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Dexippus and the repelling of the gothic invasion in the years 267–268,
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 Eos CIV 2017
ISSN 0012-7825

DEXIPPUS AND THE REPELLING OF THE GOTHIC INVASION

IN THE YEARS 267–268
A NEW PIECE OF EVIDENCE (CODEX VINDOBONENSIS HIST. GR. 73,
ff.  192v–193r) WITH AN EXPLANATION OF AN ERROR
COMMITTED BY THE AUTHOR OF THE HISTORIA AUGUSTA (HA GALL. 13, 7)

by

R O B E RT S U S K I

ABSTRACT: Our knowledge about the life of the historian Dexippus is rather limited. In HA
Gall. 13, 7 there is a mention of Dexippus’ participation in the repelling of  a Gothic incursion to
Greece in the end of Gallienus’ reign. This information is strange, because there is no reference to
Dexippus’ leadership in this war in a honorific inscription dedicated to him by his children. Nonethe-
less many scholars believe that Dexippus organised the Athenian defence against the Heruli. In this
paper a new hypothesis is presented. Fragments of the recently discovered Scythica Vindobonen-
sia (which probably came from Dexippus’ Scythica) shed new light on the role of Dexippus’ in the
repulsing of the Goth/Heruli invasion. The Scythica Vindobonensia mention a boeotarch for the fifth
time named Dexippus as one of Greek leaders who helped the Roman army. This Dexippus could not
be the same person as the Athenian historian. I suggest that the author of the Historia Augusta con-
fused two men bearing the name Dexippus, the Athenian historian, and the boeotarch from Thebes.

In chapter 13 of Gallienus’ biography, the author of the Historia Augusta

mentions the repelling of a Gothic raid on the eastern provinces of the Roman
Empire, in which the historian Dexippus is said to have participated. At first, the
Byzantion-born commanders Cleodamus and Athenaeus carried on fighting near
the Pontic coast, while Venerianus defeated the “Scythians” (Goths) in a  naval
battle. Despite these efforts, the Goths managed to devastate Kyzikos, as well
as the provinces of Asia and Achaea. It was then that the Athenians, led by
the famous historian Dexippus, defeated the enemy1. Subsequently, the Goths
would go on to pillage Epirus, Macedonia and Boeotia, which finally caused
Gallienus to take action and vanquish them in Illyricum2. The fighting did not
stop, however, and the operations continued, with more or less success, under

1
HA Gall. 13, 6–8.
2
HA Gall. 13, 8 f.
304 ROBERT SUSKI

Marcianus’ command3. The further account of the war can be found in the biog-
raphy of Claudius II4. The present article deals with Dexippus’ role in this con-
flict. Contrary to what can be found in the Historia Augusta, it is not so obvious5,
and the excerpts which were discovered and recently published, most probably
from the Scythica by Dexippus (Scythica Vindobonensia), make it possible to
reconsider the whole issue once again6.
The author of the Historia Augusta does not specify the sources on which
the above passage is based. It is nonetheless evident that the source in ques-
tion must have been the Scythica by the Athens-born historian Dexippus7. Many
of the events described in the Historia Augusta are confirmed in other sources
as well (their accounts often bringing more information on the subject). The
sack of Athens during the incursion of the Goths, when the invaders would
have reportedly seized all the books and decided to burn them, as mentioned by
Cedrenus, Simeon Magister, and Zonaras, had already reputedly taken place in
Claudius II’s reign8. Apart from the Historia Augusta, Cleodamus is also men-
tioned in Zonaras. According to his account, he was an Athenian who attacked
and defeated the Gothic flotilla, this confrontation being dated to Claudius II9.

