Chapter 2

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CHAPTER 2

REVIEW RELATED LITERATURE AND STUDIES

2.1 Language Acquisition

Language acquisition is the process through which people learn to


perceive and comprehend language, or to be aware of and understand
language, as well as to create and use words and sentences to communicate.
Language acquisition involves structures, rules, and representation. To
properly use language, one needs to acquire several abilities, including
phonology, morphology, syntax, semantics, and a big vocabulary (Bekheda,
2019).

Language acquisition refers to the process through which children


develop fluency in their native language (Varshney, 2003:307). The ability to
learn and understand a language is genetically inherited, but the language that
children speak is culturally and environmentally imparted to them. Without
tuition, children all across the world learn their first language.

Native language acquisition is far less likely to be influenced by


mental retardation than other intellectual skill acquisition activities. Unless
raised in linguistic isolation, every normal human child learns one or more
languages and learns the fundamentals of his language by the age of six.
According to Chomsky (2009), language acquisition is a matter of growth
and maturation of relatively fixed capacities under appropriate external
conditions. The form of language acquisition and usage. The language that is
learned is mostly governed by internal variables; a kid may learn any
language because of the underlying correspondence of all human languages,
because "human people are the same, wherever they may be." Furthermore,
the functioning of the language capacity is ideal during a specific "critical
phase" of intellectual growth. Furthermore, the phrase "language acquisition"
is sometimes used without a qualifier to refer to the process of learning one's
original language (or native languages).

"Children learn language because they have an inborn capacity that


allows them to acquire a language as a normal maturational process; this
capacity is universal, which means that the child has an innate language
acquiring device; he learns a language by being exposed to it in society and
unconsciously forming a certain hypothesis about language, which he
continues to modify until he comes to the adult model to which he is
primarily exposed" (Hutauruk, 2015). Language acquisition is thus an
inherent component of the unity of all languages (Robbins, 2007: 49).
Language acquisition is the process through which children obtain fluent
control of their native language (Varshney, 2003:307). Children learn a
language not because they are subjected to a comparable conditioning
process, but because they possess an inborn aptitude that allows them to
acquire a language as a natural maturational process’s capacity is universal.
The child has an innate language acquiring device. He learns a language by
being exposed to it in society and by unconsciously forming certain
hypotheses about language, which he goes on modifying till he comes to the
adult model to which he is for the most part exposed. So, the child goes on
constructing an innate grammar, operating over-generalized rules. The
capacity for acquiring language is remarkable for several reasons (Langacker,
1973)

2.1.1 Language Acquisition Theories

The infant develops his first language through a series of linguistic


phases in which he acquires novel language abilities. These abilities evolve,
beginning with birth and continuing through childhood and adolescence. "In
the history of mind creation, there is no more uplifting, exploding, or
important step than the invention of language." When Homo sapiens became
the beneficiary of this creation, the species stepped into a slingshot that has
pushed it far past all other earthly species in the ability to look forward and
reflect..." (Dennett 1996, p.147) the rapid expansion in many domains of
science and technology-enabled researchers to arise several ideas and ways
throughout the years to examine the process of how children acquire their
first language

2.1.1.1 The Behaviourist Theory

According to behaviorist theory, "infants learn spoken language from


other human role models through a process including imitation, incentives,
and practice." Human role models give stimulation and incentives in an
infant's surroundings" (Cooter & Reutzel, 2004). When a kid attempts oral
language or imitates sounds or speech patterns, they are typically praised and
affectionately rewarded for their efforts. As a result, praise and affection
become the rewards. However, the behaviorist paradigm is being questioned
for several reasons. If incentives are so important in language development,
what about the parent who is distracted or not there when the child begins to
speak? If a baby's language acquisition is only motivated by incentives,
would speaking efforts cease due to a lack of rewards (Cooter & Reutzel,
2004)? Other arguments opposing this hypothesis include "learning the usage
and meaning of abstract words, evidence of innovative forms of language not
patterned by others, and human language acquisition uniformity" (Cooter &
Reutzel, 2004).

The behaviorist hypothesis, on the other hand, holds that a child's


language is determined by its natural occurrence in reaction to environmental
conditions. Another argument emerges to demonstrate that youngsters cannot
learn a language independently unless they communicate with their family
members and other environmental circumstances.

