Treaty with the British he also signed a Deed whereby had long been abandoned so the port was of negligible
he acknowledge that he had sold the Island of Mussa commercial advantage. The owners of the Ankobar had
(or Mursoh) to the British Government for "10 bags of moreover misjudged the trading situation and arrived
rice".38 with a badly selected cargo not suitable for the needs
The British had thus acquired their first piece of terri of the country. The cloth was too light and fine. Instead
tory off the Ethiopian coast. This acquisition, it should of the flint or wick guns which were then generally
be noted, was a direct result of the occupation of Aden. demanded they had brought percussion guns which were
This is clearly explained by Coupland, who, describing not yet popular. The glasses and bottles they brought
"
contemporary British thinking, comments: The were a variety unknown in the interior, while the swords
strategic value of Aden would be to some extent were too small, not well enough tempered and insuffi
impaired if a rival sea-power were to establish a base ciently curved to be acceptable. Unable to sell their
on the opposite Somali coast, a bare and torrid country goods the traders found it impossible to purchase a
in which the British Government had only once shown return cargo and were therefore obliged to resign them
any active interest apart from survey-work. The selves to a considerable loss.
plundering of the Marianne, a British merchant-brig, by Despite this fiasco the advent of the French vessel is
the Somali of Berbera in 1825 had led to the dispatch said by Ferret and Galinier to have created a sensation
of a warship and the conclusion in 1827 of a treaty of among the whole population of the Red Sea coast where
' '
friendship and commerce under which the Sheikhs of it was generally believed that France was planning the
the offending tribe had agreed to pay compensation for conquest of Ethiopia.41 The reason for this belief was
the damage done and to permit British ships to trade of course that the barren coast seemed of little interest
'
at any port under their control without impediment, compared with the rich, fertile interior which alone was
injury or molestation '. But the acquisition of Aden, considered a prize worthy of France.
followed as it was by the rumours of French incursions
into the East African field, at once drew attention to
this no-man's land, and in the autumn of 1840 Captain
Robert Moresby negotiated treaties with the ruling The Belgians, it is interesting to add, also for a time
Chiefs of Tajurah and Zeila. . . . Thus, for the time contemplated acquiring a foothold on the Red Sea coast.
being, international rivalry at the mouth of the Red Sea The Belgian Consul in Alexandria, Eduard Blondeel,
was forestalled. There were no other ports of import drew up a report for his government in 1837, in which
ance in the neighbourhood in those days, no other bases he emphasised the economic value of the area and
for contesting the British mastery of the Gulf of Aden."39 warned his compatriots that if Belgium did not act
quickly it would be too late as other powers were
becoming interested in the area. He reported that the
French were not alone in exploring the Red Sea coast
in search of a station, for in 1841, a warship of the
The French meanwhile were increasing their interest British East India Company had endeavoured to acquire
not only in the Gulf of Aden but also farther north on the ports of Zeila and Arkiko. To forestall rival
the southern Red Sea coast of Africa. Several French
attempts Blondeel proposed that the Belgian Govern
traders made their way into the area in the 1830's, and ment should establish a colony on the island of
in 1840 the Societe Nanto-Bordelaise, a French trading Amphalow, or Amphyla, in the bay of Amphyla, the
company, equipped a boat, called the Ankobar after next bay to the east of the bay of Zulla. In a report of
the then capital of Shoa, to operate on the western side 1842 he expressed the hope that the island could be
of the Red Sea between 10° and 16° longitude, in other bought for little more than 2,000 dollars or about the
words along the whole stretch of African coast from same amount as the French had paid for the village
north of Massawa to south of Berbera. The company's of Edd. The transaction, he added, should be backed
orders enjoined it to establish a trading station on the up by the despatch of Belgian troops. He asked 'or
Ethiopian coast and then to develop trading relations 25,000 to 30,000 Belgian francs to be sent to him in
with the interior. After exploring most of the coast the Egypt as a first step, though, he added, a million francs
expedition decided on establishing itself in the neigh would be needed in all in the first few years, largely to
bourhood of the small village of Edd. This place and defray the cost of locally enrolled soldiers.
the neighbouring territory to the extent of forty-two Emphasising the economic value of the proposed
square leagues (fourteen leagues north to south by three colony he made the following points:
leagues from the coast) was purchased by two French "Firstly, that the customs at Massawa collected more
men, Combes and Broquand, on behalf of the Societe*
than 200,000 francs every year.
Nanto-Bordelaise, for 1,800 Maria Theresa dollars, i.e.
"Secondly, that it was reasonable to suppose that
9,900 francs. The company later changed its name to within at least three years all the trade at Massawa
that of Compagnie Francaise de l'Abyssinie.40 could be diverted to Amphalow.
The project was from the outset doomed to failure. "Thirdly, that Amphalow could soon finance its own
The Frenchmen who arrived at Edd in September, 1840, civil and military administration."
at the end of the rains, found the place they had selected Urging the value of colonies in general, Blondeel
was not suitable for a port, being open to winds from urged: "Where would England and Holland have been

42
without them?" Belgium, he was convinced, could colonialism which was, however, not destined to take
greatly benefit from expansion in Ethiopia, particularly extensive control of the area for almost half a century.
after the opening of a canal at Suez, which was then
under discussion. Ethiopia, he explained, was one of the
healthiest countries he had visited in the East; its rich
natural resources made possible "immense develop Ethiopia's undying interest in the coast was re
ment"; moreover, it was "easy to conquer" as its people asserted towards the middle of the century by both King
were disunited and lacked modern arms. He therefore Sahle Sellassie of Shoa and Ras Wube of Tigre. During
proposed that a foothold should be obtained on the the presence in Shoa of the first British diplomatic
coast. "Send an agent into the Red Sea," he urged, "ro mission to Ethiopia led by Captain Cornwallis Harris,
purchase the island of Amphalow and all the coastline Sahle Sellassie wrote to Queen Victoria on October 2,
of Ethiopia. The rulers of Amphalow will willingly 1841, recognising the need for closer contact between
consent to sign an agreement for a mere trifle." the two countries and declaring:
"
Captain Harris has . . . informed me of your wish
"Our Tights thus established we must send a warship that I should afford protection to those who shall come
with five hundred armed men. This force will be enough from your country to mine, and I should assist them
to protect our establishment and maintain the respect of during their sojourn, as well as in their movements, both
the population on the coast." Five hundred Belgian within and beyond my dominions. This I have done
troops equipped with modern arms, he claimed, would always, and will continue so to do, but I wish that you
be more than a match for 10,000 Ethiopians with only may also show similar favour to those of my subjects
old rifles. "I am convinced," he added, "that two small who may visit your land.
cannon which could be easily brought into action would "A very few only of my people have seen your
be enough to rout the strongest Ethiopian force." country, because they do not travel as yours do, but
The next move would be to advance inland and should any come, may you protect them!"44
The treaty subsequently signed by the King and Harris
occupy the salt plains from which this all-important
on November 16 voiced in its preamble the typical
commodity was obtained. He felt sure that if his com
sentiments of Victorian economic liberalism, namely that
patriots could control this region they would have the
"commerce is a source of great wealth and prosperity
means of extending their influence far into the interior.
to all those nations who are firmly united in the bonds
All the chiefs of northern Ethiopia would want to be
of reciprocal friendship" and that the agreement would
friendly with the power who controlled the salt, while
therefore "tend to the mutual advantage of both
the peoples to the south of the Takazee would not fear
nations." The articles which followed were designed
Belgian penetration as long as it was restricted to
to further such objectives, and paid some attention
Tigre. The whok country could thus be occupied
to the fact that Shoa was then deprived of effective
gradually piece by piece and at each stage the occupa
access to the coast and that the neighbouring seas
tion would be easy to govern and defend. "Amphalow,"
he concluded, "is the easiest point from which to invade
tended to be under hostile control. Article XII stated
that "for the better security of merchants and their
the Ethiopian plateau." "If the possession of Amphalow
property, His Majesty of Shoa and his lineal succes
were our only purpose it would, in my view, be of little
sors, and Her Britannic Majesty and her lineal
importance. I regard Amphalow, however, as a starting
successors, will respectively, to the utmost of their power,
point which will inevitab'y lead us in a short time to the
endeavour to keep open and secure the avenues of
conquest of a vast colony."42
approach betwixt the sea-coast and Abyssinia."45
Blondeel recommended that his report should be kept A couple of years later, on June 7, 1843, Sahle
secret. A Government commission was set up to study Sellassie signed a further treaty of friendship, this time
it, but decided that Belgium's first colonial experiment with Rochet d'Hericourt on behalf of France. This
should be made in Guatemala and not on the shores of agreement, unlike that with Britain, contained no
the Red Sea as at that time the Suez Canal had not yet reference to the coast, though Article II stated that King
been cut and the long sea journey round the southern Louis Philippe of France, who styled himself protector
coast of Africa made the project relatively costly. of Jerusalem, undertook to protect pilgrims from Shoa
Blondeel was therefore sent to South America, thus going on pilgrimage.46 This article was a reminder ol
bringing an end to his dream of a Belgian empire in the fact that Ethiopia's interest in the outside world was
East Africa.43 still largely based on a religious interest in Jerusalem,
which had been visited by the country's pilgrims since
A third of a century of European diplomatic activity
time immemorial.47
on the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden coasts of Africa had
The two treaties of the 1840's may be said to repre
thus left the British the principal Power in the area.
sent the first strivings on the part of an early nineteenth
By the 1840's, as we have seen, the British were in
century ruler of Shoa to regain overseas contact, which,
control of the strategic port of Aden, had established a
though important in former centuries, had long been
position of paramountcy at Tajurah, one of the main
interrupted.48
ports on the coast, and had purchased the Somali island
of Mussa; the French had merely obtained the rather
useless village of Edd, while the Belgians had proceeded
no further than the stage of report writing. Though these The question of the coast had meanwhile been worry
European establishments on the coast were still few ing Ras Wube to the north, where, as already noted, the
and far between they represented the first footholds of highlands extended much nearer to the sea and the

43
tradition of foreign intercourse was more recent. sold as a slave at Massawa in August 1844.54 In the
Anxious to check the exactions and interference of the following month the Christians of Hamasien again
Naib to which reference has been made and to assure marched down to the coast where they killed a score
himself of improved communications with the coast and of people and seized over 2,000 cattle.55 At this point
hence with the outside world, Wube decided in 1840 to Yahia died. The Turks appointed his brother Hassan as
offer the French explorer, T. Lefebvre, to cede the bay his successor, whereupon Yahia's direct heirs and their
of Amphyla to France . This offer, like others of its partisans rebelled and cut off communications with
kind subsequently made, was the product of traditional Massawa. Lejean says that though this should have
Ethiopian thinking which regarded the Christian powers
" "
of reducing the port to
been an infallible way
of Europe as the natural allies of Christian Ethiopia and surrender, its inhabitants met together and succeeded in
the enemies of her Muslim foes. Wube's offer was thus bribing off their enemies with gifts of money.56 The
a perfectly natural sequel to the events of the sixteenth Governor of Massawa, Rustum Effendi, realising him
century when the Emperor Lebna Dengel had offered self at mercy of both Wube and the Naib, then obtained
the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden ports to the Portuguese, reinforcements from Jidda and thus stabilised his
who had promised to help him against Ottoman expan position.57
sion. For Wube the French and other Europeans were Wube, who had by no means given up his hope of
thus the successors of Christopher da Gama, who had improving his communications with the coast, still
assisted Ethiopia against the invasion of Ahmed Gran, believed the French could be of assistance to him.
not the imperialists of the partition of Africa which Influenced by the missionary, De Jacobis, he asked in
they were fast becoming and which they would seem to July 1845 for French protection— evidently accepting
the twentieth century reader. Wube's proposal was, the literal meaning of the term— and offered in return to
however, rejected, largely because there was uncertainty give France the port of Arkiko, which, he claimed, had
in Paris as to his sovereignty on the coast, a question always belonged to the Ethiopians, only the island of
which, as we shall see, was to bedevil international dis Massawa being under Turkish possession. The French
cussion for the next few years.49 French influence in the Government, however, was reluctant to take on responsi
Red Sea was at this time considerable as may be seen bilities in the Red Sea area and therefore again turned
from the fact that another Frenchman, Combes, had, as down Wube's offer.58
already said, bought the port of Edd on behalf of the Meanwhile, Rustum, the Governor of Massawa, who,
Societe Nanto-Bordelaise.50 as we have seen, had strengthened his position by
The Naib of the period, Yahia, was not deterred by importing more Turkish troops, was also active. In
Wube's negotiations with the French. He continued the December, 1845, he nominated Naib Mohamed as chief
practice of his predecessors of interfering with the traffic of Arkiko in place of Hassan. This nomination was a
of the interior, and in October, 1843, went so far as to profitable affair for the Governor as it brought him a
raid part of Hamasien provice where his men burnt fee of 1,000 Maria Theresa dollars. At the same time
down a village and carried off a large number of cattle. the Governor, who seems to have been very rapacious,
Outraged by this action Wube ordered the Naib to declared that Hassan owed him a debt which had never
restore 3,000 cattle which, he claimed, were the number been repaid. To recoup this sum Rustum sent the
captured by the invaders and 800 dollars which he said commander of his garrison to Arkiko with 120 men,
had been illegally extorted from the caravans.51 The but the men of the port resolved their differences and
normally torrid lowlands being then relatively cool he succeeded in rallying a force of 2,000 men which obliged
threatened to go down and sack the whole coastal area the Turks to retreat in humiliation. Lejean states that
of Samhar if his demands were rejected. The Massawa Rustum, who was thus discredited, was then denounced
elders, however, had no wish to provoke a conflict with to his superiors by the inhabitants of the island who
the Ras, the more so as all of them owned property on claimed that in the last four years he had stolen 43,423
the mainland. They therefore agreed to give way to dollars from them. He was therefore imprisoned anc
Wube's demands. Naib Yahia proudly declared he replaced by another governor, Arif Aga. The latter then
would make no concession as long as he held his summoned the Naib to visit him on the island. The
appointment by grace of the Ottoman Sultan. He was Naib, who was however taking no chances, came with
thereupon provisionally deposed and replaced by a many followers and demanded the restoration of 2,000
junta of eight traders.52 Wube meanwhile was preparing dollars which Rustum had stolen from them. Arif
his army and on December 24 crossed the frontier, reimbursed them from his predecessor's property, but
launching the first of what was to be a series of razzias this success, according to Lejean, went to their head,
for which he became famous. After receiving satisfac for they felt so exalted that they started again interfering
tion, however, he withdrew to the highlands in the with commercial caravans.
following March by which time the lowlands had once Arif losing his patience with them burnt the
become a burning desert.53 port of Arkiko, established a permanent garrison
Tension between the Ras and the Naib developed at the port, and reduced the Naib to the status
As soon as Wube had of a vassal. Henceforward, Lejean says, the Naibs
again at the end of the summer.
withdrawn inland the people of the coast returned to lived more frequently inland at Ailet than at
their former bad practices. Lejean states that the their former abode at Arkiko.59
followers of Naib Yahia, who had been allowed to
resume his authority, siezed a young nobleman of the
interior, the nephew of a Hamasien chief referred to as A significant change in the international status
very
Walda Gabra. Despite the latter's protests the boy was of Massawa now took place. As a result of the rise of

44
Mohamed Ali as Pasha of Egypt the Ottoman Empire recovering his liberty and power, and the nominated
had been gradually losing its control in North Africa, Naib I should think none."64 The result, Plowden
and in September, 1846, the port of Massowa, together added, was that "the Naib has become so entirely
with Suakin to the north, was transferred to Egypt by subject to the Governor of Massowah, and has so com
the Ottoman Sultan, as a result of which a new Egyptian pletely resigned the appearance of the authority he
governor, Ismail Hakki, arrived in March 1847. possessed two years since, that unless some considerable
According to Massaia the pasha at once attacked the change occurs, such as the abandonment of this island
Naib, who thereupon appealed to his "protector" Wube, by the Egyptian Government or other, I see at present
who "determined to come down to the coast".80 no chance of dealing with the Naib as an independent
The Egyptians, who were much more interested in ruler."65 Douin, commenting on the same events, adds:
expansion than the Turks, had by this time conceived "A few hours were sufficient for the Egyptian Govern
the idea of creating an African empire. Soon after his ment to destroy a rich and powerful town whose popu
arrival at Massawa the commander of the Egyptian lation had often caused the town of Massawa to tremble
troops, Elias Agha, accordingly informed the French and to deliver a blow to the political power of the
Consul that he had instructions to occupy the entire Naibs from which they did not recover."66
African coast of the Red Sea as far as the straits of Shortly afterwards in October it was reported that the
Bab el Mandeb.61 This expansion, if effected, would Governor of Massawa had begun a rough count of the
of course have barred all parts of Ethiopia from the tribes from Suakin to Berbera with the intention, he
sea, and would have constituted a far more effective said, of taking possession in the name of his master of
barrier than that provided by the former Muslim sultans the entire African litoral as far as Cape Guardafui.07
and pashas whose disunity and interest in trade pre An Egyptian occupation of this long stretch of country,
vented them from ever declaring a general blockade of it may be reiterated, would have sealed all parts of
the interior. Such a blockade could, however, be Ethiopia from the coast and thus put an end to her
expected from the Egyptians who were far more efficient long-standing aspiration for access to the sea.
than other vassals of the Ottoman Empire and much
more interested in expansion than in trade.
Wube, who had of course never renounced his earlier
claims to the coast, become greatly worried by the Interest in foreign relations had meanwhile been
threatened Egyptian advance. Immediately on the evinced in yet another part of Ethiopia, at Gondar, where
arrival of Ismail Hakki, the first Egyptian governor of the ruler, Ras Ali, had agreed that an English
Massawa, the chief wrote to him to request payment adventurer, Walter Plowden, should raise with the
as in former times of the taxes collected from the British Government the question of establishing some
Samhar region, thus reiterating his claim to virtually all kind of relations between the two countries. Plowden
the mainland. The governor, however, replied with accordingly travelled to London, passing through
some arrogance in April, 1847, that he did not recog Alexandria in the middle of June. His views on the
nise the latter's claim as the whole area of Arkiko question were clearly stated in a long Memorandum on
belonged to Mohamed Ali as a result of a gift from the the Trade of Abyssinia which he submitted to the
Ottoman Sultan, and that if the Ras had any preten Foreign Office on August 20, 1847. Emphasising the
tions in the area he would have to support them by importance of Ethiopian trade he urged the value of
coming down there with his army. Determined to bring affording the merchants effective protection at the coast,
things to a head Ismail Hakki in the following month adding: "This, they themselves ardently long for; and it
ordered the Naib to attack the main Christian chief of is my opinion that it cannot be afforded to them with
the frontier area, the aforesaid Walda Gabra, mutual advantage save at Massowah, or its immediate
and himself despatched 50 Egyptian soldiers to accom neighbourhood." Turning to the method of achieving
pany the expedition. The people of Arkiko, however, this objective he went on:
refused to attack their neighbours of the interior: the "The appointment of a Consul at that place
Governor's machinations therefore came to naught.62 [Massawa] would be of use, that he might report the
Furious at Arkiko's refusal to comply with his wishes course of events; but the occupation of that island, if
Ismail Hakki enticed Naib Hassan and the six principal possible, by the English would be the most effectual
men of Arkiko to Massawa where he had them chained, means of establishing a permanent and valuable trade
his brother and rival Mohamed being appointed Naib with the whole of the interior of this portion of Africa.
by the Egyptians. The Governor then, on June 6, landed The consequences of this would be that the intervening
his troops on the mainland and attacked Arkiko and tribes would quietly submit to their neighbours, and the
burned it to the ground. He then ordered the erection intercourse between the Christian country and the sea-
of an Egyptian fort and established a permanent coast become uninterrupted and constant. A treaty
Egyptian garrison to guard the sources of the water effected with the Ras on friendly terms would ensure
whence Massawa obtained its supplies.63 access to the English to all his dominions, and he would
The power of the Naibs declined inevitably as a result easily be convinced of the utility to his revenues, of
of the Egyptian occupation of Arkiko. Plowden, writing encouraging his own mercantile community by a better
some time later on the position of the two brothers, system of imports, by improving the roads, and by
Mohamed and Hassan, observed: "Mohammed as the building a few bridges, for which he would then be able
price of assistance, and, in fact, being unable to do other to procure artificers. A [British] Resident or Residents
wise, has resigned his power into their [Egyptian] at his Court might ensure with a little tact his corre
hands. . . . The deposed Naib has little hope of ever spondence in all our views.

45
 "Some time since a Treaty was broached between the any other part of the coast can compare with this m
English and the native chief of Tigre, the basis of which facilities for such a purpose."68
was that the trade of Massowah should be diverted into A few weeks later, on August 28, Plowden prepared a
a new channel, by an English establishment in the Bay further memorandum in which he discussed the legal
of Amphylla to the southward, the chief on his part status of Massawa and the adjacent coast on the basis
engaging to open the road through the country of the of his knowledge, which, as already noted, had been at
Taltals for the caravans to the coast. In the present least partially rendered out of date by the Egyptian
unsettled state of the district of Tigre, there would be seizure of Arkiko. "In reviewing the claims of the
many difficulties now in the way of such a scheme, still different Powers to the Island of Massowah and the
should no other spot be available, 1 think that our first neighbouring coast," he wrote, "the one that has priority
object should be to secure a footing, however small, on is doubtless that of the Emperor of Abyssinia, who
any point within forty miles of Massowah, that will appointed the Baharnageseh [Bahrnegash] or Ruler of
furnish a harbour." the Sea. This officer resides at Dixa [Digsa] and still
unaware of Egyptian landing at retains his title, but so long a time has elapsed since he
Apparently the
has been obliged to wtihdraw from all active inter
Arkiko which presumably occurred after his departure
ference near the sea that, with reference to a British
from the area, Plowden does not seem to have realised
establishment, his rights may be considered null in that
that the Naib had by then been reduced to the status of
an Egyptian vassal. He therefore suggested that the quarter."
Naib would be willing to come to terms with Britain, The other claimants were the Naib of Arkiko and
and argued that if there was any difficulty in settling the Turkish Government, then represented by an officer
the matter with Wube, "our views should be directed to of the Pasha of Egypt. The Naib, he wrongly declared,
a bargain with the Naib of Arkeeko, who is still could be "considered in all respects ... as an indepen
acknowledged virtually as Sovereign of the mainland. dent Sovereign on the mainland, the Turkish Governor
The Treaties, in fact, existing between him and the being equally so on the island. All jurisdiction on the
Sultan [of the Ottoman Empire] for the occupation of mainland, save where Turks are concerned, rests with
Massowah are, I believe, rather ill-defined, but in point the Naib; he makes war or peace at pleasure, receives
of fact the Turks pay the inhabitants of Arkeeko a tribute from all the native tribes, and sells land to
subsidy of 1 ,000 dollars a month, and have no settlement individuals."
or authority on the mainland. [This, as we have seen, Turning to the possibility of the British obtaining a
was in fact no longer true.] How far the Naib has bound foothold in the area Plowden sagely observed: ". . . with
himself not to dispose of any portion of his territory to reference to the feasibility of the establishment of an
other Powers I know not; but if he could be induced to English factory in that quarter, on land purchased, it
sell to us any position on the land surrounding the appears to me that this haze of undefined rights or
Bay of Arkeeko, where fresh water is found, I should claims resolves itself on all sides into the simple facts
not think there would be any material difficulty. At of strength and possession; and if the French could
present the traders are all forced to dispose of their purchase, as they have done Oiitherto without question),
goods in the Island of Massowah. Should this idea be a portion of the mainland to the southward, in the name
considered worthy of consideration, I beg to point out of the Governor of Massowah, who clearly possesses
as an agent with the Naib, Mr. Coffin, who has been in less right to it than the Naib, and who has never had a
that part of the country for nearly forty vears, and is garrison or Agent there, why could not we, if con
well acquainted with all the former Treaties, the sidered advisable, purchase in a like manner, from the
language, laws, etc. The jealousy and constant disputes Naib of Arkeeko, some portion of land in the Bay of
between the Turkish Governor and the Naib, as well as Amphylla; or how could his right to sell it be ques
the poverty of the latter, would perhaps facilitate anv tioned, as long as the Turks have not actually occupied
dealings with him. Supposing a British trade were or received tribute from it?
it,

established in that quarter, ships would time their "I mention Amphylla as the next best point on the
voyage according to the Monsoon, arriving with the end coast to the Island of Massowah, and apoint which
of the southerly winds, and departing with the com the caravan trade that now supports the latter might be
mencement of the northerly, in which case the distance made to diverge from the interior by arrangement with
between Massowah and the Indian Ocean would never the Christian chiefs, and superior facilities afforded to
occupy more than five or six days to ten. The voyage the merchants themselves. . .
."

is, I believe, much less dangerous than that of Djeddah. Urging the advantages of speedy British occupation
a

and an accurate survey from Aden and the buoying of he added: "I do not think the authorities at Constanti
the channel through the Bay of Arkeeko would render nople are yet much aware of the importance of
it perfectly safe. The harbour is tolerable, but that of Massowah. and might be easier now to effect some
it

the Island of Massowah itself is excellent. understanding with them than may be few years
it

"In fine, I would state it as my opinion that our hence, as few years back would have presented little
it
a

possession of the Island of Massowah would render a difficulty had the matter then been brought to the notice
permanent and valuable commercial intercourse with of Her Majesty's Government."
the whole of the interior of Abyssinia certain, and that Emphasising his conviction that "the Island of
an establishment on the mainland, if it could be effected Massowah an important point that Her Majesty's
is

through the Naib independent of Massowah. would offer Government should not lose sight of." he concluded:
a fair prospect of the same, attended however with "... looking at the above facts with reference to the
some difficulties and greater expense. Nor do I think appointmnt of Consular Agent by the English Govern-
a

46
 "
ment, I should think that he would be ordered to hoist he declared, that at no distant day all the claims of
his flag on the Island of Massowah, acknowledging the Turkey to the sovereignty of Abyssinia will be revived,
right of the Turkish Government there, a fact which on so far, at least, as the levying of duties upon all articles
account of long possession can scarcely be disputed; and of commerce, as if they were the produce of a Turkish
if ever British interests were concerned on the mainland, province."
which would be seldom the case at present, referring An invasion of Hamasien from Massawa and Suakin,
the matter to the Naib, as the existing and ostensible he added, had in fact already been planned and had
power there. On the islands his duties for the present only been postponed by the illness of the Egyptian
would be to protect the interests of the Bombay traders, ruler.72 A month later, on September 17, Plowden
British subjects, and thus be of great utility to a con wrote a further alarming report, in which he declared:
"
siderable existing trade in British manufacturers. An army of Egyptian troops to aid in effecting
" further conquests, is openly spoken of as expected."73
As British Consular Agent, however, he could
afford no protection to the merchants of Abyssinia, an Returning to the old question of how best to develop
important point, which could only be done effectually trade and other contact with the Ethiopian interior
on British ground."88 Plowden drew Palmerston's attention on August 16 to
the existence of a "commodious and safe" harbour on
The Foreign Secretary, Lord Palmerston, on reading
the mainland two miles north of Massawa, adding that
this report, decided on sending out a Consul to Massawa "
the said harbour was the best adapted in point of
with a view to promoting contact with Ethiopia. Plow- "
situation for communication with Abyssinia that he
den was recognised as the man for the job and was
had seen. He therefore urged the Foreign Secretary
accordingly appointed on January 3, 1848, as British
to oppose Egyptian claims to that part of the coast,
Consular Agent to Abyssinia with headquarters for the
time being at Massawa. arguing that a Turkish occupation of one port,
Informing him at that time
Massawa, should not entitle the Egyptians " to claim the
of his appointment Palmerston rejected any idea of
entire coast and thus the monopoly of the commerce
obtaining a port on the Ethiopian coast, declaring:
" of this quarter of Africa."74
Her Majesty's Government, in establishing a Con
Consul Plowden continued to discuss the question of
sulate on the shores of the Red Sea, have no intention
to seek to gain possession, either by purchase or other
Ethiopia's access to the sea in his reports of the next
wise, of any portion of the African continent in that few weeks. On August 17 he reported that a British
protected Italian then at Massawa was suggesting that
quarter, nor of any neighbouring island. They merely
the British Government should help him to purchase the
wish to avail themselves of such means as the natural
port of Amphyla, from a relative of the Naib's. The
resources of the country, the wants of the natives, and
Italian, like Blondeel before him, believed that the trade
the favourable disposition of the Rulers, aided by the
of Massawa could easily be diverted to Amphyla pro
protection and influence of the British Government, may "
vided only that the latter port was under efficient pro
afford for the encouragement and extension of British
tection, as claims would immediately be set up by the
commerce."
Turkish Government otherwise."75 Reverting on
Turning to the anticipated relations with Ras Ali, the "
September 17 to the afore-mentioned commodious and
Foreign Secretary wrote in terms reminiscent of the "
safe harbour just north of Massawa, Plowden
treaty which the British had signed with Sahle Sellassie "
" declared: Should there be any prospect of causing
some seven years earlier. You will assure the Ras,"
" the withdrawal of Egyptian troops from the mainland,
Palmerston said, of the earnest desire of Her Majesty's
I think that either Naib (i.e. Mohamed or Hassan)
Government to maintain the most friendly relations
upon our acknowledgement of his authority might be
with him and his country, and you will impress upon
induced to enter into a favourable Treaty with us. In
him that the surest way of maintaining and strengthen
this case the bay two miles to the northward of Masso
ing such relations will be to encourage commercial deal
wah appears to me to offer even superior advantages as
ings, which by making the people of the two countries
a harbour, and equal in other points."76
better acquainted with each other, will bring with it
increased revenue."70
To further these aims Plowden was instructed to
propose to Ras Ali the signing of a treaty modelled Though Plowden had been commissioned to sign a
very closely indeed on that agreed to by Sahle Sellassie. treaty with Ras Ali at Gondar he was from the outset
Article XIII of the draft, which was almost an exact in greater contact with Wube, who, as ruler of Tigre
copy of Article XII of the earlier treaty, stated: was in greater proximity to the coast. Wube, as might
"
For the better security of merchants and their be anticipated, welcomed the British Consul's arrival
property, His Majesty of Abyssinia, and his successors, and sought to enlist his aid. Accordingly as early as
and Her Britannic Majesty, and her successors, will October 29, 1848, Plowden reported that he had been in
respectively, to the best of their power, endeavour to "
communication with the chief who had written ex
keep open and to secure the avenues of approach be pressing his earnest wish to be on the most friendly
twixt the sea-coast and Abyssinia."71 terms with the English nation." Coming to practical
"
On arriving at Massawa on August 5, 1848, Plowden matters Plowden added that Wube had expressed
at once began reporting to the Foreign Office on the his wish that some means could bs divised for the more
situation in the area. Almost to his first report, dated efficient protection of the Abyssinian traders, through
August 16 warned the Foreign Secretary of Ottoman, or my intervention on the coast." The Consul added that
"
in
more properly Egyptian, claims against Ethiopia and of Wube had expressed astonishment at the encroach-
the probability of an imminent attack.
"
It is evident," JIH ment of the Turkish Government on the coast."77

47
 The Consul fully shared Wube's two objectives of Wube's demonstration, which according to Mun-
keeping the trade routes open and of preventing zinger, was undertaken by some 20,000 men, mostly
Egyptian control of the entire coast-line. Discussing horsemen, was led by a chieftain called Kokobe; it
these matters in a report of December 10, 1848, he again had the characteristic of a razzia which took the
drew Palmerston's attention to the port of Amphyla, Ethiopian soldiers to the very edge of the sea.81 On
and suggested that not being yet occupied by the January 6, 1849, they captured and destroyed the
Egyptians it might be found a suitable point of access coastal town of Monkullo, just inland from Massawa,
" think," "
to the sea for Ethiopia. I he declared, the where Plowden's house was destroyed, while the French
Ruler of Tigre would do his part in opening the road, flag was torn down and burnt in the face of the French
and at least it would be attempted, if unsuccessful; but Consul, M. de Goutin.82 The Ethiopian troops then
the same difficulty arises on the coast regarding the proceeded to pillage the seaport of Arkiko, a little to
want of an established Ruler with whom Treaties might the south of Massawa.83
be entered into; as since the extinction, so to speak, of Plowden, who was at that time far away at Adowa.
the Naibs, there is no pretence of a Government at
"
reported on January 27 that Wube had declared that
Amphyla over the few fishermen or Bedouins who have the Turkish troops, by occupying the mainland, had
built their huts there: the Turks might of course lay the trespassed upon the ancient dominions of Abyssinia,
same claim to it that they do even to Abyssinia, but they and had, by crushing the Naib, prevented that Chief
have not hitherto occupied it. from paying ... his accustomed tribute."84
"
The harbour or roadstead of Amphyla," he added, The raid was reported in some detail in a despatch
"
is far easier of access than that of Massowah, though of January 28 from Captain S. B. Haines, the British
inferior to the latter in all other points, and I would sug Political Agent in Aden, who confirmed that Wube
gest, if it could be done without inconvenience, that a had ordered the levy of revenue in the coastal area,
correct survey of, and Report on, the harbour and water and had caused a force of 8,000 to 12,000 soldiers,
on the neighbouring mainland, be ordered by Her "
mainly cavalry under the command of a certain Kog
Majesty's Government."78 "
Kong (Kokobe?) to make an inroad into the territory
The alternative course open to the British Govern claimed by the Ottoman empire. At Monkullo the
ment, Plowden considered, was for the British to assume destruction had included not only the house of the
the responsibility of protecting Ethiopian trade via British Consul, but also those of the French Consul and
"
Massawa. Should it be found impossible to open any the Roman Catholic chapel built by M. Jacobis, while
other route for commercial pursuits than that of at Arkiko some 500 people were reported killed and as
" "
Massawa he wrote, and should I succeed in con many captured, together with no less than 10,000 head of
cluding the desired Treaty with the Ras of Abyssinia, cattle.85
I would beg to suggest that perhaps the best way of
carrying out that Article ... in which we engage to
The presence of Ethiopian troops was considered so
alarming that some 15,000 inhabitants of Samhar are
keep open as far as possible the approaches and the said to have sought refuge on the island of Massawa.86
coast, would be to place under the protection of the Fears, groundless as it turned out, that Wube might even
British flag at Massawa all Christian Abyssinian mer attack the island itself were so acute that Haines felt
chants, with, of course, their consent, and enrolment of
it desirable to depatch the East India Company brigan-
their names. tine Tigris from Aden with orders to watch the pro
" I,
of course, can only throw out the idea, as I do not
ceedings and send any British assistance which Plowden
know how far an agreement to this effect with the or other British subjects might require. The British
Egyptian or Turkish Government would be
community, it may be added, was mainly made up of
practicable." Indian merchants under British protection.87
Emphasising that the Christian merchants, unlike
Wube's demonstration probably came to an end be
their Muslim counterparts, did not deal in slaves, the
cause of the Ethiopian inability to capture Massawa
Consul concluded:
" which, as an island, was impregnable except against a
In case Her Majesty's Government should think
well-armed seaborne landing. The French Vice-Consul,
this idea not unworthy of notice, I would beg to men
M. Rolland, however, also assisted in terminating
tion that any Agreement or Convention of the kind
hostilities; he saw Wube at Hauzen and persuaded him
would be more complete in its effect did it include a
to put down his arms in the hope that the dispute could
distinct statement of the boundaries of Christian
be settled peacefully at Constantinople through diplo
Abyssinia, and a rate of duties to be paid on all goods
matic channels.88
by the Christians of Abyssinia."79
Wube meanwhile had again been contemplating Besides gaining that much recognition for his claim
action of his oWn. Angered by Egyptian expansion on Wube was able to extract the tribute he had demanded;
the coast and the Governor of Massawa's arrogant before the Ethiopian soldiers left the coast the Egyptian
declaration that he would only give Wube the Samhar Governor of Massawa agreed to pay him 12,000 dollars.
taxes if an army was sent to collect them, the chief of Haines therefore reported on February 26 that "at
Tigre determined on forceful action. During the cool Massowah all is again quiet."89
period at the end of 1848 and beginning of 1849 he Hostilities, however, were only temporarily brought
made a new descent on the coast. This expedition, to an end, for, according to Lejean, the capture and sale
the third and most important of its kind, took him into at Massawa of a young Christian girl of Wube's house
Samhar at the head of 10,000 men. There he de shortly afterwards led the chief in March to advance
manded the Egyptian evacuation of Arkiko, as well as once again to the coast, his fourth such expedition of
the payment of the local tribute.80 which we have record.90 This latter demonstration

48
nevertheless seems to have been on a much smaller noted, a considerable number of Indians from British
scale than that of a few months earlier in January: India at the port.95 The Foreign Secretary therefore
Lejean, writing twenty years later, said that the razzia of wrote to the British Agent and Consul-General in
January, 1849 "inspired all Samhar as well as the Egypt, C. A. Murray, on February 17, 1849, telling him
Kaimakans of Massawa with a terror still alive today."91 that it would appear from Plowden's reports that the
Wube's action demonstrated that the ruler of Tigre Turkish authorities at the port were levying " excessive
though unable to capture Massawa was unwilling to duties" on goods imported from the interior, though it
acquiesce in Egyptian expansion on the mainland. was not clear whether any British subjects had in fact
Balked by Wube's determination actively to resist all suffered from such exactions. Palmerston, whose
encroachments the Egyptians decided to withdraw from interest in the matter was limited to this latter possi
Massawa, which, together with the port of Suakin to bility, therefore wrote a letter more fitting a Minister of
the north was transferred back to Ottoman rule. Wube, Trade than of Foreign Affairs, instructing Murray "to
we are told, thereupon immediately asked the new ascertain whether any British subjects have so suffered."
" "
Turkish Governor of Massawa, Oman Agha, for his And if they have," Palmerston added, you will
tribute, threatening, if it was refused, to burn Massawa remind the Egyptian Government that the Treaties
as well as once again to ravage Arkiko and Monkullo.92 between Great Britain and the Porte strictly limit the
Throughout the period above described Plowden re amount of duties which can be levied upon goods im
mained firmly convinced that the British Government ported by British subjects into Turkey from foreign
should assist Wube in gaining access to the sea. By no countries to 3 per cent, import duty, with an additional
means alienated by the destruction of his house —which 2 per cent, in lieu of internal duties, on such goods being
" " sold in Turkey, or being sent into the interior for sale:
he attributed to the malice with which he was re
garded by the inhabitants of Massawa — the Consul and you will say that Her Majesty's Government con
continued to urge the need for an accord between sider Abyssinia to be a foreign country as regards
Britain and Ethiopia. In a letter of January 28, to Lord Turkey; but that even if it were a possession of the
Palmerston, he noted: Sultan, which it is not, the amount of duties which
" could be properly levied on Abyssinian produce
The Chief of Tigre demands that the Turks should
not quit the Island of Mossowah, and that the Naib exported and brought by British merchants would fall
ruling the coast, as heretofore, should pay tribute to far short of what Mr. Plowden reports to be the amount
the Abyssinians. The Naib at present has retired to levied at Massowah on the trade in Abyssinian produce
the mountains, refusing to enter Massowah." at the present time."96