3
HA Gall. 13, 10.
4
HA Claud. 11, 3–12, 1. Cf. Paschoud 2011: 301–306.
5
Many scholars question Dexippus’ actual participation in the defence of Athens. Cf. Ste.
Croix 1983: 655; Potter 1990: 73.
6
The Österreichische Nationalbibliothek of Vienna is in possession of the 11th-century manuscript
Codex Vindobonensis Hist. gr. 73. It comprises Constitutiones Apostolorum (fols. 2–184), Synodicon
Ortodoxiae (fols. 185–191), De scriptio costitutionis monasterii Studii by Theodore the Studite (fols.
192–193), prayers (fols. 193–194), and anathemas against thieves of books by Patriarch Theodosius IV
of Antioch (1278–1283). The manuscript was kept at the monastery of the Theotokos in Smyrna and was
purchased by the Habsburg ambassador to the Ottoman court, Augerius de Busbeck, in the 16th century.
During the examination of the manuscript in the years 2007 and 2008, Jana Grusková discovered that
the fols. 192–195 were a palimpsest. Initially, it was possible to decipher only 15% of the erased text. On
the history of the manuscript and the palimpsest, see Grusková 2010: 43–53; Martin, Grusková 2014a:
105–107; Martin, Grusková 2014c: 730–733). It contains several fragments of a work that recounts the
raids by the “Scythians” (i.e., Goths) in the 3rd century. To date, three fragments have been published: (a)
with Decius’ speech following the fall of Philippopolis (fols. 194v–195r; text and translation: Martin,
Grusková 2014c: 734–737); (b) the Goths’ actions against Decius (fol. 194r–v; text and translation:
Martin, Grusková 2014b: 32–34; 2015); (c) and the Greek response to the Goths’ withdrawal from
besieging Thessaloniki (fols. 192v–193r; text and translation: Martin, Grusková 2014a: 107–110).
7
For a list of the passages where the author of the Historia Augusta draws on Dexippus, see
Barnes 1978: 109–111; Paschoud 1991: 229–233.
8
Cedr. p. 454; Sym. 81, p. 102; Zon. XII 26.
9
Zon. XII 26. Let us note that the Historia Augusta records the names of the two command-
ers, Cleodamus and Athenaeus, whereas Zonaras mentions Cleodamus the Athenian. In all probabil-
ity, the latter author confused the name of Cleodamus’ comrade with his origin (Kotula 1994: 83;
Banchich 2009: 120). Possibly, it could have been the other way round and the author of the Historia
Augusta may have misinterpreted his source. After all, his native language was Latin, not Greek, as
was the case with Zonaras.
 DEXIPPUS AND THE REPELLING OF THE GOTHIC INVASION 305

The similarities in the depictions of the conflict between the Historia Augusta
and some Byzantine sources (Zosimus, Syncellus, Zonaras) are the consequence
of the use by all those authors of one and the same source, that is, Dexippus10.
Significantly, it is not very clear when exactly this invasion occurred11. As the
Historia Augusta recalls, the Heruli/Goths had been laying waste to Greece as
early as Gallienus’ reign and this is precisely when they would have been de-
feated. However, as noted before, some of the other authors tend to date this
war to Claudius II’s reign. Of course, it is clear that there was one invasion (not
two), but it remains disputed whether the final victory over the Germanic forces
should be attributed to Gallienus or Claudius II12.
Dexippus was a historian as well as an important figure in Athens. Coming
from a wealthy family13, he held the offices of archon (as archon basileus
and, alternately, as archon eponymous) and the most eminent (kratistos) priest
(hiereus panagēs)14, akrostolion at the time of the Panathenaic Games15. and
panēgyriarchēs16. Besides the Historia Augusta, the authors drawing on Dexippus

10
Paschoud 1991: 217 f. Syncellus makes several mentions of Dexippus as his source; cf. pp.
208, 318, 459. For Syncellus’ use of Dexippus, cf. Adler, Tuffin 2002: LXI.
11
The chronology of the Gothic raids on the Roman Empire remains very uncertain. Cf. Sal-
amon 1971; Geiger 2013: 145–151.
12
The Roman victory at Nessos is mentioned in Syncellus’ work (Sync. 717). HA Gall. 13, 9
and Zos. I 39, 1 both know about Gallienus’ victory over the Goths, but do not mention the battles
fought during that war. The reference to the battle of Naissus can be found only in Zosimus (I  43,
2). Some of the ancient authors make note of Claudius II’s victory, yet there is no mention of any
decisive battle being fought (HA laud. 9, 9; Aur. Vict. Caes. 34, 5; Sync. 720). As A. Alföldi ar-
gues, the phonetic similarity between the place names Nessos and Naissus, and the splitting of one
invasion into two testify to the fact that this is indeed one and the same battle that was fought under
Gallienus, but the victory would be ascribed to Claudius II, as the pro-senatorial historiography
hated Gallienus and attributed his victory to his successor (Alföldi 1939a: 189 f.; 1939b: 149 f.;
1939c). Alföldi’s hypothesis was accepted by a number of scholars (Straub 1952: 54–59; Salamon
1971: 136; Paschoud 1971: 157–160; Syme 1983: 68; Chastagnol 1994: 923; Forgiarini 1998;
Ziółkowski 2004: 518; Suski 2011), and critically received by many others (Cope 1969: 161; Chris-
tol 1975: 823; Potter 1990: 57 f.; Wolfram 1990: 45; Heather, Matthews 1991: 45; Kotula 1991;
Kettenhoffen 1992; Bird 1993: 141; Kotula 1994: 87–108; Potter 2004: 266; Drinkwater 2005:
49; Kulikowski 2007: 20; Hartmann 2008: 301–304). It continues to arouse much controversy to
this day (for a summary of the discussion, see Suski 2011). A more extensive presentation of the dis-
pute would go far beyond the scope of this article. It is of no significance to the present subject mat-
ter if the historically substantiated battle was that of Nessos or Nessos and Naissus. Unfortunately,
the Scythica Vindobonensia does not offer any clues there are needed to solve this problem.
13
Cf. Millar 1969: 19 f.; Martin 2006: 26–30.
14
IG II² 3670. The term kratistos can be commonly found in the Areopagite inscriptions begin-
ning from the 2nd century. It points to the social status and respect enjoyed by Dexippus as a member
of the Athenian elite and nothing more (Geagan 1967: 55; Millar 1969: 20; Martin 2006: 33–35).
Dexippus’ office of hiereus panagēs was not among the very prominent at Eleusis (Millar 1969: 20).
15
IG II² 3198. Cf. Millar 1969: 20.
16
IG II² 3669.
306 ROBERT SUSKI