B.F. Skinner, the most renowned exponent of behaviorism, Skinner


developed the idea of operant conditioning. He proposed this notion as an
explanation for human language learning. "The basic processes and relations
that give verbal behavior its special characteristics are now fairly well
understood," he wrote in Verbal Behavior (1957). "Much of the experimental
work responsible for this advance has been carried out on other species, but
the results have proven to be surprisingly free of species restrictions. Recent
work has shown that the methods can be extended to human behavior without
serious modifications" (cited in Lowe and Graham, 1998, p68)

Language acquisition is a collection of taught behaviors. It believes


that children's language development begins when the youngster makes a
sound and a parent or other caregiver favorably encourages that behavior.
Language, according to this view, may be learned just like any other skill.
The individual's response inside this environment determines to learn.
Whatever is strengthened gets reinforced again. According to this viewpoint,
children can learn a language because of the right circumstances. Language,
according to the behaviorist viewpoint, is taught by imitation. Children
attempt to mimic the noises that adults produce. When their efforts are
rewarded, they repeat them and eventually learn to generate certain sound
patterns. "The behaviorist theory of stimulus-response learning, notably as
articulated in Skinner's operant conditioning model, regards all learning as
the formation of habits as a result of reinforcement and reward" (Wilga
Rivers, 1968, 73).

2.1.1.2 The Nativist Theory


A biologically-based hypothesis contends that people are pre-
programmed with the natural potential to learn a language and that we are
born with a built-in mechanism that predisposes us to language acquisition.
Linguists have long argued how and why humans can acquire a language; are
we born with the ability to communicate through language, or can we learn it
after birth?

Noam Chomsky is the prominent thinker connected with the nativist


approach; he stated that every kid is born with a biological propensity to
acquire any language and proposed the concept of a language organ
hardwired into our brains known as the language acquisition device (LAD).
Chomsky developed what is called the nativist perspective to answer
questions about why children are so skillful at learning a language, according
to Chomsky's theory; Infants have an inbuilt aptitude to learn the language,
according to the hypothesis. We can comprehend the fundamentals of
language from a very young age. Chomsky, for example, suggested that
toddlers can comprehend the appropriate arrangement of words from an early
age. Children understand that instead of saying "Juice I want," they should
say "I want juice!" "This is similar across languages," Chomsky observed.
This is something that children can accomplish even before they have a vast
vocabulary. This is an important point for Chomsky because it supports his
theory that children can understand structure and rules even before they know
many words.

2.1.1.3 The Interactionist Theory

The interaction theory of language development is a hybrid of the


nativist and behaviorist theories of language development. The interaction
hypothesis emphasizes the importance of both environmental and biological
elements in language development. Some thinkers are closer to one extreme
than the other within this philosophy of compromise. However, all
interactionists think that language learning happens as a result of children's
natural interaction with their environment, primarily their parents or
caregivers.

In contrast to Chomsky's work, input or interactionist theories


emphasize the importance of linguistic input on infants from their caregivers.
Language exists to facilitate communication and can only be acquired via
interaction with individuals who wish to speak with you.

Interactionists like Jerome Bruner believe that adults' language


behavior when speaking to children (known by numerous titles but most
commonly referred to as child-directed speech or CDS) is uniquely designed
to facilitate the learning process. This assistance is frequently referred to as
scaffolding for the child's language acquisition.

2.2 Second Language Acquisition

Second language acquisition (SLA) is the scientific field of study that


studies the human potential to learn languages other than the first throughout
late childhood, adolescence, or adulthood after the first language or
languages have been acquired. It investigates a wide range of complicated
variables and processes that contribute to the perplexing range of possible
outcomes while learning another language in a variety of circumstances. SLA
emerged in the late 1960s as a new multidisciplinary effort that drew equally
from the feeder domains of language education, linguistics, infant language
acquisition, and psychology (Huebner, 1998). SLA increased significantly in
scope and approach during the 1980s and 1990s, to the point that, by the end
of the twentieth century, after some 40 years of exponential development, it
had finally attained its coming of age as an autonomous field (Larsen-
Freeman, 2000). SLA's expansion is still phenomenal today.