Turning to the policy he recommended the British Murray replied, however, on March 18, that when
Government to pursue Plowden declared: he had raised the question of illegal exactions at
"
Itrust that if the Chief of Tigre should claim your Massawa with the Egyptian authorities they had
Lordship's protection, it will be afforded decisively, by brushed the matter aside, stating that Massawa was no
declaring that the English Government do not consider longer under the Egyptian Viceroy, having been lately
restored to the Sublime Porte."97
the possession of the Island of Massowah to involve
any authority over the coast, and that the Turks or This transfer, it would seem, had international signifi
others who have now suffered in consequence of cance, for Palmerston though possibly willing to oppose
residing on the mainland have no right to claim repara the Egyptians was not disposed to take any firm action
tion except as private individuals. This point carried against the Ottoman Empire which he regarded as an
would lead to the appointment of the Naib by Dejaz important ally against Russia, Britain's supposedly
Oobeay, and the Naib residing on the coast would soon hereditary enemy in India. On receiving Plowden's
learn to respect our commerce in any port on the aforementioned letter of December 10, 1848, which
mainland that might be selected."93 suggested that the Christian merchants of Ethiopia
Plowden's forthright espousal of the Ethiopian cause might be placed under the protection of the British flag,
"
won him the friendship of the people of Tigre, particu he replied, on April 6, 1849, that any protection which
larly of the traders who had suffered so grievously a British Consul at Massowah could properly under
from interference at the coast. In a report of January present circumstances afford to natives of Abyssinia
27, 1849, he relates that on visiting Wube at Lemen, must be unofficial. Any attempt to do more would
four days' journey from Adowa, he had been hailed involve Her Majesty's Government in many difficulties
with joy by the Ethiopian merchants who told him that and embarrassing discussions."98 A few weeks later
they intended to petition through Ras Ali for British on April 23 he wrote to the British Ambassador in
protection at Massawa.94 Constantinople, Sir Stratford Canning (later known as
Lord Stratford de Redcliffe), reiterating the view that
"
a British Consul at Massowah could not without
great inconvenience interfere otherwise than
unofficially."99
In London meanwhile the Foreign Office was just
beginning to be aware of the difficulties Plowden had Plowden's suggestion that the British Government
been witnessing at the port. Palmerston, who had re might assist with the opening up of the port of Amphyla
ceived the Consul's suggestion that Wube should be was no more successful than his suggestion that it
assisted in opening up a road to the coast, but had not should offer its protection to the Ethiopian merchants
yet learnt of the latter's great raid on Samhar, was only at Massawa. The Foreign Secretary who received the
concerned that Turkish exactions at Massawa might be Consul's reports on the project on October 3, 1848, and
detrimental to British trade, there being, as already again on February 1. 1849, took no action until March

49
10 after receiving news of Wube's demonstration at the you are powerful, and I now request your assistance and
coast (which was first learnt of in London through the friendship, that you will not permit the Mahommedan
already mentioned report of Haines, those of Plowden, forces to ravage and occupy my territories; but will in
not arriving until a month or so later). Palmerston's sist on their remaining content with the possession of
reaction to the question which he had till then the Island of Massowah (though that even they have
ignored was to write to the Secretary of the Admiralty, no right to), without setting foot on the mainland, or
H. G. Ward, asking him to consider the possibility of interfering with the Naib that I appoint at Arkeeko
establishing a port at Amphyla in the event of a general and the coast. My soldiers, by mistake and from
survey of the Red Sea being undertaken.100 Ward, who ignorance, burnt the house of your Consul at Mon
did not consider the matter at all as one of urgency, cooloo for which I was sorry. I wish much for the
replied on March 20 that the Lords Commissioners of friendship of the English, and trust that you will now
the Admiralty had no surveyors in the East Indies. He show the sincerity of your good-will towards
added that their Lordship's hydrographer had Abyssinia."102
examined a survey of the Red Sea previously made by In his cover letter of March 3 Plowden strongly urged
the East India Company and had found the port in Palmerston to support the Ethiopian case, declaring:
question marked there, but the survey was on too small "
Their Lordships therefore
I trust that your Lordship will take immediate
a scale to be of any value.
occasion of this opportunity for deciding the question
suggested that Palmerston might perhaps persuade the
between the Abyssinians and the Governor of Masso
East India Company to send a vessel from Bombay to wah, in favour of the former, which will put us at liberty
execute the necessary survey. The Foreign Secretary
to choose a favourable harbour for our commerce and
accordingly wrote to Sir John Hobhouse of the India intercourse with Abyssinia. Should your Lordship
Office on March 28, asking whether the proposed survey
" so arrange this affair as that the Turkish Government
could be made by the company without much incon
should lay no claim to anything beyond the Island of
venience."101 Massowah, the rest may be safely left to me, and I
The correspondence thus proceeded in a most trust that your Lordship will assist me thus far
leisurely way, no consideration being paid to the promptly, as it may be long before so favourable an
anxiety which had constantly been expressed by both opportunity presents itself, or any European obtain the
Plowden and Wube. influence I now possess in these countries."103
Summing up the situation in the spring of 1849 it The Foreign Secretary, however, had little sympathy
could therefore be said that Plowden's proposals for for such appeals.
the protection of Ethiopian merchants and for the
Like most of his compatriots he did not share the
establishment of an alternative had alike come to
contemporary Ethiopian conception of the world as
nothing.
being divided between the warring forces of Christianity
and Islam, but thought in terms of the more modern
concept of the secular struggle of power groups. For
him the Turks were not the enemies of all Christians,
Ethiopian hopes of assistance from Britain were, as the Ethiopians believed, but the natural allies of the
however, slow to die. Neither Wube nor Plowden British whose Empire in India was thought to be en
had expected Palmerston to reject the idea of British dangered by the expansion of the Russians whose great
consular intervention on the merchants' behalf. On ambition of obtaining an ice-free port on the
the contrary the Consul and the chief both believed Mediterranean made them in turn a well-nigh permanent
that the British Government might be persuaded to threat to the Ottoman Empire, thus thrusting London
take some action on the lines of Article XIII of the and Constantinople in one camp and Moscow in the
proposed Anglo-Ethiopian treaty which at that time had other. The difference between the modes of thought of
not yet been signed. In March, 1849 —one month before Lord Palmerston and Ras Wube was thus as great as
Palmerston finally turned down the project of protection that between their languages. The result was that the
for the merchants — Wube accordingly addressed a letter Foreign Secretary instead of accepting Ras Wube as an
to Queen Victoria, whom he regarded as the natural ally ally merely sent a copy of his letter to Sir Stratford
"
of all Christians, stating his claims to the Red Sea Canning in Constantinople, on July 3, asking him to
coast and explaining why he had despatched his troops endeavour to ascertain on what grounds the respective
into the costal area a couple of months earlier. He claims of the Porte and of the Abyssinians to the
wrote: district in question are supposed to rest,"104 and at the
"
Dejaz Oobeay, greeting, to Her Majesty Victoria, same time informed Plowden that Wube's claim to the
"
Queen of the English. Red Sea coast was a matter with which it would not
"
Formerly my ancestors were in possession of, and be advisable for Her Majesty's Government at present
governed all the coast of the Red Sea and Massowah; to meddle."105 He also wrote Wube a very non-com
recently when we quarrelled amongst ourselves, the mittal letter typical of many later British communica
Turks took possession of Massowah. After this, two tions, in which he declared: " The Queen commands
years back, they also sent troops to the mainland, and me to assure you that she would gladly do anything
occupied Moncooloo and Arkeeko. The Naib of which might be agreeable to you ... if the circum
Arkeeko being thus prevented from paying me my stances of the case admitted of her supporting your
usual tribute, I this year sent down my forces and claims. But the Sultan of Turkey is also a friend of
drove the Turks back into the Island of Massowah. the Queen, and it is inconsistent with the principles
You are a Christian Queen, and the friend of Christians; which regulate Her Majesty's conduct towards other

50
Powers to pronounce an opinion on any point on which him. Thus the French for third time turned down

a
her friends are at issue without being previously applied an offer from Wube.109
to by both the dissentient parties. The Queen accepts the
expression of your regret for the damage occasioned to
the property of her servant at Moncooloo by the con Notwithstanding his reluctance to offend the Turks
duct of your soldiers, and she desires me to assure you by supporting Ethiopia's claim to the coast, Palmer
that she takes a lively interest in your welfare, and ston saw no reason to prevent Plowden from signing
that she will always rejoice to hear through her servant the proposed Treaty of Friendship and Commerce,
Plowden that you are in the enjoyment of good health Article XIII which, as we have seen, stated that
"
and wordly prosperity."106 the two powers agreed to the best of their power
Wube, whose letter to Queen Victoria indicates that [to] endeavour to keep open and secure the avenues
he was in high hopes of at least obtaining British sym of approach between the sea-coast and Abyssinia."110
pathy, was naturally shocked to receive such a reply The treaty, which Plowden had received from Palmer
ston as early as January 1848, was thus in due course

3,
from Palmerston.
Plowden, who described the Ras as " able, inflexibly signed by Ras Ali 20 months later on October

2,
severe, but sufficiently just," says his comment was 1849. Plowden, who reported this event on April

2
" " of the following year records that Ras Ali's
"
characteristic." This letter from Queen Victoria," remark
the chief explained,
" on hearing the Treaty read was that the proposals
is polite, but the substance in
three words is, We won't assist you; you say that you
were excellent, but that probably in ten years [only]
are friendly to us and to our religion; I do not see it yet.
one English merchant might trade to Gondar." "It
must be equally obvious to your Lordship," Plowden
You say that you are more powerful than the "
added, that the Abyssinian nation being powerless
Mahometan; you do not prove it It is now many years
I have been in correspondence with several on the coast, unless we some striking way carry out

in
since
the Article of the Treaty by which we are engaged
European nations on the faith of promises of assistance
to exert ourselves in opening
in two points that I much wish to gain —one the pro road and facilitating

a
mutual commerce, this Treaty will be as useless as
tection of my merchants, the other the suppression of
the one effected with the late King of Shoa has
the Slave Trade at Massowah in concert with Ras Ali
hitherto been."111
and the Franks on the coast. With pleasure should I Ali, who doubtless shared the above views, never
see Massowah in the hands of the Christians. I have theless wrote message of greeting to Queen Victoria
it,

a
the power perhaps to take but cannot keep "
it
I

stating that he had placed his seal on the treaty that

against ships and cannon. We shall see with time you
if

our friendship may not dissolve," and added signifi

English are like all the rest." "
" cantly, in my poverty, with constant war and many
His reception of myself," Plowden explained, " was soldiers, dollars wherewith to pay them would be the
polite, but as impossible to make him understand
is
it

best proof of your friendship, with the protection of

the political reasons that bind us to Turkey,
is
it

my merchants at Massowah."112
natural that he should find strange that we should
it

Plowden throughout this time wrote many letters

trouble ourselves to send assurances of friendship, and to Palmerston urging him to accept the implications
yet omit to occupy some point that would place us in of the treaty with Ras Ali. On April

2,
1850, he
intimate connection with our allies in religious faith."107 "
drew attention to the agreement, declaring: Her
Realising that little was now to be gained from Majesty the Queen in ratifying this Treaty will
Britain Wube turned to the French, and on October
1,

acknowledge the Ras to be an independent and friendly

849, signed treaty with M. Rolland, the French Vice- sovereign, and does not appear inconsistent that we
a
1

it

Consul in Massawa, in which France promised its should enforce those articles in our Treaties with
help in overcoming his difficulties with the Turks over Turkey that relate to trade with independent nations
the question of the Red Sea coast. The Ras agreed in through port in the Sultan's dominions."113
a

return to give France protectorate, to the exclusion In further letter of the same date the Consul by
a

of any other country, over any area of the coast implication suggested that Palmerston should recon
it

might desire. Rolland, who considered this treaty of sider his refusal to protect the Christian merchants at
the greatest importance, observed in report to his " "
Massawa: Perhaps," Plowden wrote, the signature
a

" Sooner or later, one

Government on November of the Treaty by Ras Ali may modify your Lordship's
7:

must hope, canal to Suez will be constructed, and views on the subject of protecting Abyssinian mer
a

then, unquestionably, the Red Sea will be one of the chants and trade." In view of Palmerston's clear
most important places in the world. In this event, orders that no protection should be given to the
you would wish for certain, Monsieur Ministre, to "
le

Christian merchants he nonetheless added: shall

I

assure our country conveniently situated commercial decline receiving the supplication that the merchants
a

and political establishment. not necessary to of Abyssinia wished me to forward to Her Majesty,
Is
it

have port of shelter for our ships, coaling station and shall scrupulously avoid all steps that might
a

for our steamers, fixed counter where our trade, and involve Her Majesty's Government in discussion."114
a

civilisation could enter into this vast African few days later on April
it,

through Summing up the situation

a

continent?"108 the Consul declared: "Having signed Treaty of

a
4

The French Government, however, was not greatly Commerce and Amity with Ras Ali, and striven to
impressed by such arguments. took the view, as on general impression in favour of England in
It

effect
a

previous occasions, that the coast did not in fact belong Abyssinia, remains to be seen what may result from
it

to Wube and that could not therefore be ceded by these proceedings.

it

51
 " den had signed with Ras Ali on November 2, of the
Massowah from its proximity to the more civilised
nations is the most favourable point on this coast for same year left him in no doubt of the futility of relying
the establishment of trade. any more on international diplomacy. He therefore
"The hopes of the merchants of Abyssinia are undertook a fifth armed demonstration, this time in
turned on England for the protection of their persons the cool months of early 1850. In January of that year he
and the enlargement of their commerce; the Ras has demanded from the govenor of Massawa the tribute of
engaged to protect Englishmen of all classes that travel 1,000 dollars due from the Naib of Arkiko. The Turkish
in his dominions: Dejaj Oobeay has expressed his authorities ignored this demand, sending Wube's
readiness to do the same. Their subjects visit not messenger back with compliments and small gifts to a
Europe, and we can only make them a return in two value of only 130 dollars. After some delay Wube
ways: one, to place their merchants under the protec raised his demands to 4,000 dollars, i.e. the tribute
tion of the English flag at Massowah, and to regulate due for the last four years since the advent of the Egyp
within just bounds the duties levied by the Turkish tians in 1846, and threatened to invade with fire and
authorities; the other, to empower the British Consul sword if the sum was not paid. Lejean states that Wube's
to rescue from slavery the Christian subjects of our fury had been provoked by the Muslims who had
ally, stolen and brought to market, ordering that all seized a Christian girl and sold her at Massawa in
facility shall be given to their identification. January.
" Despite this provacation Wube seems to have made
These points being established, whatever might be
the changes of power in the interior our influence it clear from the outset that he had no intention of a
would be stable; the merchant, safe and encouraged, direct assault on Massawa which, as already suggested,
would bring a greater amount of produce into the in any case was beyond his means, Plowden's states that
market than at present, and the British adventurer the chief's original message to the govenor of the port
find mutual interest his surest guarantee."115 emphasised that Wube had "no hostile intentions against
the Turkish provinces, and that he wished for the future
Reasonable though this letter was it could not weigh
as much as Britain's assumed strategic interest.
prosperity and tranquility to that part of the country
and its inhabitants." The Consul added that even after
Palmerston's mind was therefore unchanged; he was
Wube had decided on more militant action he had
unwilling to do anything concrete on Ethiopia's behalf.
assured him "that strict orders had been given to his
chieftain Cocober (Kokobe) not to attack Massowah,
and which order Cocober dare not disobey."
Meanwhile at Massawa the Turks were gradually The 1 5,000 or so inhabitants of the mainland opposite
restoring the prestige which had been temporarily the port, were all so terrified that they once again fled
shattered by Wube's demonstration at the coast. They as one man before Wube's army, a large proportion of
reinstalled Naib Hassan at Arkiko, his position how them seeking refuge on the island where a famine
ever, being very different from that of the Naibs of in consequence broke out. Plowden in a report for April
former times. Hitherto, as Plowden recalled, they 4, stated that the port was "in a state of siege," and
had sworn allegiance to the Ottoman Sultan as head added: "There is no market, and the usual supplies
of the Islamic faith, but had in fact been "quite from the mainland are cut off."117 Lieutenant Adams of
independent." They had moreover received a salary the British schooner Constance which called at the port
of 1,000 dollars a month from the Turkish adminstra- shortly afterwards, wrote on April 1 1 :
tion in Jidda, in return for which they permitted the "Massowah has been greatly distressed for water and
free transit of fresh water from the mainland to provisions . . . thousands are on or near the Bunder
Massawa. The Egyptians, as we have noticed, had and the point opposite the Fort, on the mainland, to be
destroyed the power of the Naib, and, as Plowden under its shelter and the guns of the two war buggalows
"
says, when they left the Ottoman Government refused which are moored, head and stern, in position to protect
to return to the ancient accord, and took advantage the island ...
of what had been done by Egypt, retained the fortress "For the last few days I was at Massowah it was
of Arkeeko, and refused all payments to the Naib, impossible to procure the necessaries of life; the
making use of him only to collect tribute from the Governor could get no one to go out to buy bullocks for
different tribes along the coast." The Turks instead the troops, and Mr. Plowden, the day previous to our
of paying tribute to the Naib thus demanded taxes departure, could only procure one solitary fowl. Water
from him. Naib Hassan thus no longer enjoyed the is obtained from Arkeeko (which is protected by a fort),
status of his predecessors: as Douin explained he was but though all the boats of the place are employed, yet
no more than an official of the Turks who received the scrambling for it is very great."118
a salary from them of 30 dollars per month and
Fears at Aden for the safety of the Massawa popula
travelled around for them collecting the taxes of the tion were so great that the Political Agent, Captain
pastoral peoples of the coastal area.116 Haines, again decided it was necessary to consider
Wube, who had thus seen the position of the Naib
protection for British nationals. On April 27 he ordered
shattered by the Egyptians and then engulfed by the the Constance back to Massawa. He explained that "as
Turks, was by this time entirely disenchanted with the the General of Ras Oobeay was shortly expected to
hope of European alliances. The failure of the French ravage the vicinity of Massowah with a very large
Government to ratify the treaty he had signed with Abyssinian force, it was more than probable the inhabi
Rolland on October 1, 1849, and of the British Govern tants of Massowah will be in great fear, and the presence
ment to implement Article XIII of the agreement Plow of the 'Constance' under such circumstances will give
52
protection and confidence to the British Indian no longer of any weight"; unless the authorities at Mas
merchants."119 sawa were forced to make public reparation the
The Turkish authorities at Massawa, however, had Ethiopians would in fact be "convinced that our for
meanwhile received a reinforcement of 200 soldiers on bearance arises from our weakness"125
February 28, and a promise of a further 200. The arrival Explaining, on May 11 and 12, that the "injurious
"
of these troops rendered Wube's capture of the port more effects of the Turkish government also weighed on the
difficult; he therefore agreed once more to withdraw important export of mules to the British colony of
to the highlands, but not until he had received payment Mauritius, Plowden wrote to Palmerston with emphasis:
" As
of the money he had demanded.120 long as Massawa is monopolised by the Turks,
it is evident that all checks that may be and are thrown
While these events were talcing place at Massawa,
in the way of my efforts to communicate with the
Palmerston was finally deciding against the project of
country must be forbidden, or else that your Lord
establishing an alternative port at Amphyla. On April
ship should take some other steps for throwing
1, 1850, he received a most unfavourable survey from
open the commerce of this portion of Africa to our
the East India Company which stated that the port did
Colonies, it being probable that no efforts can at
"not appear to offer any advantages as a harbour,"
present surmount the injurious effects produced on
being in fact no more than "a mere open roadstead."
trade by such a system as exists at this port."128
Amphyla, it added "is represented to be one of the most
Palmerston, though unwilling to support Wube's
miserable places on the coast; a village, situated on the
claim to a port for fear of alienating the Ottoman
verge of an extensive sandy plain, consisting of six huts
Empire, felt it necessary to take a tougher line when it
and a population of thirty persons. Water can be pro
came to Turkish interference with Her Majesty's Consul
cured at an inconvenient distance from the shore only.
Plowden. Even before receiving the latter's last
It is said to be 'despicable' in regard to quantity, and
mentioned letters of May 11 and 12, he wrote, on June
little better in respect to quality. Of all stores requisite
7, to Sir Stratford Canning in Constantinople reminding
for shipping, the place is entirely destitute."121
him that he had not yet received any report in reply to
This report settled the Amphyla project once and his request of the previous July 3, for information
for all. Palmerston at once wrote to Plowden, "respecting the claims of the Porte, and of the Abyssin
"
declaring: The facts stated in this paper are quite ian Rulers to the districts of the mainland in the neigh
sufficient to show that Amphyla is no port, and that bourhood of Massowah," and declared with greater
no further survey can be wanted."122 emphasis, that "stringent orders" should be issued by
A proposal by M. Degoutin, a former French the Porte to secure Plowden from future molestation.127
Consul at Massawa who had acquired the port of After receiving more of Plowden's letters of complaint,
Edd from the Societe Nanto-Bordelaise, suggesting the Foreign Secretary wrote again to the Ambassador,
that the British Government should take over this port instructing him on May 27, 1851, "to state to the
also aroused little interest in official British quarters; Turkish Government that if the Governor of Massowah
as Palmerston declared on January 20, 1851, "Her gives Her Majesty's Government any further cause of
Majesty's Government did not think it necessary to complaint in regard to his conduct towards Mr. Plow
take any notice of this proposal."123 den, a British ship-of-war will be sent to Massowah, the
Palmerston's attitude destroyed any possibility of Commander of which will be instructed to adopt such
challenging the Turkish stranglehold on the coast. measures as may be necessary to protect Mr. Plowden
The reports coming in from Plowden at Massawa in the full enjoyment of those liberties and privileges
nonetheless indicated that some kind of action by the which of right belong to him and to obtain redress and
British Government was required for there could be satisfaction for all past grievances."128
no gainsaying the fact that all sorts of abuses were Such language, interspersed with talk of warships, was
still operative. Thus on April 6, 1850, Plowden re the only kind that the Turks could understand. It was,
" however, only uttered on Plowden's behalf, never with
ported dramatically: There is at present no Govern
" "
ment at Massowah only an officer of Customs a view to protecting the hard-pressed merchants of
appointed by the Pasha of Djedda, who holds himself Ethiopia, let alone in an effort to give her the access
responsible to no one." After listing a number of to the sea for which her rulers had so long yearned.
"
difficulties he had witnessed, Plowden continued: In The age-old problem of the ports was therefore not
this country so distant from the seat of Government, destined to solution by Palmerstonian diplomacy.
and amidst a semi-barbarous population, at a time
when the island is in a state of siege from the fear
of the Abyssinian forces, and the Governor declares
himself null, I think we should be justified in taking Communications between northern Ethiopia and the
the law into our own hands, at least, so far as shall coast were particularly serious in the early eighteen-
procure us that respect necessary here to our safety fifties immediately prior to the rise of the Emperor
even."124 Theodore (1855-1868). This was one of the most
A few days later, on April 14, he reiterated his com unsettled periods in the long and difficult history under
plaints, declaring that the conduct of the Massawa discussion. On the plateau a great struggle for power
authorities rendered his continued presence at the port was in progress, while in the lowlands the Shoho tribe
"injudicious if not impossible." The Turks, he com were interfering with the caravan trade to Massawa
plained, resented his contact with the Ethiopian chiefs where the Turks had increased their arbitrary acts and
and sought to persuade them that "the English nation is exactions.

53
 In the coastal area there was considerable unrest August 28, 1854, Plowden reported that the tribesmen
"
among the tribes inhabiting the no-man's land to which had declared their complete independence, and com
Wube and the Govenor of Massawa both laid claim. mit daily acts of violence in the immediate neighbour
Already on August 16, 1848, Plowden had reported hood of Massowah, nor are there wanting bands of
that after the Turks had burnt down Arkiko "the Shohos robbers or other tribes, who, unrepressed by even a
or natives of the hills in the neighbourhood . . . retired shadow of authority, render a residency anywhere out
in most instances to their hills, refusing to submit to of the island insecure, and a journey into the interior
more than difficult."135
Turkish rule."129 Disaffection with the Turks spread in
the next few years, particularly after Wube's great march
In the following year, 1855, Naib Idris, the rival of
the Turkish protege Naib Mohamed, revolted against
to the coast in January 1849 which revealed the weak
the Massawa administration. Almost all the Shohos
ness of Ottoman rule. In 1850 the Habab, north of
Massawa, refused to pay taxes to the governor of the rallied to his support. He was therefore able to take
the offensive and succeeded in defeating the Turks on
port who accordingly at the end of June despatched an
expedition against them composed of 250 Turkish the mainland. On December 17 and 18 he burnt
soldiers and a band of armed men from Ankiko. When Monkullo and the Turkish fort at Zaga, and gutted
the party arrived they found that the Habab had with
the houses on the coast immediately in front of
drawn to the Ethiopian frontier where they fought Massawa. Though protesting that he was not revolt
ing against the Porte, but only against the Turks, he
agdinst the expedition on September 7 or 8, capturing
many of its cattle. The Turks had been expected to demanded their evacuation from Arkiko, and, as
"
extend the war into the Ethiopian plateau, but Wube, to
Plowden says, established a blockade of Massowah,
whom the Governor of Massawa had written an insult permitting no one to pass to or from Abyssinia."136
The Governor of Massowa, alarmed by these develop
ing letter, had already mobilized his men, issuing a
ments, felt that he had no alternative but to request
proclamation, in the name of the Holy Virgin and the
aid from the Egyptians, who were only too pleased
Saints of Paradise, forbidding the Turks from entering
to intervene. On February 11, 1856, 360 bashi-
Ethiopia. As a result of this edict the Ethiopian soldiers
bazouks therefore arrived by land from Taka. The
were massed at the frontier and fully on guard. The
first engagements with the Shoho rebels took place at
Governor of Massawa, seeing no chance of an easy vic
a place referred to as Amba where the Egyptians were
tory thereupon recalled his men to the port.130
repulsed. A second battle, however, took place at
The discontent of the Shohos in the area of Arkiko Iola, three hours' journey from Arkiko, where the
was exacerbated by the expansionist policies of the Shohos were routed. The Egyptian soldiers then
Governor of Massawa who in February, 1853, was entered Massawa before leaving for Ailet. Most of the
preparing an expedition to Amphyla to affirm the inhabitants of the latter village having taken flight,
sovereignty of the Sultan and collect tribute. On the Egyptians burnt it on February 17, killing half a
hearing this news some 3,000 Shohos assembled and dozen of its inhabitants and seizing 180 captives,
threatened, if the Pasha proceeded with his plan, to mainly women and young girls. The governor of
pillage the country behind the Turkish army. The Massawa, seeing the war turning in his favour, took
Naib of Arkiko, however, succeeded for a time in advantage of the presence of the Egyptian troops to
quietening the rebellious tribe.131 This pacification make an expedition in May to the country of the Mensa
was, however, only temporary. Douin says the Shohos
" and Bogos, two areas inhabited by Christians. The
were provoked, without reason, by the Pasha of chief of the Egyptian troops, Ali Agha, refused, how
Massawa," while Lejean attributes the worsened situa ever, to associate himself with this move.137
tion to the death at about this time of the then Naib
of Arkiko whose demise may well have upset the
delicate balance of forces in the area. Plowden,
reported on September 28, 1853, that the Shohos were While the fighting recounted had been going on at
at that time threatening to close the road to Massawa coast, far away to the west, Kassa, the future
the
from the interior.132 They were, he says, in a strong Emperor Theodore (1855-1868) had been struggling
position as the Turks had then "but few troops, and for power with his rivals. This remarkable chief, as
these being discontented, many deserted into Abys
explained elsewhere by the present writer, was almost
sinia."133 That the Shohos were uttering no idle
constantly victorious;138 in May, 1853, he succeeded
threats is apparent from Plowden's subsequent report
" in defeating a combined army sent against him by both
of October 10 which stated that they had com Ali and Wube.139 The latter, who, as we have so often
menced a system of stoppage and robbery," and had noticed, had hitherto guarded the coastal frontiers of
stated their intention even to attack the villages on
the Ethiopian realm with vigilance, was therefore no
the mainland near Massawa. The Turkish Govern
" longer in a position to resist Turkish encroachments.
ment, he added, had just sufficient strength to have
" The Governor of Massawa, was quick to discern this
provoked this useless quarrel," but neither the force weakness and determined to turn it to his advantage.
nor energy sufficient to obtain respect from these
" Plowden relates that the Turks asked him publicly in
turbulent neighbours." The result was that "
every
February, 1 853, if I did not consider Abyssinia as
person who quits Massowah for Abyssinia, or even for "
" a Pashalic of the Sultan." It is certain," the Consul
a few miles," was left to his own resources for his "
had commented, that both Egypt and Constantinople
safety."134
have never ceased to covet the possession of that fine
The Shoho rebellion seems to have spread in the country."140 A few months later the Pasha seized the
months which followed for almost a year later on opportunity afforded by Wube's defeat to assert his

54
claims. He began by laying claim to the salt plains raged Plowden exclaimed, "the instant I entered the
whence the Ethiopians had procured their salt from districts nominally subject to Turkey, constant alarms
time immemorial.141 Plowden, who reported this on and quarrels occurred, and people might be seen running
June 30, aptly commented: "His claim, even if true, to arms in every direction as soon as my party appeared
would be utterly ridiculous as he cannot even preserve on the road. I could only obtain water, and insure
order in those provinces that are submitted to his safety, by my being well armed, and having many per
rule."142 sonal friends among these tribes. In Massowah itself,
Further Turkish provocations occurred in the follow constant incendiary fires are occurring, and as there is
ing year. On November 28, 1854, Plowden reported no police whatever, and no attempt is ever made to dis
that following a minor cattle dispute with the Shohos, cover the offender or check the crime, we are obliged
the Naib and about 150 Turkish soldiers ravaged and to keep watch all night in our houses." His conclusion
" think," "
burnt a church and several villages in Hamasien, a
" was inescapable: I he said, it is reasonable
province which, the Consul declared, was not only to demand that this Pasha be either dismissed or better
Christian but more indisputably the property of the instructed in his duty towards Europeans."145
ruler of Tigre than Wallachia can be of the Porte,
By this time the Crimean War had began: Britain and
inasmuch as his title reached as far back as history
France were thus the allies of the Ottoman Empire and
extends its records." Once again urging the Foreign
" at war with Russia. Lord Clarendon, who had succeeded
Secretary to uphold the cause of Ethiopia, the only
Palmerston as Foreign Secretary, therefore felt himself
Christian State of Asia or Africa," Plowden wrote:
" in a position to talk to the Ottoman authorities with
It is very inconvenient that the Governor of Mas- the firmness befitting an ally whose assistance was in
sowah should have the power of provoking war at his great need. On October 26, 1854, he therefore wrote to
pleasure: it is absurd that he should meditate, Stratford de Redcliffe in Constantinople drawing his
unauthorised, the conquest of distant Christian pro attention to the fact that the behaviour of the Massawa
vinces, while unable to govern his own; and it is shame authorities appeared "positively hostile to Her Majesty's
ful that inroads should be authorised by him, more Agent, instead of being characterized by the courtesy
barbarous than the expeditions of those whom he calls and kindness which are due to the officer of a friendly
barbarians— burning and enslaving." Power." The Ambassador was therefore instructed "ro
Turning to the need for a solution of the question, request the Porte to take steps for the dismissal of the
Plowden declared: "I have already impressed upon your Pasha of Massowah, or to cause the most peremptory
Lordship the advisability of obtaining from the Sublime orders to be sent to him to treat the British Consul in a
Porte a recognition of the independence of the Abys becoming manner, and to afford him redress on the
sinian Kingdom; the fixing of the limits of that kingdom various matters of complaint which he sets forth in his
will then be equally necessary to prevent such useless despatches."146
quarrels as those now occurring, and which I narrate Such protests, however, went unheeded; complaints'
as an additional reason for serious interference." The of this kind from foreign representatives in Constanti
Consul, curiously enough, nevertheless urged caution
nople were of course not new to the Ottoman authorities
and delay, adding: and ran off indeed like water off a duck's back. The'
"
I would not, however, advise your Lordship to act Pashas of the Ottoman empire having little sympathy
immediately in this matter, though it should not be lost for the Benthamite and neo-Benthamite ideas of govern
sight of, as it stands with our honour to uphold the only ment then fashionable in England.
Christian State of Asia or Africa that has preserved Plowden, meanwhile, continued to tell his tale of woe.
its independence unaided through fifteen centuries. I On July 9, 1854, he reported that it had become the
should wish first to furnish further information on the Governor's practice from time to time to procure the
consequences of this inroad. signature of a number of people to a paper declaring
"
The advantage of some delay is that the Abyssinian that perfect order and tranquility prevailed at the port,
chiefs, so persuaded of their security and superiority, and that in a manner "hitherto believed to be peculiarly
may feel sufficient alarm to appreciate their obligation Chinese," this was always done when conditions were
to us when we do interfere; moreover, as Dejaj Kasai most disturbed. Describing the administration of the
[i.e. Kassa. the future Emperor Theodore] is becoming then Governor, Plowden added: "Crimes have been
daily more powerful, I should wish to have his opinion unusually frequent; the town is burnt down three or
on this and collateral matters previous to a final four times a year; the soldiers have been repeatedly in a
reference."143 state of mutiny, insulting the Pasha to his face with
Turkish pressure was intensified later in the year when scarcely even a reprimand, and are now restrained only
Plowden and the French consul, L. C. de Laye, felt by the firm conduct of their immediate officers; many
themselves obliged to protest jointly to the Governor of robberies have occurred, and none have ben traced;
Massawa, on December 10, 1854, against a Turkish there is no police; and his justice may be briefly illus
invasion of Hamasien, Mensa and Senhit.144 trated by his having put into prison a respectable
Throughout this period the Governor of Massawa was merchant who complained of burglary, for the reason
also making innumerable difficulties for Plowden and that it was impossible such a crime could have occurred
the other Europeans on the island. The consul reported under his administration, and therefore the complaint
on June 30, 1 854, that the Pasha had actually "composed must be false."147
a prayer to be read in the mosque for the destruction Stirred by such reports Clarendon wrote again to the
of all Christians and the universal domination upon Ambassador in Constantinople, reminding him on
earth of the Ottoman". "What a Government!" the out- January 3, 1855, that he had thus far received no reply

55
to his despatch of the previous October. He therefore henceforward".150
repeated his demand that the Turkish Government The British Ambassador's intervention, which, as we
of the
should punish the Governor of Massawa if they had not have seen, actually suggested the strengthening
already done so.148 Turkish forces at Massawa, and the subsequent instruc
Stirred by this second letter Stratford de Redcliffe, tions to the new Governor of Massawa, which were
who had hitherto made only verbal remonstrances almost entirely directed towards an improvement in the
which had clearly been entirely ineffectual, wrote a treatment of British and French nationals, were very
formal letter of protest to the Ottoman authorities on different in character from Plowden's repeated entreaties
March 9. Writing as the ambassador of a war-time ally to the British Government which had been more con
he wrote forcefully, listing Plowden's complaints, and cerned with the plight of the Ethiopians as a whole than
" If England, for one, withholds no sacrifice with his own difficulties and those of his French
observing:
required by the present contest on behalf of Turkey, but colleague, grievous though these undoubtedly were. The
freely exposes all her national resources to the hazards Ambassador's letter was therefore of little service to
of war, she cannot be expected to look for ever with Ethiopia.
indifference on groundless pretensions seconded by Plowden meanwhile continued to report on what he
unjustifiable proceedings, no less injurious to the dignity saw and heard at Massawa. Thus on January 6, 1855,
and rights of a friendly Government than opposed to he related that he had been obliged to send a second
"
the interests of commerce, the sentiments of humanity, protest to the Governor of Massawa, as, in utter con

and the principle of religious tolerance." The letter went tempt of the first, his troops have ravaged the Province
on to declare that the dismissal of the Governor of of Mensa, an undoubted portion of the Abyssinian
Massawa, "however opporune and even necessary, will territory." Plowden's comment, as so often, was
"
be of no real advantage unless the remedy be applied in
undeniable: Unless the independence of Abyssinia
a right spirit. The system itself requires to be changed.
is distinctly recognised and its boundaries . . . clearly
defined by the European Powers such affairs as these,"
A greater responsibility must be made to press upon the "
new Governor. Jealousy of foreign intercourse with he said, will be of constant recurrence."151 On
March 1, he reported that though 203 persons pre
Abyssinia must cease to be the mainspring of his policy.
viously seized from the province of Senhit had later
He ought to be supplied with a regular force sufficient
been returned to their homes though 91 remained to
to maintain his authority on the island. He should not
be accounted for.152 Three days later he revealed that
be encouraged to throw brands of discord, productive of
having visited the province of Mensa he had found the
slaughter and confusion, among the inhabitants of the
invading officers, a brother of the Naib of Arkiko,
neighbouring continent." "
there with his gunners "; all the inhabitants had fled.
Warning the Turkish autorities of their direct
On returning to Massawa Plowden had discovered, as
responsibility for the state of affairs at Massawa the
" he expected, that the Governor of Massawa had
letter went on: The Porte, by leaving his Agents in a "
ordered this invasion in an official letter. All the
remote island to the free indulgence of their caprices,
tribes and districts on the northern frontier of
lays herself open to suspicious which she would, no "
Hamazayn," Plowden added, sent deputies to request
doubt, repel with indignation. It cannot enter her views
my protection from Arabs tributary to Egypt. I
to claim domination in a country which she has never
answered that they must first give me a solemn pro
occupied, to grasp at extension of territory when the
mise to discontinue their own predatory habits, and
administration of what she holds without dispute
to forget their ancient feuds."163
requires her undistracted solitude, to menace the inde
Such reports provided clear testimony of the difficul
pendence of other countries when her own is the object
ties which Ethiopia faced at the time of the Emperor
of arduous conflict, or to obstruct those channels of
Theodore's coronation in 1855.
commercial intercourse on which so high a price is laid
by the most devoted of her allies."149
As a result of this intervention the Governor of
Massawa was at last dismissed, and new instructions
The question of access to the sea came to the fore
were sent to his successor on April 8. These observed
" with renewed urgency during the ensuing reign of
that the chief article of complaint against the late
Theodore who was greatly preoccupied with the
Kaimakan was "the contempt shown by him to subjects restoration of his country's former greatness. Though
of friendly Powers," i.e. of Britain and France. The he came from the far west of the country where interest
new Governor was therefore reminded that "the rela
in the coast was less developed than in Wube's pro
tions of firm alliance, concord and old friendship exist vince of Tigre he was firmly convinced that the
ing between the Imperial Government and the two acquisition of Massawa was essential to this goal. His
Powers in question require that the utmost considera ambitions received the warm support of Consul
tion should be evinced towards the Consular offices." Plowden who was one of the first observers to gain an
As far as the Slave Trade was concerned the Instruc understanding of his character. In a report written on
"
tions recognised that it had been reported in an July 10, 1854— seven months before Theodore's corona
authentic manner that the slave-owners of some of the tion, the Englishman drew his Government's attention
"
Christian in Massawa" had been in the habit of to the fact that Dejazmach Kassa, as the future
torturing them in various ways to induce them to change sovereign was then called, had grandiose ideas for the
their religion," but declared that special instructions "
"
" improvement and reorganisation of his country,154 and
had already been sent to Massawa to put a stop to added: "The main difficulty of the want of a sea-port
these things," which were in any case
"
strictly forbidden will remain insurmountable by any Abyssinian ruler;
56
and unless that want is supplied by us, Abyssinia will the port. In a reply to Plowden, dated November 27,
" "
ever remain isolated from the rest of the world, nor he stated that he had read the latter's able report
" " "
will any Embassy or Consulate produce any profitable with great interest and added: I entirely approve
result."155 of your proceedings, as reported in that despatch, as
After Theodore had overcome his main rival, Ras well as the language held by you at your intercourse
Wube, and proclaimed himself Emperor in February, with King Theodore." Though this "language," as
1855, he seems to have discussed the matter of the above noted, had included a conditional promise of
coast very frankly with Plowden who in a further the port, the Foreign Secretary was at pains to ensure
report, of June 25, noted that the Emperor planned that Theodore should not attempt to take it by force,
to occupy Tigre
" " which, in the circumstances, was the only way it could
including the tribes along the coast
in the following year. Theodore, the report added, be acquired. He instructed Plowden to express the
"
was meditating upon the occupation of Massawa, British Government's admiration for the valour and
"
and it was probable that the port would in fact be skill which Theodore had thus far shown in the field,
" " "
seized unless the Turkish force should defend it with as well as for his moderation in victory and the
" "
such a force as will render it a heavy burden on the wisdom and benevolence with which he had com
finances."156 Not concealing his hope that the newly menced the work of reform; the Consul had, however,
crowned Emperor would be successful, Plowden added:
"
Should he unite all the Gallas and Northern Abys-
sinians, Shoa to Tajoura and Zanzibar, Tigre with the
to inform Theodore that diplomatic relations with
Britain must
"
depend upon your receiving ...
a
distinct assurance that he renounces all idea of con
sea-coast and Massowah, into one government as he quest in Egypt and at Massowah."159
purposes, and a frontier arrangement be made with This reply, it will be noticed, was in its way as
Egypt, Abyssinia may, under his rule, rank as a crushing to Ethiopian hopes as that written by Palmer-
Christian kingdom; this is the last chance for negotia ston to Wube six years earlier.
tions and Treaties.
"
Should he now or at any time fail in his designs,
or fall in battle, the misrule and anarchy that must
ensue will baffle all human calculation, and render The idea of transferring Massawa and the adjacent
peaceful interference impossible: Abyssinia must then coastal strip to Ethiopia nonetheless began to gain
be left to her destinies, until some European Power support in British official circles, and was accepted
shall think it worth while to conquer and instruct the by none other than Frederick Bruce, the British Agent
most fertile of African provinces." and Consul-General in Egypt. On February 16, 1856,
Plowden, now as ever a staunch Ethiophil, strongly he wrote a closely reasoned letter to Lord Stratford de
urged that the British Government should acquiesce Redcliffe in Constantinople, in which he drew attention
" It "
in an occupation of Massawa by the Emperor. to the rise of Theodore whom he referred to as a
" " "
intention of
would be better for all parties," he argued, that remarkable man who professed the
Massowah should be given up to him on condition seizing Massowah, in order to open a communication
that he appoint a European in his service as Governor." for Northern Abyssinia with the Red Sea and at the
Emphasising what he considered the logic of the situa same time of wresting from Egypt the Soudan and
tion, the Consul added: "The Turks cannot keep that such other provinces as in ancient times formed part
island in future, if the King's power increases, with of the Ethiopian Monarchy." Analysing Theodore's
out large garrisons, but the King can stop their trade territorial ambitions and his possibilities of achieving
as he pleases, and can harass them continually."157 them, Bruce continued:
"
Plowden, who was then negotiating with Theodore On the frontiers of Egypt there is not much to
in the hope of persuading him to accept a British fear. The [Egyptian] Viceroy's troops are sufficiently
Consulate in Ethiopia, went so far as to suggest to the numerous and disciplined to check any approaches of
Emperor that should this proposal be accepted the the Abyssians in that quarter. But in Massowah the
British might well give their support to the transfer case is different. The Turkish garrison is small, and
of Massawa to Ethiopia. The Consul reported to has no footing beyond the island on which the town
London that he had
" " is situated.
ventured to hint to Theodore
" "The lowlands between it and the hills of Abys
that in such circumstances the sea coast and Mas
sowah might possibly be given up to him." sinia are occupied by predatory tribes, who render the
The Emperor, however, was most reluctant to agree roads unsafe, and by depriving the Governor of the
to the idea of a Consul as he feared that this might revenue he might derive from commerce, oblige him
" to connive at the Slave Trade, as the only means of
endanger his sovereignty. Nonetheless his ambition,"
records,
" " satisfying the demands of his soldiery.
Plowden was roused by the possibility of
"I "Owing to this necessity, the firmans obtained by
acquiring Massawa and the coast. see much to
" your Excellency against the slave trade carried on from
hope for in these conversations," wrote Plowden. It
is well to find a King of Abyssinia, proud of his dignity, that port have remained a dead letter, and always will
alive to his responsibility, capable of considering grave remain so while the position of the Turkish officials at
matters, and of replying with decision, not lightly giving that place is unaltered.
assent to a thing he does not understand, and yet seek "Without speculating on the development of trade to
ing for our friendship."158 be expected in the Red Sea should the projected Mari
The British Foreign Secretary, Lord Clarendon, who time canal be made across the Isthmus of Suez, the
received the above report on November 3, 1855, was, railway to Suez, which may be completed, I think, within
however, unwilling to sanction any forcible transfer of a twelve-month, will lead to attempts at a direct trade