do not refer to his role in the repelling of the invasion by the Goths/Heruli17.
There is a lengthy and lofty speech in the Excerpta de Sententiis (possibly remi-
niscent of Thucydides)18, addressed to the Athenians by an unidentified orator.
He stressed therein that victories are achieved thanks to courage, not the number
of soldiers. The Athenians had only 2,000 men at their disposal. The speaker
devoted much of his oration to the building-up of courage among his audience,
which was of particular importance in the face of the seizure of their native
city by enemy forces. He reminded the Athenians of the imperial fleet being
stationed nearby and ready to provide assistance. Thereby, he inspired the other
regions of Greece to act in the same way and resist the enemy, setting the ex-
ample of bravery and freedom for the Hellenes. He pointed out that everybody
would have to die eventually, while to sacrifice one’s life for the home city was
a  noble reward and would bring everlasting glory. Therefore, this misfortune
should not break the spirit of the Athenians. He also noted that the summoning
of the auspicious gods should ensure protection for the defenders19. It must be
said here that the speech is clearly taken out of context, as it was included in
a Byzantine encyclopaedia. Unfortunately, we do not have the complete text; the
beginning of the speech is missing, and some of the parts have survived in frag-
ments only (as a matter of fact, it consists of two excerpts)20. In addition, there is
another extant speech that Dexippus is said to have delivered at an assembly of
the Hellenes (whatever that may mean). Unfortunately, only some short sections
of this oration have survived and its actual sense is not entirely clear (it speaks
of salvage and the commander’s virtue)21. It is difficult to say anything about
a  possible relation between the speakers of these two orations. In F. Millar’s
view, these are parts of the same speech, delivered by one and the same speaker,
namely Dexippus22. This hypothesis is not very likely. The former speech was
addressed to the Athenians, while Dexippus’ audience was a congregation of the
Hellenes.23 In Ste. Croix’s opinion, there is no circumstantial evidence to iden-
tify the first of the two speakers with Dexippus24. A similar view is held by the
author of the recent edition of the extant fragments of Dexippus, G. Martin25.
It is also worth recalling that Dexippus does not have reputation for providing

17
Ste. Croix 1981: 655.
18
Stein 1957: 4–71; Blockley 1971: 711; Potter 1990: 85.
19
Dexipp. 25 = Excerpta de sententiis, pp. 47 f.
20
Potter 1990: 82.
21
Dexipp. 26 = Excerpta de sententiis, p. 48.
22
Millar 1969: 27 f.
23
Ste. Croix 1981: 655.
24
Ste. Croix 1981: 655.
25
Martin 2006: 119–125.
 DEXIPPUS AND THE REPELLING OF THE GOTHIC INVASION 307