According to Ellis (2015), SLA is a far more challenging process in


many aspects. To begin with, SLA happens after first language acquisition
because the mechanisms involved are more sophisticated than L1 learning.
Language acquisition is influenced by the L1. In addition, language learning
is usually often finished within the first three months. SLA can occur at any
time after the first few years of a child's life. Many people study languages
from the moment they are born until they reach an advanced age. Second
language learners are cognitively developed and so capable of applying what
they have learned. Strategies are unavailable to first-language learners.
Furthermore, the settings of second language learning are far more diverse
than those of first language acquisition. For many second language learners,
the classroom is their only option.

Second language acquisition is a new academic field. While there has


been an upsurge, there has always been an interest in how second language
learners acquire a second language. It was not until the 1960s that systematic
research on second language learning began. Since then, the discipline has
developed at an exponential rate, spawning a slew of new ones.

2.2.1 A Brief History of Second Language Acquisition

Although it is impossible to pinpoint when second language


acquisition (SLA) research initially emerged as a distinct area of study, it is
often assumed to have occurred towards the end of the 1960s. Some of the
earliest studies on the second language (L2) learners were published around
this period (for example, Ravem 1968; Huang 1970). Simultaneously, a
theoretical justification for investigating L2 acquisition was advanced (for
example, Corder 1967). SLA research has progressed quickly since then and
continues to do so. A vast amount of empirical research has been conducted
to describe the features of the L2 learner language and how they evolve as
learning occurs. There has also been a surge in interest in theory
development, as seen by the abundance of frameworks, models, and theories
presently accessible. SLA research has evolved in a variety of ways
throughout the years. One advancement concerns the breadth of the
investigation. Whereas most of the early work concentrated on the linguistic
—particularly the grammatical—properties of learner language and was
psycholinguistic, later work has also addressed pragmatic features of learner
language and, increasingly, has taken a sociolinguistic viewpoint. As a result,
although many scholars continue to focus on how L2 learners build
grammatical competence, many others are concerned with how learners
develop the capacity to do proper speech actions such as requests or
apologies (Ellis, 1994).

In many respects, second language acquisition is a parasitic discipline.


It employs multiple linguistic models as well as concepts and procedures for
researching second language acquisition obtained from several sources in
academic domains, including psychology and sociology. As a result, the
evolution of second language acquisition reflects these distinct factors and
the impact they have had on second language learning at different points in
time. The pioneering work in first language acquisition research had a great
impact. Researchers attempted to explain how acquisition emerged through
social interaction.

2.2.2 Second Language Acquisition Theory

Many people have created hypotheses on second language learning.


Many influential people throughout history, including John Schumann,
Avram Chomsky, Stephen Krashen, and Vygotsky, have produced ideas on
how to learn a second language to the level of mastery. The acculturation
model, sociocultural theory, universal grammar hypothesis, interlanguage
theory, Krashen's theory of second language acquisition, and complexity
theory are among these theories (Menezes, 2013).

2.2.2.1 Acculturation Model

According to Barjesteh and Vaseghi (2012), the acculturation model


predicts second language proficiency levels by using social-psychological
factors such as proximity to the target language, attitude, cultural congruence,
the desire to assimilate, preserve, and adapt, and the intended length of time
spent immersed in the target language. This concept arose from research done
in the fall of 1973 by John Schumann, in which he examined six migrant
language learners (two adults, two adolescents, and two children) for ten
months, taking notes on their acquisition levels and utilizing questionnaires to
collect data (Barjesteh & Vaseghi, 2012). Schumann found that the English
learning of one male adult in his research did not show much of a rise over
the ten months, but Schumann pointed out that this individual did not engage
in the social or psychological interactions that happened among other native
English speakers. According to Schumann (1986), the acculturation paradigm
is only the beginning of a nonlinear process of organically acquiring a second
language.

Schmidt conducted an additional study to test the validity of


Schumann's concept of acculturation. He studied a Japanese artist named Wes
who relocated to Hawaii when he was 33 years old (1983). Schmidt observed
Wes's English language learning for three years without official teaching
(Schmidt, 1983). Wes developed communication skills as a result of his
proximity to the social and psychological components of the English
language, according to the author, but he did not learn linguistics in the
English language (Schmidt, 1983). This study validates the acculturation
model theory by demonstrating that Wes mastered the language in the areas
he was able to immerse himself in while living in a new country; however, he
did not master linguistics because the social and psychological factors did not
relate to the literacy part of the language (Schmidt, 1983).