57
with Abyssinia, and as the existing authority at Masso- ten from Gondar revealed what seems in fact to have
wah cannot secure safety to merchants and their goods, happened: the Naib of Arkiko had "revolted against
the injury caused to commercial interests will call for a the Turkish rule" and had burnt down those coastal
change. villages where inhabitants had refused to join him.
"The Emperor of Abyssinia is determined to seize The pasha had then withdrawn into the Shoho districts
Massowah, both on account of its being necessary to the with an army of several hundred men and had "estab
progress of the country, and also because, in the hands lished a blockade of Massowah, permitting no one to
of its present rulers, it serves as a deposit for kidnapped pass to or from Abyssinia," though Europeans were
Christian children. Being close to his resources, he treated with courtesy. The Naib, Plowden added, was "a
would be able to subdue the half-civilised tribes who man of intelligence and resolute character" who
at present intercept all communication between it and demanded the restoration of the status quo before 1848.
the interior, and would render it the highway for the i.e. the demolition of the fortress of Arkeeko and the
exports of the rich products of the upper country. annual payment by the Massawa authorities of 12,000
"A further advantage would ensue were it possible to dollars. There was "little doubt" that the Naib meditated
induce the Sublime Porte to consent to transfer this port an attack on the port, and might perhaps solicit the
to Abyssinia. By giving them access to the Red Sea the "powerful aid" of Theodore (who was then expected
Abyssinians would be brought into contact with civilisa back from a campaign in Shoa) by becoming his liege
tion. The British Government would be in a position subject.
to make its counsels respected, and it would have a These developments, Plowden argued, strongly rein
right in consideration of the great service thus rendered forced his earlier view that Massawa should be placed
through its influence, to insist on the Emperor's acquiesc by international agreement under Ethiopian jurisdiction.
ing in the existing limits between his country and Reiterating and elaborating the arguments which he and
Egypt."160 Bruce had already advanced in favour of a Turkish
The Foreign Secretary appears to have been convinced withdrawal, he declared:
by these arguments, doubtless because Brace's opinion "As the Ottoman Government in the Red Sea cannot
was considered much more reliable than that of Plow-
furnish armies large enough to protect commerce or
den's whose pro-Ethiopian sympathies were well known. property on the mainland, it should, if it still wishes to
Accordingly, on March 6, 1856, Clarendon wrote to retain its hold in this quarter, strictly confine itself to
Stratford de Redcliffe, informing him that he had read the occupation of the Island of Massowah, fortify it
a copy of Brace's letter detailing "the grounds on which well, and make arrangements for obtaining water by
he considered it desirable that the Sultan should consent
supplies from Dahilec, and by cisterns. Is it worth while
to transfer the port of Massowah to the Government of
doing so? The Naib can collect 15,000 men in a very
Abyssinia;" as a result of Brace's arguments he had difficult mountainous country from which he can at all
decided that the Ambassador should "advise the Porte
times completely suppress the Abyssinian trade if he
to enter into an arrangement for the transfer of Masso
calls in and obtains the assistance of Tigre, he will have
wah which appears to be of no importance to Turkey, 20,000, and 2,000 matchlocks; if the Abyssinian King
and which she will not be able to protect in the event returns and claims the Naib as his lieutenant, Massowah
of the operation contemplated by the Rulers of Abyssinia in its present state will not hold out a week.
being carried into effect."
Clarendon also wrote to Bruce, on the following day, "The Ottoman Government, too proud to acknow
declaring: "I entirely concur with you as to the advant ledge its weakness, refuses to treat with the Abyssinian
age which would result from the transfer."181 King on equal footing, pretending to claim a country
Britain at long last seemed to be coming round to in which it has never held a foot of ground.
Ethiopia's support; it is not without significance, and an "To fortify Massowah will cost money, and to main
element of paradox, that this development had been due tain troops there will be expensive, to remain idly at
to the Emperor Theodore, the genius against whom a Massowah, the Slave Trade being abolished, and the
generation later a British expedition would be caravans and supplies from Abyssinia being stopped,
despatched. must be very unprofitable to the rulers, and very hurtful
to our Indian or European traders.
"If a large army be sent even to attack the Naib in
While official British thinking was moving towards the hills, the result will be doubtful, the expense great,
an acceptance of Theodore's claims, developments were and a collision with the Abyssinian King almost certain.
taking place in the vicinity of Massawa which seemed "There is, then, only one way in which the Turkish
to confirm the correctness of the policy Plowden had Government can retain possession of Massowah — by
been so long advocating. On December 17, 1855, his making a Treaty to that effect with the Sovereign of
assistant Barroni reported that the "Abyssinians" of Abyssinia, who will then force the Naib to observe that
the interior had again taken the offensive, ravaged the Treaty, and even in that case the abolition of the Galla
villages of Gedanme(?) and Valdabba(?) and burnt Slave Trade has destroyed half the value of the Colony
down Monkullo; he therefore asked for the despatch of a in Turkish eyes; moreover, I do not believe that the
British warship to protect law and order at the present Abyssinian King Theodoras will consent to
"
port. The present situation at Massowah," he very abandon that island. Even if the Turkish Governor now
soundly declared, "is the consequence of the madness concludes a peace with the Naib. the King on his
and bad administration of the Governor." Plowden, in a and will, in his turn, claim the
it,

return will not ratify

subsequent letter of February 17, 1856, which was writ Naib as his subject and Massowah as his right.

58
 "Is the Ottoman Government, then, prepared to Plowden's belief in Theodore as constituting Ethio
defend that possession by force of arms, seeing that even pia's only hope of salvation was shared by the Swiss
if the garrison should repel the Abyssinian attacks, the adventurer, Werner Munzinger, who at about this time
island will remain in a state of perpetual blockade and observed: "it is to be hoped, for the good of Abyssinia,
a useless encumbrance, unless, in concert with Egypt, a that the victory of Kassai will be complete, as the only
large army be sent to attack in their turn the Abyssini- way of re-establishing the unity of the country . . ."163
ans?" Turning to the question of the coast Munzinger signifi
Emphasising the danger of such a contingency, cantly added: "Once Kassai is the master of TigrI the
Plowden went on to make the following recommenda hour for Massawa will have struck."164
tions, which owed much to the high exteem he felt for
the Emperor Theodore:
"I think," he said, "that we should now in no way So far from agreeing to the British suggestion that
interfere until the king returns, when he will probably they should surrender their authority at Massawa the
confer with me on the subject, that in the meantime, Ottoman officials at the port adopted a more aggressive
every man-of-war that may touch at Massowah should policy on the mainland. On April 22, 1856, Plowden
receive instructions to observe strict neutrality, and only reported, again from Gondar, that the Governor of
to protect on board, or in the Island of Massowah, Massawa had obtained the help of Egyptian troops, and
Europeans and their property- — instructions to which "not satisfied with attacking the Naib," had once again
effect should be sent to the Governor of Aden. The "ravaged a portion of Hamasayn, carrying away many
quarrel must not be considered as one between savages Christian prisoners and treating them with cruelty." The
and civilized people, but as one involving future interests troops, he added, had furthermore received orders to
which a false step may seriously complicate . . . attack the Christian provinces of Mensa and Bogos.
"When the Abyssinian King returns — if he consents Commenting on these provocations Plowden declared:
"
to receive British Consuls in his dominions, as he has It is obvious that if the Turkish Government treats
already promised protection to European commerce and the King of Abyssinia as a barbarian, and attacks his
travellers — I shall then recommend that arrangements territories without notice of war, he will be justified in
be made for handing Massowah over to him, its posses making reprisals in a like manner."165
sion by the Turks on present terms being nearly useless The Turks, who were thus becoming increasingly
to themselves, and a mere obstacle to commerce and aggressive, were from the outset determined against
civilisation. The Naib will then, as Chief of those ceding any territory to Ethiopia. They turned a deaf
districts on the coast, now in so disgraceful a state, ear to Clarendon's proposals. A Turkish withdrawal
restore order and security, and, as responsible to a from Massawa was therefore not possible, except
superior able to exact obedience, will find it in his under very considerable pressure from Britain. The
interest to observe our treaties with that King, unity of British, however, had no motive sufficiently strong to
interests and Government will be established from the cause them to apply force on the Turks, the more so as
sea to the Gallas and Abyssinia will be brought directly they regarded them as allies against the Russians, who
in contact with Europe, from which we must hope for were still thought to present a danger to the British
happy results. Empire in India. The result was that Lord Russell, who
"If even on the death of the king, anarchy should became Foreign Secretary in the Whig Government of
ensue, our own power on the coast, will protect our 1860, decided that Plowden should be prevented from
subjects and property, without involving, as at present, displaying further sympathy with Ethiopia. On January
long and delicate discussions with European powers; 18 he therefore wrote the Consul a very curt letter
"
but this theme must be reserved for a future day. declaring: I have to observe to you that Her Majesty's
"If, on the other hand, the King refuses to receive Government do not consider that any special advantage
our officers or our proposals, and haughtily appeals to is derived from your repeated visits to the interior. You
arms alone as his arbitrator with Egypt and Turkey, it will therefore return to Massowah, which is your proper
it,

residence, and you will not leave unless under very

will then be submitted by me as a question for her
Majesty's Government to decide whether we should exceptional circumstances, without orders or permission
leave the contending parties to measure their respective from the Secretary of State."166 This letter dashed the
strength— a struggle which would probably end in the Emperor's rising hopes of British aid.
conquest of Abyssinia by the Mahometans, or whether While the British were thus abandoning Theodore
we should restore to the Abyssinian King the territories to his fate the French seemed to be making common
he remands, and trust to time and conciliation for over cause with his enemies. This was period of renewed
a

coming his jealousy in respect to foreign Consulates as French expansion. In 1856 M. Lambert, the French
regards their judicial powers. consul at Aden, purchased the Dankali port of Obok,
north of Tajurah, his reasons being threefold: to create
"If he lives and prospers, I hope that his intelligence
French colony, to participate in Red Sea and Gulf of
a

will lead him to adopt most of our views cordially; and

Aden trade, and to open up contact with southern
he is the only man that will be capable of vanquishing
Ethiopia.187 The French purchase of Obok was, how
the jealousy and vanity of his subjects.
ever, an affair of little consequence, and was not
"If he does not return, the question will materially followed by any immediate occupation, perhaps because
change, no one will be found to replace him, and even the deal violated the Moresby treaty of 840 which gave
1

Turkish apathy will then be better than Abyssinian mis- the British position of paramountcy the Tajurah
in
a

government and cupidity."162 area.

59
 Far more serious from Theodore's point of view than to divert his attention from the coast to the interior of
the French purchase of Obok was French support for a the then sorely distracted state.
Tigre rebel called Negussie Agau. In June, 1856, The status quo at Massawa which Plowden had per
Negussie wrote to the Emperor Napoleon HI of France, suaded the Foreign Secretary to oppose was for these
declaring that he placed himself under French protec reasons allowed to perpetuate itself, the Turks being
tion, requesting French help, and offering to proclaim
permitted to stay on the island until the spring of 1862
the Roman Catholic bishop, Mgr. de Jacobis, Abuaa when they themselves felt strong enough once again to
or head of the Ethiopian church.168 After several years take the initiative. They then launched a sudden offen
of negotiation Negussie wrote to the French Emperor sive from Massawa and occupied a considerable stretch
on October 2, 1859, offering to give him the island of the coastal strip.172
(sic) of Zulla or Ras Dumaira, south of Assab. A News of these new Turkish advances was received by
Frenchman, Captain Russel, shortly afterwards explored
the British Government in a report of March 20, 1862,
Zulla, the bay of Adulis and Dissee island and then pro
from Plowden's successor, Consul Cameron, who by no
ceeded inland to discuss with Negussie the possibility of
means shared the latter's pro-Ethiopian sympathies. The
an alliance with France. A treaty was then signed, in
report, which was written in Massawa, was nonetheless
Article I of which Negussie declared: " I make H.M.
couched in quite alarming terms. Announcing, as we
the Emperor of the French a free gift of all my country
have seen, that the Turks had landed at Dissee, Adulis
situated at the foot of mount Gadam, passing by the
and Edd, it stated that they intended to extend their hold
plain of Zulla and going round the bay of Adulis as far over the entire East African coast as far as Bab el
as and including the islands of Ooda and Dissee."
Mandeb at the mouth of the Red Sea. Warning his
Before returning to Paris Russel visited Edd, as well as
Government of the consequences which would ensue
Hawakil and Amphyla bays. Though the French from such a development, he declared:
Government for a time contemplated accepting "
It is my duty to point out that one of the results of
Negussie's offer, fear of offending the British in the end this firm establishment of Turkey along the African
prevented the authorities in Paris from ratifying the
coast will be an extension of the slave trade, of which
it has so long been the seat — and of a strengthening of
agreement.189

The British, learning of Russel's activity in the area, the hands of the Mussulman population on the Abys
were themselves prompted to intervene in the area. They sinian frontier."
were, however, forestalled by the Turks, who, as we shall The Governor of Massawa, he explained, contem
see, raised the Turkish flag on the Dahlak islands, Dissee plated establishing military colonies along the frontier,
and Adulis on December 14, 1861. Not long after all this constituting "the advancement of Turkey at the
wards, on March 25, 1862, Princess Aliah Edu of expense of Abyssinia." Theodore's officers, on the other
Amphyla accepted Turkish protection, the governor of hand, were "watching these movements with jealousy",
Massawa sending her presents as well as a Turkish flag two emissaries having been specially appointed to pass
which she was instructed to raise whenever a foreign along the coast and report on the proceedings of the
vessel appeared in sight. An attempt in May 1862 to Turks. Turkish expansion in the Adulis area was par
make a similar arrangement at Edd was, however, ticularly serious, he went on, because of its vicinity to
rejected by the local chief.170 the Taltal salt mines whence the Ethiopians obtained
the material which served them as currency, and the
The first part of Theodore's reign thus witnessed the
gradual consolidation of Turkish and, to a lesser extent, neighbouring sulphur mines which were of great
French control at the coast, while the claims of importance for the manufacture of gunpowder. Empha
Ethiopia, though propounded with greater insistence sising the danger of war, Cameron added: "That
and more widely accepted than ever before, had in Theodore entertains the determination, sooner or later,
truth advanced no nearer to fruition. of overrunning the Turkish possessions on the coast is
a matter of certainty." For his own part, however, the
Consul had little sympathy for such an eventuality,
" "
declaring it purely mischievous as the Emperor, he
considered, would not be able to hold the port.173
The chances of British intervention on Ethiopia's Cameron, it will be seen, thus adopted a very different
behalf declined in 1860 and 1861 as a result of events attitude from that of his predecessor who had so whole
entirely outside the Emperor's control. heartedly espoused the Ethiopian cause.
In February, I860, Plowden was killed by rebel Notwithstanding his attempt to steer an entirely
tribesmen who thus removed Ethiopia's only real friend neutral course between the rival claims of the Turks and
in British official circles and the sole man upon whom Ethiopians, Cameron found it necessary to argue that
Theodore could rely on as an intermediary with the the former should be kept in bounds as almost the only
British Government. Shortly over a year later, in April, way of preventing a collision with the Ethiopians. The
1861, the American Civil War opened. This event in a Turks, he declared, "should be specially warned"
distant continent had direct relevance to the situation at against interfering with the salt and sulphur mines, as
Massawa, for the British, seeing their supply of cotton the Emperor could "hardly avoid fighting on that score",
from the United States endangered, came to Tegard for the loss of these areas would "make him dependent
Egypt as an alternative source and thus adopted a pro- on an enemy for his circulating medium and ammuni
Egyptian and therefore anti-Ethiopian attitude.171 tion."174
Theodore, meanwhile, found himself more and more The British Government, convinced of the signifi
occupied with internal rebellions, and was thus obliged cance of Cameron's warning, took speedy action in an

60
effort to forestall further Turkish expansion. On Turks, have told them to leave the land of my

I
August 2, the Foreign Secretary, Lord Russell, wrote ancestors. They refuse. am now going to wrestle

I
to the then British Ambassador in Constantinople, Sir with them. My Plowden, and my late Grand Chamber
Henry Bulwer, instructing him to warn the Turkish lain, the Englishman, Bell, used to tell me that there
"
Government not to permit proceedings which may great Christian Queen, who loves all Christians.

is
a
have the result of bringing them into collision with the When they said to me this, We are able to make

'
King of Abyssinia."175 you known to her and to establish friendship between
Bulwer's intervention at Constantinople, however, you,' then in those times was very glad. gave

I I

I
had but little effect in Africa where Turkish pressure them my love, thinking that had found your Majesty's
was intensified, though the expected occupation of the good-will. All men are subject to death, and my
salt and sulphur mines was not actually effected. enemies, thinking to injure me, killed these my friends.
Theodore meanwhile was inevitably much perturbed But by the power of God have exterminated those

I
by the deteriorating situation at the coast. On July enemies, not leaving one alive, though they were of
"
22 Cameron reported that the Emperor had directed my own family, that may get, by the power of God,

I
the Governor of Hamazeyn to keep watch over the your friendship.
"
movements of the Turks, to collect tribute formally was prevented by the Turks occupying the sea-

I
from those tribes who belong properly to Abyssinia, coast from sending you an Embassy, when was in

I
but who have been overawed into paying tribute to difficulty. Consul Cameron arrived with letter and

a
Turkey during the late troubles in this country; finally, presents of friendship. By the power of God was

I
to offer no provocation to the Turkish authorities, but, very glad hearing of your welfare, and being assured
in the event of any aggression on their part, to draw of your amity have received your presents and thank

I
upon Tigre- for forces to resist." you much.
" " "
I have said thus much," Cameron added, to pre fear that send ambassadors with presents of

if
I

I
pare your Lordship for the attitude which this Christian amity by Consul Cameron, they may be arrested by
Power, thus suddenly revived, may possibly assume the Turks.
"
under its present Ruler."176 And now wish that you may arrange for the

I
The Emperor's attitude was further elucidated on safe passage of my ambassadors everywhere on the
October 31, when Cameron reported that Theodore road.
" "
had broken out into invectives against the Turks; wish to have an answer to this letter by Consul
said that they were encroaching on him on every side;
spoke of the seven flags, as he expressed
I
Cameron, and that he may conduct my Embassy to
See how Islam oppresses the Christians."177
it,

that they England.

had planted on the sea-coast, and dwelt much upon In view of this threat of hostilities the Governor of
alleged advances from the Egyptian quarters." Massawa, Pertew, judged prudent to send the Naib

it
The Emperor, Cameron adds, then "announced his of Arkiko, Mohamed bin Abdel Rahim, to Theodore
intention of fighting with them [the Egyptians], and with expressions of friendship. The Emperor, how
[of] sending Ambassadors to the European nations to ever, was by no means mollified, and threw him into
justify his conduct." chains in March, 1863, keeping him month in

a
Theodore accordingly wrote in November to Queen detention.178
Victoria. The letter, which received no reply and was Theodore, though now faced with overwhelming
to become famous as one of the causes of his dispute difficulties in the interior of the country, did not lose
with the British Government, recalled the death of hope of solving the problem at the coast. On March
Plowden, emphasised the difficulties created by the 24, 1863, he wrote to the French Government declar
Turks at the coast, and requested the Queen to arrange ing his desire to establish a post at Zulla, and to re
for the safe passage of Ethiopian ambassadors to capture Massawa. The Emperor Napoleon HI, how
England — not remarkable request in view of the old ever, so far from offering him any help or encourage
a

treaty with Ras Ali, Article XIII of which had declared ment tried to dissuade him from militancy.179
"
that His Majesty of Abyssinia and his successors and Theodore's continued interest in the sea is cited by

a
Queen Victoria and her successors, will respectively, number of observers. Beke, for example, states that
to the best of their power, endeavour to keep open and
" " "
the Emperor felt deeply on the question, and in
to secure the avenues of approach between the sea- common with his countrymen felt the loss of the sea
coast and Abyssinia." Theodore's letter, which was coast," making frequent use of the expression, " My
couched in the most respectful terms for the "great kingdom reaches to the sea"180 — statement also
a

Christian Queen," deserves quotation in extenso: quoted by Munzinger181 and Burette, which latter
" "
In the name of the Father, of the Son and of the quotes the Emperor as declaring, My empire stretches
Holy Ghost, one God in Trinity, chosen by God, King to the sea, but my harbour, Massowah, in the hands
is

of Kings, Theodore of Ethiopia, to Her Majesty, of the infidels."182

Theodore of Ethiopia, to Her Majesty Victoria, Queen Though Theodore was never able to gain control
of England. hope your Majesty in good health. of port or even to wrest back the military initiative
is

a
I

By the power of God am well. My fathers the from the Turks, the Ethiopian character of the Zulla
I

Emperors, having forgotten the Creator, He handed area was scarcely affected by Ottoman expansion.
over their kingdom to the Gallas and Turks. But Thus Beke reported that "the people of Halai and
God created me, lifted me out of the dust, and restored other Abyssinian villages along the edge of the table
this Empire to my rule. He endowed me with power, land" tilled the fields and harvested their crops "in
and enabled me to stand in the place of my fathers. the immediate vicinity of Zulla," while their flocks and
By his power drove away the Gallas.
"
But for the herds were pastured in meadows close to the sea
I

61
shore."183 Munzinger was also well aware of this fact, Pasha argued that he wished to have Massawa and
"
for he said that the Zulla coast belongs quite as much Suakin placed under his jurisdiction in order effectively
to the Abyssinians as to the Turks."184 to control the slave trade. He went on to declare that
The truth of this statement was apparent in Feb if the ports were given to him he would willingly pay
ruary, 1865, when the Shohos of the Zulla area were the Porte an annual tribute equal to the revenue they
molested by the neighbouring population; they appealed produced, and concluded by arguing that the govern
to the farmers of Agame, whom they regarded as their ment of Constantinople was too far away to control the
patrons; the latter thereupon descended on the port, local authorities whereas he could easily do so.190
killing 200 men and carrying off a large number of The Grand Vizier of the Ottoman Empire at first
women, children and cattle. The Naib of Zulla, expressed himself favourable to Ismail's request, but
Mohamed Ari, sought to obtain the protection of the later declared that it would be necessary first to consult
Governor of Massawa but the latter refused to assist; the ruler of Hijaz. The latter, who had no wish to lose
drawing attention to the fact that Zulla paid no taxes the ports, made a number of proposals designed to
" Go, fcr
to the Porte, he declared, and seek help from whittle away Egyptian authority, suggesting,
those whom you recognise as your masters!"185 example, that the appointment of all Egyptian officials
The plain of Ailet, 20 miles to the west of Massawa, should be subject to approval by the Hijaz authorities,
was also at least partially under the Emperor's con or that Egyptian rule should be limited to a three-year
trol, for Merewether, reporting a little later in January, period.191
1867, by which time, as we shall see, the Egyptians In face of such procrastination the attitude of the
had re-established themselves at the port, stated that British acquired importance. Though at first reluctant
the area despite the expansion of the Turks still paid to take sides, the British, who were appalled by the con
" " "
a grazing fee to Theodore as well as a small tinuance of the slave trade under Ottoman rule,
tribute" to the Egyptian Government for the nominal gradually came round to the view that the Egyptians
protection afforded by ten Egyptian soldiers and the would prove better rulers than the Turks. On March 18,
"
justice they were supposed to have administered to the Egyptian Prime Minister, Sherif Pasha, gave the
"
them by the Governor of Massawa186 British ambassador in Cairo, Sir Henry Bulwer, an
The Emperor'si power was moreover, well appre assurance that Massawa and Suakin, if transferred to
ciated at Arkiko whose Naib, Mohamed was, as we Egyptian rule, would be carefully supervised to prevent
have seen, once arrested by him.187 Rassam says the them from any longer being the centre of the slave
" "
chief was, however, on very good terms with trade, which he termed a trade "dishonourable for
Theodore, a statement confirmed by Lejean who humanity". On receipt of this assurance the ambassador
"
reported that the former prisoner was very devoted arranged for Stuart, the British charge d'affaires in Con
" me," recalls,
to the Emperor." He showed Rassam stantinople, to deliver a strong protest at the continued
"
a number of letters which he had received at different duplicity of the Turkish officials in the Red Sea. The
times from King Theodorus, which all evince that he result of this demarche was that the Porte decided at last
is held with great esteem by His Majesty."188 to transfer the ports in question to Egyptian rule. The
Sultan therefore issued a firman in the middle of May,
1865, granting Ismail the control of Massawa and
The Egyptians meanwhile were becoming increas Suakin in return for an annual payment of 7,500 purses
ingly interested in the Red Sea ports — indeed in the to the treasury at Jeddah.
whole stretch of country south of Egypt. On Decem The grant, it should be noted, was made not to Egypt
ber 26, 1864, the Egyptian ruler, Ismail Pasha, accord but to the Pasha personally, that is to say for the period
ingly requested the Ottoman Sultan once again to cede of his lifetime. A year later, however, a new firman was
to Egypt the ports of Massawa and Suakin, declaring issued on May 27, 1866, allowing Ismail's possessions,
in support of this request that the nomads under including Massawa and Suakin, to be inherited by his
Egyptian rule at Taka and under Turkish rule at the descendants, thus in effect recognising the existence of
coast were in the habit of crossing the frontier to avoid an Egyption dynasty. Ismail assumed the title of
paying their taxes, and that the division of authority Khedive in the following year.192
enabled the Ethiopians to sow dissention in the area. In this way Massawa reverted to Egyptian rule in
In subsequent letters to Constantinople, Ismail adduced return for an increase of £16,000 a year in the tribute
other arguments in favour of his request, namely that paid by Egypt to the Ottoman Empire.193 The transfer,
the absence of a single authority had enabled the as we have seen, was carried out with the blessing of
Lazarists and other foreigners to intrigue, whereas the Great Britain. Beke indeed asserts that it was "generally
establishment of Egyptian rule would make it possible understood to have been effectuated mainly through the
for his government to maintain order and suppress the instrumentality of Sir Henry Bulwer", whose object was
The ports, he concluded, would still belong "
slave trade. the more effectual prevention of the French from
to the Ottoman Empire, and he was quite prepared to obtaining a footing anywhere along the east coast of
pay the Treasury in Jeddah a sum equal to revenues Africa within the Red Sea, as they have already
of the ports.189 managed to secure one at Obokh, just outside the
Ismail also urged the British Government to support Straits of Babelmandeb."194
the transfer of territory. On January 7, 1865, he told
Stevens, the secretary of the British envoy in Cairo, that
Egypt had requested the Ottoman Sultan to cede the France, it should be noted, had by this time developed
ports. Presenting this request in a manner which might a considerable interest in the area. Though the alliance
be expected to appeal to the British Government, the with the rebel Negussie had not materialised and their

62
first attempt at acquiring Obok in 1856 was not success afterwards in the French Journal Officiel, which con
ful the French persevered and managed to edge the tained an official notice on December 25, 1880, declaring
British out of the area despite the fact that the latter the Government's total inability to grant concessions iu
had, as previously recorded, established a position of the area. It read as follows198 "As demands for conces
paramountcy for themselves at nearby Tajurah. The sions of territory at Obok on the Red Sea (sic) are
French acquisition of Obok was based not on the efforts frequently received by the Department for Marine and
of 1856 but on a Convention, signed on March 11, 1862, Colonies, we think it useful to make known to the public
between Napoleon Ill's Foreign Minister, Thouvenal, the nature of the replies which are invariably returned
and four Danakil chiefs, Diny-bin-Sultan Mohamed, to applications of this kind:
Vizir and Ibrahim Chakim. Article II of this Convention "The Treaty of 11th March, 1862, enacting the
Mohamed-bin-Sultan Hummed, Emir El Hadj Abubekr cession of this point to France, contains no indication
stated that: "The Danakil Chiefs, notably Sultan Diny, of the limits of our possession, and we have, moreover,
cede to His Majesty the Emperor [i.e. Napoleon III], done nothing up to the present to secure our sovereignty
the harbour, roadstead and anchorage of Obok, situated over this country.
" It would, therefore,
near Cape Ras Bir, with the plain extending from Ras be impossible to indicate the
Aly to the south, as far as Ras Dumeirah to the north." land capable of being ceded, and still less to determine
This arrangement was made, as Article III declared, it. Under these circumstances, the Marine Department
"in consideration for the price stipulated and agreed of is unable to grant concessions. It can do no more than
'
10,000 talaris ', namely 50,500 francs." Provision was leave to persons who may attempt to found a settlement
also made for the development of trade with he at Obok, the whole responsibility of choosing the site
interior, as well as for the exclusion from the area of to be occupied by them, with the reservation that this
other European Powers. Thus Article VI stated: occupation, essentially precarious and revocable, shall
"The above-named Chiefs engage, separately and cease on the first demand. It is well understood, how
conjointly, to facilitate by all the means in their power, ever, that no indemnity shall be due to the parties
the relations of the French established at Obok, with the interested, in the event of their being evicted for reasons
interior of the country, by land or water, by ascending of public utility or military interest."
the course of the Rivers Anazo and Haouatch [Awash]. The French occupation of Obok, though internation
Article IX, which aimed at the exclusion of other ally accepted, was slow to have much impact on the
Powers, declared: East African scene. So far from using the port as base
"
The Chiefs of the Danakils and of the other inde for attacking Ethiopia as Beke had feared, the French
pendent tribes on the coast of Adel bind themselves by failed for a generation to open up commercial contact
a formal engagement to communicate to the French with the interior. The first caravan from Shoa did not
authorities established at Obok, every proposal for a reach the coast until May 18, 1882, though thereafter an
cession of territory which may be made to them by a extensive trade developed.199
Foreign Government. They engage conjointly and * # •
separately to reject every overture made to them which
Theodore's dispute with Britain — which
lies outside
has not received the assent of the Government of his
the scope of the present study — had meanwhile
Majesty the Emperor of the French."195
developed and proceeded, as Sylvia Pankhurst says,
Though couched in pompous terms the Convention "
with the inevitability of a Greek tragedy."200 Anglo-
would seem in reality to have been a squalid deal, at
Ethiopian relations steadily deteriorated until the dis
least if seen through the eyes of British Vice-Consul
pute culminated with the Emperor's defeat and death
Walker, who subsequently noted: "The French . . .
by his own hand at Magdala. The effect of Napier's
purchased a place ... by name Obokh, from the Dun- victorious expedition was thus to bring to an end
kalie Chief, for which they gave 10,000 dollars. The Theodore's reign and his attempts at extending his
Chief of the village after receiving the money dis

it,
frontiers to the coast. The memory of his claim to
appeared, and his successor did not countenance the however, was not forgotten, one of his European crafts
claim or right of the French to purchase this site of land, Waldmeier,
"

If
men, Theophilus later observing:
nor of the Chief to dispose of it."196 Abyssinia could only have good government and its
Beke, who thought this French penetration at Obok own sea-port at Massowah, might soon become one
it

" a base for

had been effected to develop the port as of the most prosperous countries in the world."201
operations against Abyssinia," made the following When the time arived for the British to intervene
general comment on the validity of the purchase: against Theodore they had of course the need to march
" "
There ought not," he said, to be any doubt as to the through Otttoman territory, for Ethiopia, as we have
illegality of this purchase from acknowledged vassals seen, had by then been sealed off from the coast by
of the Ottoman Porte, paying customs duties to the Turkish expansion. The British therefore applied at
Governor of Zeila, who is subject to the Governor of Constantinople for permission to use Turkish-occupied
Hodeida. But the French have to all events succeeded Zulla. The necessary authorisation, which of course
in establishing a holding title." This title was, how implied British recognition of Ottoman claims to the
ever, somewhat limited, for Walker notes: "The few huts area, was readily given, the port serving in due course
that were erected by the French on that coast while not as buffer to protect Ethiopia from foreign inter
a

occupied in surveying, after their departure were thrown vention, but as very effective base for Napier's
a

into the sea."197 lightning invasion of the country.

The weakness of the French position could not be The British occupation of Zulla was only temporary,
denied, and was in fact admitted by implication long for on the successful completion of his expedition

63
Napier withdrew from Ethiopia. The status quo at Rubattino, an Italian shipping company with head
the coast was thus re-established, though Clements quarters at Genoa, returned to Assab on March 9,
Markham, the expedition's historian, later observed, 1870. He found the vendors dissatisfied with the price
"
with truth, that if the English had taken this oppor they had previously agreed to; they declared that
tunity of unlocking and throwing wide open the gates another power had offered them five times as much
of Abyssinia, the results of the march to Magdala for their territory. They also raised the point that the
would have been a blessing to a large fraction of Africa nearby bay of Buia was not included in the deal as it
and would have been productive of permanent good." belonged to another chief called Abdullah Sciahim.
Turning to what might have been an acceptable solu Sapeto, anxious to avoid any trouble, called the third
tion, the historian declared that Ethiopia should have sultan and got the three men to sign a new agreement
" Mulkutto,"
been given access to the sea. he said, on March 11. It stated that the three chiefs sold the
"should, with the concurrence of France and the other sea and land enclosed between Ras Lumah, the strip of
great Powers, have been declared a free port like Aden sea called Alala and mount Ganga to Sapeto and
with resident consuls, and the sovereignty should have Captain Buzzolino, the captain of the ship on which
been entrusted to an Abyssinian Beharnegash: the the missionary had arrived, for the sum of 8,100
limits of the port to include Senafe and the road up the dollars, it being agreed that the purchasers could hoist
pass. The Egyptians might have received some com their national flag as a sign of absolute sovereignty.
pensation, and the curse which their occupation of the The three sultans being unwilling to accept Sterling,
coast has brought upon Abyssinia would have been were handed 600 Maria Theresa dollars and 388 rupees
removed."202 on account, the rest to be paid when Sapeto's vessel
The British withdrawal alike from Ethiopia and the returned from Aden where the necessary dollars were
coast of Zulla surprised many observers who had ex procured.207 Not long afterwards, on March 16,
pected that Britain might have seized the opportunity Sapeto persuaded a fourth sultan, Berehan Dini, to
at least to maintain a foothold on the coast. The pos lease him the nearby island of Omm el Bahar for
sibility of such an occupation was referred to at the time ten years at an annual rent of 100 dollars and with
by Lord Stanley who observed to the Austrian ambassa the right of purchase at the end of that time for 2,000
dor. Count Apponyi, that many people believed Britain rupees, i.e. about 1 ,000 dollars.208
intended to keep a port to monopolise the trade of the Meanwhile in accordance with the earlier agree
country, but that there was no reason for this as the ment the Italian flag had been hoisted at Assab on
land was so poor and devoid of communications that March 13, 1870 — five months before it was unfurled
its commerce and industry would not cover in 50 years in Rome, which city was not incorporated in reunified
the five million pounds spent on the expedition.203 Italy until September of that year.
Notwithstanding the British withdrawal the ease with
which Napier's forces had swept in from the coast
was not lost on Kassa, the ruler of Tigre\ who was
soon to be crowned as the Emperor Yohannes, or From the outset of his reign the Emperor Yohannes
John, IV (1872-1889). faced strong pressure from the Egyptians then ruled
by Khedive Ismail. In 1872 they succeeded in obtain
ing the allegiance of Theodore's old "friend" Naib
Mohamed of Arkiko, who was then resident at Ailet
The year after the death of Theodore witnessed the in the foothills of the Ethiopian plateau.209 The Naib, it
opening of the Suez Canal and the advent of a new is interesting to note, was married to the daughter of
European power on the Red Sea coast of Africa. On the Governor of Agame, himself a kinsman of
October 2, 1869, the Lazarist missionary, Guiseppe Yohannes, but was somewhat of an ambiguous charac
Sapeto, arranged with the Italian Ministry of Marine ter, for Wylde says: "In Harkeeko and Massowah he
to endeavour to purchase a strip of coast in Asia or was a devout Moslem, and when with King John or
Africa, it being fully realised that the opening of the Ras Aloula he pretended to be a Christian."210
Suez Canal in the following month would infinitely The Khedive's policy was clearly stated in Novem
improve Italy's access to the East.204 ber, 1872, when he wrote to the Emperor officially,
Though Sapeto had thus been given a blank cheque rejecting the latters claims to the coast, which he
to find a colony almost anywhere on two continents declared, was under Egyptian jurisdiction as far as
he had little difficulty in choosing Assab. Justifying Berbera. "All the points situated on the African
this choice he later pointed out that the port was near coast of the Red Sea, that is to say from Suez to
to the straits of Bab el Mandeb. of easy access to Mocha Berbera", he said, "are under our administration and
and Hodeidah, and had the possibility of becoming the belong to the Ottoman government. It has never been
emporium for trade between Ethiopia and Arabia.205 said that Abyssinia possessed the smallest part of them,
The acquisition of Assab was effected on November and the proof is that when England was at war with
15, 1869, when Sapeto signed an agreement with two Theodore, the former king of Abyssinia, and sent
Dankali chieftains, the brothers Hassan and Ibrahim troops to the Red Sea, she asked permission from the
Ahmad, Article I of which stated that the aforesaid Sublime Porte to allow her troops and munitions to
brothers sold the country between Mount Ganga and pass through one of the Red Sea ports belonging to
Cape Lumah to Sapeto for 6,000 Maria Theresa the Porte.
"
dollars of which 250 would be paid at once and the It is thus known and proved that the said Red
remainder within a hundred days.206 Sapeto, who had Sea ports belong to the Ottoman Empire and that
subsequently become the representative of the Societa Abyssinia does not possess a single one of them."