the most important names in the conflicts he describes. In his long accounts of
the sieges of Marcianopolis, Philippopolis and Side, he only mentions the name
of the philosopher Maximus, who encouraged the defenders of Marcianopolis26.
Nonetheless, this speech is treated as evidence for Dexippus’ command of the
Athenian forces. In consequence, many scholars believe that Dexippus was in
charge of organising the defence of Athens against the Heruli27.
There are also some additional clues that would cast doubt on the information
found in the Historia Augusta. Let us first mention a honorific inscription, cur-
rently in the Louvre, dedicated to Dexippus by his children, with permission of
the Areopagus, the boule of 750, and the assembly of the Athenians28. It mentions
that he was an eye-witness to the Athenians’ courage and that he depicted it in
his historical works, but there is no information about his actual leadership29. If
he had been in command, why should it not have been mentioned by Dexippus’
children? It does not seem likely they would have omitted such a fact30.
Quite unexpectedly, some new fragments have recently been found, probably
from Dexippus’ Scythica31. They shed new light on the role of Dexippus’ in the
repulsing of the Goth/Heruli invasion, recounting a  story of the attack by the
“Scythians” (Goths or Heruli) on Macedonia (and possibly Thrace; the begin-
ning of the land’s name is missing), and their unsuccessful attempt at conquering
Thessaloniki. Following the Goths’ withdrawal from the siege of Thessaloniki,
the prevailing opinion was that the enemy would go on and try to invade Athens

26
Potter 1990: 86.
27
Millar 1969: 26; Blockley 1971: 712 and 1972; de Blois 1975: 6; Barnes 1982: 156.
28
The inscription is placed on the base, which had been originally used for Epictetus’ statue
and then re-used by Dexippus; cf. Millar 1969: 21.
29
IG II² 3669.
30
Ste. Croix 1981: 655; Martin 2006: 39.
31
There are remarkable stylistic similarities, including those reminiscent of Thucydides, and
the method of how the speeches are used between the recently discovered text and the known frag-
ments of Dexippus’ Scythica. Cf. Martin, Grusková 2014a: 114–116. Moreover, the authorship
of Peter the Patrician may be ruled out, as he would have used Roman offices in a more formal
manner than the author of the Scythica Vindobonensia; likewise, that of Philostratus of Athens and
Nicomachus of Trabzon, who would have most probably focused on relating the wars in the East
(for both Peter and Philostratus, see Davenport, Mallan 2013: 209). In all probability, these are
not excerpts from the work by an enigmatic historian named Eusebius, the author of a history from
Augustus to Carus (Evag. Hist. eccl. V 24), from whose work there are extant accounts of the sieges
of Thessaloniki and the most likely unidentified city in Gaul, as preserved in the Codex Parisinus
inter supplementa Graeca 607. That author modelled his work on Herodotus and wrote in the Ionian
dialect (on Eusebius, see Sivan 1992). Even though the identification of the author of the Scythica
Vindobonensia with Dexippus appears to be likely, it is still possible that his identity is unknown. An
argument against linking that fragment to Dexippus is a very terse depiction of the siege of Thessa-
loniki. Perhaps, the passage in question may have been abridged by a copyist. For this reason, I shall
continue to follow the text editors and recognise this particular identification, although it should be
obviously taken into consideration as uncertain.
308 ROBERT SUSKI

and the cities of Achaea in order to seize gold and silver votive gifts stored in
the temples. To prevent the attack, the Greeks decided to blockade the pass of
Thermopylae32. According to the historian, they reached their destination poor-
ly armed, with short spears, axes, and wooden pikes fitted with bronze or iron
blades33. The allied Greeks picked three commanders. They were the governor
of Achaea Marianus34, Dexippus, who was the boeotarch for the fifth time (ὃς δὴ

32
The Historia Augusta contains an account of the reinforcements sent to Thermopylae dur-
ing the Goths’ attack in Decius’ reign. In a letter that Decius reportedly addressed to the governor
of  Achaea (praeses Achaiae) Messala, it is said that he should order the tribune Claudius (the future
emperor Claudius II), called the most noble youth, the bravest soldier, and a reliable citizen (“opti-
mum iuvenem, fortissimum militem, constantissimum civem”), to move on to Thermopylae for the
defence of the Peloponnesians. The governor is reported to have put under his command 200 sol-
diers from Dardania, 100 cataphracts, 60 cavalrymen, 60 archers from Crete, and 1,000 well-armed
recruits (HA Claud. 16, 1). Although it is true that the author of the Historia Augusta uses some
technical terms for military equipment in this letter (Cherf 1993: 231 f.; for military terminology in
this passage, see Birley 1966: 41), the remaining information would raise doubts. All of this seems
to indicate that the letter is just another document invented by the author of the Historia Augusta.
Messala is an unknown, and probably invented, figure (Birley 1991: 56; Paschoud 2011: 330),
the cataphracts were rather not of much use in Greece (Paschoud 2011: 330), while Achaea was
governed by a proconsul, not praeses, in the 3rd century (Cherf 1993: 231; Paschoud 2011: 330). It
has also been pointed out that the placement of a Roman garrison at Thermopylae in the 3rd century
would have been completely useless from the military standpoint (Damerau 1934: 23; Alföldy
1983: 17; Cherf 1993: 233). For that reason, this letter invented by the author of the Historia Au-
gusta is regarded as an allusion to the events of the late 4th century (Cherf 1993: 234–236; Paschoud
1992: 21–28 and 2011: 333). In this way, the Historia Augusta would make reference to Alaric’s
devastation of Achaea in the years 394 and 395, after the flight of Gerontius, appointed the head of
the defence of Thermopylae by Rufinus (Eun. Vit. Soph. VII 3, 4 f.; Eun. fr. 65, 1; Zos. V 5, 1–6, 2;
cf. Paschoud 1986: 91–96). Before the publication of the Scythica Vindobonensia, I had a sceptical
view of that hypothesis (Suski 2014: 7). The recently found text offers a new insight into this pas-
sage of Claudius II’s biography. Of course, Decius’ letter is certainly not an authentic document. It
is dubious that the reason for its invention was to allude to the ineptly conducted war with Alaric.
Contrary to the renowned scholars’ opinion, the evidence of the Scythica Vindobonensia shows that
in the 3rd century there was an idea of defending Greece by putting a blockade at Thermopylae. In his
inventing of the false facts from the life of Claudius II, the author of the Historia Augusta resorted
to actual events more or less from this emperor’s lifetime.
33
A list of the cases from the 2nd to the 6th centuries where ordinary citizens of the empire
would take up arms to defend themselves against invasions was drawn up by G. de Ste. Croix (1981:
653 f.).
34
Marianus is a figure who is most likely attested in Gallienus’ biography in the Historia Au-
gusta. Various manuscript versions of HA Gall. 6, 1 bring up a Roman commander whose name is
rendered as Marianus or Marcianus. The variant Marianus can be found in the best manuscripts of  the
Historia Augusta (Ratti 2002: 24; Mallan, Davenport 2015: 210 f.). It is likely that Mallan and
Davenport are correct in questioning the emending of the name of the Roman governor of  Achaea
from Marianus to Marcianus by Martin and Grusková in the Scythica Vindobonensia (Mallan,
Davenport 2015: 211 f.). This Marianus is not the same as Aurelius Marcianus, who fought in Thra-
ce in 267 (HA Gall. 13, 10; Claud. 6, 1; 18, 1) and participated in the conspiracy against Gallienus
(HA Gall. 14, 1; 14, 7; 15, 2). Marcianus led a regular Roman field army, whereas Marianus from
the Scythica Vindobonensia had to call for a general levy among the Greeks. On Aurelius Marcianus,
see Gerov 1965; Christol 1977.
 DEXIPPUS AND THE REPELLING OF THE GOTHIC INVASION 309

πέμπτον εἶχε τῆν ἐν Βοιωτοῖς ἀρχήν), and Philostratus of Athens, a man versed
in speech and thought (ἀνὴρ λόγους καὶ γνώμην κρατίστος). Approximately
one third of the whole text is a long speech by Marianus, in which he spurred his
audience into action and encouraged the Greeks to resist the invasion, remind-
ing them of how often they had had to stand up there against the enemy. The
Thermopylae pass was a battle-ground during the Persian wars, the Lamian war35
and the conflict with king Antiochus III (called τὸν ἐξ Ἀσίας δυνάστην), where
the Greeks and Romans fought side by side under the Roman command36. As can
be seen from this passage, Dexippus was among the leaders in command of the
resistance to the invaders. The question is which events the summarised passage
would refer to and whether the figure named Dexippus, as mentioned in this text,
is the same person as the Athenian historian under consideration.
The above excerpt from the Scythica Vindobonensia is unfortunately out of
context and, in consequence, the question of the dating is far from obvious.
There is a mention of Thessaloniki being besieged by the Goths. In the course of
the 3rd century, there were two unsuccessful siege attempts undertaken by these
invaders: for the first time, most probably in 25437, and then again in 267. In ad-