64
 The Khedive concluded by stating that any Ethio to the Abyssinians, regular organised bands of outlaws,
pian attempt to occupy the coast or any other area oppression of the neighbouring tribes, and every roguery
under Egyptian jurisdiction would be considered under the sun that could only take place under Egyptian
aggression against the possessions of the Porte.211 or Turkish rule."219
This rejection of the Emporer's demands went hand Determined at eradicating this hostile base, breaking
in hand with a general policy of Egyptian hostility, the arms blockade, and regaining Ethiopia's long lost
which naturally caused Yohannes great anxiety, the access to the sea, the Emperor sent his British military
more so, as De Cosson says, since the Egyptians adviser, John Kirkham, to Europe in September in
"strictly interdict [ed] the passage of ammunition into search of aid. Arriving in Alexandria on September 28
Abyssinia."212 This blockade, the significance of which the latter told the British envoy, Colonel Stanton, that
has been discussed elsewhere by the present writer,213 the Emperor demanded not only the return of the terri
was almost certainly much more complete than anything tories captured from him by the Egyptians, but also
previously operated by the Ottoman Empire. Yohannes "through the support of the European powers, the port
who was greatly angered by this development shared his of Amphilla as a means of access to Abyssinia". The
predecessor's desire for effective access to the sea. Dis Emperor, he explained, hoped for "assistance from
cussing the policies of the Khedive with De Cosson, an some of the European powers, and especially from
English Christian and hence to his mind a natural Russia, in accomplishing this object, access to the sea
friend of Ethiopia, he complained: "He has taken Zulla being one of his special desires."220 Stanton, like so
and Amphilla bay, which were mine, and charges a many ambassadors, tended, however, to side with the
duty, equal to the double of its market value on all government to which he was accredited. So far from
merchandise exported from my country. Thus I am following in the footsteps of his predecessor, Frederick
encompassed on all sides by the Mohametans, who Bruce, who had advocated the surrender of Massawa to
I
allow me no port or outlet by which may communicate Theodore, he wrote to the Foreign Secretary, Lord
with other nations, and advance the prosperity and civil Granville, on December 5, dismissing the Ethiopian
ization of my kingdom. Oh! My friends, I pray you, let claim to any port as unfounded. He admitted, however,
this be known in your country, and how much we desire that the Ethiopians had commercial need of access to
a port that we may hold intercourse with other the sea, and proposed that the British Government might
nations."214 obtain an assurance from the Porte that the Ethiopians
The Emperor's concern was intensified by the attitude should receive favourable treatment, like that afforded
of the Egyptians who in every way displayed themselves to British traders, so that goods in transit to or from
hostile. Ethiopian ecclesiastics travelling to and from Ethiopia, should be subjected at Massawa or other ports
Jerusalem suffered persecution at the hands of the Egyp to only the standard tax on goods in transit.221
tians, as Dye admits, in much the same way as they had Kirkham, meanwhile, had continued to England where
done for decades, indeed centuries.215 Traders going he was received on October 31 by Lord Enfield, the
down to the coast were often treated no less badly. In Under Secretary of Foreign Affairs, to whom he
1874 a German traveller, Hugo Alfary, observed: "the explained the Emperor's claim to Amphyla.222 I*ater,
Egyptian Government does just the reverse of what it on May 13, 1873, he wrote a letter on the Emporor's
parades in newspaper reports as the main object of its behalf to Queen Victoria in which he drew attention to
policy of conquest — viz. the promotion of security on the Egyptian occupation of many parts of the coast,
the trade routes. In the space of two months, no less including Massawa, Samhar, Ailet, Zulla, the Dankali
than three caravans were seized and plundered. Iwas country and the province of Amphila, and added that
myself a witness of it . . . The trade route from Kassala the Emperor claimed access to the sea. Kirkham, who
to Massowah can only be used by avoiding all Egyptian claimed on behalf of his master that Ethiopia had
posts and camps, and the merchants go out of their way, enjoyed access to the sea at the time of Theodore, but
through Hamasen, in order not to fall in with the troops that the Egyptian advance had isolated the country
of occupation; for the result of such a meeting would from the European powers, relates that the Emperor
be maltreatment and total loss of their goods."216 Dye wished to refer Queen Victoria to a question of "much
confirmed this picture, observing: "Trade at Massowah, importance," namely "the injustice of Abyssinia pos
as elsewhere where the Turk has crossed his legs, has sessing no port by which she may communicate freely
dwindled away under the touch of Mohamedan- with the Christian powers of Europe, and he protests
ism"217 against the occupation of Amphilla bay by the Egyp
Wylde, too, joined in the general indictment of the tian troops. At the time of the Magdala campaign it
Egyptians; writing of their occupation of Massawa he was known that Annesley bay (i.e. the bay of Zulla) and
declares that they "had no idea of the geography of the the province of Amphilla belonged to Abyssinia. By the
country, and hardly one of the many Pashas or Beys occupation of the coast, the Egyptians have completely
employed there had been outside the town, and not one isolated Abyssinia from the rest of the world, preventing
of them off the beaten track from Massowah to the trade with Europe by the heavy taxes they impose on
interior. They knew the men who were resposible for both exports and imports." The letter concluded with the
the payment of taxes, but there were no details as to promise that "if ... the European powers will secure
the headquarters of tribes nor the number of fighting to Abyssinia an outlet on the Red Sea, His Majesty is
men they possessed, nor the cattle, nor their pasture land, prepared to enter into the most liberal treaties of
nor anything about them with which any ordinary Eng commerce with them."223
lish official would at once make himself familiar."218 It A subsequent letter of the Emperor's to Queen
was not therefore surprising, he thought, that Massawa Victoria, dated June 4, 1873, was based on the tradi
was the site of "slave-dealing, contraband, running arms tional Ethiopian belief that the Christians of Europe

65
might be expected to assist the Christians of Ethiopia "What Her Majesty's Government can do in such a
against their Muslim foes. "Your Majesty," Yohannes state of things with a view to relieve Your Majesty from
wrote, "is my only true and powerful friend, and I the disquiet under which you labour is to impress upon
tell you all this because I know that Your Majesty is the the Khedive the sincere interest which they take in your
defender of the Christian." Referring to Ismail's ex- welfare, and they have been glad lately to receive from
passion the Emperor declared: Her Majesty's Representative in Egypt information
which indicates that the Khedive will have made Your
"He has taken my territory on many sides, and the
Highness, through your envoy, a communication
troops that he has sent are still in occupation, and
couched in friendly terms indicating his disposition to
advance day by day.
maintain relations with Your Highness on a footing of
"... he would wish to stop my intercourse with your
amity and good neighbourliness.
Majesty, and endevours every day to prevent me from
having any outlet on the Red Sea.
"I trust Your Highness will be induced to receive
these overtures in a friendly spirit and that you will be
"But under Christ I trust in Your Majesty and remain able to arrange matters with Egypt without having
quietly ruling my Kingdom by the grace of God."224 recourse to foreign intervention which may involve you
A few months later, in August, the Khedive discussed in embarrassments more serious than those from which
the question of the Red Sea coast with Vivian, the you seek to escape."
British Government's agent in Egypt Vivian drew the On the question of the coast the letter added: "Your
Khedive's attention to the fact that the Ethiopians com Highness . . . expresses a desire that access to the sea
plained of the taxes levied on their goods in transit may be obtained for you, but it is not possible for Her
through Ethiopian territory and that they expressed Majesty's Government to interfere in such a matter or
irritation and disgust at seeing their country cut off from to determine whether your claims in that respect should
the sea. Ismail, for his part, completely rejected the be advocated or admitted by them. The British Govern
Ethiopians' claim to any part of the coast, but declared ment would gladly learn that any wish entertained by
himself willing to consider the question of the taxes on Your Highness was gratified; but they do not feel them
Ethiopian transit trade.226 selves in a position to point out to the rulers who hold
possession of the land separating your territories from
As a result of these talks the Khedive decided to
the sea coast, the propriety or expediency of making
release a messenger of the Emperor's who had been
this concession which you desire to obtain."228
detained for almost a year. The latter, a Muslim trader was not
The Emperor, as might be expected,
called El Hag Mohamed Nassib el Jabarti, had arrived
impressed by this reply. Six months later, in April 1874,
in Egypt with a letter from Yohannes dated July 31,
he told the missionary Flad that he would make no
1872,226 but had until then been refused permission to
settlement with the Turks until he was restored all the
return to Ethiopia. Ismail now despatched him to
territory which had formerly belonged to Ethiopia,
Yohannes, declaring that the Emperor's letter had not
including the port of Amphyla, and that if he had not
been answered because of its hostile tone, but that if
been engaged in repressing a revolt in Gojam he would
the ruler of Ethiopia wrote in future in a friendly spirit
have already marched against the Egyptians to recap
he would receive a cordial reply. As for the taxes on
ture the areas occupied by them.
goods passing through Egyptian territory the Khedive
Notwithstanding Granville's pious hopes there was
declared that he was ready to conclude a commercial
no gainsaying that in the early 1870's as a quarter of a
agreement which would settle the question in a satis
century earlier the objectives of the Ethiopians and
factory manner, but told the envoy to warn the Emperor
Egyptians were diametrically opposed; the tension
against listening to bad counsellors and to put an end
between the two countries was soon destined once again
to incursions into Egyptian territory.227
to reach breaking point so that the conflict could be
The British Government professed itself well content resolved only by the clash of arms.
with the apparently improved relations between
Ethiopia and Egypt. On October 3, Lord Granville
replied to the letter which Kirkham had written to the Flad, writing of the relations between the two coun
British Government five months earlier in May. Gran tries, relates that at about this time the Viceroy of
ville's reply was, however, entirely unhelpful to the Egypt asked him to take Yohannes an oral message
Emperor, for it observed that frontier settlements were "
something to the effect: Let us be friends and good
always difficult to arrange and that the British Govern neighbours; let your tradesmen come to my land, and
ment felt itself unable to intervene in the question ot mine to yours, so that trade may flourish."
the coast, but hoped the Emperor would be able to solve Yohannes, who had no desire for any such com
his differences with the Khedive! "It is impossible," promise, is said to have spurned the message, saying to
"
Granville wrote, "for the British Government authori Flad: Tell the Viceroy of Egypt that I am a Christian
tatively to pronounce what part of the territory in dis and do not desire friendship with Moslems. My
pute rightfully belongs to Your Highness, and how far country's boundary is Jerusalem, and as soon as I am
the claims advanced by the Khedive are well- or ill- master of Abyssinia and have conquered my enemies
founded. Border claims are always most difficlt to be I will conquer Egypt and Jerusalem."
adjusted, in as much as the evidence which may be Flad relates that when he later told Ismail Pasha of
adduced in support of them, more especially in countries this message the latter declared very uncomplimentarily
such as those respectively governed by Your Highness
"
that this Yohannes belongs to a lunatic asylum."
and by the Khedive, is almost invariably contradictory Flad's own comment was revealing. He declares that
and is not calculated to afford any sure basis of decision. Yohannes, like Theodore, always became angry when

66
there was talk or Jerusalem, both rulers
of Egypt Danish officer in the Khedive's service, marched up to
" " Ghinda, where, Dye records, they
"
seeing it as the insult to Christendom
greatest that hauled down the
Holy Places were under Mohamedan domination.229 English ensign and took possession of the headquarters
of Governor-General Kirkham, who had some days pre
viously been conveniently called to Adua".235
This invasion was effected without much opposition
Faced with the fact of Egyptian expansion on the as the Emperor seems to have been reluctant to pro
coast the Emperor Yohannes, almost inevitably, took voke a conflict with the Egyptians who were very well
steps to strengthen his defences overlooking the sea. He armed and led by European officers.236 The Egyp
did this by appointing Kirkham governor of an area tians, however, continued to advance inland, and when
which, according to Dye, stretched from Ghinda through Yohannes learnt on October 21 that they had occupied
the country of the Shohos to Amphyla, Zulla and Asmara he made an immediate call to arms. Thus
Annesley Bays. Kirkham was thus given jurisdiction opened the campaign of 1875-6 which terminated in
over an area which the Khedive had expressly claimed the decisive Ethopian victories of Gudet and Gura.237
as part of the Ottoman Empire. One of the objects of These remarkable victories over much better armed
the appointment, Dye says, was the old one of opening forces were important in that they put an end to
up the port of Zulla as an alternative to Massawa, as Egyptian expansionist claims.
" con
the Ethiopians travelling to that latter port were After the first of these victories, at Gundet on
stantly complaining that they had to endure many forms November 16, 1875, an Ethiopian occupation of
of maltreatment".230 Massawa seemed for a moment possible. The inhabi
By attempting to reach the coast at Zulla the tants of suburbs on the mainland once again, as in
Emperor was thus on the one hand attempting to realise Wube's day, abandoned their houses and sought refuge
the ambition of Wube, and on the other braving the on the island, rumour having it that Yohannes wished
threats of the Khedive of Egypt. Kirkham, who was to enter the port on horseback.23S The Emperor is
in the difficult position of facing the powerful armies of said in fact to have held a council at Adi Quala at the
the Egyptians, attempted to secure his position by run end of which it was decided to advance on the port.
ning up the British flag in the middle of December 1874. The decision, however, was soon reversed. According
This action, reminiscent of Wube's old idea of obtaining to Douin this change of plan took place partly because
French protection at the coast, was taken in the middle the Emperor had troubles with Shoa and partly because
of December 1874, without the approval of the British he feared that an attack on Massawa might lead to
Government though presumably with the consent of the complications with the foreign powers.239 Determined
Emperor, who, Dye says, had instructed the Englishman on increasing his pressure on the coast he nonetheless
"
to invite the co-operation of British and British Indian appointed a new governor of Asmara in December
subjects."231 who strengthened the defences of the area and forbade
The plan of developing the Zulla route appears to the inhabitants of Hamasien from going down to
have been at least partially successful, for Dye reports Massawa on pain of confiscation of their goods on the
"
that the trade of Hamasien and Akele Guzai was well- first offence and of amputation of their hands on the
nigh destroyed". In both provinces the fear that trade second.240 This decree, however, seems to have been
would be diverted led to great local discontent coupled difficult to apply as the people were unwilling to pay
with refusal to pay taxes. Ras Ayara, the Emperor's their taxes to the Emperor and, according to Douin,
uncle and suporter, remained in control of Akele Guzai, were by no means in a co-operative mood.241
but in Hamasien things were so serious that the After the battle of Gura on March 9, 1876, the
Emperor for a time found it necessary to occupy the Egyptians finally agreed to make peace. The Ethio
province, as Dye says, "to preserve the peace and sustain pian desire for access to the sea was at that time again
in place a governor favourable to his reign". The voiced by the Emperor who in a letter written to the
Emperor's troops were only withdrawn many months Egyptian commander on March 12 chided the invaders
later, in October, 1875, in face of Egyptian pressure, for their aggression against his country, and added:
a single detachment being left for observation "Our frontiers start from the sea and beyond as is
purposes.232 known by all nations. These regions have belonged
The long-threatened Egyptian occupation of the coast to us until now."242 The Egyptians, however, refused
had by this time began. The first step was taken on to surrender the port which the Ethiopians were not
February 16, 1875, when Arakel Bey, the Egyptian in a position to wrest from them.243 Deadlock once
governor of Massawa, seized Edd, which, it will be again resulted. The Emperor shortly afterwards sent
recalled, had been considered a quarter of a century an envoy, Gabra Egziabeher, to Cairo to plead for the
earlier as a possible point of access to the sea for port, but the Khedive obstinately refused to make any
Ethiopia.233 The Egyptian hold on the coast was such concession. The British envoy in Cairo, Vivian,
further consolidated in July when the purchase of Zulla tried in vain in December, to persuade him to despatch
from the Ottoman Empire was arranged, the transfer a European officer to the Emperor with a view to
of authority taking place a few months later in the negotiating to give Ethiopia access to the sea. The
autumn.234 The Egyptian take-over, it will be appre Khedive replied that he was willing to afford Ethio
ciated, spelt disaster to Ethiopia's last hope at this time pian trade all possible facilities, but he could not
of obtaining a Red Sea port without resort to war. Not abandon his control of any of his ports.244
content with thus sealing off the coast the Egyptians Ethiopia's claim to the coast was thus once again
immediately began their thrust inland. On occupying turned down. It is, however, not without interest that
Zulla an Egyptian force, led by Colonel Arrendrup, a the Italians, who had acquired the port of Assab in

67
1869 and were now contemplating intervention in East Christ, by the turban where the Crescent shines. How
African affairs, recognised Ethiopia's interest in obtain ever we hope that our Crown which honours the Cross
ing access to the sea. In November, 1879, they drew of Jesus Christ, will never be trampled to the ground
up a draft treaty with Ethiopia, Article XVII of which by the children of Mohamed. They pretend today
contemplated the acquisition by Ethiopia of a port or that we never had a port on the coast of the Red Sea;
territory on the Red Sea coast. Though the proposed I hope that the various powers of Europe, England
treaty was never signed the draft including such an in particular, will do us justice on this point."248
article was itself a recognition of Italian awareness of Shortly afterwards, on December 14, Menelik wrote
Ethiopia's interest in the sea.245 an even more explicit letter to the British Anti-Slavery
Society in which he complained of the Egyptian
blockade and appealed to the European powers to help
him open the route to the coast:
Ethiopia's need for access to the sea was meanwhile " "
The Egyptian Government," he wrote, stops my
being increasingly felt by Menelik, who had become way, wishes to prevent me from getting arms, tools,
King of Shoa in 1865 and whose position was seriously artists, etc. from Europe ... I shall have to die before
endangered by the Egyptian occupation of the Gulf I am able to leave behind in my country anything of
of Aden coast of Africa which took place in 1875. Europe's abundant art.
The British Government, so far from opposing this "
Whoever undertakes such an important duty ought
occupation, entered into an Agreement with the Egyp to be provided with good weapons, in order to be
tians, on September 7, 1877, granting conditional
superior to his many unbelieving enemies. We are
recognition of the Khedive's jurisdiction, under the to fight with spears on horseback,
quite accustomed
sovereignty of the Sublime Porte, over the entire but I ought to be supplied with fire-arms, with the
Somali coast as far as Ras Hafun. In return for this commission to exterminate the whole brood of slave-
recognition the Egyptians agreed to a number of pro dealers therewith. Why does the Egyptian Govern
visions demanded by Britain. These dealt with such ment dare to stop the way for the arms which I have
questions as the suppression of the Slave Trade,
bought, and the work-people I have engaged, with the
stiuplated in Article IV, the establishment of free ports, intention of subjecting savages and making civilisa
and the declaration that the area would not be ceded
to any power. Thus Article I stated that
"
Bulhar
tion accessible to them? ... I only want to protect
my country from foreign inroads, to maintain my
and Berbera shall be declared free ports," while Article
country in peace and order, to subject savage heathen
II declared that "His Highness the Khedive engages people, who have hitherto made the road impossible
for himself and his successors that no portion of the
for every scientific traveller, and to dry up the Slave
territory, to be thus formally incorporated with Egypt Trade at its source."
under his hereditary rule, shall ever be ceded to any
foreign Power." The Ottoman Empire's agreement
This letter to the Anti-Slavery Society concluded
with the following words:
that the area should not be ceded to another Power "
" My road to the coast, to Zeila, Tajurah and Aden,
was also required, for Article V stated: The present
Agreement shall definitely come into operation so soon is at present closed to me by the Mussulmans — to wit,
as His Imperial Majesty the Sultan shall have given the Egyptian Government. They prevent my receiving
a formal assurance to Her Majesty's Government that into my country provisions, arms, agricultural im
no portion of the territory of the Somali Coast, a plements, artisans, or even messengers of the Gospel.
"
territory which, together with all other countries in Will you kindly raise your powerful voice in order
corporated with Egypt and forming an integral part that I may have this way opened for me, for I desire
of the Empire, shall be recognised by His Majesty as to inaugurate in my country European civilisation,
a dependency of Egypt, shall more than any other intelligence and art."
portion of Egypt, or of the countries placed under Menelik was supported in these demands by J.
His Highness' hereditary rule be ceded on any Mayer, one of the Protestant missionaries in Shoa, who
pretence."246 This assurance never being obtained, the wrote to the Anti-Slavery Society on December 20,
Agreement, as we shall see, never legally came into recalling the King's objection to the Egyptian blockade,
force, British recognition of Egyptian claims to the and adding:
"
Somali coast remaining no more than conditional.247 His Majesty is deeply hurt at this closing of a
Menelik, after attempting in vain to come to terms route which has always been open to the Kings of
with the Egyptian invaders, despatched a series of Shoa, and he prayed me to earnestly call upon the
letters to the more important rulers of Europe on Anti-Slavery Society to raise their voice in order to
November 28, 1878, appealing for their aid in his obtain for him simple justice and the reopening of his
struggle against the slave trade and emphasising his road to the coast as in former times.
need of a port. These letters, like those written to the
"I
know of my own personal experience that the
European powers by earlier rulers of Ethiopia, were King has not given any cause to the Egyptian Govern
based on the assumption that the Christians of Ethiopia ment for this arbitrary blockade of his route to the
and of his own country shared a common faith which coast." Turning to the missionaries' own position, he
"
made them natural allies against Islam. "Egypt," he added: It is very much to our interest that there
declared, " has been in possession of the coasts of the should be a free and open road to the coast, for our
Red Sea and Hararghe [i.e. the Harar area] for only letters sent by way of Aden and Zeyla have been long
two years. Egypt's aim in this is to replac* the Crown stopped, and the best route for this country to carry
of Abyssinia, which is surmounted by the Cross of on communication with Europe is by way of Aden."249

68
 The Anti-Slavery Society largely convinced by to become. In a memorandum of October 20, 1879,
Menelik's arguments, wrote to the British Foreign he opposed any grant of a port to Ethiopia, declaring,
Lord Salisbury, on July 10, 1879, asking "
Secretary, Should she be allowed a seaport, it will serve as a
"
whether it may not be a wise policy on the part of basis for intrigue. Other countries, such as Italy and
Her Majesty's Government to promote a cession of Russia, would only be too glad to commence trading,
the ports of Massowah, Zeyla, and Tarjourah, to and if their subjects were ill-treated, or perhaps killed,
Northern and Southern Abyssinia, as being a measure it might lead to an invasion of Abyssinia. They would
which, on the one hand, will remove from these get a seaport on the Red Sea, and English commerce
countries a perennial incentive to wars and bloodshed, might be interfered with in time of war." Wylde went
and on the other will powerfully conduce to the on to argue that Ras Alula, the Emperor's governor
extension of European commerce and civilisation to of the north, also had little interest in the actual pos
those most productive but now isolated regions."250 session of a port provided it was not closed to the
"
import of weapons. After a little pressing," Wylde
claims, "
he told me that in reality Abyssinia did not
wish one, but that they wished to import arms and
Britain was thus once again confronted with the ammunition, and the usual munitions of war, that they
question of Ethiopia's access to the sea. Since never claimed the coast, but wished to enforce upon
Yohannes was the only ruler of the country whom the Egypt the necessity of allowing them to trade through
British recognised it was his interest in the Red Sea Massowah."254
rather than Menelik's in the Gulf of Aden which Wylde's analysis of the situation — which may
received official attention. Such attention, however, indeed have been largely correct in as far as his
was slight because the aspirations of the Ethiopians
references to the Emperor and Ras Alula are con
were considered trivial as compared with the impor
cerned — had one basic flaw which he seems to have
tance of British involvement in Egypt and of the
failed to notice, namely that although Ethiopia's main
African rivalries of the colonial powers, Britain, France interest lay, as he said, in the free import of arms rather
and Italy. The British Consul General in Egypt,
than in the actual possession of a port, the two objectives
Frank Lascelles, nevertheless enquired in August, 1879,
were not really alternatives, as arms could not effectively
as to the Egyptian Government's willingness to meet
be imported into Ethiopia except by her obtaining a
the demands of the Emperor Yohannes. A few days
port. It was in the nature of things that any ruler of
later, on August 26, Lascelles reported that Khedive
" the barren coast would almost inevitably develop the
Tewfik expressed himself quite prepared to give
ambition of penetrating into the fertile uplands and thus
satisfaction to the just claims of Abyssinia, and would
impinge on the territorial integrity of Ethiopia and
see what could be done as regards giving them an
therefore be led to impose or re-impose an arms
outlet on the sea." The Khedive however again ruled
blockade on the interior. The colonial powers, more
out the possibility of any transfer of Massawa, declar
" over, had little sympathy for the theory of Ethiopian
ing it a port of too much importance to Egypt to
independence and could therefore be expected to take
be given up."251
all possible steps to prevent significant arms imports
The Khedive was not alone in opposing the idea
Gordon, the into this part of independent Africa.255
of giving Massawa to the Emperor.
Briton employed by the Egyptian Government as Gordon, the chief protagonist of the view that
Governor-General of the Sudan, was strongly opposed Yohannes had no wish for a port, soon learned his
to granting Massawa or any of the other parts under mistake, which was in any case probably based on no
his control to Yohannes, ostensibly because he feared more than wishful thinking. As Governor-General of
this might give a foothold in the area to one of the the Sudan he paid a visit to the Emperor in October,
Colonial Powers, but also, perhaps, because it would 1879, in the hope of resolving the long-standing
have reduced his own personal empire. On Septem differences between Ethiopia and Egypt. Talks between
"
ber 2, 1879, Gordon wrote: If a port is ceded to the two men were by no means cordial. Yohannes, who
Johannes . . . there is a great risk of his conceding this held the traditional Ethiopian view that the Christians
port to a set of adventurers, French or Italian, and of Europe should aid him against the invasion of his
thus it will only be a French or Italian port, under Muslim neighbours, was sadly disappointed at finding
the name of an Abyssinian port."252 that Gordon, an English Christian, was the loyal
Reiterating his opposition to any cession of a port servant of the Muslim Khedive of Egypt. The very idea
to the Ethiopians, Gordon later put forward an entirely seemed to him a contradiction in terms and hence an
new argument which must be taken with a grain or two expression of Gordon's immorality of character. The
of salt, and requires further comment, namely that Englishmen, who was primarily concerned with his
"
Yohannes did not in fact want a port. The King," responsibilities as Governor-General of the Sudan, on
"
he declared, never has desired, nor does he desire, a the other hand rejected the Emperor's demand for the
port; he wants to import freely such arms and ammuni restoration of territory then annexed to the Sudan.
tion as he may want, via Massowah; the King wants Gordon's report of his talks with the Emperor, which
an Abyssinian Consul at Massowah, and free com took place at Dabra Tabor on October 27, makes it
munication by post with Europe and Egypt"253 quite clear that the latter claimed access to the sea, and
Both arguments, it is important to notice, were thought, like Wube before him, in terms of an Ethiopian
accepted at the time by no less an authority than occupation of Zulla and Amphyla if Massawa itself
A. B. Wylde who was then, however, less acquainted could not be obtained. In his terse account of the talks
with Ethiopian aspirations than he was subsequently Gordon quotes Yohannes as observing:

69
 " You want Well, I want retrocession of tiations, however, proved that King John's demands
peace.
Metemma, Changallas, Bogos, cession of Zulla and were far less modest than had been anticipated, the
Amphyla ports, an Abouna, and a sum of money — effect probably of foreign pressure. He insisted on the
from £1,000,000 to £2,000,000; or if His Highness likes cession of the port of Massowah or Zulla, or in lieu
better than paying the money, then I will take Bogos, thereof the payment of £2,000,000."258
Massowah and the Abouna." Yohannes, however hesitant he might have been until
The Emperor tried in vain to win Gordon to his side then in pressing his claim to the coast, now determined
by appealing to him as a Christian not to side with on a more forceful line of policy. To reinforce his
Muslim Egypt against Christian Ethiopia, but the demands he ordered Ras Alula to make a demonstra
Governor-General of the Sudan was willing to go no tion in the lowlands facing Massawa — a manoeuvre
further than to promise the Emperor free import of reminiscent of the action taken by Ras Wube a couple
arms at Massawa, i.e. no more than Khedive Tewlik of generations earlier. Alula's forces advanced late in
had earlier agreed to.256 November when the weather at the coast was, as we
Yohannes, who knew from bitter experience that have so often seen, relatively cool. On December 5 a
such promises from the Egyptians were of little value, British seaman, Commander Heron, reported from
dismissed Gordon from his presence, more or less as a Massawa: "I found the people here much alarmed," as
prisoner. He then wrote at the end of November to it was reported that Alula with his 30,000 men was only
Queen Victoria, whom he regarded as a Christian Queen two days' journey from the port."289 A Foreign Office
and hence a potential ally, saying: report written at about the same time stated that "King
" Since I have not obtained for myself a fortified posi John had ordered his general to march on Massowah
tion on the sea-coast, I shall, with my army, be for ever and to burn and pillage on the way ".260
in a condition that traffic is impeded for me, that the Though Alula succeeded in this way in arousing
land is locked for me, and that in my own dominions, terror at the coast he in fact made no attempt at invest
so far as they extend, commerce is impeded for me. ing Massawa, a fact which doubtless exceeded his
Such are the straits to which I am reduced, while the abilities, great as these undoubtedly were.
Turks doing this cause affliction to me. I should like to Gordon, who had returned from the Emperor's
found a fortified position on the sea-coast in order that court full of rancour, was meanwhile reformulating his
the Turks should not scorn me in my own dominions, attitude to the question of the coast. His interview
and that they may leave the country wide open for with Yohannes, which, as already said, was by no
me."287 means cordial, had left him in no doubt of the in
Gordon's visit to the Emperor had the incidental correctness of his earlier belief that the Emperor
"
effect of at last bringing home to the Foreign Office that never has desired, nor does he desire, a port."
Yohannes really wanted a port. It should be empha Realisation of his error did not, however, make him
sised that despite the earlier mission of Kirkham to any more disposed to favour any cession of a port to
London the British were not at this time fully aware of Ethiopia. On the contrary he left the country more
the Ethiopian aspiration of regaining access to the sea. opposed than ever to the Emperor's claim. Though
This British lack of comprehension is curious and he had earlier rejected the grant of a port to Yohannes
requires discussion. It may, it is true, have been in some on the ground that the latter might cede it to French
measure due to a refusal on the part of the British -o or Italian adventurers who might in turn convert it
understand that a native African power could have into a French or Italian port, he now actually advo
aspirations of its own, or a failure to understand that cated that Italy should be given a port in order to
the Emperor might wish for a port even if they did not weaken the power of the Emperor. This change of
believe he was capable of administering one. It is, how front is clearly described in Lumley's already cited
"
ever, difficult to escape the conclusion that British memorandum. Gordon Pasha's views as to the
unawareness of the Ethiopian claim was at least partially impolicy of foreigners possessing a port on the Red
the fault of the Emperor Yohannes, who, perhaps Sea," it says, " would now appear to have undergone
because he saw no way of achieving his country's age old a change, for after leaving King John he telegraphed
aspiration, had until then failed to voice it with sufficient to the Khedive, proposing that, as England and France
force and emphasis, for, it will be recalled, there had appeared unwilling to interfere, and as Egypt was
previously been no uncertainty about the claims to ihe unable to bear the expense of war, or accede to King
coast of either Wube or Theodore. The significance of John's demands, his Highness should cede Zulla, i.e.
Gordon's visit in this connection is clearly apparent Annesley Bay, to the Italians."281
from a Foreign Office memorandum written shortly after
The fact of the matter was that Gordon, who, it
by Lumley, one of the permanent officials, who seeks to cannot be denied, had a Machiavellian twist of mind,
attribute the Emperor's
" "
far less modest demands to was angered by his reception in Ethiopia and held the
" " "
foreign pressure ". There was ", Lumley wrote, no Emperor Yohannes in the lowest possible esteem, being
reason to suppose King John had any desire for a port;
quite willing to see him destroyed if this would serve
he had not asked for one in his previous letter, and it
the interests of either Britain or Egypt. On December
would appear that all he wished for was free access to 12, 1879, the Englishman wrote a most remarkable
the coast, and to be allowed to import arms, ammuni letter to Edward Malet, the British envoy in Egypt,
tion and merchandise on payment of reasonable duties; in which he declared: "My recommendation to the
that the ports of Eidd [Edd] and Belool [Beilul] in the Khedive is to cede Zulla, i.e. Annesley Bay, to Italy,
Danakli [Dankali] country should not be occupied by with the understanding that the Italian Government
the Egyptians. . . . The result of Gordon Pasha's nego will levy the same taxes at Zulla as are levied at
70
Massowah, and that in any future complication Italy to the Napier expedition of 1867-8 which had been
will respect the existing frontier of Egypt" Turning occasioned by the Emperor Theodore's imprisonment
to the outcome which he expected to result from this of some of the Europeans at his court.266
proposal, he declared that he anticipated war between Anglo-Egyptian opinion at this time was once again
Italy and Ethiopia, bluntly observing: "The cession veering against Ethiopia. On July 18, 1879, an official
of Zulla to Italy will bring about war between Italy of the Foreign Office, W. H. Wylde, not to be confused
and the King before six months expire, and will end with A. B. Wylde, gave virtual support to the continued
in the annexation to Italy of a certain portion of Egyptian blockade of Ethiopia by representing it as a
Abyssinia." defensive measure against supposedly aggressive tenden
Recognising that the idea of giving Italy a Red pea cies on the part of the Ethiopians. This assumption that
colony might not at first sight appeal to the British lie the Ethiopians might attack Egypt was based on awe
went on to argue with some cynicism: "You may si-v of Ethiopian military prowess induced by the victories
it does not suit the policies of your Government to of the Emperor Yohannes a few years earlier at Gundet
allow the Italians to have a port on the Red Sea, but
and Gura, but nevertheless meant an acceptance of the
I do not see why England can object. The Italians status quo which was, of course, to the advantage of
are unquiet, they are troublesome in Europe, and if
Egypt. Looking at the matter from the Ethiopian stand
you cede this question they could have enough for
point Wylde's position may be characterized as that of
many a year, and will be quiet"262
a man who, seeing a thief running off with a cake, then
Anxious to encourage the Italians to embark on this
declared that the former owner should be handcuffed
adventure Gordon declared that he held himself free "
lest his anger led to a dispute. It is not to be expected."
to advocate the project as he thought fit. He actually Wylde wrote, "that the Egyptians would allow either
wrote to the Italian Consul in Massawa, on December
Menelik or King John to supply themselves with arms
12, but the letter was never delivered because Gordon,
which would under any circumstances render them more
when it came to the point, was hesitant and forwarded
powerful and dangerous to their neighbours than they
the letter to Malet with the request that the latter
should should send it on if he thought fit. Malet,
are at present."267 A couple of years later, on July 1,
1881, Malet, the British representative in Cairo,
unwilling to do so, despatched the letter to London
developed a similar objection to any grant of a port to
where it seems to have been filed. The letter in "
Ethiopia, declaring: It is extremely undesirable to give
question, which is nonetheless revealing, drew attention
the King of Abyssinia a port. . . . His aggressive powers
to the Italians' thus far unsuccessful search for a
colony, and added that Gordon proposed
" are restrained by his inability to obtain the necessary
in the
interests of humanity and civilisation
" supplies of arms and ammunition. If he had a port this
that they should
be given the port of Zulla. This, he added very restraint would be removed." Underlining the alleged
"
Ethiopian danger to Egypt he added: The Egyptian
frankly, would lead to a war with the Emperor
Yohannes, but, he claimed, a mere 5,000 troops would troops will not stand before the Abyssinians. If the
"
be sufficient to deal with him."263
King were possessed of the materials of war, I see
This bold, if highly undiplomatic proposal that Zulla nothing but foreign intervention to prevent him from
should be ceded to Italy not surprisingly incurred the making a successful war upon Egypt."268
Behind such fears lay the realisation that Ethiopia
displeasure of Gordon's master, Khedive Tewfik, who
was no more willing to surrender any part of his pos was a dissatisfied power yearning both for a port and
sessions to a European power than he had been to for the restitution of provinces on the west seized by
Ethiopia. Tewfik moreover took a poor view of the Egypt. In the autumn of 1879, Gordon and Wylde, as
fact that the Englishman, one of his employees, should already seen, had both expressed the view that the
be so forward in advocating the dismemberment of the Emperor did not really want a port, but by the end of
the year the question was no longer in any doubt. Dye.
Empire he had been engaged to extend. "The
Khedive," a Foreign Office memorandum noted, " was writing in 1880, made no bones about the matter, de
much annoyed at Gordon's proposals and recalled him claring:
to Cairo. Shortly after his return he resigned his "The Abyssinians are greatly dissatisfied with the con
appointment as Governor-General of the Soudan."264 dition of affairs, and are only waiting for a favourable
Gordon throughout this time was a strong and opportunity — as, for instance, a revolt in the Soudan,
influential opponent of any agreement with Ethiopia. to re-assert, by resort to arms, their rights and claims."269
At the end of December, 1879, he was quoted as Rohlfs, an impartial observer, also writing of this
ridiculing the Emperor's claim to the coast, declaring, period, expressed the view that the Ethiopians could
"
His idea of a Port is of Europeans sending presents, then easily have captured Massawa — an opinion which,
and he replying with the Lion seal, saying, 'How are as already noted, tended to be accepted in British
"
you brother, my mother, etc., etc. How are you
' "— official thinking. I am firmly convinced," wrote the
a rather malicious parody of the traditional Ethiopian German, "that had the Abyssinians really come no
mode of letter writing.265 A few weeks later he pre Egyptian officer or soldier would have stood his ground.
dicted that the grant of a port to Yohannes would The Abyssinians would have easily even overcome
" Massawa. . . . Despite their good weapons, despite their
have the direst possible results. Will Her Majesty's
Government," he asked, " apparently firm discipline and their good military instal
give officers to govern the
port, as His Majesty King Yohannes, in his wisdom, lations, Egyptian troops cannot now be used against
says it will? Will Her Majesty's Government look after Abyssinians. Fear and terror of them [a legacy of the
the future of those officers ...
"
if so then look after battles of Gundet and Gura] is still too strongly in their
another Abyssinian expedition — a reference, of course, bones."270