35
Diod. XVIII 11, 5.
36
In fact, if the Achaean League supported the Romans in the conflict with Antiochus III (Liv.
XXXV 50), and their forces maintained the Roman influence in Athens (Liv. XXXV 50), our sources
do not report on the presence of the Greeks in the Roman army (Liv. XXXVI 16–19; App. Syr.
17–20). On the other hand, the Aetolians fought on Antiochus III’s side (Liv. XXXVI 16; App. Syr.
18). He also received support from Boeotia (Liv. XXXVI 6), as well as from Phocis and Chalcidice
(App. Syr. 21). The speech of Marianus is likely to be an invention by the author of the Scythica
Vindobonensia. A reference to the war with Antiochus III, in this context, would not have been
a very fortunate idea.
37
The date of this siege of Thessaloniki is not entirely clear. The sources concerned date it
back to Valerian’s reign, offering no further details. The 4th century Latin sources are very terse on
this point and cannot assist us in attempting to determine the date of the invasion when Thessaloniki
was under siege. Aurelius Victor enumerates all the afflictions that struck the Roman Empire in
Gallienus’ reign (reporting no such information in the context of Valerian’s reign). He refers to the
Goths’ seizure of the lands of the Macedonians, the Achaeans, and the borderland of Asia, alongside
the conquest of Mesopotamia by the Parthians, the East by the brigands (or, more accurately, by
a woman), Italy by the Alamanni, the loss of Dacia, and the destruction of Gaul and Spain by the
Franks (Caes. 33, 3; cf. Bird 1994: 137). As evident, this account is both synthetic and not free of
errors, as it does not even mention the siege of Thessaloniki. Unfortunately, Aurelius Victor devotes
more attention to the circumstances of the conspiracy against Gallienus (33, 20–22), the decline
of morals during this ruler’s reign (33, 23–26), the proclaimation of this emperor as divine, or the
killing of his associates and family members (33, 27–32). A similar listing of the ravaged provinces
can be found in Eutropius. This author only makes a single mention of the devastation of Greece,
Macedonia, Pontus, and Asia during Gallienus’ reign, and the siege of Thessaloniki is not included
in his relation at all (Eutrop. IX 8; cf. Bird 1993: 139 f.). We can find some more details in Greek
sources. Zosimos mentions the siege of Thessaloniki as the first event after the emperor’s accession
to power, before appointing Gallienus co-ruler (I 30, 1), Valerian’s departure to the East (I 30, 1), and
Gallienus’ campaigning on the Rhine (I 30, 2 f.). In a similar tone, Syncellus recounts the attempt
to conquer Thessaloniki, prior to his account of the war with Shapur I (Sync. p. 466). Zonaras refers
310 ROBERT SUSKI

dition, some scholars would tend to connect this text with the Gothic invasion of
the Roman Empire that took place in the year 26238. It is linked with the presence
of Marianus, a figure known from the Historia Augusta, among the Greek com-
manders noted in the Scythica Vindobonensia.
Unfortunately, the reconstruction of the Gothic incursion of 262 poses a num-
ber of problems. The Historia Augusta tells us about the ravaging of Thrace
and Macedonia, and an unsuccessful attempt to conquer Thessaloniki, showing
no hope for a peaceful solution39. The same bands of Goths were confronted in
Achaea by the troops led by Marianus40. The invaders ravaged Asia, plundering
and burning down the temple of Diana at Ephesus41. Following his account of the
celebration of Gallienus’ decennalia, the author of the Historia Augusta remarks
on the Goths devastating Cappadocia, where the Roman forces fought them with
varying success. Afterwards, the Goths retreated to Bithynia42. At about the same
time, Gallienus held the office of archon in Athens43. According to Syncellus, the
Scythians, calling themselves Goths, sailed across the Black (Pontic) Sea and
arrived in Bithynia. After crossing Asia and Lydia, they conquered Nicomaedia.
Some of the invaded cities had no walls to defend them, while the others would
have only had some partial fortifications. The Goths reached as far as Cappadocia,
Galatia and Phrygia. To combat the enemy, Odaenathus and his troops came
to Asia Minor, but the invaders managed to make a  retreat44. Jordanes makes
a note of a raid under the command of Respa, Veduk and Tarvar, crossing the
Hellespont strait, ravaging many cities in Asia, including Chalcedon, Ilion and
Ephesus, where the temple of Artemis was burned down45. The Goths returned to
their homeland via Thrace, where they attacked the city of Anchianos and spent
many days bathing in the hot springs around 12 miles from that locality46.
As we can see, it would be difficult to have a clear view of the events as based
on the above passages. Most probably, the events represented in chapters 6 and

to the siege after his mention of the persecution of Christians and before the war with Persia, during
which he was taken captive (see Zon. XII 23; cf. Banchich 2009: 108). If so, the attempt to seize
Thessaloniki should have occurred between the years 253 and 260. However, since the confrontation
with the Goths in the Balkans happened during the short reign of Aemilianus, it is linked with the
beginning of Valerian’s reign (Goltz, Hartmann 2008: 234).
38
See Mallan, Davenport 2015.
39
HA Gall. 5, 6.
40
HA Gall. 6, 1.
41
HA Gall. 6, 2.
42
HA Gall. 11, 1.
43
HA Gall. 11, 3–5.
44
Sync. p. 467.
45
Jord. Get. 107 f.
46
Jord. Get. 108 f.
 DEXIPPUS AND THE REPELLING OF THE GOTHIC INVASION 311

11 of Gallienus’ biography refer to the same invasion47. Interestingly, however,

no other sources, except for the Historia Augusta, make a mention of Greece hav-
ing been invaded as well. Likewise, no other source refers to Thessaloniki being
under siege during the same raid. The Goths are reported to have plundered Asia
Minor. Oddly enough, the other authors used the same source as the author of the
Historia Augusta. Furthermore, if the Gothic invasion had not swept over Greece,
its route would have been more logical. If one recalls the fact that this biographi-
cal work happens to connect events as long as several years apart, the conclusion
appears to be obvious. To prove this point, in chapters 10 and 11 of Gallienus’
biography, the author of the Historia Augusta first mentions Odenaethus fighting
the Persians in 264, i.e., during the consulship of Gallienus and Saturninus (HA
Gall. 10, 1–8), then refers to the Goths invading and ravaging Cappadocia in 262
(HA Gall. 11, 1 f.), and finally talks about Gallienus’ archonate in Athens, which
would most likely have taken place in 264 (HA Gall. 11, 3–5)48. It is plausible,
therefore, that the conflict as described at HA Gall. 6, 1 should have occurred at
a time different than the further account of the confrontation with the Goths49.
As a result, it is not possible to shift the date of the siege of Thessaloniki from
Valerian’s reign to Gallienus’, as Mallan and Davenport would like to see it. All
the more so because the other sources drawing on Dexippus’ work make a clear
distinction between the raids during which Thessaloniki was besieged and the
invasion that devastated the province of Asia. Although they do report, in two
places, on the Heruli attack from the late 260s, the reason for doing so is obvi-
ous, considering that a change on the throne happened at that time. That was not
the case, however, with the Gothic incursion of 262. In effect, the possibility that
the relevant fragment of the Scythica Vindobonensia may be concerned with the
events of the year 262 must be ruled out.
The question remains whether the passage under consideration would refer
to the years 253/254 or 267. The Goths’ invasion undertaken in 253 or 254 could
be reconstructed on the basis of several sources, most of them having very likely
drawn upon Dexippus. Zosimus speaks of Greece having been devastated and
Athens conquered by the Scythians50. In turn, Zonaras recounts the crossing of the
Danube, with Thrace pillaged and Thessaloniki besieged by the invaders. Those
events caused much alarm in Athens, prompting the rebuilding of the city forti-
fications, once destroyed in Sulla’s time, while the Peloponnesians were said to

47
Salamon 1971: 139; Christol 1997: 210–215; Ratti 2002: 146.
48
Amstrong 1987: 240–246. Besides the passage in the Historia Augusta, Gallienus’ presence
in Athens is attested by the inscription from Eleusis, dated to 265 (IG² 1103; on this inscription, see
Amstrong 1987: 246–251).
49
Salamon 1971: 131; Ratti 2002: 116.
50
Zos. I 39, 1.
312 ROBERT SUSKI