71
 The Emperor's position at this time was made per The treaty which the Italians signed with Menelik
fectly clear to the British traveller, Lord Winstanley, on May
21, 1883, was in some way reminiscent of the
who, writing in 1881, recalls that the sovereign had said old British treaty with Sahle Sellassie which Harris had
"
to him quite clearly: I do not wish a consul at signed on November 16, 1841. Article IX of the new
Massawa, I wish Massawa."271 treaty, which had been foreshadowed in King
The validity of this claim was in a way recognised by Umberto's letter of the previous year, was concerned
an English visitor, Captain Malcolm, who wrote a little with commercial intercourse between Shoa and Assab.
later in 1881. Appalled like so many previous observers It declared:
"
by the long-established abuses of Turkish and Egyptian The two Contracting Parties shall do all in their
rule, he wrote: " Massowah is certainly the outlet for power to establish frequent and safe commercial inter
the trade from Abyssinia, but everything was done to course between the States of His Majesty the King
crush the same, to harass and alienate the merchants, of Shoa and the Colony of Assab.
"
and nothing to develop the province itself ...it was . . . Italy will watch over the security of the sea and
a centre of corruption and a focus of the Slave Trade."27- the colony. Shoa on its side, shall provide by all its
means for the safety of the roads in the interior, and
for the transport of the caravans from and to the sea,
and His Majesty the King of Shoa will encourage the
Meanwhile at Assab, which Sapeto had purchased in dispatch of caravans from Shoa to the sea towards the
1869, there was increasing Italian activity. The port port of Assab."
was transferred from the Rubattino Company to the Article X, which also dealt with communications
Italian Government as a result of an agreement signed between the coast and the interior, stated that the King
in Rome on March 10, 1882.273 Three months later, on of Shoa promised to use his influence with the Sultan
June 29, King Umberto of Italy wrote a letter to King of Aussa, to guard the roads between the two countries
Menelik of Shoa in which he touched on this develop and to guarantee security from the Dankali and Somali
ment and proposed closer relations between the two tribes, while Article XI declared: "His Majesty the
countries. King of Italy will freely grant to the natives of Shoa,
Reporting that the Italian Government had purchased who may arrive in Assab, a place where they may
the territory of Assab, which was linked to Shoa by an encamp or even build houses or huts, during the whole
"
easy, short and straight road, he declared: We hope time they may abide there."276 This last article, it will
then that while our ships watch over the security of the be noted, granted Ethiopia her first semblance of access
sea, Your Majesty will use all his influence on depen to the sea. Nothing, however, came of the plan, and
dent authorities and on the Sultan of Aussa, in order Sylvia Pankhurst relating the history of Italian expan
that the transit of Italians and of their goods will be sion in Africa, later described it as
"
the offer of a
protected and secure from any attack or robbery. By sprat to catch a mackeral." It is nonetheless important
now Your Majesty knows by experience the upright and to observe that the treaty succeeded in opening up
cordial intentions of our subjects who are endeavouring Shoan trade with the coast, the first large caravan from
to establish relations with your country. They have no the interior, comprising 600 camels laden with gold,
other desire than to demonstrate the friendship of Italy, ivory and civet, arriving at Assab at the end of 1883,
to develop mutually advantageous trade, and to render and 5,000 rifles, the first of many such consignments,
themselves always more worthy of benign hospitality being despatched inland early in the following year.277
and favourable welcome. As soon as our two countries Shoa, though still politically divorced from the coast,
are united by means of frequent and easy communica thus greatly improved its access to the sea in the early
tions, we hope that the intimacy of the relations which 1880's: the opening of the Assab route through Italian
already exist between us will always increase and will colonial territory in 1883 followed only a year after
extend to every single person in our respective States."274 the development, which has already been mentioned,
With a view to strengthening their position and of of the more southerly route through Tajurah and the
improving communications with the interior the Italians French Somali Protectorate.
negotiated agreements in the following year with
Menelik and the local Sultan, Mohamed Hanfari. The
treaty with the Sultan, which was signed on March 15,
Menelik, though profiting from the French and
1883, and approved by Menelik on May 22, provided
Italian presence at the coast, was by no means content
for the Italian acquisition of part of Aussa as well as
with the status quo, but continued to yearn for terri
for the safety of Italian caravans travelling to the
torial changes which would ensure his trade route to
interior. Article V, which was in some ways the most
the coast. In April, 1882, he accordingly wrote to the
important, stated: "The Sultan Mohamed Hanfari
British Resident in Aden urging him to have compas
cedes to the Government of His Majesty the King of "
sion on the Ethiopians, his fellow Christians. It is
Italy the use of the territory of Ablis (Aussa) on that
our complaint against the Egyptian authorities at
part of the territory of Aussa suited for cultivation, there Zaila," Menelik declared, " that they prevent our com
to establish an Italian commercial station." Article III
mercial affairs in that locality for which we want
guaranteed the safety of Italian caravans passing assistance from the Queen who is ruler over all
between Assab and the Kingdom of Shoa, while Article
England, which country is our ally. We therefore hope
VIII, which was also concerned with security, stated: As you
" she will help us in our aforesaid difficulties.
The men-of-war of His Majesty the King of Italy will are a Christian, we are sure you will have compassion
protect on the sea-coast the safety of the Dankali on the Christians. Please try your best for us." After
littoral."276
explaining how the Turkish blockade even made it

72
difficult for him to send letters to the coast Menelik reconquest, the cost of which would have largely to
concluded: "In case you do not refer all these affairs be met by the British taxpayer. The increased im
to Her Majesty the Queen, we are afraid that our portance of Ethiopia in the East African balance of
complaints will perhaps be useless. We are sure that power was also generally apparent. At first the
as she herself is a Christian, she will look after us who British thought in terms merely of an Egyptian with
are Christians like her. We will not be satisfied with drawal from parts of the Sudan coupled with a gesture
the words and promises of frogs but want the thing or two of friendship to Ethiopia to prevent the Emperor
in reality . . . We want that the road from our country from seizing the opportunity to launch an attack on
to yours (Europe) should not be impeded by anyone." his traditional enemies the Egyptians. Thus, as early
The Political Resident at Aden, Brigadier General as October 2, 1882, Sir Charles Wilson, an officer
J. Blaire, forwarded this letter to the Secretary of State attached to the British Agency in Egypt, produced a
for India on May 15, 1882, with a cover letter which memorandum in which he recommended an Egyptian
observed: "Although this Residency has now no special evacuation of the Darfur and Kordofan provinces of
concern with Abyssinian politics, I venture to invite the Sudan and rapprochement with Ethiopia. Mas
the attention of H.M.'s Government to the attempts sawa, he proposed, should be made a free port through
made by King Menelik of Shoa through Italy and which, however, the import of arms was to be for
France as well as Great Britain to obtain a sea port bidden279 — hardly a recommendation calculated to
either on the Red Sea or in the Gulf of Tajourrah."278 appeal to the Emperor, for whom, as we have seen,
the supply of fire-arms was a vital consideration.
The British Anti-Slavery Society, which, as already
noted, had looked with sympathy on Menelik's earlier
In the early 1880's the whole question of the coast demand for access to the sea, also took a keen interest
underwent a considerable transformation which in events in Northern Ethiopia. On October 30, 1882,
rendered the theses of Gordon and others entirely the Society wrote to the British Government urging it
obsolete. The rise of Egyptian nationalism culminated to occupy Massawa and thereby open up the contact
in the revolt in Egypt of Arabi Pasha and the sub with the outside world which the rulers of Ethiopia
sequent British occupation of the country in Septem had so long desired. Emphasising all the advantages
ber, 1882. The Sudanese Mahdi, Mohamed Ahmed, which might be expected to accrue from such an
had meanwhile raised the standard of rebellion in the occupation, as well as the value of an alliance with the
Sudan. By the end of 1882 the whole of the Sudan Ethiopians, the Society declared that as a result of
south of Khartoum was in rebellion; in January, 1883, "
the British presence at Massawa the encouragement
the Mahdi captured El Obeid, the capital of Kordofan of Abyssinian commerce would be guaranteed, and the
province, and in November he destroyed a force of Negus woud secure what since 1865, he has never
10,000 men under the command of a British officer, ceased to claim —direct communication between his
Hicks Pasha. Later that year the Mahdi's lieutenant, dominions and the rest of the world — a claim favoured
Osman Dinga, extended the rebellion to the area of too by France, Germany and Italy. Moreover the
Suakin on the coast north of Massawa where the forces annexation of Massowah by England would exercise a
of another British officer. General Baker, were routed most valuable check on the Slave Trade in the Red
in February, 1884. Sea, and would enable the British Government effec
These developments led, inevitably, to an entirely tively to stop for the future the sanguinary and disas
new balance of power on the Red Sea coast of Africa. trous warfare that has so frequently devastated the
The Egyptians, whose superiority in weapons had given Abyssinian and Egyptian borders — indeed even dis
them the possibility of making great inroads into pense in a great measure with the necessity of maintain
Ethiopian territory as well as of seizing the initiative ing so large a standing army in Egypt. Besides, peace
at the coast were now everywhere on the retreat, many being thus secured between the two countries, Abys
of their soldiers being furthermore in danger of encircle sinia might become a valuable ally in suppressing the
ment. A power vacuum had thus been created which Slave traffic from which she has herself so grievously
must inevitably have seemed very tempting to the suffered, as well as in subduing the insurrectionary
Ethiopians who resented recent Egyptian expansion at spirit in the Soudan."281
their expense and still cherished the century old dream Such proposals, however, were soon rendered out of
of gaining access to the coast. Only a few years erlier, date by the speed of events. The disintegration of the
in 1880, Dye, as we have seen, had referred to the Egyptian position in the Sudan and the victories of the
possibility of just such an event as the Mahdist revolu Mahdists were "soon so complete that it became neces
tion, declaring that the Ethiopians were " only waiting sary to envisage the complete withdrawal of Egyptian
a favourable opportunity — as, for instance, a revolt in and British troops, part of whom could only be
the Soudan — to re-assert, by resort to arms, their rights evacuated by way of Massawa.282 It was therefore no
and claims." Observers of the early 1880's had there longer a question of obtaining the Emperor's benevo
for every reason to expect that the Emperor Yohannes lent neutrality, but actually of enlisting his aid without
would seize the occasion to solve the age old problem which there was little chance of the evacuation being
of the coast. successful. The Foreign Secretary, Lord Granville,
The collapse of Egyptian rule led to a revolution accordingly wrote in December, 1883, to Lord Napier,
in official British thinking. The British, who were now the leader of the expedition to Magdala asking him to
responsible for Egypt which they had occupied since sign a letter to the Emperor Yohannes as it was thought
1882, were very reluctant to see either the annihilation that Napier's name would carry weight with the
of Egyptian armies in the Sudan or a costly war of Ethiopian sovereign who had been assisted in his rise

73
to power by weapons which he had received from the to the charge. In a third letter to Granville he urged that
"
British a decade earlier. In this way it was hoped to Ethiopia be given a bona fide, practicable sea-port
remove the unfortunate impression left by Gordon's which she can hold and use in free communication with
visit to Debra Tabor and to provide a basis for future the civilized world for which she has so long prayed."
co-operation between Britain and Ethiopia. Napier, Recalling his old gratitude toward the Emperor he
however, was made of different metal from most of went on:
the foreign statesmen involved in Ethiopian affairs. "I feel too much indebted To King John for his assist
Feeling personally indebted to Yohannes for the assis ance to the British Expedition in 1868 to be justified in
tance he had received from the latter in 1867 and 1868 advising him to accept any less satisfactory settle
he was unwilling to lend himself to anything which ment."282
might savour of a trick. Displaying a degree of politi Despite this sense of debt the last part of Napier's
cal integrity which was all the more remarkable in letter contained a kind of tacit acceptance of the argu
being rare, he made it plain to the Foreign Secretary ment that Massowah for some reason or other could not
that he was unwilling to give any support to the nego be restored to Ethiopia, for he wrote: "If the sea port
tiations unless the British Government really intended given to King John should not be Massowah the transfer
to deal fairly with the Emperor; he, Napier, declared of which to Abyssinia would be the most just solution
he was not willing to be a party to any manoeuvre of the question then I trust that pending the complete
designed to play fast and loose with his old friend settlement of a new sea port King John should have
Yohannes. communication through Massowah, under British protec
In his reply to Granville's request for help, Napier tion, free of all duties or any interference."283
observed on December 26: Support for the Emperor's claim to Massowah was
"I should be delighted to write to King John if we also voiced by a much less exalted Englishman Captain
are going to give him any help in return for his fore- Tristam Speedy who had been detained by Theodore a
bearance but if our purpose is merely to make him hold generation earlier. Speedy, who was in correspondence
his land now that he has the opportunity of recovering with Napier wrote a strong memorandum for the British
the territory wrested from him, I should not like to do so. Government on December 21, 1883, in which he warned
"It is an opportunity for Abyssinia which should not them that the Ethiopians if permanently denied a port
be lost. might actually be driven to ally themselves with the
"I therefore sign the letter on the assurance that we victorious Mahdists. Developing this theme he declared:
are going to recognise him and hold out the hand of "It is important to point out that, in the event of King
Christian fellowship to him which he has pleaded for John's demands for rectification of his frontier and the
so long and which would rescue our Christian brethren grant of a seaport being ignored, there is every prob
from their present isolation and abandoned situation. ability of that Monarch making an alliance with the
"On this understanding I joyfully sign the letter, but victorious Mahdi, should that Egyptian rebel succeed in
I
if I am mistaken would respectfully request my signa reaching the confines of Abyssinia.
ture may be returned to me."
"The mere fact of the Mahdi being a Mahomedan
Not content with such strong words, which, as we shall will not, in my opinion, prevent King John from allying
see, were not unjustified in the light of future events, herself with him; for although Johannes is a Christian,
Napier wrote again to the Foreign Secretary a couple and an avowed enemy to Moslim, yet the principal
of days later on December 28, urging him to give Mas- object of the Abyssinian Monarch is to obtain the rectifi
sawa to Ethiopia. Developing an argument similar to cation of his frontiers, which means, in simple English,
that put forward a generation earlier by Frederick Bruce to regain what was lost to Abyssinia during our
the victor of Magdala went on the urge the advantages occupation of that country in 1868. This rectification of
of granting the Emperor Massawa rather than any frontier means the restoration by Egypt of Matemma (i.e.
other port. "The more I recall the difficulties that would Gallabat) and Sanhit i.e. Bogs) tgether with the gift
attend the establishment of a port at Zoulla or of a seaport on the Red Sea.
Amphilla," he said, "the stronger appears to me to be "I understand that to the surrender of the districts
the right of King John to have Massowah returned to above referred to Egypt has no objection, her only reluc
him." tance being to grant a seaport."
Elaborating on this theme he continued: Dismissing the argument that the Emperor would
"It [Massowah], I believe, yields no revenue to Egypt use the port to import arms for use against Egypt,
and can only be of use to her as a means of oppression Speedy added:
towards Abyssinia. "It has been argued that the possession of a seaport
"It is true there is... a Mahomedan population at by King John would afford him too great facilities for
Massowah, but it is not impossible for Mahomedans to purchasing arms and ammunition, which he might use
live under Abyssinian rule: There were some Mahome against Egypt.
dans at Senafe and almost all the villages around the "I myself think this indulgence is an expensive luxury
Lake Ashange are Mahomedan. by a King who is much in want of funds, and who has
"They are protected under Abyssinian rule . . . no treasury, and who could be strictly kept within proper
"There is therefore no insuperable difficulty in the bounds by making it conditional on surrendering a
Mahomedans of Massowah being under Abyssinian seaport to him that any raid on Egyptian territory would
rule. That might easily be provided for by our interven be followed by the loss of such port."284
tion and the appointment of us as proper govenors." In a further memorandum of December 25, Speedy
A few days later, on January 2, 1884, Napier returned rejected the argument which Gordon had earlier

74
propounded, namely that the grant of a port to Ethiopia Admiral Sir William Hewett, should be sent on a
would open the way to the penetration of the other mission to the Emperor at Maqale to request Ethiopian
colonial powers, observing that this could easily be assistance in the withdrawal of the Egyptian garrisons
prevented: "One of the conditions of the Treaty to be which had by then been fully isolated by the Mahdists.
made with King John, in the event of a port being A. B. Wylde, commenting on the Emperor's position
" at this time, observed: "The king had surprised every
granted to him," he said, should be that the territory
ceded, or any portion of such territory, should never at one in what he had achieved since he had been given
anytime, either by himself or his successors, be alienable, the present of arms and ammunition by Lord Napier
viz., not be given over either by gift or sale in any of Magdala in the summer of 1868. His character
manner whatsoever to any subject of his own or to any had then been under-estimated, and he had now won
foreigner or Foreign Power." his way to the throne of a united Abyssinia, despite
Turning to the various ways in which Ethiopia might many obstacles, and certainly with less cruelty than
be given access to the sea, he observed, as Napier had any previous monarch had practised. King Theodore's
done, that the Emperor might be satisfied with a free reign had been marked by atrocities of the most appall
port, but expressed the view that an outright transfer of ing nature, and the result was that at his death he only
land would be far preferable: had the fortress of Magdala that he could call his own.
"In the event" he wrote, "of its being impossible to During the whole of his reign many parts of his country
grant King John the seaport he desires, he might be were unsafe, while it was in 1884 the boast of King
persuaded to be content with a Free Port, but it must Johannes that a child could pass through his dominions
be on such a footing that Egypt will not be allowed to unharmed."287 It was thus with a realisation of the
interfere with Abyssinian subjects in any way whatso Emperor's power that the Hewett mission was des
ever, and any disputes arising between King John's patched to enrol Ethiopia's aid in withdrawing the
subjects and those of the Khedive should be tried by an beleaguered garrisons. The news that the British seemed
English officer appointed as British Resident . . . at last willing to meet the Emperor's demands and thus
"I have only alluded to granting a Free Port, in the settle the problem of the coast once and for all was,
event of its being found wholly impracticable to cede Wylde says, most warmly received by the inhabitants
the desired Seaport. of Massawa, who, irrespective of religion, naturally
" longed for the resumption of trade with the interior.
In my own opinion the cession of a Seaport would be "
the only durable solution of the difficulties between The feeling at Massowah regarding Admiral Hewett's
Abyssinia and Egypt." mission," he wrote, " was that it was certain of success.
Emphasising the ever-present potential danger from The merchants were delighted, as they looked for in
Egypt, he concluded: creased trade and a final settlement once and for all
" In of the Abyssinian question, which had been for so
the case of either a Seaport or Free Port being
granted to Abyssinia, it is of the utmost importance that many years always changing, and depending entirely
on the caprices of the Governor for the time in charge
no Egyptian official be permitted to reside at such port
of Massowah."288
in any capacity whatsoever."285
In yet another memorandum, dated September 27, In his conversations with Hewett the Emperor
1883, Speedy insisted on the importance of meeting the expressed his willingness to assist the withdrawal of
Emperor's claims if Anglo-Ethiopian relations were to be the beleaguered garrisons, but stipulated, as a condi
placed on a proper footing. Any mission to Ethiopia, he tion, that the Ethiopian territories adjacent to the
declared, would be "almost useless, and indeed may Sudan, which the Egyptians had then recently occupied,
possibly entail trouble hereafter to England unless Her must be restored to Ethiopia. He also asked for the
Majesty's officers are able to take credentials both from return of Massawa to Ethiopian rule. His first demand
the Queen and Lord Napier of Magdala certifying that was accepted, but as far as Massawa was concerned
either a Seaport or a Free Port be given to Abyssinia. the British Government only consented to promise free
" "
"The letters which have been hitherto sent from Her transit under British protection for Ethiopian goods
— a formula which was even less satisfactory to Ethio
Majesty to King John have, I fear, been too vague to " "
convey satisfaction to them: at the same time they have pia than the free port earlier proposed by Napier
promised definite assistance. and Speedy. The Emperor, though not fully satisfied
accepted this offer jaute de mieux, and a treaty was
"The time for the fulfilment of this assistance by therefore signed at Adowa on June 3, 1884, Article
definite action has now arrived, and it should be remem "
I of which stated: From the date of signing of this
bered that King John has patiently waited and refrained
Treaty there shall be free transit through Massowah
during the last 15 years from making aggression on
to and from Abyssinia for all goods, including arms and
Egyptian territory, although Egypt has on several occa ammunition, under British protection." Article II,
sions during that period invaded Abyssinia."
which was also important, declared: "On and after
Speedy's recommendation, like that of Napier, was the 1st day of September, 1884, corresponding to the
therefore that the Emperor should be granted "a sea port 8th day of Maskarram, 1877, the country called Bogos
or free port with free communication guaranteed by shall be restored to His Majesty the Negoosa Negust:
England."286 and when the troops of His Highness the Khedive
Mahdist victories in the first weeks of 1884 were shall have left the garrisons of Kassala, Amedib and
meanwhile making an approach to the Emperor more Sanhit, the buildings in the Bogos country which now
and more imperative, particularly after Baker Pasha's belongs to His Highness the Khedive, together with
defeat in the Suakin area in February, 1884. It was all the stores and munitions of war which shall then
therefore at length decided that a British officer. remain in the said buildings, shall be delivered to and

75
become the property of His Majesty the Negoosa Hunter produced an important memorandum in 1883
Negust." Article HI dealt with the appointment of in which he urged the British Government to take over
Abunas, and said: " His Highness the Khedive engages Berbera. He argued that the British should occupy the
to grant all the facilities which His Majesty the Negoosa port even if they did not want to, for, if they did nr>t
Negust may require in the matter of appointing do so, other European powers would; he considered
Aboonas for Ethiopia." Ethiopian help in the with moreover that it would be most undesirable for so
drawal of Egyptian garrisons was dealt with in Article excellent a port to fall into the hands of a "horde of
III which declared: " His Majesty the Negoosa Negust savages" like the Somalis, though he expressed the
engages to facilitate the withdrawal of the troops of hope that they might in due course be educated in self-
His Highness the Khedive from Kassala, Amedib and government. His memorandum contained the following
Sanheit through Ethiopia to Massowah." The treaty significant passages:
bore the Emperor's seal and the signatures of Hewett "
Unless Her Majesty's Government are prepared to
on behalf of Egypt and Mason Bey on behalf of Egypt, give the Ayyal Ahmed and the Ayyal Yunus some sub
which, though under British rule, still had its own stantial guarantee that they will protect Berbera against
Khedival government.289 all comers, those tribes, if opportunity offered, might
In accordance with this treaty Ras Alula was seek French or Italian support. Hence, however dis
despatched to the Sudan to relieve the beleaguered tasteful such a course may be to Her Majesty's Govern
garrisons of Amedeb, Algeden, Keren, Ghirra, Galabat ment, the only safe way of arranging for the autonomy
" "
and Kassala. These stations," Wylde notes, were of the Somali will be by a temporary British occupa
the only ones throughout the length and breadth of tion. . . .
the Egyptian Soudan that did not fall into the hands of " It may be
very confidently stated that if Zaila,
the Mahdi; Ras Aloula accomplishing what England Tajourra and Berbera be temporarily occupied by the
with all her resources was unfortunately unable to per British, the prosperity of these parts will be assured for
form with Singat and Tokar situated only within a a time at least, and the task of education the Somal in
few miles of Suakin." Discussing Alula's ability and self-government may not prove impossible. It seems a
the assistance he afforded at this time Wylde added: pity that a port with the advantages and conveniences
"
It was impossible to find a more capable and which Berbera now possesses, should be handed over
energetic leader in Abyssinia than Ras Aloula . . . without qualifying conditions to a horde of savages, who
and it was a great pity for many reasons that more use would allow the tine public works to fall into ruin and
was not made of Abyssinia at the time, as what they
decay, besides quarrelling with their neighbours and
had been asked to do they had carried out in a most even among themselves for supremacy. The withdrawal
satisfactory manner."290 of the Egyptian garrisons before adequate arrangements
are made for the substitution of some sort of authority
will only involve the Somal in civil war, put a stop to
trade and enable any foreign nation to step in at the
The Mahdist victories had meanwhile endangered the invitation of one or other of the disputants."291
Egyptian position also on the Gulf of Aden coast. By The Egyptian collapse, which has already been dis
the latter months of 1882 it had become clear that cussed, was so complete that it was decided in May,
Egyptian rule had become so ineffective that the local 1884, that Egyptian authorities and troops should be
rulers were ready to sell their ports to almost anyone immediately evacuated from Harar, and that this
willing to pay the purchase money. Hunter, the British should be followed by an Egyptian withdrawal from
Consul for the Somali coast, in a very revealing letter the whole of the Gulf of Aden coast from the Straits
of November 7, 1882, declared: "As to the action of of Bab-el-Mandeb to Ras Hafun, an area including the
the local Shaikhs of this part of Africa, in disposing o' major ports of Tajurah, Zeila and Berbera. Hertzlet,
territory, I do not think that if any adventurer chose he commenting on these events, declares:
"
The abandon
would find much difficulty in purchasing from almost ment of the Somali Coast by the Egyptian Government
any Shaikh he might meet, such places as he desired to put an end to the Convention of 7th September, 1877,
possess. And if the question of title of the vendor did by which the jurisdiction of Egypt over this coast was
not strike the buyer as requiring verification, no one conditionally recognized by Great Britain; but which
would trouble himself to enlighten him unless the infor had never been carried into effect in consequence of the
mant had claims of his own to put forward. Sultan having failed to comply with the condition con
"This is exemplified in the sale of Assab to ihe tained in one of its articles."292
Italians and of Shaikh Saeed and Obokh to the French. The result of this Egyptian withdrawal from the Gulf
There is now a report that the Sultan of Raheita having of Aden coast was, as will be seen in due course, that
got all he can out of Italy is disposed to turn an honest Menelik, like Yohannes, also saw hope of improving
penny by encouraging France, and he would only be his communications with the coast. A new era in the
too glad if British gold were also in prospect to avert long-drawn-out struggle for access to the sea seemed
further attempts to alienating of his, to him, valueless about to dawn.
tracts of desert and sand. After all. it is only natural
that finding the Italian claim to Assab, as they think,
unchallenged by Egypt, other chiefs should seek a share
of the dollars to be gained by selling the Khedive's The Egyptian withdrawal from the Gulf of Aden
possessions without reference to Cairo." created a power vacuum which was soon to be filled by
Fully aware of the implications of this state of affairs the creation of French and British Protectorates on the

76
Somali coast. The international climate of the time nriy Tajourra, Turkey at Zaila and Italy at Assab, Southern
be seen from a report of June 5, 1884, written by Hunter, Abyssinia will be pretty well dominated by other Euro
the British Political Resident in Aden, which is of some pean Powers.
interest in that it refers to the possibility of handing
"
There is one alternative which can be suggested as
over the ports of Tajurah or Zeila to Menelik. Explain regards Tajourra and Zaila, but it is not possible for
ing the significance of the Egyptian withdrawal and the this Residency to pronounce on its merits: let Tajourra
danger of a French or Italian take-over, Hunter and Zaila be offered by the British to King Menelik of
observed: Shoa on such conditions as Her Majesty's Government
"
Our neglect to temporarily occupy Berbera, and think suitable. The local tribes, there is reason to
possibly other Somali ports on their evacuation by believe, would not oppose such a course, and if we do
Egypt, will render their falling into the hands of France not give King Menelik a port, France or Italy will, for
or Italy more than probable. The latter has one large Obokh and Assab were acquired, we all think here,
and two small war vessels in the neighbourhood. principally with the object of treating favourably with
' '
France is represented by the Etendard at Obokh, and the King of Shoa. Count Antonelli [i.e. the Italian
French transports call at Aden weekly with large bodies envoy] is now engaged in opening a trade route to
of troops on board." Assab. France, possibly jealous of British and Italian
Explaining that only a British occupation of the coast influence, would like to offer a better and more con
would forestall Italian or French penetration, Hunter veniently situated harbour, as undoubtedly Zaila or
argued that the Somalis could not be relied upon to Tajourra is."
hold their own against European intruders. "From my Hunter's greatest interest was in Berbera and the
knowledge of the [Somali] race," he declared, "there nearby port of Bulhar to its west. He argued that these
will certainly be difficulty, if not a total miscarriage, in ports were of vital importance to Aden and should
the execution of our intentions, unless the inevitable be therefore be brought under temporary British protec
accepted in the form of a temporary [British] " "
tion. This Residency," he declared, systematically
occupation." and consistently opposed the Egyptian occupation of
Discussing the position of Zeila and Berbera, Hunter Berbera and Bulhar, on the grounds that our supply of
emphasised that the former was of great importance to livestock and ghee would be affected. . . . Unless Her
the interior of the Horn of Africa and should on no Majesty's Government are prepared to give the Ayyal
account be retu-rned to the Ottoman Empire. Ahmed and the Ayyal Yunus some substantial guaran
" " the
Since the 7th century," he recalled, port has tee that they will protect Berbera against all comers,
never belonged to any of the tribes of its immediate those tribes, if opportunity offered, might seek French
vicinity. . . . or Italian support. Hence, however distasteful such a
" Zaila, course may be to Her Majesty's Government, the only
although situated in the Eeasa [Issa] country,
is virtually as much Dankali as Eeasa, apart from the safe way of arranging for the autonomy of the Somal
indirect interest of the Habr Awal and Gadabursi in will be a temporary British occupation."293
the place. It is the port of Southern Abyssinia, Shoa, Notwithstanding Hunter's hesitant approach the
Harrar, the Galla country, and to some extent of French and British soon began carving out Protectorates
Ogadain; it possesses considerable commercial in Somaliland, the possibility of an Ethiopian advance
importance, although owing to long periods of mis- to the coast being scarcely discussed. On September 21,
government, its popularity and usefulness have been 1884, M. Lagarde, the French Commandant at Obok,
sadly impaired. . . . and Sultan Hamed-bin-Mohamed of Tajurah signed a
"
If the Turks go back to Zaila they will eventually Treaty, Article II of which stated that the Sultan gave
go on to Harrar, and meanwhile, they will make it his country to France in order that she might protect it
impossible to develop trade. Egypt is bad enough in against all foreigners, while Article V declared that he
this respect, but it is not possible to measure the evils engaged to sign no treaty with any other foreign power
which will result to general commerce from an Otto without the assent of the Commandant of Obok. In
man occupation. return for this Treaty, which of course violated the
"What, therefore, is to become of Zaila? Her Treaty of 1840 with the British East India Company,
Majesty's Government do not wish to occupy it; Turkey Article IV of which prevented the Sultan from entering
should not be allowed to return there; there is no local into any Treaty without informing the British authori
Chief who would advantageously be put in; France and ties in Aden, the Sultan was to be given, in Article VI,
Italy are anchored hard by waiting their opportunity. a monthly payment from the French of 100 Maria
Such are the facts on which a decision will have to be Theresa dollars, a further 80 dollars per month to be
based." paid to his Vizir.294
Warning the Government at home of the dangers to Shortly afterwards, on October 18 and December
be anticipated from rival European expansion Hunter, 14 respectively, the Sultan signed Acts for the further
as we have said, threw out the idea of an Ethiopian transfer of territory to France. The first Act gave
occupation of Zeila and Tajurah, arguing in effect chat France the area of Ras Ali, Sagallo and Rood-Ali
this would negate the activities of the French and (Gubbed Kharab); the second a stretch of territory
Italians, both of whom, he believed, had established from Adaeli to Ambado.295
themselves on the coast primarily in the hope of develop The French Government also concluded a Treaty
ing trade with Ethiopia. of Cession and Protection on January 2, 1885, with
" The the Sultan of Gobad, which contained the following
Residency has no knowledge or concern with
Abyssinian politics," he wrote, "but with France at characteristic articles:

77
 " Article I. In order to tie more closely the bonds hereby declare that they are pledged and bound never
of friendship which bind him to France the Sultan to cede, sell, mortgage or otherwise give for occupation,
Loitah declares, as regards himself and his succes save to the British Government, any portion of the
sors, that he gives his country to the Government territory presently occupied by them or being under
of the Republic. their control," Article II that "All vessels under the
"Article II. The Government of the Republic British flag shall have free permission to trade at all
undertakes to protect the Sultan from foreigners. ports and places within the territories of the [clan
"
Article III. Sultan Loitah undertakes to conclude here]," and Article V that
"
inserted the British
no transaction with anyone without consulting the Government shall have the power to appoint an agent
representative of the Government and without having or agents to reside in the territories of the [clan
obtained his written consent. This article does not inserted here], and every such agent shall be treated
apply to Danakil affairs, which are within the with respect and consideration and to be entitled to
jurisdiction of the Sultan. have for his protection such guard as the British
"Article IV. Should the French Government see Government deems sufficient."
fit to set up a caravan terminus at Gubbet Kahrab, A Supplementary General Treaty of 1886 between
Sultan Loitah undertakes responsibility for whatever the British Government and the same Somali tribes
may concern these caravans and to co-operate with stated in Article II that as from February 1 of that
"
the Government's representative for their organisa year the said Elders of [clan inserted here] agree to
tion and their punctual despatch. promise to refrain from entering into any correspon
"
Article V. In the event of dispute, the French dence, agreement or treaty with any foreign nation, or
text alone shall prevail." power, except with the knowledge and sanction of Her
A month or so later, on February 11, France Majesty's Government."297
notified the Powers that she had annexed the Dankali The result of these agreements was that on July 20,
and Somali coasts from Ras Ali to Gubbet-Guareb. 1887, the British Government officially informed the
Finally, on March 26 of the same year M. Lagarde, Powers that, by agreements with certain tribes on the
Governor of the French Colony of Obok, signed a Somali coast, a British Protectorate had been estab
"
Treaty of Friendship and Protection with the chiefs lished from Ras Jiburti (or Raz Djeboutil) on the
of the Issa Somalis providing for their protection and southern coast of the Bay of Tajourah to Bunder
containing the following familiar phrases: Ziadeh, in the 49th parallel of east longitude."
"
Article I. There shall henceforth be eternal Some months later, on February 2 and 9, 1888, an
friendship between France and the Chiefs of the Issa. exchange of Notes took place between the British and
"Article II. The Chiefs of the Issa hand over French Governments defining their respective spheres
their country to France that she may protect it of influence on the Somali coast. After defining the
against all foreigners. frontier between the two Protectorates in paragraphs
" "
Article III. The French Government undertakes 1 and 2, paragraph 3 declared: The two Governments
to facilitate commerce on the coast and especially engage to abstain from any action or intervention, the
at Ambaddo. Government of the Republic to the east of the above
"
Article IV. The Issa Chiefs undertake to assist line, the Government of Her Britannic Majesty to the
France at all times and to sign no Treaty nor con west of the same line."298
clude any Agreement, under penalty of nullity, with The letters also included clauses of direct applica
out the consent of the Governor of Obok."296 tion to Ethiopia. Paragraph 4 of each letter specified
that Harar was outside the Protectorates of die two
"
Powers. It stated: The two Governments engage not
to endeavour to annex Harrar, nor to place it under
The British were also active. Between 1884 and their Protectorate. In taking this engagement the two
1886 the following ten treaties were concluded by the Governments do not renounce the right of opposing
British Government with the tribes on the Somali attempts on the part of any other Power to acquire or
coast. assert any rights over Harrar." Article 5 dealt with
Treaty with Date the trade route to the British port of Zeila, and de
"
Mijgertayn May 1, 1884 clared: It is expressly understood that the caravan
Habr-Awal July 14, 1884 route from Zeyla to Harrar, by way of Gildessa, shall
Gadabursi December 11, 1884 remain open throughout its extent to the commerce
Habr-Toljaala December 26, 1884 of the two nations as well as to that of the natives."
Essa-Somal December 31, 1884 Article 6, on the other, provided for the prohibition
"
Habr-Gerhajis January 13, 1885 of arms imports, and stated: The two Governments
Warsangali January 27, 1886 engage to take all necessary measures to prevent the
Habr-Toljaala February 1, 1886 slave trade, and the importation of gunpowder and
Habr-Gerhajis February 1, 1886 arms in the territory subject to their authority."299
Habr-Awal March 15, 1886 An agreement between the British and Italian
Governments defining their respective spheres of
In these treaties the Somalis were placed under British influence on the Somali Coast followed some years
protection and agreed, among other things, not to cede, later on May 5, 1894. British influence in the area,
sell, mortgage, or otherwise give for occupation, save and in particular in the port of Berbera, was by now
to the British Government, any portion of their terri infinitely greater than only a few years previously, for
"
tory. Article I declared: The [clan inserted here] do it was now generally agreed that control of the African

78
shore of the Gulf of Aden was necessary in the interests and the French Consul in Aden as early as December
of British rule at Aden. This view was clearly 15, 1885.303
* * *
expressed by H. M. Durant, secretary to the Governor
" Berbera, with its The Tripartite Treaty of June 3, which, as we have
of India, who declared in 1888:
dependent port of Bulhar, to the prosperity seen, was supposed to guarantee Ethiopian free transit
...
is essential
of Aden it can furnish an almost inexhaustible through Massawa under British protection, did not last
number of sheep and large quantities of cattle, which long: indeed it was destined to become a dead letter
could not easily be obtained elsewhere."300 after only eight months. The agreement had been
Despite this interest and the signing of the various signed, as already seen, because the British wanted the
treaties and agreements European rule long remained help of Ethiopia, but once the Ethiopians had been com
largely nominal. Pease, for example, writing of the mitted the British need of the agreement ceased. The
" French, whom the British regarded as their principal
authorities in British Somaliland, stated, they can
not and do not attempt to check, in the interior, the colonial rivals, had meanwhile been displaying increased
perennial inter-tribal quarrels," while Vivian said that interest in the Red Sea. The result was that in October,
in the French Protectorate there was "no effective 1884, the Egyptian Prime Minister, Nubar Pasha, who
domination for more than a mile or two inland." had evidently discussed the matter with the British,
informed the Italian Consul General in Cairo, De
Durand, the Secretary of the British Governor of
Martini, that England would willingly see the establish
India took a similar view. At Obok, he wrote, the
ment of Italy in the Red Sea, in preference to any other
French "cannot go to their own gardens without a guard
nation.304 A couple of months later, on December 23.
of Europeans armed with rifles and revolvers. They can 1884, the Foreign Secretary, Lord Granville, informed
not sleep at night until they have enclosed their veran
the Italian Ambassador in London, Signor Nigra, that
dahs with stout trellis work, which lets in the air, but "
the hoisting of the Italian flag on the African coast
prevents any chance of a rush of Dankalis," The
of the Red Sea . . . was in every way preferable to the
British, he thought, could hope for little more control in
presence of other flags." The modern Italian writer
their Somali territories. "If the Somalis respect our
Giglio, commenting on these discussions, suggests that
ports and refrain from fighting within one mile of them, the two men were, however, not fully in agreement on
which is the limit now laid down," he wrote, "they the future of the port, for the British were thinking in
should be told they are perfectly free to do as they please terms of a temporary Italian occupation whereas fie
elsewhere, though we should, of course, prefer their " definitive," i.e.
Italians envisaged a permanent
keeping quiet and letting trade expand."301 occupation.305
The British attitude was clearly expressed by Lord
Granville in a letter of January 29, 1885, to the British
Ambassador in Paris. "Our position in regard to the
The British from the outset of their occupation of the "
Egyptian coast of the Red Sea," he wrote, was as
Somali area in 1884 declared themselves strongly follows: We did not think the Egyptian Government
opposed to the import of arms by Menelik. Starkie, dis
possessed the necessary resources for retaining the whole
cussing the various considerations motivating her British coast. We did not wish to take it for ourselves, and
compatriots, writes: "Some people were genuinely we had no pretension to give away that which did not
apprehensive on humanitarian grounds, thinking it a belong to us; but if other friendly Powers wished to
crime to arm the native people, tearing that these arms
occupy any of the ports or stations not required by
might fall into the hands of the Somali tribes. . . . Some Egypt, it seemed to us that it should be a matter of
people viewed with particular apprehension the arming arrangement with the Porte." The British view of a
of Menelik on account of the danger this might have " " or " "
temporary acceptable occupation was, as it
for England; some were anxious lest the arms should, in turned out, unrealistic, for in the development of the
Northern Ethiopia, fall into the hands of the Dervishes " "
Scramble for Africa temporary in fact tended to
. . . and ultimately be used against British power in "
mean permanent ". The German Kaiser was fully
England. Some people thought it a pity that so lucrative aware of this fact, for on learning on another occasion
a trade should be solely in the hands of foreigners. They
that the British Government had no objection to a
considered that if England would not engage in the " " Italian occupation
temporary of Kassala but would
trade itself, it should be prohibited entirely. And, not permit
"
permanent ownership ', he wrote:
" Once
finally, there were some who were disturbed by the they are in, the Italians can do as the British do with
reflection that the country which sold arms to Abyssinia the occupation of Egypt which is also 'temporary \"3°6
would undoubtedly become eventually the country with The outcome of the Anglo-Italian talks was nonethe
most prestige and influence there."3*" less entirely favourable to Italian colonial ambitions as
British opposition to the arms trade took the form of was apparent from the events of the first months of
attempts to obtain French and Italian acceptance of an 1885. On January 25, Italian marines occupied Beilul. a
agreement or agreements restricting or prohibiting the little north of Assab, the chiefs of the port a few days
import of arms into the Somali coast. The French and later signing a declaration accepting Italian protec
Italians, for reasons of their own, were unwilling to tion.307 A week or so later the port of Massawa, which
agree to any effective interference with their own trade had been conveniently abandoned only a few hours
with Menelik, though, as related elsewhere by the earlier by the Egyptian troops, under the command of
present writer, several abortive agreements for the an English officer Colonel Chermside,308 was seized by
restriction of the arms trade were made; the first, an an Italian naval officer, Rear-Admiral Caimi, on
interim measure, was signed by the British Resident February 3, 1885 — eight months to the day after the

79
 signing of the Tripartite Treaty and less than five years by declaring it only temporary. Thus the Italian
after Gordon's remarkable suggestion of an Italian occu ambassador in Constantinople, Luigi Corte, was in
pation of nearby Zulla. The occupation of Massawa "
structed to inform the Turkish Government that at
"was effected," as Sylvia Pankhurst complains, "while Massawa, no less than at Beilul, our occupation has
the Ethiopian Army of the north with Ras Aloula, no other object than that of the security of those
governor and general, were absent relieving besieged quarters, that we do not have the intention to raise
Egyptian troops in accordance with the Anglo-Ethiopian a question of territorial sovereignty, that our admiral
agreement."309 Alula, nevertheless, was not slow to has instructions to respect the Egyptian flag and to
react to the Italian advance, for on April 19 — little maintain friendly relations with the Viceregal [i.e.
over a month after the Italian landing — he was Egyptian] authorities and garrisons."314 In accordance
reported to have arrived at Ailet with a considerable with this policy the Italian occupation at first took
force and was believed to be about to raid the port of the form of an Italian-Egyptian condominium, the
Arkiko. Any such intention was forestalled by Italian Egyptian flag continuing to be flown from February
marines who seized the port on April 21.310 Italian to June, 1885.315
expansion continued apace: the Dahlak islands were The Ethiopian reaction to these developments which
occupied on June 8 and the more important points on dashed all hopes of gaining access to the sea may
the coast from Beilul to Arafali between June 18 and easily be surmised. The Emperor at once withdrew
June 28.3U the permission previously granted to the Italian travel
The Italians at first expressed the most friendly cf ler, Traversi, to cross Amhara, Shoa and Kaffa,316
intentions. Thus on taking over Massawa, Caimi issued while Ras Alula talking to the Italian diplomats Ferrari
a proclamation which, as translated in Hertslet's Map and Nerazzini on March 2 said he had learnt of the
of Africa by Treaty, declares: Italian occupation of Massawa with "much surprise"
"
To the Population of Massowah: as no notification of it had been given to the Emperor
" of Ethopia. Ferrari, attempting to calm the chief,
The Italian Government, in accord with the English
and Egyptian, and without doubt also with the Abys justified the occupation by saying it had been effected
sinian, have ordered me to take possession of the Fort to counter the successes of the Mahdists, and added
of Massowah this day, and to hoist the Italian flag by that Italy was fully determined to respect the Hewett
the side of the Egyptian. treaty. On reaching the Emperor's camp near Dabra
" Tabor a few weeks later the Italian delegates
By this occupation our troops will protect you, and
we are ready to pay for all we want. We shall respect expounded similar arguments, making great play with
your customs and religion. the threat of the Dervishes, the declared enemies of
" the Ethiopian Christians, and the consequent need for
No obstacle shall be put by me to your trade; on
the contrary, all my exertions shall aim at facilitating the occupation of Massawa by a Christian power.317
it; and I can assure you of the friendship of my Such arguments, however persuasive, failed to blind
Government. the Emperor to the hard realities of what was after
"
We beg then that you consider us as friends, and all the Scramble for Africa. Though Giglio claims
carry on your ordinary business and feel in perfect that Yohannes was satisfied by the declarations of the
security."312 Italians, he nonetheless cites Ferrari significantly as
A couple of months later the King of Italy wrote to reporting that the Emperor displayed a harsh and
Menelik, on July 23, informing him of the occupation resentful attitude towards the English, observing that
"
of Massawa, and declaring: The events in the Sudan they had broken their word.318
and upper Egypt have obliged our Government to There is no gainsaying the truth of Carlo Rossetti's
consider what would happen in Massowa when the "
statement that inside Ethiopia the Italian occupation
Egyptian troops were withdrawn from there as they had produced a profund impression. The counsellors
have retreated from other places further south on the of the Emperor John tried in every way to make it
Red Sea Coast. Our Government must be persuaded believed that this occupation was the prelude to the
that it cannot leave at the mercy of events a place as
conquest of all Ethiopia."319
important as Massawa and which we carefully caused The Ethiopian attitude may be deduced from the
to be occupied by our soldiers in order to maintain observations of the British diplomat, Gerald Portal,
order and security and to respect the rights of all. who discussed the matter with Yohannes. The
" "
To the Emperor to whom we have already sent Emperor, he notes, maintained that by right of
our representative with the duty of explaining our descent Massowah and all the South-western coast of
sentiments, it must be pleasing to have as neighbours the Red Sea had for centuries belonged to Abyssinia."
" Tradition," "
the Italians who are his friends and who seek to culti Portal continues, lives long in Abys
vate good relations with his subjects; as also it cannot sinia; as far back as the sixteenth century the superior
displease Your Majesty that our worthy soldiers occupy armament and discipline of the Turks had driven the
Massawa peacefully and that other places on the coast Abyssinians from Zeyla, and later from Massowah . . .
should be placed under the protection of the Italian But during all these 300 years, argued King Johannis,
flag. Your Majesty knows, and we are able to repeat Abyssinia had never given up its claim to the sea-
it in the most solemn manner, that we have no other coast; the Turks, and subsequently the Egyptians, had
intention than to maintain friendly relations with the only held these places as they had acquired them —
natives of the country and to develop peaceful trade by the power of the sword. If, therefore, urged his
in the general interest."313 Majesty, God's retributory justice, working through
The Italians meanwhile had also been endeavour the instrumentality of the Mahdi, had now forced the
ing to assuage Ottoman objections to the occupation Egyptians to evacuate Massowah and disgorge their

80
ill-gotten spoils, surely, in common equity, these places who, it will be recalled, had prophesied five years
should revert to their former and rightful owner! earlier in December 1879: "The cession of Zulla to
Instead of this, however, Abyssinia was to be asked to Italy will bring about war between Italy and the King
stand by and see Massowah and its surrounding district before six months expire, and will end in the annexa
pounced upon by Italy, a power hitherto almost un tion to Italy of a certain portion of Abyssinia."
known on the Red Sea Littoral, and the nature of whose After seizing the port of Massawa the Italians pro
interests in Massowah, the Soudan, or in Abyssinia, ceeded like the Turks and Egyptians before them, to
it was no doubt difficult for the mind of an African occupy the neighbouring coastline, and then, like the
potentate to understand."320 previous conquerors, climbed the low hilly country
Menelik, who was nothing if not a diplomat, also inland where they occupied and fortified the villages
expressed disquiet at the Italian occupation of Mas- of Sahali and later of Wia. Though the Ethiopians
sawa. On April 6, 1885, the Italian envoy in Shoa, in the past had aquiesced in many a hostile occupa
Antonelli, reported an audience at which the King, tion of the torrid lowlands the climate of which they
though courteous and guarded, had nonetheless hinted found so insalubrious, Ras Alula, was more alive to
at the general Ethiopian disatisfaction at what had the danger than many of the earlier governors of the
As A. B. Wylde said: " It was impos
"
happened. The Emperor and I," he is quoted as frontier area.
"
saying, had the conviction that it was only Italy sible to find a more capable and energetic leader . . .
that we could trust, and for that reason we had sus than Ras Aloula." Early in August, 1886, he wrote
pended the friendly dealings and agreements which the to Marcopoulo Bey, the secretary of the Egyptian
other Powers had proposed to us. At present am I governor who was still in Massawa despite the Italian
persuaded that the occupation of Massawa is not to occupation, complaining of Italian penetration, and
"
make war on the Emperor, but I know, however, that declaring: Why then don't you throw out the Italians
he is very uneasy because he was not informed in from Massawa? If it had not been for consideration
advance and because in the proclamation issued by for the Khedive, I would have cut every road between
the Italian commander to the population of Massawa Abyssinia and Massawa. Why do they have to remain,
it is stated that the Italian Government occupied that why did you permit them to encamp at Saati? That
city with the full consent of the Emperor of Abys is neutral territory: they have got to vacate it."324
sinia."321 Shortly after the Italian occupation of Wia on Novem
As the Italians consolidated their position they ber 26, Ras Alula informed the Italians that they were
abandoned their pretensions of friendship and adopted infringing the 1884 treaty, and that further movement
harsher policies. At the end of the year 1885 we find of troops would be considered a hostile act. The
Yohannes writing to Queen Victoria to declare that Italians replied by strengthening the fortifications they
"
he had wished to be her faithful son," but that the had built and by sending more troops to enlarge their
agreement made by her Government had been broken garrisons.325 Alula attacked Sahati on January 25,
within the year as the Italians had
" 1 887, and on the following day intercepted and defeated
stopped the
import of arms." The Queen replied, on December a column of Italian reinforcements at Dogali.326 This
8, observing: "If the Italians have stopped the import event, which Italian historians have tended to look
of guns, we will ask them again to permit it." In upon as a "massacre" rather than the destruction of
accordance with this promise the British Foreign Secre intruders, took place in January, 1887 — a cool month
tary, Lord Salisbury, wrote to Rome explaining:
" when the troops of either side could move in relative
The
faith of Her Majesty's Government is . . . pledged to comfort. The Italians then hastily evacuated Sahati
the free transit of arms and merchandise through Mas and Wia in fear of being trapped.327 A few months
sowah to Abyssinia, and Her Majesty's Government later, on May 1, the Italian Government formally de
earnestly trusts that the Italian Government . . . will clared a complete blockade of Ethiopia, prohibiting
arrange for the execution of this stipulation in a manner the import into the country of all arms and munitions
satisfactory to King John."322 This British sense of of war.328 Any pretence about the continued applica
responsibility for the situation at Massawa, however, tion of the Tripartite Treaty of 1884 was thus at an
was not destined to be of very long duration. end. Though the British had intervened on Ethiopia's
The Italians, who were still not fully established, behalf in December, 1885, in an effort to keep the
denied that they were interfering with the trade. The Massawa route open, they now accepted the Italian
Italian Foreign Minister assured the British Ambas blockade of Yohannes which was in truth very little
sador in Rome that the Emperor's complaint was based different from the policy they were themselves attempt
"
on erroneous information, that he was utterly opposed ing to carry out further south, namely to prohibit the
to any interference with trade in any shape, and that, import of arms into the Somali ports and hence to
on the question being put to him, whether it was advis Menelik in Shoa.
able to place some restriction upon the import of arms
into Abyssinia, he had without hesitation given his veto
to any such restriction."323
Whatever the truth of these allegations and denials The Italians endeavoured throughout this period to
there can be no gainsaying that the Italians were bent remain on the best possible terms with Menelik, hop
on expansion at Ethiopia's expense. Such expansion ing to be able to use him against the Emperor
was, so to speak, a logical development in the era of Yohannes, or at least to persuade him to remain
the Scramble for Africa when European colonies tended neutral in the impending conflict. The Italian attitude
to spread like ink on blotting paper. This had been in this respect is clearly apparent from a letter of March
self-evident to no less acute an observer as Gordon 11, 1887, from the Foreign Minister, Robilant, to the

81
Italian Minister in Shoa, Count Antonelli, which Your Majesty will note that the ambassadors were not
envisaged the need for "eventual military operations sent home I declare that our friendship is in no way
"
towards the interior of Ethiopia, but emphasised that diminished. I pray that God prolongs your life, guards
they should depend on the attitude displayed by Shoa. your army, extends your realm.
Each of our decisions regarding the attitude to take "Written 4 Pagume 1878 [September 8, 1886]."
towards Abyssinia and more especially regarding The King of Italy replied to this letter on March 11,
eventual military operations towards the interior," 1887 — a couple of months after Ras Alula's victory
"
wrote Robilant, is postponed to a more propitious at Dogali — expressing sentiments of friendship for
time. An important element of wisdom will be for Menelik and disingenuous surprise that the Italian occu
us the attitude of King Menelik. I desire that you pation of Massawa should have led to a clash of arms
inform me accordingly as speedily as possible. Your
"
with the Ethiopians. Greetings!" wrote King Umberto,
replies must above all refer to three points: "By the letter dated 4 Pagume, 1878, Your Majesty
"1. Is King Menelik disposed at the appropriate informed me of the reasons for which it pleased you
moment to give us effective co-operation against King that my beloved subject Count Antonelli remained for
John? some time longer with you. With the frankness of a
"
2. What would be eventually the actual value of mutual and unalterable friendship Your Majesty gave
such co-operation? me, in the circumstance, a new pledge of your desire
" 3. In default of effective co-operation can we count
that there should be always better confirmed and con
upon an attitude on the part of King Menelik such solidated the relations of goodwill happily existing
as to compel King John to keep part of his forces on between our two countries. Just as formerly Marchase
the alert towards the south, or alternatively [Menelik's] Antinori, and now Count Antonelli, had constant
absolute neutrality in the conflict?"329 favours and confidence so from now may Your Majesty
With a view to winning Menelik's friendship the know that your ambassadors from when they will arrive
Italians wrote him numerous letters of greeting and also, at my Court will find the most cordial welcome.
as explained elsewhere by the present writer, made hira Unhappy events have happened at Massawa where mv
extensive gifts of arms.330 An interesting correspondence Government has undertaken works of civilisation and
was exchanged between the rulers of Italy and Shoa. peace which it is my firm intention to continue. Count
King Umberto, as already noted, had informed Menelik Antonelli will tell Your Majesty everything according
of the Italian occupation of Massawa, and had sought to truth and justice. It is my desire that Your Majesty
to present it as a development favourable to Ethiopia. places complete faith in the words of such an
The Italian minister to Shoa, Count Antonelli, had experienced and reliable person. I count upon the
argued on similar lines and had even suggested that Supreme Providence to scrutinise the hearts and place
Menelik should despatch envoys to Italy. After several supreme wisdom on humane works.
conversations with Antonelli Menelik replied to King "
Certainly heavy is the blame on him who provoked
Umberto, on September 8, 1886, declaring: the slaughter between Christians and Christians, and I
"
For what has happened this year in the Red Sea feel not only pain for my brave soldiers, who perished
there has resulted a great commotion in our country. heroically, but also disdain for the harm done to the
The troops of Your Majesty which have come to loyal intentions of my Government. However, whatever
Massawa and other places all along the coast seemed may be my future resolutions, I want once again to
like troops which were entering the whole of Abyssinia. declare that my dominions having become, by the occu
Your Majesty sent a representative to the King of pation of Massawa. adjacent to those of Ethiopia, never
Abyssinia to inform him the reasons why You had occu could I have imagined that there could have arisen
pied Massawa and to me You sent a letter on 25 Hamle therefrom differences or conflict. ... I desire that there
[July 1885]. This letter fully stated that your Majesty should be perpetual peace and friendship with Your
in no way wished to be an enemy, but, on the contrary Majesty. So may the will of God be done, and may the
wished to strengthen friendship with Abyssinia. All years of Your Majesty's reign long be happy.
that your government has done to show its sincerity has "Given in Rome, our capital city, on the day of
considerably calmed the spirit of the King of Abyssinia, March 11, 1887."331
but has not placed him in the fullest security. Now On receiving this epistle Menelik, after consulting
after we had at last taken leave of Count Peter Antonelli with his chiefs and advisers, called Count Antonelli to
in our doubts we asked him to remain a little longer. his presence and addressed him in the following words:
For so long I am unaware if Your Majesty remains or "
The Government of H.M. the King of Italy and the
does not remain in friendship with the King of Ethiopia, Emperor are perhaps on the point of going to war.
it is very inconvenient for me to send ambassadors. Our "I love Italy and I love it so much that almost I feel
friend, Count Antonelli, sent by Your Majesty in order myself Italian, and I have no other desire than to go.
not to end our friendship, has rendered us many services if it were possible, I myself to see this Italy, to which
and actually now renders services. And I hope that, many years of friendship bind me. Who knows that
before I dismiss him, he will happily complete all those God may not grant my great desire.
things for which Your Majesty sent him. Now, thinking "On the other hand, either for love or for other
that it would not please Your Majesty that I forthwith reasons, which here is not the place to enter into, I am
sent away Count Antonelli, and that it was better to bound to the Emperor by an oath of friendship and
detain him, informing Your Majesty accordingly, we fidelity.
have sent this letter so that Your Majesty may know all "
Today, I find myself in the most painful of situa
what has occurred. It is not for lack on my part; I in no tions, because I am between two friends who are about
way break the friendship with Your Majesty and if to go to war against one another.

82
 " "
The causes which have provoked a rupture between For these reasons, Ras Alula broke the peace with
Italy and Ethiopia are not so serious to exclude every the Italians, I, however, never gave orders to Ras Alula
hope of a peaceful settlement. to do what he did.
" I, too, "
am an Amharic king and I love the country: Today, if it is possible to make peace when two
that which I desire most is peace. armies face one another to make war, I am willing to
" Now,
I have decided not to remain inactive; I want come to an accord.
to turn to H.M. the King of Italy and to the Emperor "
That the Italian Government is against any accom
to ask both of them that they authorize me to be their modation I have proof: they do not let pass through
arbiter for peace. Massawa into the interior even the wine necessary to
"
If Italy and the Emperor agree to my proposals for celebrate Holy Mass.
definitive negotiations I will myself send my ambassadors "
On my part, if the Italian Government does not take
to Italy; and my name will be great in the history of my
possession of my country and if it allows free transit of
country. goods at Massawa, I am willing to make peace and
**
If, then, either one or the other, renounces peace, I come to an agreement.
know what I must do.
" "Written in Chocho, 12 Hedar 1878 [November 21.
I will never give my help to he who wants perforce 1887]."333
a war."332
Menelik
A month or so later, in January, 1888, King Umbarto
corresponded with both the Emperor
wrote a letter to Menelik couched in the most pacific of
Yohannes and King Umberto. The former wrote him a
terms, declaring that Ethiopia would have " nothing to
long letter on November 21, 1887, outlining the history '
fear once Italy had received satisfaction for its defeat
of his relations with Italy from before the time of the "
at Dogali. Peace and war," wrote the King of Italy,
Tripartite Treaty right down to Ras Alula's victory at "
are in the hands of the Omnipotent. However, Your
Dogali and reiterating his desire for friendship with
Majesty has acted according to customary wisdom,
Italy, provided only that the Italians stopped their incur
uttering as in your letter of 15 Teqmet 1880, informs
sions into Ethiopian territory and refrained from block
me. words of conciliation and prudence to the Emperor
ing the trade of Massawa. This important letter
of Ethiopia. Count Antonelli has also referred to me
declared:
" My friendship with the King of Italy was consider that which Your Majesty was pleased to agree for the
greater good of his Kingdom in the present situation,
able. He used to send me gifts and I used to send him also in these circumstances our spirit found itself in
other gifts. agreement. Know, Your Majesty, that I want only
"The Consul Giovanni Branchi came to me and I justice, and that Ethiopia will have nothing to fear from
received him with many honours, and I had him lodged my arms after the iniquitous aggression of last year
in my houses, and I did everything possible to please will have had satisfactory reparation. With this senti
and honour him. I do not believe I ever did him a ment I invoke the Lord God to keep Your Majesty,
disservice. and I myself in his Holy Care."
"
There then came to me the English emissaries and Shortly afterwards, on February 5, the Italian Prime
'
they said, We want you to make peace with ite Minister, Crispi, despatched a much more persuasive
Egyptians, they will quit your territory which they have letter to Menelik which stated that the Italian Govern
occupied and you will be the sole master of your country. ment was despatching him a number of gifts, including,
Massawa will be yours. You will receive the income of most persuasive of all, one thousand Remington rifles
the land duty, and you will place in Massawa your with the corresponding ammunition. The letter ended
representative; the trade in arms will be free for you, "
with an expression of hope: May they increase your
provided you send an authorisation with your seal for power and carry destruction among the enemies of Your
the transit of the arms you require. In recompense for Majesty and those of my country!"334
all this you will help us in the war against the people In the months which followed the Italians continued
of the Mahdi and your soldiers will be joined with ours
to make Menelik larger and larger gifts of arms. These
in order to withdraw the garrisons of Metemma and
supplies poured into the country through the port of
Kassala, and to defeat the Mussulmans.
" Assab, which, as already explained, had only been
I accepted the proposals of the English Government, opened a few years earlier.
but I said that I had no need of the help of English
soldiers and that alone with my soldiers I could defeat
the Mussulmans; and in fact so I said and so I did.
"I still do not know why the English Government Menelik, though greatly pleased with the influx of
gave Massawa to the Italian Government, without arms, did not lose sight of his country's underlying
advising me. need of access to the sea, and actually thought in terms
" Once established in Massawa the Italians began of acquiring Zeila from the British. On February 20,
fortifying themselves, gave arms without my authority 1888, Stace, a British official in Aden, reported that
even to those whom I would not have wished to have Menelik's Swiss craftsman, Zimmermann, had discussed
"
given them to, they levied customs on my subjects, which the matter with him. He gave me to understand,"
"
according to the English treaty they ought not to have wrote Stace, that King Menelik of Shoa wishes to
paid, and, furthermore, they advanced in territory obtain Zeila as a port for the import of fire-arms, and
already restored to me, placing therein fortified military that he had been sent by Menelik to broach the sub
posts. ject. He asked if a mission from King Menelik would

83
be received." The Englishman, however, was not Describing the ensuing preparations for war on both
" "
sympathetic to the project. I informed him," he sides Portal later observed: For months past all Italy
adds, "that any messenger for King Menelik would had been ringing with preparations for the forthcoming
always be courteously received, but that I could not campaign; battalion after battalion, and battery after
discuss such a question as the cession of Zeila with battery, had been shipped from Naples to the Red Sea,
the King."335 while at Massowah itself, and its suburb Monkullu,
The idea of an Ethiopian occupation of Zeila was incessant activity had been displayed in the erection
thus abandoned. of fortifications, the mounting of guns, and the con
struction of huts and camps. In Abyssinia, on the other
hand, the King and his chiefs, who were kept well
informed of the proceedings of the Italians, had been
The arrival of the Italians at Massawa which, as engaged for months in collecting and mobilising all
already seen, followed shortly after a spate of French the available forces of the nation, and in stimulating
and British acquisition of Somali territory, marked the almost fanatical patriotism of the soldiery . . ."339
the opening of a new phase in the long history of Though the Italians, as we have seen, began by
"
troubles between the rulers of the coast and those of threatening war, the eager, almost hysterical, passion
"
the interior. Such conflicts, as explained, elsewhere for revenge," as Portal says, later began to give place
by the present writer, had a very detrimental effect on to calmer and perhaps more reasonable considerations.
the general prosperity of the area.336 A. B. Wylde, Men began to inquire more closely into the matter, and
who was much impressed by the ill effects of the to count the cost; and as they did so, the serious nature
blockade carried out at Massawa first by the Egyptians of the undertaking which lay before Italy became more
"
and later by the Italians, significantly observed: It and more apparent; a war of revenge could bring but
seems a pity that from 1868 this country has never little practical benefit, and would cost many millions
seemed to enjoy any long spell of peace so that King of pounds and probably many hundreds of valuable
John could turn his attention to the development of his lives; in the meantime Italy's action in Europe would
country. It took him from 1869 till 1872 to consolidate be cramped proportionately to the magnitude of her
his country, and during that time little trade went on; task in Africa, and in the actual state of European
in 1872 it commenced to improve, and more so in 1873; politics it was most desirable, and might at any moment
in 1874, Egyptian intrigues brought about an invasion, become imperatively necessary, that the hands of Italy
and the trade was stopped during the end of 1874, should be free."340
the whole of 1875, and most of 1876. In 1877 it com The upshot was that the Italian Government decided
menced again, and gradually improved from that time to advance into Ethiopia by means of threats rather
till 1883, when by the joint intrigues of the Egyptian than by an immediate invasion. The British Government
officials and looting Abyssinian caravans on Egyptian so far from opposing the Italians, agreed to despatch
territory, a stoppage of trade again took place, and one of its officials, Gerald Portal, to Ethiopia in an
Ras Aloula, the Abyssinian general, had to chastise effort to persuade the Emperor to accept the Italian
the Egyptian irregulars. In 1883, I arranged for trade demands.
again to take place, and in June, 1884, peace and a Portal's commission, of October 17, 1887, was in
treaty was signed between Egypt, King John and fact to persuade Yohannes to withdraw to the plateau
England; from that time till February of this year leaving the Italians a free hand not only at Massawa
[1887] all went on well, and the trade was an ever- but in the lowlands generally. The exact proposals
increasing one, although Italy, when she took over he carried were as follows:
"
Massowah, severely handicapped English trade, and 1. That the Protectorate of Italy be recognised
entirely did away with the treaty and agreements over the Assaorta and the Habab tribes of the Arabs.
"
entered into. Now the blockade is put on by the 2. That Sahati and Wia remain Italian territory,
Italians, there is an entire cessation of commerce, and together with a zone beyond them of one day's march.
"
all the hopes of the merchants, who thought the Abys 3. That in order to prevent any further disputes
sinian question was settled for ever, are dashed to the in the future the frontier of Abyssinia be marked out
ground by the unwarrantable breaking by Italy of the by pillars erected at regular intervals. The exact line
treaty of June, 1884."337 of this frontier will be settled by mutual agreement
The already mentioned Italian incursions of the first between the Abyssinians and the Italians, in concert
part of 1887 served as a preface for the chapter of with England, who will watch over the interests of
Italian expansion which followed. Ras Alula, as ex Abyssinia.
"
plained above, had managed to repulse the intruders Ghinda will be a frontier town belonging to Abys
at the battle of Dogali, but this defeat merely stimulated sinia.
" "
the Italians to greater efforts. The universal cry for 4. Senhit will be occupied by Italy.
vengeance," recalls Portal,
"
will be remembered by " 5. A Treaty of Peace, Friendship and Commerce
everybody. Preparations were at once made for an will be signed between Abyssinia and Italy."341
expedition on a large scale, which should inflict signal These clauses were embodied in a document signed
punishment on the Abyssinians; the work of fortifying by Portal which stated that Queen Victoria hoped the
"
Massowah and its suburb Monkullu was pushed on, Emperor would signify his acceptance, without
"
with a view to making these places impregnable to delay," and added: In that case the King of Italy
attack by any force without artillery; and measures will promise to give up all thoughts of any encroach
were taken to despatch to the Red Sea of some twenty ment on Abyssinian territory, and will do his utmost
thousand or thirty thousand men."338 to encourage all trade and friendship with this country;

84
and, at that time, the Queen and the Government of reading the translation of this document the Emperor
"
England will undertake to use all their influence to declared I can do nothing of all this. By the Treaty
ensure the faithful keeping of the Treaty, and will in made by Admiral Hewett, all the country evacuated by
every way endeavour to promote the welfare and the Egyptians on my frontier was ceded to me at the
prosperity of the dominions of His Majesty the Negoosa instigation of England, and now you ask me to give it
Negust."342 up again."
The Ethiopians, as might be expected, found these Portal relates that he thereupon " ventured to point
"
out to the Emperor that " in Admiral Hewett's Treaty
proposals extremely unpalatable. The Italians, as we
have seen, had been driven by Ras Alula from Sahati no mention is made of Sahati or Wia, that His Majesty
" had already accepted the occupation by the Italians of
and Wia: why, then, should these places remain
Italian," let alone the " Massowah and Monkullu, and that Sahati and Wia
zone beyond them of one day's
march"? The Italians had, in only two years, were necessary for the protection of the town and of the
advanced from the island port of Massawa to the hills trade to and from the sea. The King replied, 'I did not
of the interior: since this inroad had taken the give them Massowah; England gave it to the Italians
intruders across so clearly defined a geographical but I will not give them an inch of land. If they cannot
feature as the sea what value would be expected from live without Sahati, let them go; and as for Senhit, it
" is mentioned in the Treaty, and England cannot ask
a frontier marked out by pillars erected at regular
intervals"? The British had guaranteed Ethiopian me to give it up." Portal continues: "I explained as I
trade freedom of passage through Massawa under had explained to Ras Alula, that England did not give
"British protection" in 1884 only to accept an Italian Massowah to the Italians; but that at the same time it
occupation of the port eight months later: what con was to the advanage of Abyssinia that they should be
fidence could therefore be placed in the promise that there.
" "
Britain would watch over the interests of Abyssinia "? After some more conversation, during which the
Even apart from such matters acceptance of the Italian King repeated that he would give up nothing, and
demands meant abandoning Ethiopia's age-old claim would make no Treaty that was not a confirmation of
to the sea. that made with Admiral Hewett, I offered to withdraw
The Ethiopian point of view was first made clear to altogether the clause about Senhit; but His Majesty
Portal by Ras Alula who discussed the matter with him replied that this made no difference, as he would grant
at Asmara on November 11. Alula's position, we are nothing entailing the cession of an inch of land, that
told, was " that the sea was the natural frontier of Massowah itself was his by right, and that he had
Abyssinia, but that England who had pretended to be neither the intention nor even the power to alienate any
the friend of the Negoos, had given Massowah to the territory which properly belonged to Abyssinnia."34R
Italians" Though this was in fact no less than the Surprised that the British Government had thus
truth, Portal "protested strongly against this state quickly departed from the Tripartite Treaty of 1884
ment," adding that
" and forgotten Ethiopian help in the struggle against
in any case, Massowah would be
of no use to Abyssinia, who had no fleet, and could not the Mahdists, the Emperor wrote a notable letter to
hold the place against even one ship of any European Queen Victoria on December 12 in which he declared:
"
power, and that surely it was better for his country that When the Treaty was signed between me and
Massowah should be in the hands of a great power who England and Egypt, it was laid down that no arms
was willing, and even anxious, to be a friend to were to pass Massowah except by my permission, but
Abyssinia."343 they have not complied with the Treaty, but have
Alula, who had been obliged to repulse Italian in passed weapons and sold them to the Shohos and these
cursions at Sahati, Wia and Dogali, naturally found it have made great disturbances in my country. As for
difficult to recognise his erstwhile enemy as a Power the complaints they (i.e. the Italians) made that they
" have been badly treated, the fault was on the other
willing and even anxious to be a friend." He there
fore could not conceive of Portal as an objective, let side, and they began the quarrel by stopping the
alone a friendly, person. Alula who was as blunt as he Abyssinian merchants, and by occupying Sahati and
was loyal left the Englishman in no doubt as to what he Wia, and taking possession of them. Why did they
thought of him; it is therefore not surprising that Portal
"
stop the trade and come into my country? I wrote
found the Ras's manner insulting and aggressive." to them:
'
If you have come with authority from the
addressed me continually as if I were
Alula, he adds: " Queen, show me her signature; or if not, leave the
an Italian, and responsible for all Italian action . . . country.' And they answered me: 'No, we will not'
[I was] obliged more than once to tell him that I was "On account of that they fought with Ras Alula,
sent by the Queen of England alone, and had nothing and many were killed on both sides, though we had
to do with Italy."344 The Ras, who knew that the in no way injured them. How can you say that I
Englishman was the bearer of Italian demands, was shall hand over to them the country which Jesus Christ
not easily convinced. gave to me? That would be as a command to me,
Realising that there was no hope of persuading the unjust on your part. If your wish were to make peace
patriotic Ras to agree to the Italian proposals, Portal between us, it should be when they are in their country,
insisted on journeying on to the Emperor's court which and I in mine. But now on both sides the horses are
was situated to the south near Lake Ashange. bridled and the swords are drawn; my soldiers, in
On December 7 he was granted an audience by numbers like the sand, are ready with their spears.
Yohannes to whom he handed the afore-mentioned The Italians desire war, but the strength is in Jesus
letter of Queen Victoria which as already explained Christ. Let them do as they will, so long as I live
gave whole hearted support to the Italian claims. On I will not hide myself from them in a hole."34®
85
 With this letter the Emperor dismissed Portal from Protectorate over the port of Zulla. The official
"
his presence; the British attempt at mediation had failed notification declared: In consequence of the repeated
— as the Emperor said on both sides the horses were requests of the people of Zulla, which situated to

is
bridled and the swords were drawn. Yohannes, how the south of Massowah, and which has remained up
ever, was, as we shall see, not destined to see the battle. to this time under the Egyptian flag, although occupied
by irregular Italian troops, the Italian flag has just
been hoisted in this place by detachment of Marines,

a
and the Italian Protectorate has been solemnly estab
Italian expansion was not limited to the Massawa lished there and proclaimed in the names of the King's
area, but was also felt at Assab where the Sultan, Government."351
Mohamed Hanfari, was persuaded to sign several more
agreements with Italy in 1887 and 1888. A convention
signed on July 7, 1887, provided for the construction
inland of a caravan road from Assab to Mount Musalli,
Ethiopia, as explained elsewhere by the present
as well as for an Italian subsidy for the Sultan of 1,500
writer, was at this time entering into period of great
Maria Theresa dollars a year.347 In a second conven

a
tion, signed on August 10, the Sultan agreed to assist economic difficulty, an outbreak of cattle pest result
ing in famine of unprecedented proportions.352 The

a
in opening a trade route between Assab and Shoa,
Italian representative, Antonelli, reporting to his
the Italians agreeing for their part to present him with
18,000 dollars over a four year period.348 A Treaty of Government on February 20, 1889, drew attention to
this terrible state of affairs and urged the view that
Friendship and Commerce, signed on December 9,
afforded suitable moment to settle accounts with

it

a
1888, reiterated several of the provisions of earlier
the Emperor Yohannes. Though in some places
agreements, but also included several important new
couched in defensive terminology, Antonelli proposed
clauses. Article VI, for example, dealt with the con " "
what was in fact forward policy of expansion.
struction of a camel road from Assab to Aussa, while

a
Article II stated the responsibilities of the two contract "
All Ethiopia," he declared, " in danger of pass

is
ing parties for the security of the trade routes. It ing through period which could be fatal to her

a
declared: economic life.
" Anfari guarantees "
The Sultan Mohamed the Tigr6, Gondar, Beghemeder, Gojam, are all at
security of the Assab — Aussa —Shoa road to all cara present in the most squalid misery through lack of
vans coming or going to Assab. grain and want of cattle ...
In this state of affairs
" Italy cannot fear new difficulties for her possessions . . .
The ships of war of His Majesty the King of Italy Thus seems to me that one must not allow to pass
it

will watch over the safety of the Danakil coast." this moment which favourable for the settlement of

is
all questions and for assuring oneself pacific and

a
Other articles were more frankly political in con
Article III stated that "the Sultan productive future.
text. Thus
Mohamed Anfari recognises the whole of the Danakil "
The occupation of places in order to draw

a
coast from Amfila to Ras Dumeira as an Italian boundary line could have been done and could also
possession," while Article V declared: "In case any be done this year, confident that we will not have great
other Power should attempt to occupy Aussa or any difficulties to overcome.
part of or its Dependencies, the Sultan Mohamed
it,

"
Anfari shall oppose King Menelik assures us that the greater part of ths
it,

and shall raise the Italian flag,

declaring that his own States with all their dependencies chiefs of Tigre would with pleasure see Italy occupy
are under Italian Protection."349 their country, devastated and rendered poor by the worst
administration of the Government of King John.
The latter article seems to have been kept secret for "
This not the occasion to let these circumstances go
is

year, until December

6,

almost 1889, when the Italian

a

unobserved because we might fall into the error of giving

Government notified the Powers which had signed the
General Act of Berlin of February 26, 1885, that time to Tigre' to recover and strenghten itself again and
it

had established Protectorate over Aussa. This on that day we might be again victims of new and cruel
a

notification was made in accordance with Article aggressions.

XXXIV of the said Act which provided, as we shall " On
friendly King who,
the part of Shoa we have
a

see, that European powers establishing Protectorates in

we continue to help, of gaining
has all possibilities
if

Africa should inform each other of such Protec

torates.350 the throne of King of Kings and will recompense us
largely for what today we do for him."353

The Emperor meanwhile was facing the threat of

an Italian attack from Massawa. Increased Italian
interest in the area was revealed on August
Faced with the threat of Italian expansion from
2,

1888,
when the Italian Government acting in accordance Massawa the Emperor Yohannes strengthened his
with Article XXXIV of the General Act of Berlin northern defences by sending thither the garrison
notified the signatory powers that had established stationed at Galabat. Finding the frontier there
it

86
unguarded, the Dervish forces of the Mahdi broke in at on March 10, 1889, to inform him of the death of
that point. The Emperor hastened thence to repel them, Yohannes and of his own right to the imperial throne,
but at the close of a victorious battle on March 10, 1889, he requested that the Italian generals at Massawa should
was mortally wounded by a stray bullet and died on not support or supply arms to the Tigre rebels, and
the following day. A. B. Wylde, who had assisted added the Italian soldiers should occupy Asmara in the
Hewett in negotiating the ill-fated treaty of 1884, makes interests of security.367
the following poignant comment:
" Asmara, which was soon to become the capital of the
From the north he [Yohannes] ought to have been
Italian colony of Asmara, was occupied on August I.353
safe if our treaty with him went for anything. Look ai
Italian forces, however, did not halt at Asmara, which,
our behaviour to King Johannes from any point of view
as Portal says, soon became "a military post" from
and it will not show one ray of honesty, and to my mind
which Italian scouting parties " pushed further into the
it is one of our worst bits of business out of the many
country ",359
we have been guilty of in Africa, and no wonder our
position diplomatically is such a bad one with the rulers
of the country at present. England made use of King
Johannes as long as he was of any service, and then
The removal from the stage of the Emperor Yohannes
threw him over to the tender mercies of Italy, who went
had meanwhile greatly increased the importance of the
to Massowah under our auspices with the intention of
relations between Menelik and the Italians who now
taking territory that belonged to our ally, and allowed stood face to face, the two major powers in the area. On
them to destroy and break all the promises England had
May 2, 1889, a little over a month after the death of
solemnly made to King Johannes after he had faithfully Yohannes, they signed the famous treaty of Uccialli
carried out his part of the agreement. The fact is not which was written in Italian and Amharic and was
known to the British public and I wish it was not true
supposed to be a Treaty of Perpetual Peace and Friend
for our credit's sake; but unfortunately it is, and it
ship. The agreement, on face value at least, contained
reads like one of the vilest bits of treachery that has been
articles of advantage to both parties. Articles I and VI
perpetrated in Africa or in India in the eighteenth were of value to Menelik. Article I accorded him
century."354
Italian recognition as Emperor of Ethiopia, while
Similar indignation was expressed half a century later Article VI laid down that he should be free to import
by Sylvia Pankhurst, who, retelling the story of the arms and ammunition through Massawa and that
Italian seizure of Massawa, opined: caravans carrying such supplies should pass through the
" Italian colony to the Ethiopian frontier under the pro
That the port had been occupied while the general
whose duty was to safeguard Northern Ethiopia was tection of Italian troops. Articles III and XVII, on the
away on Britain's errand, enhanced the bitterness of the other hand, were of great advantage to the Italians.
betrayal. Article HI recognised their penetration into northern
" Ethiopia by specifying (a) that the European frontier
Had it happened in Europe both the Italian and
British Governments would have been gravely censured, was in the plateau, i.e. that the Ethiopians no longer
not least by the British people. controlled such places as Sahati, Wia and Dogali where
" Ras Alula had confronted the intruders only a couple
It had happened, however, in Africa and the
conscience of Europe was dull indeed towards human of years earlier; (b) that the villages of Halay, Saganeiti
right and international morality in respect of that distant and Asmara, which had till then been under Ethiopian
continent."355 control, were thenceforth within the Italian border, and
(c) that Bogos, which had been returned to Ethiopia by
the Tripartite Treaty of 1884, was also part of the
Italian colony. This Article in fact gave the Italians
The death of the Emperor Yohannes opened for
Ethiopia an era of unprecedented difficulty. Portal, who considerably more territory than they had demanded at
had then recently left the country, observed in 1891: the time of Portal's mission to the Emperor Yohannes
" The of only a year and a half earlier.
death of King John was the signal for the out
break of a general civil war. The Italians at Massowah The most famous article of the Treaty was, of course,
were forgotten; the succession to the throne was at once Article XVn, which, in Italian eyes, was by far the
claimed by three or four powerful rivals, and every
most important. The Amharic text of this Article stated
chieftain attached himself and his fortunes to the candi
date to whom he was most attracted by preference or that the Emperor Menelik should have the power to
interest . . . avail himself of the services of the Italian authorities
" for any communications he might have with other
Meanwhile the Italian forces were far from idle.
Taking advantage of the internal dissensions of the powers or governments. The Italian text, on the other
Abyssinians, they were able to advance unopposed to hand, made it obligatory for the Emperor to conduct all
Ghinda, and thence to Asmara."356 his transactions with other powers through the Italian
The Italian occupation of Asmara, it should be noted, Government.360 It was on the basis of that text that the
was accepted by Menelik, at least as a temporary Italians were soon to claim a Protectorate over the
measure. Thus when he wrote to King Umberto of Italy whole of Ethiopia.