have erected a  defensive wall at the Isthmus51. Most of these facts are also re-
ported in Syncellus’ work. His account talks about the Goths crossing the Danube,
plundering Thrace, a failed siege of Thessaloniki, panic among the Greeks, the
setting up of guards at Thermopylae, rebuilding the walls of Athens, and recon-
structing the fortifications at the Isthmus by the Peloponnesians52. There is also
a description of the siege of Thessaloniki in the work of an enigmatic historian
Eusebius53.
It is not very likely, however, that the author of the Historia Augusta would
mention this particular siege of Thessaloniki in Gallienus’ biography. First of
all, he begins his relation of the events from taking Valerian captive, which is
very clearly indicated in the passage concerned54. Secondly, the events depicted
in the biography took place during Gallienus’ reign as sole emperor, not during
the period when he co-ruled with his father: taking Valerianus prisoner55, actions
undertaken by Odeanathus56, the rebellions of Macrianus and (perhaps) Ballista57,
Valens58, Piso59, Aureolos60, Aemilianus (?)61 and Postumus62.
The most plausible theory is that the above excerpt of the Scythica
Vindobonensia would concern the repulsing of the great Heruli invasion of 267.
Dexippus is mentioned there as one of the Greek leaders in command. But, for ob-
vious reasons, contrary to the hypothesis of Martin and Grusková, he could not
have been the Athenian historian named Dexippus63. The commander in question
was serving as the boeotarch for the fifth time, which is why he must have been as-
sociated with Boeotia, not Athens. All that we know of the career of the Athenian
historian precludes the possibility of identifying him with the figure from the
Scythica Vindobonensia. It is even pointed out that the Dexippos being mentioned
could have been Cn. Curtius Dexippus, known from extant epigraphic evidence,
who served at least three times as boeotarch, or someone related to him64. Our

51
Zon. XII 23.
52
Sync. p. 466.
53
C. Müller, FHG V 21, fr. 1. Cf. Sivan 1992: 158 f.
54
HA Gall. 1, 1
55
HA Gall. 1, 1. Cf. Ratti 2002: 87–89.
56
HA Gall. 1, 2. Cf. Ratti 2002: 90–92.
57
HA Gall. 1, 2–4. Cf. Ratti 2002: 93–97.
58
HA Gall. 2, 2–4. Cf. Ratti 2002: 97 f.
59
HA Gall. 2, 2–4. Cf. Ratti 2002: 98 f.
60
HA Gall. 2, 5. Cf. Ratti 2002: 99 f.; Alföldi 1967: 1–15; Christol 1998.
61
HA Gall. 4, 1. Cf. Ratti 2002: 104 f.
62
HA Gall. 4, 3–5, 1.
63
Martin, Grusková 2014a: 112 f.
64
Mallan, Davenport 2015: 214. C. Curtius Dexippus is known from the commemorative
inscription of Flavius Lacinus (IG VII 3426 = SEG XXXVI 416) of Chaeronea. Linking C. Curtius
 DEXIPPUS AND THE REPELLING OF THE GOTHIC INVASION 313

knowledge of the Roman elite in Boeotia is too limited to make any definitive
judgement in this matter. Nonetheless, this would call for taking a new look into
the account represented in the Historia Augusta. It also explains why he names
Dexippus as a leader of the Athenians, which cannot be found on the inscription
dedicated to the historian by his sons. Most probably, it was in Dexippus’ work
that the author of the Historia Augusta found the information on making the boeo-
tarch of that name one of the Greek commanders. Following the perceived simi-
larity of the names, he identified one Dexippus with the other, failing to notice the
fact that the Athenian could not have served as boeotarch. Originating from Italy
(and, very likely, Rome), he was not familiar with the office-related divisions in
Greece. In consequence, he ascribed the merits of the citizen of Boeotia to the
Athenian historian named Dexippus. To put it simply, he fell victim to misunder-
standing and confused the two figures. Based on this interpretation, the author of
the Historia Augusta would not have invented something that did not exist, but
would have only misconstrued his source. Consequently, the historian known as
Dexippus would not have been one of the Athenian leaders who led the defence
against the Goth/Heruli invasion.
What is more, if the speech of the nameless orator from Dexippus’ Scythica is
addressed to the Athenians and the person who delivers it is an Athenian himself
(Dexipp. 25 = Excerpta de sententiis pp. 47 f.), there are no references to Athens in
the other one, also coming from Dexippus (Dexipp. 26 = Excerpta de sententiis p.
48). It can be concluded then that in all likelihood not only is one speaker not the
same as the other (as Ste. Croix and G. Martin argue), but it is also not evident at
all that the Dexippus of that passage has to be the Athenian historian in question.
It is possible that this other Dexippus should be linked with Dexippus (boeotarch
for the fifth time) known from the Scythica Vindobonensia. After all, he delivered
his speech at some kind of a gathering of the Hellenes, which would correspond
with the position held by a leader of the allied Roman and Greek troops.

University of Białystok

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