87
 Later in the year, on October 1, Menelik's cousin, Ras as to cause them to look on us with a favourable and
Makonnen, who was then in Italy, signed an Additional friendly eye. But we are obliged to address ourselves
Convention to the Uccialli treaty which rectified the with such a declaration to the great English Monarchy
frontier of the Italian colony to Ethiopia's disadvantage. even more than to others, because you, through the
Article I of the new agreement reiterated that the King occupation of Zeilah and Berbera and through your
of Italy recognised Menelik as Emperor of Ethiopia, Egyptian interests you take care of . . . have become our
while Article II stated that Menelik recognised the King neighbours. And when I now (in view of the straits to
of Italy's sovereignty over the Italian colonial posses which Ethiopia, our country, is reduced this year)
sions on the Red Sea — the name Eritrea had not yet address myself to you, I do not doubt but that your
been coined. Article III, which was perhaps even more great nation will listen to my just appeal."
important, stated that the frontier between Ethiopia and Turning to the accord of June 1888 whereby the
the Italian colony should be rectified to accord wilh British, French and Italian Governments had agreed to
actual occupation at the time of signing.361 restrict the import of arms through the Somali ports, he
went on:
The significance of Article XVII of the original treaty
"
was revealed a week or so later, on October 11, when As regards the unjust and inequitable agreement by
Crispi, the Italian Minister of Foreign Affairs ad interim, which European Powers agreed among themselves that
wrote a circular letter to the Great Powers, informing no instruments of war (i.e. arms and ammunition) should
them of the signing and ratification of the Article, and be allowed to be imported into our country, it must be
adding that he made this notification in accordance with said that if this arrangement was to be, the absence cf
Article XXXIV of the General Act of Berlins- every notification to us, as to its cause, and the omission
Reference to this latter Article was of the greatest of every communication on the part of the stipulants,
possible significance for the clauses in question dealt, astonishes us, considering that it is we whom it
as we have seen, with the manner in which European concerns. And now, trusting in the equity of the Euro
Powers were supposed to acquire Protectorates in pean Powers, I enter into communications with them,
Africa, and stated: "Any Power which henceforth takes hoping that they will not fail to abolish an arrangement
possession of a tract of land on the coasts of the African which ought not to exist, and which is the cause of
Continent outside of its present possessions, or which, damage being done to us."
being hitherto without such possessions, shall acquire
"
them, as well as the Power which assumes a Protectorate He added: I hope that Great Britain will be on
there, shall accompany the respective act with a notifica my side in this matter, and assist me by every fair
tion thereof, addressed to the other Signatory Powers means, and I pray that your Majesty, considering my
of the present Act, in order to enable them, if need be just appeal, will graciously oblige me."367
to make good any claims of their own."363
The Great Powers, who looked on the Scramble for Similar letters were despatched to President Carnot of
Africa with a friendly eye, raised no significant objec France and Kaiser Wilhelm of Germany. These letters,
tion to the Italian claim, which seemed little different which thus once again harked back to the difficulties
from those then being established by other European resulting from the monopolisation of the coast by the
countries. It was in fact generally considered in Europe British, French and Italian Governments, had the inci
that Italy had obtained a Protectorate over Ethiopia. dental effect of making it clear to their recipients that
The second edition of Herslet's Map of Africa by Treaty, the Emperor at least did not consider himself bound to
which appeared in 1896, thus designed Italian territory make use of the services of the Italian Government as
in Africa as stretching from the Red Sea right across the Italians claimed in accordance with their interpreta
Ethiopia to the Indian Ocean,364 while Portal, recalling tion of Article XVII of the Uccialli treaty.
his visit to the Emperor Yohannes of 1887, observed in
" It News of these letters, however, did not reach Italy
1891: is . . . with a feeling almost of sadness that I
reflect that since I said farewell to Johannes ... no
until early in the first part of 1890. On February 9 the
Italian Foreign Minister, Crispi, reported to Antonelli,
other European can ever grasp the hand of an Inde the Italian envoy in Ethiopia, that there could be no
pendent Emperor of Ethiopia."365 doubt that Menelik had written to the German Kaiser.
He telegraphed:
Menelik, who was of course much less interested than
the Italians in facilitating his own extinction, was mean
"
We know, because we have seen it with our own
while making preparations for his coronation, which eyes, that Menelik has violated Article 17 of the Treaty
took place in a time of great economic difficulty366 on of May 2, 1889, when he communicated direct with
November 3. He then proceeded to despatch announce the European Powers. In the letter addressed to the
ments of the coronation to the different Powers of Emperor of Germany, after he had praised his glorious
Europe, taking the opportunity to touch upon the wider predecessor, Johannes, he announced his own corona
question of his desire for co-operation and his opposi tion, lamented his isolation and hoped for an opening
tion to the arms blockade. Thus to Queen Victoria he upon the sea for the importation of arms."368
wrote:
Four days later it was learned in Italy that a similar
"
I
ought now, more than at any time before, to enter letter from Menelik had been received by the President
into friendly relations with all the European Powers, so of France.369

88
 "
Menelik meanwhile was receiving replies from Europe When I made that treaty of friendship with Italy,
to the announcement of his coronation. Antonelli in order that our secrets be guarded and that our
quoted him as complaining that the Queen of England's understanding should not be spoiled, I
said that
letter was courteous, while that of the Kaiser was biting, because of friendship, our affairs in Europe might be
and referred to Menelik not as King of Kings, but only carried on with the aid of the Sovereign of Italy, but
as Highness. Both letters, however, made no bones I have not made any treaty which obliges me to do
about the fact that they considered Ethiopia a so, and today, I am not the man to accept it.
dependency of Italy.370 "
That one independent power does not seek the aid
Recognition of the Italian interpretation of Article of another to carry on its affairs Your Majesty under
XVII of the Uccialli treaty, though of immense signifi stands very well."
cance, did not necessarily mean the suspension of the
flow of arms upon which, in the last analysis, Ethiopian Menelik went on to request that the Italian text of
independence depended. The British, as already said, the Article should be rectified and the Great Powers
had been endeavouring since 1884 to obtain Franco- notified of the correction.
Italian agreement on the prohibition of arms imports
through the Somali ports. Several ineffective conven In a second letter of the same date the Emperor
tions were signed, but by the end of 1889 it became reverted to the question of the frontier, recalling that
clear that the prohibition could not be enforced in view the Italians had originally asked for no more man a
of the French determination to supply Ethiopia via piece of cool highland territory for the Massawa
Jibuti. Queen Victoria therefore wrote to Menelik on soldiers, but that the Italian demands had gradually
February 20, 1890 — several months after the receipt been extended until they threatened the very integrity
of Crispi's circular letter announcing the establishment of Ethiopia. Referring to the long history of negotia
of the Protectorate — declaring that the old prohibition tions the Emperor declared:
on the import of arms, against which Menelik had "
protested in his letter to her, was "no longer in force
When I
began to reconcile the Emperor Yohannes
with you and I asked Count Antonelli,
'
as regards your Majesty's dominions
" What are the
and that per '
wishes of Your Majesty? Mr. Antonelli will not deny
mission had therefore been given to Ras Makonnen to
" that you desired only a position of cool climate for the
import rifles through Zeila to Harar.371 Great Britain,"
comments Starkie cynically,
" soldiers of Massawa as a refuge for the hot months,
was anxious not to lose
and nothing else. Then Your Majesty knows very
her share of the trade that was going."372
well that when the Treaty of Uccialli was concluded,
Menelik, who attached the highest possible priority on Miazzia 25, 1881, and when I gave the territory
to the import of arms, followed up this success by indicated in Article III
of that treaty, the Italian army
writing to the Italian Foreign Minister, on March 4, had not left Saati.
to ask that the Italian Ambassador in Brussels should
"When I gave that territory it was with the inten
represent Ethiopia at the forthcoming Anti-Slavery
tion of finding peace and safety, of avoiding war, of
Congress to be held in that city. The Emperor's letter,
bringing civilisation into my country; so that my
though mainly devoted to Menelik's opposition to the
subjects, as well as yours, might through science and
slave trade, contained the request that the ambassador
" labour, live in happiness and concord, and not in the
should act in such a way that my State shall not be
deprived of the necessary arms and ammunition".373
belief that I
would be asked for a little only to be
asked for a lot afterwards. Moreover, if Your Majesty
On September 16, the Emperor followed up this action
by acceding to the Brussels Act of the previous July 2,
will consider Article III
of the supplementary treaty
agreed to by Ras Makonnen and Minister Crispi on
Article X of which expressly authorized the transit of
Maskaram 22, 1882, you will find that on the date when
arms and ammunition "through the territory of a
Ras Makonnen and Minister Crispi signed the treaty
Signatory or adherent power in the occupation of the
" " the flag of the Kingdom of Italy had not passed beyond
coast of Africa to inland territories placed under
Asmara . . .
the sovereignty or protectorate of another Signatory or
adherent Power."374 "
the very traders if they state a price
In our country
at first ask more than the value in order to go down
No sooner had Menelik achieved this diplomatic
to the real value afterwards; they do not state a low
triumph — which assured him of an unhampered supply
price and then raise it afterwards.
of arms — than he wrote, on September 20, to King
Umberto of Italy, complaining of Italian action over " Now,
as proof of what we have said, when Count
Article XVII of the Uccialli treaty. In this letter the Antonelli said
'
Let us come to the question of the
Emperor declared that when he had informed the '
frontiers and when he asked that they be fixed beyond
friendly powers of Europe of his coronation he had the Mareb, I replied to him,
'
If I call myself King of
found their replies humiliating for his kingdom. On the Kings of Ethiopia, it is because I have added Tigre
again examining Article XVII, the cause of this to my kingdom; if then you take as far as the Mareb
humiliation, he had discovered that the Amharic text what is left to me?' It is certaintly not my concern
and the Italian translation did not agree. to lose Shoa.

89
 "
before I gave up the country as far as
"
Since Formerly the boundary of Ethiopia was the sea.
Asmara, today all Ethiopia is by the grace united in Having lacked strength sufficient, and having received
my hand; I do not wish to be miserly; and although no help from Christian Powers, our frontier on the sea
the great men of Ethiopia and the hereditary rulers of coast fell into the power of the Mussulman.
'
Tigre said to me, How can you let them take our
country which we preserved at the cost of our blood "At present we do not intend to regain our sea frontier
in fighting the Turks?
'
I
called together all the nobles, by force, but we trust that the Christian Powers, guided
and consulting with them, in order not be be angry by our Saviour, will restore to us our coast-line, at
with Italy, I said to them it was better to have Chris any rate, certain points on the coast."376
tians than Muslims as neighbours, that peace was better
than war, and that we should give as far as Cheket Menelik's claim to the coast was thus forcefully pro
to make the blood dry. And, despite their complaints, claimed at the very moment when the Italians had
I gave you as far as Cheket. To demarcate the frontiers obtained general diplomatic recognition of their sup
" "
I sent General Mashesha, with many of our old men. posed Protectorate over his country.
I ordered them to make peace between Ras Mangasha
and Ras Alula and your generals in order to destroy
grudges. They made peace. Later I brought your
While Menelik was chiding the Italians for their
representatives, Count Salimbini, to Entoto and myself
covetousness the latter were consolidating their position
accompanied him, giving him all honours; seeing his
in their colony of Eritrea, the existence of which seemed
arrival I was very happy, considering it as a sign that
for the time being at least to have completely
our friendship was strengthened.
destroyed any possibility of realising the age-old
" When, "
then, I asked him
Why has the demarca Ethiopian claim to Massawa, the more so as the Italian
tion of the frontiers not been completed?' he replied claim to have established a protectorate over the whole
to me that he had been told it could not be finished of Ethiopia had deprived the Ethiopians of any
unless you had the Mareb as the frontier. Hearing that diplomatic initiative except perhaps in the field of fire
and knowing that such words did not come out of your arms. As relations between the two countries steadily
mouth, Ras Makonnen having spoken to me much of deteriorated it became increasingly clear that the
your loyal character, and not having found such claims dispute could not be resolved except by resort to war.
in your letter, I could not have confidence in him Fully aware of this, the Italians, who now held the
[Salimbini] and preferred to address myself to you. initiative, endeavoured early in 1895 to acquire the
Why do I prefer to write to you? It is because before, port of Zeila which would have enabled them to cut
through the fault of men, Ethiopia and Italy, though off the supply of fire-arms reaching Menelik from the
formerly friends, became confused and came to spill Gulf of Aden, as well as from the Red Sea Coast. In
each other's blood. At present I
have no doubt that this way they hoped to complete the virtual encircle
a piece of land will not cause Your Majesty to change ment of Ethiopia. On January 23 the Italian Ambas
his word. This word was given in Article I of the sador in London suggested that the British Govern
Treaty of Uccialli, Miazia 25, 1881, in your letters ment should cede Zeila to Italy, possibly receiving in
which were brought to me by Count Antonelli, and in exchange an area around Guardafui at the tip of the
the words which Your Majesty when in Rome thrice Somali peninsula. Shortly afterwards the Italian
charged Ras Makonnen to deliver."375 Foreign Minister urged on the British Ambassador in
"
Rome that the acquisition of Zeila was highly
Determined not to accept any limitation on his right essential to Italy." Referring to Menelik's followers as
to correspond with the Great Powers, Menelik pro " " who
Abyssinian insurgents refused to accept the
ceeded, on April 10, 1891, to address his famous
" " Italian Protectorate, the Minister complained of the
circular letter on the boundaries of Ethiopia to help they were receiving from the French, declaring
the Governments of Britain, France, Italy, Germany, that a road had been
"
opened to the enemy for the
Italy and Russia. In it he declared: purpose of communication and warlike materials, by
"Ethiopia has been for fourteen centuries a Christian a Power [i.e. France] which opposes the Italian Protec

island in a sea of pagans. If Powers at a distance torate over Abyssinia not only in principle but in fact."

come forward to partition Africa between them I do

The Protectorate, he added, would "never be a real
not intend to be an indifferent spectator. one ... so long as Zeyla, which is the natural port of
Harar and Shoa, and the most direct and easy route from
"
As the Almighty has protected Ethiopia up to this that port to the regions protected by us is closed to
day, I
have confidence He will continue to protect her, Italy." He concluded, in ominious vein, that " if our
and increase her borders in the future. I am certain banner floated at Zeyla ...the natural routes to Harar
He will not suffer her to be divided among other and Shoa would inevitably fall under Italian influence
Powers. in the course of time."

90
 The British, however, were unwilling to sacrifice Since such assurances could clearly not be given this
their ownership of the port in the interests of Italy, statement was tantamount to the rejection of the Italian
especially as the local officials strongly urged that the claim. The Italian Minister, according to the Ambas
place was necessary for the supply of foodstuffs to sador, was " evidently greatly disappointed."382
Aden and was also valuable for maintaining contact
and commercial intercourse with Ethiopia.377 Some rather half-hearted talk of a possible Italian
landing at Dongarita, a little to the east of Zeila, was
Thus frustrated in their efforts to acquire the port, revived in February, 1896, but plans were still in their
the Italians nonetheless determined to deny its use to infancy when news came of the Italian defeat at Adowa
the Ethiopians.378 Well aware that Ras Makonnen, on March l.383
the Governor of Harar, had been obtaining fire-arms
through the port, the Italian Government launched a
new diplomatic manoeuvre in April based on the thesis
that Menelik was under Italian protection and that
" " " The Ethiopian victory at Adowa was followed by the
Governments of friendly Powers should not
Peace Treaty of Addis Ababa which was signed on
countenance the furnishing of arms to persons in
October 26, 1896. In it the Italian Government recog
revolt." In discussing the matter with the British " "
nised the independence absolute and without reserve
Ambassador in Rome on April 19, 1895, the Italian "
of the Empire of Ethiopia as a sovereign independent
Foreign Minister likened his country's position in
State ", and declared that the old Treaty of Uccialli was
Ethiopia to that of the French in Madagascar and the "
definitely annulled ". Article V of the new treaty
Spanish in Cuba, and claimed that only the effective
stated that the Italian and Ethiopian Governments were
establishment of Italian control would bring the slave
in agreement on the demarcation of frontiers and also
trade to an end. This latter argument appears to have
made reference to what at that time seemed the very
been effective with the British, for on April 30 the
unlikely possibility of an Italian withdrawal from
Foreign Office stated that it was "in present circum "
Eritrea for it stated: The Italian Government engages
stances ready to prohibit the importation of fire-arms
" to make no cession of territory whatsoever to any other
into Harar and Abyssinia through the ports of the
" Power. In case it wishes of its own accord to abandon
British Protectorate; it added that it would be glad
any part of the territory it
holds, it will entrust it to
to learn that the French Government have issued a
Ethiopia."
similar prohibition as regards the French ports."379

The French Government, however, was far too The question of Ethiopian access to the sea through
committed to the Ethiopian cause, to agree. Arms, for Jibuti was raised by Menelik on January 26, 1897, when
Menelik, as explained elsewhere by the present writer, he wrote to the French Government proposing an alli
thus continued to pour in through Jibuti, providing ance, and submitted the following draft treaty which
so to speak the life blood of Ethiopian resistance and declared the port Ethiopia's outlet to the sea.
independence.380 "
Article premier. Le Gonvernment de la Republique
The Italians made a last effort to acquire Zeila at Francaise ayant toujours admis 1'Empire d'Ethiopie1
the end of the year. On December 13, the Italian comme un etat libre and independant, veut donner a
Ambassador in London called on the British Foreign l'empereur Menelick II une preuve d'amitie et lui
Secretary, Lord Salisbury, with the request that an venir en aide, il considcrera done le port de Djibouti
Italian force should be allowed to occupy the port on comme le debouche du commerce ethiopien et con-
a temporary basis and use it as the basis for a march formement a l'article premier de 1'ancien traite* il lui
on Shoa, Lord Salisbury seems to have been at first permettra d'introduire a sa faculte par le port de Dji
moderately sympathetic, for on December 16 he stated bouti tout le materiel de guerre necessaire a 1'Empire
"
that the British Government would offer no opposi ethiopien.
tion, but that they could not consent to the occupation
of Zeyla, even for a short time, except for the purpose
"
Article 2. L'empereur Menelick considcrera
of a passage, as it would bring the settlement into colli comme le d6bouche official du commerce Ethiopien et
sion with the Abyssinians."381 suivant la mesure de son pouvoir il facilitera a tous
les negotiants de son empire les moyens de prendre
The French, on learning of this turn of events,
cette route.
expressed strong opposition to even a temporary
transfer of Zeila to Italy. They argued that British "
Article 3. Pour que les negotiants ne soient point
permission to the Italians to penetrate Ethiopia via pilles sur la route, les deux Gouvernement s'entendront
Zeila violated the Franco-British understanding that pour les sauvegarder et determineront les limites
the status of Harar should not be altered except by d'influence reciproque. Tant que l'empereur Menelick
mutual consent. The British appear to have accepted sera en possession de son empire et qu'apres lui ses fils
the validity of this argument, for on January 17, 1896, et petit-fils seront assis sur le trone d'Ethiopie, chacun
des deux Gouvernements s'abstiendra d'empi&er sur
Lord Salisbury wrote to the Ambassador in Rome
les frontieres d&erminees d'un commun accord.
instructing him to inform the Italian Government that
the use of Zeila was conditional on the British being "
Article
4. L'Empereur d'Ethiopie pour ce qui le
able to give assurances to the French Government that regarde et ses successeurs egalement maintiendront leur
the operations would not change the status of Harar. complete independance et l'integrite de leurs territoires.

91
 " "
Ds n'accepteront le protectorat d'aucune puissance the natural port of Harar and Shoa ", was alluded to
et resteront independants. in February 1897 by Wylde in an interesting conversa
" tion with Cunningham, the British resident in Aden.
Article 5. Si, dans l'avenir, ce qu'a Dieu ne plaise, Himself very conscious, as we have seen, of the difficulty
1'Empereur ou ses successeurs abandonnaient de gre ou which would confront the Ethiopians in administering
de force une partie de leurs territoires actuels, il devront, a port, Wylde said of Menelik what he had muca
avant de le faire, consulter amicalement le Gouverne- earlier observed of the Emperor Yohannes, namely,
ment francaise. "
Menelek does not want a sea port, but a treaty which
" would give him trade facilities with a power holding a
A partir de la, le Gouvernement fran9ais reprendrait port; he is very ready to open negotiations with .he
sa liberty d'action ainsi que l'integrite de ses droits vis
English."3S5 Ethiopian interest in Zeila was officially
a-vis des autres puissances.
recognised by the British Government early in the same
year, when Sir Rennell Rodd was despatched to Addis
"Article 6. Le droit de 3% sur les marchandises
Ababa to negotiate an Anglo-Ethiopian Treaty. Rodd
stipule a l'article 4 de l'ancient traite' sera abondonne
was instructed that he could offer Menelik free transit
et remplace par un droit de 8%.
through the port, the sovereignty of which Britain
" fois, pour rester dans l'esprit de l'ancien remained, however, unwilling to abandon.386
Toute
traite, les negotiants fran9ais seront toujours plus
The outcome of the negotiations was the Anglo-
favorises que les autres.
Ethiopian Treaty which Menelik signed with Rodd ou
" May 1, 1897. Two articles provided for free transit
Dans le cas ou une douane serait etablie a Djibouti,
les negotiants cthiopiens serdient traites comme les through Zeila. Article IV stated that "all material
negotiants francais le sont en Ethiopie. destined exclusively for the service of the Ethiopian
State shall, on application from His Majesty the
"
ArticleToutes les stipulations de l'ancien
7. Emperor, be allowed to pass through the port of Zeyla
etraite concernant que le royaume de Choa
ne into Ethiopia free of duty". Article V dealt specifically
s'appliqueront desormais a tout l'empire &hiopien. with the all-important question of military supplies and
declared:
"
" The transit of firearms and ammunition
Article 8. Apres six ans, s'il se trouve que quelques destined to His Majesty the Emperor of Ethiopia
stipulations du traite actuel ne sont pas utiles, les deux through the territories depending on the Government of
Gouvernements, sans annuler le traite, d'un commun Her Britannic Majesty is authorized, subject to the con
accord et en bonne amitie, les modiferont." ditions prescribed by the General Act of the Brussels
Conference, signed the 2nd July, 1890." In return fcr
An agreement between Ras Makonnen and the French this Article the Emperor agreed to prevent arms from
envoy Lagarde was signed a few days later on January reaching the Mahdists in the Sudan. It was laid down
29, 1897, specifying that Jibuti, though remaining "
in Article VI that His Majesty the Emperor Menelek
French, should be the official outlet ("debouche officiel") II, King of Kings of Ethiopia, engages himself towards
of Ethiopia. It stated that "le port francos de Djibouti the Government of Her Britannic Majesty to do all in
£tant le debouche officiel du commerce ethiopien, il y
his power to prevent the passage through his dominions
sera installe un emplacement pour que les sujets de Sa of arms and ammunition to the Mahdists whom he
Majeste ne soient point embarrasses." The principle that declares to be the enemies of his Empire."387
Menelik could transport his supplies freely through the
port was reiterated in an agreement which he signed with The Ethiopian-Italian Commercial Treaty of June 24,
the French on March 20. 384 1897, embodied almost identical principles. Thus
Article V laid down that all supplies destined for the
A decade or so of Italian expansion based on the port use of the Ethiopian State should pass through Italian
of Massawa and the colony of Eritrea was thus brought ports and territories free of customs, at the request of
to an end — at least for almost forty years, quite a long His Majesty the King of Kings of Ethiopia, while Article
time when compared with the transient nature of some IV stated that the transit across territories dependent on
of the earlier agreements relating to the coast. the Italian Government of arms and ammunition
destined for His Majesty the King of Kings of Ethiopia,
The return of peace and the abatement of Italian
and at the Emperor's request, was authorized, subject
pressure did not, however, alter the facts of geography
again to the conditions laid down by the Brussels Con
or remove Ethiopia's long-felt need for access to the
ference. Article VI dealt with communications between
sea. The continued Italian presence in Eritrea nonthe-
less rendered pointless, at least for the time being, any Ethiopia and the Italian Somaliland coast; it declared
renewed assertion of the Ethiopian claim to Massawa, a that with the object of assisting commercial relations
port which was in any case very far from Menelik's between the Italian possessions on the Indian Ocean
capital in Addis Ababa. Official Ethiopian interest in coast and southern Ethiopia, the two Governments
the coast therefore shifted southwards to the southern
agreed to study together the possibility of establishing
Red Sea and Gulf of Aden, the question of access to
new and secure commercial routes.388
the sea through ports to the north falling into abeyance
until the outbreak of World War II.
Treaties guaranteeing free transit through the ports
Ethiopian interest in Zeila, which the Italian Foreign failed, however, to meet Ethiopia's basic need for a port,
Minister, as we have seen, had described in 1895 as or, despite Wylde's observations in Aden, to satisfy the

92
 "
Ethiopians. Thus on September 29, 1898, Captain II est entendu que des marchandises destindes au
Harrington, the British envoy to Ethiopia, reported that Gouvernement de 1' Etat Ethiopien peuvent, sur une
Ras Makonnen had: declaration officielle de S.M. l'Empereur, penetrer en
Ethiopie, en franchaise de drorts; par les ports de la
"suddenly startled me by saying that Abyssinia
Cote francaise des Somalis."
wanted a sea-port, and that we could give her one. I
said no doubt this could be arranged but we should want
The deire for a port, though not be realized, was not
a quid pro quo — but at the same pointed out that a
forgotten. During the Emperor's long fatal illness his
sea-port was of no value to Abyssinia as any power who
Regent, Ras Tessema, voiced his master's thoughts in
possessed a man-of-war if they had a quarrel with
May, 1910, when he explained to the British Minister in
Abyssinia would blow the place to blazes in half an Addis Ababa, Wilfred Thesiger, that Ethiopia was
hour."
greatly interested in the Somali region from which the
Ras Makonnen, we are told, answered that
" British were then withdrawing under pressure from the
he knew
that, but what they wanted was a port under the pro so-called "Mad-Mullah", Muhamed bin Abd Allah.
tection of England ". The Ethiopians, Thesiger commented, were still
"
clinging to the idea that the present occasion offers
Harrington, who delighted in lecturing the Ethiopians them a possibility of securing an extension of territory
"
on international relations, goes on to say I replied which might give them a sea-board, and to gain that
that we must have full control of Abyssinian foreign end they would be prepared, as they have stated very
relations otherwise we might find ourselves landed in a clearly, to expend any amount of blood and money."392
quarrel that was not of our making. I said such a trans The British, however, remained adamant in their
action would amount to an English protectorate over refusal to surrender the Somali coastline, the ports of
Abyssinia, to which he replied that he knew that, but which were required as bases for the subsequent cam
that matters could be so arranged that we would not paign against the Mullah.
interfere in internal affairs but would leave them to
themselves."389 The Italians, whom the Ethiopians also approached
Ras Makonnen's words, which underline once again on the matter, were no less helpful, for as the Italian
the permanence of Ethiopian preoccupation with the envoy in Addis Ababa, Count Colli, told the British
need for access to the sea, were, however, no more representative, Douglas-Wylie, he had deliberately
" "
fruitful than earlier Ethiopian efforts in the same direc given an indefinite answer though he was well awaTe
tion, the British being no more willing to cede Zeila to that his Government had "no real intention of ceding a
the Ethiopians than they had been to give it to the port to Abyssinia ". Douglas-Wylie reporting his con
Italians. versation with Count Colli in a letter of October 13,
1911, noted that the Ethiopians had been long pressing
The Ethiopians, however, never fully lost hope; they for a port. "The envoy", Douglas-Wylie notes ."informed
persisted in exploring all possibilities of getting to the me that for many years there have been discussions in
sea. Thus in June, 1906, after relations with Italy which the Abyssinians have asked for a port. He said
returned to normal, Menelik told the Italian Minister Anfela, which is close to Zulla Bay". These negotiations
in Addis Ababa, Captain Ciccodicola, that he wanted
began in the time of Major Ciccodicola, the agent at
access to the sea and suggested that he might be given
the small port of Raheita on the southern Eritrean that time being one Athanas Souvis, a Greek, who is
coast.390 Discussing the matter with the Italian governor now head of a money-lending concern known as the
of Eritrea, Ferdinando Martini, the Emperor declared Abyssinian Bank. Lately Souvis has been moving in
tha this was the "great desire of his life". the matter again, as adviser to the Abyssinian Govern
ARTICLE I ment. The Italian answer to such proposals has always
A couple of years later, on January 10, 1908, Menelik been indefinite, Count Colli saying that he would raise
and the French envoy Klobukowski signed a treaty of the question with his Government when he went on
friendship and commerce, two articles of which were leave. The object in not giving a decisive answer was
designed to facilitate Ethiopian trade through Jibuti. that a little hope in this matter might be useful in others.
They declared :391
Count Colli telling me that if he had his way a direct
" Le Gouvernement ethiopien facilitera, dans la negative would never be returned. He would prefer to
mesure de son pouvoir, a tous les negociants de demand so big a price that the Abyssinians could not
FEmpire, les moyens de prendre la route de Djibouti. accord it — say the cession of the whole of Ogaden —
Les deux Gouvernements contractants prendront les and that the matter would drop in this way. But that
mesures utiles pour que les negociants soient preserves
Italy had no real intention of ceding a port to
de tout dommage sur la route.
Abyssinia."
ARTICLE V
" Le transit des armes et des munitions destinies au
Gouvernement dthiopien est authorise' sur l'&endue des
territoires dependant au Gouvernement de la Repub-
Ethiopia's need of access to the sea was nonetheless
lique, dans les conditions prescrites par l'Acte g£n6ral
de Bruxelles, en date de deux juillet mil huit cen not forgotten in the country itself. During World War I
quatre-vingt-dix. hopes of obtaining all or at least part of the coast under

93
British, French and Italian rule did much to tempt Lij

it,
biggest impact on the Ethiopians who read specified
Yasu to adopt a pro-Turkish, pro-German line and that Italy should cede to Ethiopia the port of Assab ?s
rumour had it that he wished to march on Berbera with well as thin stretch of Eritrea to link that port with

a
the Mad Mullah. Tension with the Allied powers Ethiopian territory. Paragraphs three and six, on the
reached such a point that on September 10, 1916, the other hand, laid down that the area to be ceded should
Ministers of France, Italy and Britain made a collective remain economically in Italian hands. The former
demarche, warning the Ethiopian Council of Ministers article stated that economic development should not be
of the dangers which would result from Lij Yasu's carried out by any foreigners other than Italians, while
policy.393 the latter article prevented other nationals from par
ticipating either the work at the port or the construc

in
The question of access to the sea was later broached tion of railway. In practical terms this meant that the

a
by the Regent Tafari Makonnen, the future Haile port and the strip of land leading thereto could only be
Sellassie at the time of his European tour of 1924. The developed in co-operation with Italy, that any efforts
tour was largely effected for reasons of diplomacy, the taken by the Ethiopians to divert their trade in that direc
Emperor later declaring that he had undertaken it for tion would in fact direct into the hands of 'he

it
three main purposes: firstly, to see the countries of Italians, and that any such development would tend to
Europe for himself; secondly, to introduce their inven give Italy monopolistic position in relation to

a
tions into Ethiopia, and thirdly, to attempt to obtain a Ethiopian commerce. Moreover, the fact that the area
port. In accordance with this last objective he discussed to be ceded was small enclave situated within Italian

a
the question of access to the sea with the French, Italian colonial territory meant that could at any moment be

it
and British Governments, as he later revealed, but was overrun by Italian troops. So far from providing for
unable to come to any satisfactory arrangements.394 the security of Ethiopia the draft thus embodied pro
posals which would actually have increased her depend
The Regent's first meeting was with the French Prime ence on Italy.
Minister, Raymond Poincare, to whom, he says, he
"
suggested that the French Government might give us a The draft was as follows:
free means of access to the sea at Jibuti, and if they were
willing to do this, would they inform us what they "
First
would want us on our part to give in exchange." "The Italian Government, having full desire to

a
Poincare" replied that he would bring Ethiopia's request strengthen the bonds of amity existing between Italy and
"
before the Parliament where, he declared, they would Ethiopia, and having regard to the furtherance of the
be considered as fully as possible and in a spirit of economic and political advantages of Ethiopia, has
friendship." to the Ethiopian Government, for period of

a
given
ninety-nine years, the town of Assab, hitherto in the
On travelling on to Rome the Regent met Mussolini Government, to wit all areas
" possession of the Italian
on June 19 and put forward, as he says, the possibility
and buildings, as exist within the town; further, the sea
that the port of Assab, formerly under Ethiopian iule railway
port at Assab, and an area suitable for

a
. . . might be given to the Ethiopian Government as a Ethiopian fronti*r.
extending from the seaport up to the
gesture of friendship, to be a means of access for our
And until the period of this agreement has expired the
northern territories ". Mussolini, interestingly enough,
Ethiopian Government shall have full jurisdiction over
was much more forthcoming than the French Minister Government, to
what has been acquired from the Italian
had been. Reporting on his conversations with the Duce, and the road up to the frontier.
"After we bad wit the seaport of Assab
the Regent subsequently revealed:
'
exchanged greetings I said to him, I should be pleased "
Second
if you were willing to discuss the possibility that the
"Competent persons chosen by the Italian and
Italian Government might give us, as a friendly gesture,
Ethiopian Governments shall proceed to the place, and
a part of the port of Assab, to be a free means of access.'
and
Signor Mussolini, after carefully listening to the matter, having regard to the requirements of the seaport
' Assab, the boundary on the
said, I am willing to discuss this matter, and after I the trade of shall determine
of Assab; in
have talked it over with the Political Director, Signor sea-coast and in the environs of the place
Contarini, he will inform you of the answer.' Signor addition, the buildings already constructed and further
of railway
the land necessary for the construction
a

Contarini was summoned forthwith, and after we had

' Ethiopian frontier.
talked at length, he said, I will inform Signor Mussolini extending from the seaport up to the

of everything we have discussed, and the answer will be " Third

brought to you tomorrow by the hand of Count Colli.'
" full desire to
On this we parted. The Ethiopian Government, having
a

bonds of amity existing between Italy and

" The next day Count Colli came and said, With
' strengthen the Mate,
nationals of another
Ethiopia, shall not give to the
regard to your request concerning the port of Assab, of Italy, economic and political advan
except nationals
the proposal of my Government is this. And he pre mentioned, as may be con
tages in the seaport and area
sented to me the draft of an agreement." And in awards of contract
sented under the agreement.
shall be given to
The draft in question was at once designed to meet other things being equal, preference wan
But the Ethiopian Government
Italian nationals.
if

the Regent's demand foT access to the sea and to further may do what
territory, they
the expansionistic interests of Italy. The first para to employ people in the
graph, which, it might be assumed, would make the they wish.

94
 "
Fourth entered into an agreement that it will require no money
" from the Ethiopian Government."
Inthe possible event of the Italian Government
having need of a place in the seaport of Assab to
deposit goods, the Ethiopian Government shall release a
determined place for the purpose.
The Regent, doubtless conscious of the difficulties
" inherent in the draft, saw that no immediate decision
Fifth

it,
" could be taken on and that he would have to con
Italian merchants when transiting their trade goods "
sult with his Council of Ministers. After looking
through the seaport of Assab shall be required to pay "
through [the] proposals," he says, realised that

it
I
dues at the same rate as Ethiopian merchants are.
would be necessary to inform the Council on my return
required to pay. told Count Colli to inform Signor
to Addis Ababa, so

I
" Mussolini of this intention of mine."
Sixth
" to
The Ethiopian Government shall assign Some weeks later, on July 11, talks were initiated
Ethiopian and Italian companies work on the port and with the British Prime Minister, Ramsay Macdonald, to
on the railway starting from Assab up to the Ethiopian whom the Regent explained that Ethiopia, by then

a
frontier. And when these companies are established, member of the League of Nations, thirsted for contact
the Ethiopian public shall subscribe two-thirds of the "
with the outside world. Since the Government of
money and the Italian public one-third. But if the Ethiopia lacks an outlet to the sea by which she can
Ethiopian public are unable to subscribe two-thirds of "
communicate with foreign countries," he said, we
the money, the two parties alone, without admitting any experience much difficulty. The way to acquire know
other foreigner, may constitute the company by sub ledge and wealth to develop trade between one

is
scribing money in equal parts. country and another, by both sea and land communica
" tions and contacts. The whole intention of the
Seventh
Ethiopian Government for the future to work to

is
"
If
the Ethiopian Government conclude in future an wards civilisation and to foster the closest relations
agreement concerning a port with another Government, with foreign countries. Our entry last year into the
or again if they obtain in any other port a free zone or League of Nations indeed present indication of our

is

a
place, and if they thereby secure better advantages, it intention to work for civilisation and to enhance the
is agreed that the Italian Government will revise this prosperity of our country. Therefore, the British

if
agreement concerning a port in order to extend the ad Government were to give the Ethiopian Government
vantages accruing to Ethiopia. And if the Ethiopian an outlet to the sea with full possession, there would
Government conclude an agreement concerning a port remain for ever an unshakable friendship. should

I
with another Government, and the other Government therefore be glad before leave London you could

if

I
secures advantages under this agreement, the Italian communicate to me definite answer about this."

a
Government may revise this agreement concerning a
port in order to secure such advantages. The British response was almost identical to the
"
" French and combined courtesy with evasion. had

I
Eighth
" not heard about this matter until now," Macdonald
The two parties have agreed that, having regard to "

it,
not for me alone to decide about
It

declared.
is

the agreement previously concluded between the

Government and the Italian Government before the question has been discussed and decided
Ethiopian
concerning the whole question of the frontiers, the two by Parliament, so cannot give you an immediate
I

parties shall choose competent persons with a view to answer. But will bring before Parliament at
it

a
I

the question of frontiers being settled. Again, the suitable moment and see that discussed."
is
it

Ethiopian Government will assist by all possible means

Italian companies who have previously received Neither Britain nor France seemed in fact very keen
agricultural, commercial, industrial or mining conces to surrender any of their colonial territory to Ethiopia,
sions in any difficulties which they may encounter.
the two Powers having indeed little interest in facilitat
" ing that country's access to the sea which would have
Ninth
" reduced its commercial and strategic dependence.
Concerning the waters of the Juba and Wabi
Nevertheless on August 13 the French Foreign Minister
Shibeli rivers, the Ethiopian Government has entered
into an agreement that, apart from what is necessary wrote the following letter to the Regent, who was then
for its own advantage, it will not, by granting advan returning home through Paris:
tages to other foreigners, prevent the waters from
"Your Highness,
going into Italian Somaliland nor completely shut them
off. "Your Highness was pleased to ask for port which
a

" could serve as maritime outlet for the trade of your

Tenth
a

" country. would have been pleasure to me this

It

if
a

The Italian Government, in granting the port of

Assab, adding thereto all the areas and buildings in question could have been examined and concluded on
its possession at Assab, and an area sufficient for the the basis of the firm desire of the Government of the
construction of a railway to the Ethiopian frontier, has French Republic to give to the Ethiopian Government

95
 An Introduction to

the

ECONOMIC HISTORY

ETHIOPIA by

RICHARD PANKHURST
with a foreword by

K. M. PANIKKAR

Published by

SIDGWICK AND JACKSON

(LONDON)
42/- 454 pages

96
this outlet for which you ask, and if I
could have given sion from the Ethiopian Government to build the railway
to Your Highness, before you left here, the terms on which connected us thereto. Later in 1916 [1924
which the Government of the two countries might Gregorian calendar] when the French Government
agree. extended to me an invitation to visit Paris and I
went
thither, I disclosed to the then Prime Minister,
"
As however the President of the Council has not Monsieur Poincare\ that it was my desire to obtain
made an early return from the country whither he has a seaport at Jibuti. He had given me a hopeful reply,
gone, and as the conclusion of an agreement is an and after I had returned to my country I asked re
important matter which necessarily requires that the peatedly that the hope given me by the French
whole Government of the French Republic discuss the Government might be realised but they gave sundry
question, the agreement has, in consequence, not as excuses and kept me waiting for about two years
yet been adopted. without giving a definite answer".
"
In view of the ties of friendship which have as a The Italians moreover also dallied, in part because
matter of history for long bound France closely to they had little wish to raise Ethiopia from her depen
Ethiopia, the request which you have made cannot fail dent position, in part perhaps because they were afraid
to constitute a means of further strengthening the that if the French acceded to the Regent's request she
cordial relations between the two countries. I
have would not be as dependent as Italy as they had hoped.
the honour explicitly to inform Your Highness that In 1927, however, the Duke of the Abruzzi, a cousin of
it is our firm desire that this matter receive further King Victor Emmanuel II of Italy, was despatched to
early consideration and that the drafting of the agree to Addis Ababa to return the Regent's good will visit to
ment be completed. to Rome. On arrival in the Ethiopian capital he
,lCircumstances have not hitherto provided the oppor informed the Regent that he had been instructed to
discuss with him the question of a seaport and the
tunity for a speedy conclusion of the agreement, which
construction of a road thereto. Actual discussion of
will take its place among all the mutual advantages con these matters was postponed till the end of the Duke's
templated between these two friendly and neighbouring official visit, whereupon he said to the Regent, "May
countries. However, the agreement which will without
doubt be concluded in the future will be found by Your
I speak about the business I mentioned, of
which I have been instructed by my Government to
Highness to constitute a substantial record and witness
inform the Ethiopian Government?" He then spoke
of the deep affection inspired in the people's hearts by
as follows;
your sojourn in France. Nothing will be overlooked in
taking the necessary steps to further the development of
"My Government has heard that you have begun
the sentiments of friendship and interests of the two
conversations with the French Government with
countries."
a view to acquiring a seaport, and that the matter
Though his talks in Paris had failed to result in still awaits settlement. The desire of my Government
is to give a seaport at Assab and tc construct a motor
as concrete a proposal as those in Rome the Regent
road running from the port of Dessie, the two
later expressed mild satisfaction at this epistle, and
hope that it would be followed by a definite agreement. Governments lending each other assistance in forming
"
I was glad," he said, " the terms of the letter gave hope a company, in addition to this, to enter into a treaty
that it would be concluded in the near future." of friendship which shall remain in force for twenty
years. I am enquiring of you whether this is also the
The Regent's tour thus succeeded once again in desire of the Ethiopian Government. This matter
informing the major European powers of Ethiopia's was broached previously at the time when you came to
age-old interest in access to the sea. Ras Tafari, like Rome."
Sahle Sellassie, Wube, Theodore, Yohannes and
Menelik, made no bones about the need for this means The Regent, though by no means jubilant at these
of contact with foreign lands. "That our country suggestions, considered them on the whole advan
lacked a sea-coast of her own" he later recalled, "was tageous for Ethiopia. His attitude, was that "since
an impediment to her civilisation, and I had often been in the first place we obtain a seaport and in the
distressed by it. In particular, since Ethiopia had second place we obtain a period of twenty years free
entered the League of Nations, her relations with the
from the threat of war, during which time Ethiopia can
countries of the world were increasing, and I had
become convinced that it was essential to obtain a pursue her activities and reach a higher standard of
seaport. I therefore asked the Italian government life, it is very satisfactory". After the matter had been
whether wc might obtain a seaport at Assab. laid before the great princes and nobles and approved
by them, the Ethiopian and Italians signed the short
"Then again I had, on several occasions, conveyed
lived Italo-Ethiopian Friendship Pact of August 2 1928.
to the French Minister in Addis Ababa that it was our
desire to obtain a port at Jibuti. My reasons for The Pact itself was confined to the question of friend
considering the acquisition of a seaport at Jibuti were, "
ship. Article I stating that there will be constant peace
in the first place, that when the French Government
and perpetual friendship between the Kingdom of Italy
originally occupied Jibuti it was by agreement with
the Ethiopian Government, and in the second place and the Empire of Ethiopia". The question of Ethiopian
that it was a French company which received the conces access to the sea was relegated to an Annexe which

97
stated that the Italians would grant Ethiopia for 130 sation for substantial Abyssinian concessions to the
years a 6,000 square metre stretch of land in the port Italian demands."397 The result was that on June 24
of Assab and a further 30,000 square metres three kilo Anthony Eden went to Rome in an effort to achieve a
A corollorary to this clause stated that a "
final settlement
" between His
metres away. Ethiopia and Italy.
road would be constructed from the port to the proposal was that Ethiopia should cede to Italy the low
lands bordering Italian Somaliland, as well as
"a
Ethiopian town of Dessie, work on the Eritrean side of
the frontier being the responsibility of the Italians and number of economic concessions to be determined at a
on the Ethiopian side by the Emperor's Government.395 future date ", and that to obtain the Emperor's consent
The Annexe to the Friendship Pact of 1928 was thus, to these arrangements the British Government would
it will be apparent, the nearest that pre-war Ethiopia offer Ethiopia access to the sea through British territory
ever got to an international agreement granting her and the port of Zeila.398 To avoid undue competition
access to the sea. Worsening relations between Ethiopia with the Jibuti railway the Zeila corridor, according to
and Italy, which deteriorated rapidly after the signing Salvemini, would be no more than a camel track.399
of the agreement, nevertheless prevented the realisation The reaction to these proposals of the opposing sides
of the project- The Emperor Haile Sellassie, commenting was both interesting and revealing. Mussolini rejected
"
on this matter long afterwards, recalled that by the Eden's offer, telling the British that it provided no radi
terms of this convention the Ethiopian Government was cal solution of the problem, i.e. that it failed to give Italy
to construct, by itself or through a company, the section what she could in any case take by force, and that it
of the road between Dessie and the frontier, the Italian "
would make Ethiopia a naval power and by that token
Government would construct the short section from the more dangerous to her neighbours ", i.e. that it would
frontier to the port of Assab. Transport of passengers enable her to import the means of self-defence.400
and goods along the road was to be entirely in the
The Emperor, who commented on Eden's proposals a
hands of a company formed jointly by the Ethiopian
month later in an interview given to George Steer of
and Italian Governments. Conditionally upon the fulfil
The Times, was more sympathetic. Pointing out that
ment of these provisions, the Italian Government would
he had not been officially approached by the British
concede to the Italian Government a free zone in tlw Government, he explained that this observation implied
port of Assab for 130 years, on a token payment of one
no criticism of British efforts for peace, and added: "If
dollar a year."
the Zeyla offer is maintained I am willing to surrender
"We spent a great deal of money," the Emperor con
Recalling that he had spoken
tinued, " in engaging several engineers from Holland,
to Italy an equivalent."
of Ethiopia's need for access to the sea at the time of
and got them to survey, in conjunction with engineers
his visit to Europe ten years earlier, he added: "The
of our own who were in Addis Ababa and with people
Zeyla offer must stand. During my journey in Europe
of the district, the course of the road up to Dessie. After
I emphasised to the British and French Governments
we had finished having the plan drawn up, we asked the
Ethiopia's need of a seaport on the Red Sea. I still
Italians that a start should be made on constructing the
regard that as much more important than loans or other
road, but they were less concerned for the work than
financial assistance. I insist that the main factor barring
for their old practice of picking quarrels, and disdaining "+01
Ethiopia from civilisation is the lack of a seaport
the survey and project of our engineers, demanding that
the work should be based on the survey and project of The idea of granting Ethiopia a corridor to the sea
their own engineers. Thus they dragged out the business was revived again shortly after the Italian invasion
and nullified it. But in Europe they began to spread began on October 3, 1935. Maurice Peterson, the
a report in which they made it appear that the British Foreign Office expert on Ethiopia, went over
Ethiopian Government had broken the treaty and nulli to Paris to discuss the matter with St. Quentin, the
fied the work. Ethiopia, whatever the risk might be to chief of the African Department at the Quai d'Orsay.
herself, was determined to stick to the truth, and Sir Samuel Hoare, who seeks to justify these talks
refrained from disbursing her funds to newspapers and partly by painting the French Foreign Minister, Pierre
from giving out false reports as Italy did. But there Laval, as an appeaser, and partly by glossing over his
is no doubt that the spreading of reports of this kind was own responsibility, describes the conversations in the
consonant with Italy's intention to take Ethiopia by following manner:
force of arms on the ground that she had broken the "
When Peterson arrived in Paris, he found Laval
treaty." was putting the Italian demands even higher than
The upshot, as de la Pradelle notes, was that Ethiopia Mussolini. Peterson at once insisted that we were only
never took up the enclave, nor was the Italo-Ethiopian prepared to continue negotiations on the basis, first of
road to Dessie ever built.396 a definite exchange of territory that gave Abyssinia a
port, and secondly, of a formula that, whilst accepting
Italian development and settlement in the southern
provinces, maintained Abyssinian sovereignty under
Ethiopia's underlying interest in the coast came to League supervision. There then followed a series of
the fore again, for the last time prior to the Italian meetings between the experts that eventually produced
occupation, during the Italo-Ethiopian dispute of 1935. a plan that give Italy an extension zone for exclusive
Sir Samuel Hoare, then British Foreign Secretary, economic development in the south, a share in the
recalls that his Government,
"
anxious to find a card of economic development of the rest of the country, but
re-entry in a hand that was almost lost." decided in June both under League supervision, and an exchange of
to offer to cede to Abyssinia a narrow tract of territory territory that was to include for Italy parts of the Tigre
in British Somaliland as an outlet to the sea in compen province that the Italian armies had already occupied.

98
 *"Illllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllle

An Invaluable Study

ETHIOPIA
A Cultural History
by

Sylvia Pankhurst
With a foreword by the late Canon J. A. Douglas

750 Pages of Text 38 Line Drawings

165 Pages of Photographs 4 Coloured Plates

Distributed throughout the World by

SIDGWICK and JACKSON

1, Tavistock Chambers, Bloomsbury Way
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ăill||||||IIIlllllll'I'llllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllllſ:

99
In return for an Abyssinian port, preferably situated on 8th parallel and the 35th degree of longitude where
" "
territory ceded by the Italians at Assab in Eritrea. Italy would enjoy exclusive economic rights though
"
under the sovereignty of the Emperor." In return
"Laval considered the plan insufficient to satisfy for making these immense concessions Ethiopia was
Mussolini, and continually harked back to an alterna to get from Italy a corridor giving her access to the
tive proposal that would have ceded the British terri "
sea. The corridor, as Salvemini says, was not
tory of Zeila to Abyssinia, and prohibited the building described, but it was soon known that it would cross
of any railway likely to compete with the French- the Danakil desert at its broadest and hottest point,
owned Djibouti Railway. Having failed in the pre and the London Times received from Paris the
vious June to settle with Mussolini over the original news that Hoare and Laval had agreed that no railway
Zeila proposal, we now insisted that Italian and not should be built in that corridor to compete with the
British territory must be used to satisfy Abyssinia, and French-owned Addis Ababa — Djibouti railway; the
that any exchange must be substantial, giving the corridor would consist of a camel-track."403
Abyssinians space and scope to build a railway if they
wished. Although we eventually succeeded in per A modification of the above plan was proposed to
suading the French to accept this proposal, it was clear the Italian Government a few days later by a Mexican
they regarded the general plan as inadequate for the adventurer, Chucry Jacir Bey, who suggested that
purpose of any compromise."402 Ethiopia should cede the whole of Tigre, all her eastern
provinces and some of her southern territories in return
Not long afterwards, on December 7, Sir Samuel for a corridor, not wider than 20 kilometres, leading
himself took over the discussions by travelling to Paris. to the sea at Assab.404
Coming to this stage of the history of the plan he
" Laval, Both plans were, however, still-born as they were
continues: who had evidently given Mussolini
some idea of its contents, declared that we must extend unacceptable both to Ethiopia and to world
its scope if there was to be any chance of Italian opinion, while even the Italian Government, which
acceptance. Mussolini had already occupied a con alone stood to gain from them, was by this time anxious
siderable part of the northern Province of Tigre, and to win victories in the field before coming to any terms.
it was inconceivable that he would surrender his con The Italians therefore stated that though they might
quests, particularly as they included Adowa, the " "
sensitive spot in every Italian heart ... I felt that there
be prepared to grant Ethiopia
were not prepared
port facilities
to surrender any sovereignty
they

was some force in Laval's argument, particularly as I

at

had been informed that the Emperor would find serious Assab.405
opposition from the Rases who had gone over to the
Further discussion of the age-old problem of
Italian side in the occupied districts, if their territory
My answer, therefore, was Ethiopia's access to the sea was thus once again
was restored to Abyssinia.
that, provided that the rest of the terms were reason deferred.

able, I was ready to agree to include some further parts

of the Tigre territory in exchange for a port, but
insisted that any such extension must be compensated The Italian invasion of 1935, like so many previous
by the lowering of Italian demands in the rest of the wars in Ethiopian history, illustrated to the full the
country." country's dependence on the coast. Faced with the
Turning to the question of the port to be transferred threat of aggression the Emperor encountered the

to Ethiopia, Sir Samuel goes on: greatest possible difficulty in importing weapons for
" defence, as the British and French Governments, who
What kind of port, then should it be, and where
held all the nearby Red Sea and Gulf of Aden coast
should it be situated?
not under Italian rule, adopted the policy of opposing
"
I made it clear that as an outlet to the sea was the supply of arms to either Ethiopia or Italy. This
compensation that Abyssinia was receiving for the policy, though superficially one of neutrality, naturally
Tigre districts, Italy should provide the territory and was of advantage to the Italians, for Italy manufac
the facilities at Assab, and that only if the Emperor tured her own weapons and therefore had no need to
preferred Zeila in British Somaliland, would we be import them, while Ethiopia could defend herself only
prepared to make any cession of British territory in the on the basis of imported arms. When it became clear
interests of peace. Laval agreed . . ." that the British and French Governments were thus
blocking his efforts to purchase the wherewithal of
The famous "Hoare-Laval plan," which Sir Samuel
defence the Emperor made the following most pertinent
Hoare (later Lord Templewood) thus defends, was in
comment in July to a representative of the London
fact, a piece of appeasement even though it offered
Sunday Times:
Ethiopia access to the sea, albeit on a very restricted
"
seale. According to the proposals Italy would receive Is there one policy for the weak and another for
north-eastern Tigre (excluding Aksum), Ogaden and the strong? The weak must be kept weak so that the
"
part of the Dankali area, as well as an Italian zone strong may have no difficulty in destroying them.
of economic expansion and settlement" as far as the Italy is a great manufacturing country working day and

100
night to equip her soldiers with modern weapons and other half was still at Dire Dawa, it fell into the hands
modern machines. We are a pastoral and agricultural of the Italians and so failed to prove of any use to
people without resources and cannot do more than us."
purchase from abroad a few rifles and guns to prevent
our soldiers from entering battle with swords and
spears only. In what way have we provoked war?
If we are in the right, and if the civilised nations are
Enough has been written in this article to indicate
unable to prevent this war, at least do not let them that pre-war Ethiopia suffered constantly from her lack
deny us the power of defending ourselves."406 of access to the sea. It may be added in conclusion that
Mussolini's ensuing invasion united the coast with the
Unmoved by such words, the British Government
interior for the first time for many a year, and led on
issued a statement on July 16 that "for the present" in the passage of time to the collapse of Italian colonial
no licences for the export of arms would be issued to ism which led in turn to the federation and later to the
"
either Italy or Ethiopia." It was clear," Salvemini reunification with Ethiopia of the former colony of
"
comments, that the British Government, in agreement Eritrea.408
with the French Government were abetting Mus
solini."407

The refusal by the British and French to allow the FOOTNOTES

import of arms through their colonies on the coast was 1 R. I'ankhuret, Introductionto theEconomicHistory of Ethiopia, 1961,pp. 18-34
36-46.
no less serious than the blockade of Ethiopia instituted ■ibid, pp. 57-8!.
by the Turks and Egyptians in the previous century. • ibid, pp. 307-57.
• B. Pankhurst, " Fire-arms in Ethiopian History," Ethiopia Observer,Vol. VI,
The Emperor Haile Sellassie's shock and indignation No. 2, passim.
• H. Salt, A Voyageto Abyssinia,1814,pp. 448-7.
was expressed by him in the following words:
• E. RUppell, Reisein Abyssinien,1838-40,Vol. I, p. 310.
"
When ... we sought to purchase arms with the
' M. Parkyns, Life in Abyssinia, 18S4,Vol. I, p. 117.
■RUppell, op. cit., Vol. I, pp. 185-8; Blondeel van Ouelebroeck,Rapportgtntra
small sum of money which had been obtained by con de Blondeelsue son expeditionen Abyssinie, 1839-42,Annexe 34, p. 1 ; E. Combes
and M. Tamisier, Voyageen Abyssinie, 1838,Vol. I, p. 92. Vide also G. Lejean,
tributions from our own people, all the states which Voyageen Abyssinie,1872,p. 05.
• RUppell, op. cit.. Vol. I, pp. 188-9; Lejean, op. cit., p. 56.
were members of the League of Nations refused us u Blondeel,op. cit., Annexe34,p. 1 ; T. Lefebvreand others, Voyageen Abyssinie*
1845-8,Vol. I, p. 40 ; J. S. Trimingham, Islam in Ethiopia, 1952,p. 98.
on the ground that it was not permitted to sell war u W. Munzinger, " Les contreeslimitrophes de l'Habesch," Soutelles Annatesdes
material from their countries either to Ethiopia or to Voyages,1858,p. 9 ; GeorgeViscount Valentia, Voyagesand Travels,1811,Vol. Ill
p. 39.
Italy. This was a matter for great surprise to all who " Valentia, Vol. II, pp. 49-60.
" ibid. Vol. II, p. 319.
learnt of it. Italy possesses in her own country factories " T. Heuglin, ReisenachAbessinien,1868,p. 81.
where can be made pretty well whatever she wants in " Salt, op. cit., p. 142.
'• W. Munzinger,op. cit., pp. 9-10.
the way of war materials; Ethiopia, on the other hand, " Valentia, op. cit.. Vol. Ill, p. 262.
has no factory in her territory even for making car » RUppell, op. cit., Vol. I, pp. 187-8.
tridges, let alone more substantial armaments." " J. J. Halls, The Life and Correspondence of Henry Salt, 1834,Vol. II, p. 68.
" RUppell, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 189; Blondeel,op. cit., Annexe34,p. 1 ; Munzinger,
op. cit., p. 15.
Recalling that while planning his defence at Dessie " RUppell, op. cit.. Vol. I, pp. 190-1.
blockade, <»ibid, VoL I, p. 310.
he was gravely handicapped by the arms
M Combesand Tamisier, op. cit., Vol. IV, pp. 106-7.
the Emperor continued: " Valentia, op. cit., Vol. II, p. 28.
>*ibid, Vol. II, p. 321.
"
We had, before the war began, made an agreement '« ibid. Vol. Ill, pp. 252-8,260.
" ibid, Vol. Ill, pp. 255-7.
at Paris, with England, France and Italy whereby we " ibid. Vol. HI, p. 261.
could buy arms for preserving security within the «•ibid. Vol. Ill, pp. 266,269.
— E. A. W. Budge, A History of Ethiopia, 192S,Vol. II, pp. 489-90.
country. Some arms had already been bought for this •' British MuseumAdd. MSS. 19,348,p. 89.
purpose, and we arranged to have them imported to ■■ Salt, op. cit., p. 384.
" RUppell, op. cit.. Vol. I, p. 340. Vide also N. Pearce,Life and Adventures,1831
meet our present difficulties. But when they arrived Vol. I, pp. 76-7. F.O., 1/1, Sabagadis,2J.4.1827.
at Jibuti, the Governor of French Somaliland prevented *•R. Ooupland,East Africa and its Invaders,1938,pp. 464-6.
» ibid, pp. 467-8.
their being loaded on to the railway. We asked him •«E. Hertslet, Map of Africa by Treaty,1894.Vol. I, p. 275; Vol. II, p. 832.
to refer the matter to Paris, but he held things up, »TC. E. X. Rochet d'Hericourt, Secondvoyagessur les deuxrivesdela iler Rouge,
1846,pp. 38-41.
declaring that he had not yet received a reply from »■Hertslet, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 275; Vol. II, p. 832.
his Government. As a result of this, I came to realise " Ooupland,op. cit., pp. 467-8.
" Ferret and Gallnier, op. cit., Vol. II, pp. 436-7.
that they would not arrive in time for our present •' ibid Vol. II, pp. 440-1. Vide also C. Michel, Vers Faehoda,1800,p. 518; F.O.,
difficulties, so I had to proceed to Koram without wait Confidential Print, 4796,HerUlet, 6.3.1882.
" Blondeel,op. cit., pp. 27-69.
ing for them to come. Later, however, shortly before "A. Duchesne,Le Consul Blondeelen Abyssinie,1953,passim.
*«F.O., Extracts of thecorrespondence connected aith Captain Harris's Mission to
the war ended, it was announced that permission to Shoa,1844,pp. 2-3.
load them on the railway had been granted; when half "ibid, pp. 4-6. Vide also F.O., Confidential Print, 4827, HerUlet, 7.7.18K1.
'• d'Hericourt, Second Voyage,pp. 376-8; A. de la Pradelle, U conflit Italo-
of the consignment had reached Addis Ababa and the Ethiopien,1936-30.

101
 p. p. p. p. p.
Ethiopia, passim E. in" ibid, 53.
aſ R. Pankhurst, Introductionto the Economic History of
Cerulli, Etiopi in Palestina,1953-7,passim. ***ibid, 54.
Pankhurst, History of Ethiopia, passim. is" ibid, 51.
asR. Introductionto the Economic
asG. Douin, Histoiredu Khédire Ismail, 1936,Vol.
III, Part I, p. 325. ** ibid, 62.
so ibid, Vol. III, Part I, p. 235. 1" ibid, 17.
Douin, op. cit., Wol. III, Part

isº
si ibid, Vol. III, Part I, p. 235.

p.
I,
244.
III,
* Lejean, op. cit., p. 56; Douin, op. cit., Vol. III, Part I, p. 235.

p.
respectingAbyssinia, 71; Douin, op. cit., Vol.

I,
Part
fºrman.

* 1stº
* Lejean, op.cit., p. 56. 57; Douin, op.cit., Vol. III, Part

p.
I,
245.

p.
Lejean, op.cit.,
** ibid, p. 56.

p.
Correspondence respectingAbyssinia, 79.
ssDouin, op.cit., Vol. III, Part I, p. 236.

p. p. p.
1* ibid,
* Lejean, op.cit., p. 56; Douin, op. cit., Wol. III, Part I, p. 236.
79.
1* ibid, 130.
* Douin, op. cit., Vol. III, Part I, p. 236. ** ibid, 163.
** ibid, Vol. III, Part I, pp. 236-7.

p.
I,
57; Douin, op.cit., Vol. III. Part 247.

p.
Lejean, op.cit.,

*
Abyssinia,
* Lejean, op. cit., p. 56; Great Britain, Correspondencerespecting II, empereur d’Ethiopie,” Przrence Africaine,
1848-1868,1868,p. 163; Douin, op.cit., Vol. III, Part I, P. 237. .” Pankhurst, “Théodore

R.
No. 47, passim.
• Lady Herbert, Abyssinia and Apostle,1867, 120.

1st
I, its

p.

p.
correspondence respectingAbyssinia, 75.
Douin, op.cit., Wol. III, Part p.
*1

238.

p.
***ibid, 71.
ibid, Vol. III, Part
p.

de
Pankhurst, Primitive Money' Ethiopia," Journal
I, I,

238.

R.
Sociétédes

in

in

la
* ** *

“
ibid, Vol. III, Part

.
pp. 238-9. Africanistes,1963,passim.
93; Douin, op. cit., Wol. III, Part

p.
respectingAbyssinia,pp. 17-19. Widealso
ºrman-
163.

p.
Correspondence respectingAbyssinia,

I, I,
p. 245.
p.

ibid, 21.
134; Douin, op. cit., Wol. III, Part
Douin, op.cit., Vol. III, Part
ºrman-

p.
respectingAbyssinia,
p.
I,

239.
7° ** • •' •

p. 245.
ibid, Vol. III, Part

144
p.
I,

239.

p.
correspondence respectingAbyssinia, 135.
Correspondence respectingAbyssinia,pp. 5-7.

p. p. p. p.
1* ibid, 93.
ibid, pp. 8-8a. ibid,
1* 96.
p. p.

ibid,
8.

1* ibid, 130.
ibid, 11. ibid,
*

1* 132.
ibid, pp. 17-18. 1* ibid, pp. 137-9.
** ** 77** * ** ** *

p. p. p. p. p. p. p.

ibid,

p. p. p. p.
19. ** ibid, 42.
ibid, 18. isi ibid, 139.

1s" 1* 1st1* 1st

ibid, 18. ibid, 145.
ibid, 19. ibid, 146.
ibid, Pankhurst, Théodore II, empereurd'Ethiopie," passim.

R.
20.
ibid, 21. correspondence respectingAbyssinia, Pp. 94-5.
ibid, 23. ** ibid, pp. 151,153.
Massaia, miei trentacinque
G.

Douin, op.cit., Vol. III, Part I.P. 240. vide also ibid, pp. 151,153.
•

anni diſmissioneneiralta Etiopia, 1885-95,Vol. pp. 74-6.

I,

p. p.
** ibid, 152.
*1

Munzinger,op.cit., pp. 26-7. ** ibid, 154.

Douin, op.cit., Wol.III, Part
p.

correspondence respectingAbyssinia, 26.

p.
Pankhurst, Eritrea on the Fre, 1952,
ise 27.
p.
as

I,

241 ibid, pp. 158-9. vide also

S.
F.
;
p.

Herbert, op.cit.,

p.
Abyssinia, 160. Widealso Pankhurst, op.cit.,
as * **

120.

S.
E.
Correspondence respecting
respectingAbyssinia, 26.
.
p.

correspondence
1st

p.
22; Douin, op.cit., Vol. III, Part Aden, 1856-7, 25; Correspon
India Office, Political and SecretI.etters from
p.

p.

ibid,
I,

241.
“ibid, Vol. III, Part dencerespectingAbyssinia,pp. 163-5.
p.
I,

241.
respectingAbyssinia, pp. 22-3.

p.
correspondence Munzinger,op.cit.,
*

25.
s'

p.

1“ibid,
p.

Lejean, op.cit., 56. 27.

25; Douin, op. cit., Vol. III, Part
*

1st its 1st 1ss

I,

ºrman.
p.

respectingAbyssinia,

p.
correspondence respectingAbyssinia, 166.
p.

p.

241. 1* ibid, 192. en

p.

Lejean, op.cit.,

p.
57. Soleillet, Voyages Ethiopie,1886, 28.
I, P.
*

correspondence respectingAbyssinia, pp. 228, 20°: Douin, op. cit., Vol.

III,
p.
ºn *1

ibid, 56.
Douin, op. cit., Vol. III, Part
p.
p.

Part 247.
I,

241.
Douin, Vol. III, Part Douin, op.cit., Vol. III, Part
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I,

I,
p.

respectingAbyssinia, 26. Wide also 248-9.

ºnwrim.
11111,

ibid, vol.III. Part pp. 249-50.

p.

I,

241.
p.

Correspondence respectingAbyssinia, 25.

p.

Pankhurst, op.cit.,
S.
E.

28.
as*

"Early
17:11s111

Pankhurst, “The Trade Northern Ethiopia the Nineteenth and - Douin, op.cit., Vol. III, Part 250.
R.

of

in

p.
I,

Ethiopian Studies,Vol. II, No.

1,

passim.
Twentieth Centuries,” Journal
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respectingAbyssinia, 21.
p.

correspondence
** ** •' •s

p. p. p. p.

ibid, 209.
p. p. p. p. p. p. p. p. p. p.

ibid, 25.
11sibid, 211.
ibid, 25. -
17°ibid, 212.
...1st1ss in 1* 1st1st1st17,11,177

ibid, Ethiopia, 1928,Vol. II, pp. 502-3.

W. Budge, History
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A.

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1°sibid,
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29. Munzinger,op.cit., 25.

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H.

to
A.

31.
en p. A

10sibid, 31. Beke,op.cit., 24. - - -

-
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Munzinger, ostafrikanischeStºłº, 1864, 48. Widealso Dimothéos,

S.
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I,

Vol. 167-8.
de

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p.

10"ibid,
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42. Douin, op.cit., Vol. III, Part

I,

278.
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Douin, op.cit., Vol. III, Part

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I,

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in P.

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pp.
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I,

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111 11”

I,of

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p.
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251.
Hertslet, 7.7.1881.
p.

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1st1's1°s 1* 1. 1stin 1. is,1st

p.

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p.

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11*ibid,
[.

45.
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I, I,

11*ibid, 45.
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Portal, My Mission Abyssinia, 1892, 5.n.

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117

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135. W. Mac.
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Beke,op.cit.,
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correspondence respectingAbyssinia, 47.

11" ibid, pp. 48-9. 1880,pp. 121-2.
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I,
p.

11°ibid, 50.
1st110

ibid, pp. 48-9 Douin, op.cit., Vol. III, Part pp. 243-4. correspondence respectingAbyssinia,pp. 232-3.
I,

Skinner, Abyssinia Today, 1906, 5;

;

p.
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of

63. Widealso
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correspondence respectingAbyssinia, pp. 37-8. Beke, op.cit.,

p.

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p.

1* ibid, 38. journal official, 25.12.1880,quoted Somali

Government, The Somali Penin
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in
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248
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*** F.O., 407/14, Heron, 5.12.1879. ***ibid, pp. 47-8.
** F.O., 407/14, Memorandumby Mr. Lumley. ***ibid, pp. 48-9.
*1 ibid. ** F.O., 403/91,Stace, 20.2.1888.
* Pankhurst, “The Effects
R.

** F.O., 407/14,Gordon, 12.12.1879. Ethiopian History," Ethiopia Observer

of

War
II, in

***ibid. Vol. VII, No. passim.

2

Wylde, '83 '87

*

theSoudan,Vol.
to

** F.O., 407/14, Memorandumby Mr. Lumley. pp. 284-5.

in

***Portal, op.cit.,
p.

** F.O., 407/14,Malet, 29.12.1879. 10.

***ibid, pp. 12-13.
** F.O., 407/14, Lyons, 24.1.1880.
p.

***ibid, 11.
***F.O., 407/11,Wylde, 18.7.1879.
** ibid, pp. 167-8.
** F.O., ConfidentialPrint 4627,Malet, 1.7.1881.
* Dye, op.cit., ***ibid, pp. 167-9.
p.

459.
p. p.

***ibid, 81.
*” G. Rohlfs, Meine Mission nach Abessinien,1883,pp. 92-3. “ibid, 81.
*” W. Winstanley, Visit Abyssinia,1881,Vol. II,
to

p.

244. ** ibid, pp. 158-9.

A

** F.O., ConfidentialPrint 4627,Malcolm, 25.8.1881. ***ibid, pp. 173-4.

*** Rossetti, op.cit.,
p.

***

20. Hertslet, op.cit., Wol.

p.
8.
I,

103
 Kimberley, 17.5.1895;Godley,27.4.1895; Dufferin,17.5.1895; Godley, 27.5.1895,
***ibid, Vol. I, p. 9. Dufferin,24.5.1895,30.5.1895; Godley, 19.6.1895; Sanderson,19.6.1895; Fowler;
***ibid, Vol. I, pp. 11-12. 20.6.1895; Godley, 11.7.1895; Cunningham, 17.6.1895; Sanderson, 19.7.1895;
** ibid, Vol. I, p. 18. Ferris, 15.7.1895,31.7.1895;Cromer,14.8.1895; Walpole, 22.8.1895; Cunningham,
7.8.1895; Godley, 7.12.1895;Cunningham,8.11.1895.
** ibid, Vol. I, p. 10.
College *** R. Pankhurst, “Fire-arms in Ethiopian History,” passim.
***R. Pankhurst, “The Great Ethiopian Famine of 1889-92,”University
of Addis AbabaReview,Vol. I, No. 1 passim. ** F.O., 403/221,Lascelles,14.12.1895; Walpole, 16.12.1895; Salisbury, 17.12.
* Rossetti, op.cit., p. 57. 1895.
* Wylde, Modern Abyssinia, p. 39. *** F.O., 403/238,Salisbury, 17.1.1896; Cromer,21.1.1896; Salisbury, 22.1.1896;
Ford, 22.1.1896;Salisbury, 31.1.1896; Ford, 6.2.1896,9.2.1896; Godley, 19.2.1896:
***New Timesand Ethiopia News,No. 610. Hamilton, 5.2.1896; Cunningham,17.2.1896; Ferrero, 19.2.1896.
***Portal, op.cit., pp. 248-9. ***F.O., 403/239,Ferrero,4.1.1896,16.1.1896; Sanderson,22.2.1896; Hamilton,
*** Rossetti,op. cit., p. 59. 22.2.1896; Salisbury, 22.2.1896; Salisbury, 20.5.1896.
I, p. 771
***A. Mori, Manuele di Legislationedella Colonia Eritrea, 1914, Vol. *** Rossetti, op. cit., p. 182; Pierre-Alype, L'Empire des Negus, 1925,pp.
87,
***Portal, op.cit., p. 249. 242-4.
* Rossetti, op. cit., pp. 41-6. ***India Office, Political and Secret Letters from Aden, 1897-99; Cunningham
3.2.1897.
** ibid, p. 45.
***ibid, pp. 60-1. ** F.O., 1/32, Instructions to Rennell Rodd.
** Hertslet, op.cit., Vol. I, p. 43. *** Wylde, Modern Abyssinia,p. 476.
** Hertslet, Map of Africa by Africa by Treaty, 1896, Vol. I, p. 18. All other. *** Rossetti, op. cit., p. 236.
referencesto this work are to the edition of 1894. *** F.O., 1/35, Harrington, 29.9.1898; 403/421, Douglas-Wylie, 13.10.1911.
***Portal, op.cit., p. 251. ** F. Martini, Il diario Eritreo, 1946,Vol.-IV, p. 448.
* R. Pankhurst, “The Great Ethiopian Famine of 1889-92,”passim. ***ibid, Vol. IV, p. 493. Pierre-Alype, L’Ethiopie etlesconroiteuses
1917,pp. 131-3.
allemandes,

** F.O., 403/124,Menelek,14.12.1889.
***F.O., 401/14,Thesiger, 16.5.1910,1.6.1910.
*** Rossetti, op.cit., p. 76.
***ibid, p. 76.
* Guebrº Sellassié, Chroniquedu régnede Ménélik II, 1930-2,Vol.
II, p. 628.
***G. Steer, Caesarin Abyssinia, 1936,p. 39.
*” ibid, p. 89. ***A. de la Pradelle, Le conflit Italo-Ethiopien,1936,p. 140;
403/126,
** F.O., 403/125,Victoria, 20.2.1890; Salisbury, 10.1.1.1890.Widealso M. Pigli, L'Etiopia nella Politica Europa, 1936,pp. 283-4.
Godley, 7.11.1890. *ibid, pp. 140-1; C. Sandford, Ethiopia under Haile Sellassie,1946,p. 34.
***Starkie, op.cit., p. 120.
” WiscountTemplewood,Nine Troubled Years, 1954,p. 155.
*** Rossetti, op. cit., p. 77.
***Hertslet, op. cit., Vol. I, pp. 48 n. 59.
* G. Salvemini, Preludeto World War II, 1953,pp. 231-2.
*** ibid, p. 232.
*** Rossetti, op. cit., pp. 78-9,80-2.
*" ibid, p. 232. Widealso p. 247; Templewood,op.cit., p. 174.
** F.O., 1/32, Rodd, 4.5.1897.
** F.O., 403/221, Silvestrelli, 23.1.1895; Ford, 16.1.1895,21.1.1895;
Blanc, * Steer,op.cit., pp.39-40. Widealso Salvemini, op.cit., p. 242.
16.1.1895; Ford, 25.1.1895,26.1.1895; Kimberley, 26.1.1895,6.2.1895; Godley, ***Templewood,op. cit., p. 175.
29.3.1895; Elgin, 27.3.1895; Sealey, 22.2.1895; Ford, 11.7.1895; C. Zaghi, “Lo "ibid, pp. 180-1; Salvemini,op.cit., pp. 389-90. Widealso p. 385.
Sbaco Italiano a Zeila,” Rivi ta delle Colonie,Vol. IX, No. 11, pp. 993-1002. *Salvemini, op.cit., p. 401.
Wylde,
*** R. Pankhurst, “Fire-arms in Ethiopian History,” p. 163. Wide also ** ibid, p. 403.
Modern Abyssinia, p. 427. ** ibid, p. 274.
** F.O., 403/221, Ford, 9.4.1895;, Kimberley, 5.4.1895; Fowler, 11.4.1895; ***ibid, p. 274.
Tornielli, 9.4.1895; Kimberley, 9.4.1895; Ford, 9.4.1895; Blanc, 19.4.1895;
Fairholme, 27.4.1895; Sanderson, 30.4.1895; Jopp, 4.5.1895; Ferris, 4.4.1895; * E. S. Pankhurst and R. K. P. Pankhurst, Ethiopia and Eritrea, 1952,passim.

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