2.2.2.2 Sociocultural Theory

Similarly, because it is extensively employed in education,


Vygotsky's Sociocultural Theory has been used to explain SLA. Vygotsky's
study began with an investigation of the link between schooling and a child's
mental development (Vygotsky, 2011). According to Daneshfar and
Moharami (2018), the sociocultural theory (SCT) posits that social
interactions including the use of psychological tools (such as language) are an
important aspect of one's cognitive development. According to Menezes
(2013), language learners can proceed to the next level of language
acquisition through these social and imitation experiences since language is
only as important as one's capacity to generate meaning from it.

Furthermore, Vygotsky defines the zone of proximal development as


the level at which a student can execute a task alone vs what that same
youngster can achieve while working with a classmate or instructor to finish
the same activity (Vygotsky, 2011). The zone of proximal development
(ZPD) has entered most educators' lexicon because the importance of
educating kids at a level slightly above what is already established and
understood in their minds is critical (Turuk, 2008). Vygotsky's goal was to
draw attention to the connection between growth and adequate education
(Daneshfar & Moharami, 2018). Interactions between one who is learning a
new, targeted language and one who has mastered the language are
appropriate and needed when considering the importance of those
interactions as a way of communicating (Turuk, 2008). The ZPD promotes
the use of negotiating language among language learners and proficient
language speakers (Danshfar & Moharami, 2018).

2.2.2.3 Universal Grammar Hypothesis & Interlanguage Theory

Chomsky, on the other hand, saw language acquisition as more than


merely social and psychological experiences; hence, the universal grammar
hypothesis was developed and offered as a means to describe how a language
is acquired physiologically. The universal grammar hypothesis (UG)
examines the brain's capacities and claims that the brain is already
programmed to learn a language (Menezes, 2013). Chomsky argued that
contextual elements were insufficient in characterizing language learning
since one's output might become more than merely what was obtained
through input, according to the author (2013). According to Menezes (2013),
explicit grammar teaching was not necessary for one to learn and acquire
their first language; (L1) so, physiologically, one may acquire a second
language without explicit grammar instruction and a large number of social
encounters. Chomsky defined this as employing one's natural Universal
Grammar (UG) to explain comprehension that extends beyond the
information received (White, 2007). White (2007), on the other hand, notes
that for universal principles inside the UG to be engaged, they must be
triggered by some form of input. Even though Chomsky's theory was not
meant to affect SLA because it was developed to describe how people
acquire their first language, it became extensively adopted in SLA ideas as it
sought to explain the biological function of learning a new language (Gitsaki,
1998).
The thesis contributed to the understanding of the interlanguage
theory by linking it to the relevance of cognitive capacities. Gitsaki (1998)
defines interlanguage as "a temporary grammar used to bridge one's
knowledge and usage of their native or first language (L1) to their second
language" (L2). Ipek (2009) defines interlanguage as a sort of grammar that is
always evolving as one progresses through the learning process and applies
the rules that govern the language. As one's cognitive powers learn the L2
while attempting to apply what one knows about L1 or has been taught about
L2, grammar rules may be overgeneralized or underused (Gitsaki, 1998).
Tarone (2012) went on to say that the interlanguage hypothesis, which
Selinker created in 1972, was supposed to only apply to adults learning a
second language since they could no longer access their intrinsic UG after
puberty. Interlanguage, on the other hand, is now considered to emerge in
both children and adults learning a second language. Interlanguage also
accounts for the risk of never fully mastering a second language, which is
referred to as event fossilization (Tarone, 2012)

2.2.2.4 Krashen's theory of second language acquisition

Stephen Krashen has affected the area of SLA through his years of
studying and researching language acquisition. His theory is founded on five
hypotheses: the acquisition/learning hypothesis, the monitor hypothesis, the
natural order hypothesis, the input hypothesis, and the affective filter
hypothesis (Abukhattala, 2013). However, according to Gitsaki (1998) and
Menezes (2013), Krashen's paradigm is neither precisely defined nor
provable through study. Despite the criticism, Krashen's model has had a
significant influence on the field of SLA, warranting time spent studying the
model as a whole.

2.2.2.4.1 Acquisition-Learning hypothesis


The acquisition-learning difference, according to Krashen (1982), is
possibly the most basic of all the hypotheses presented here. It claims that
individuals can achieve competence in a second language with two different
and independent methods.

The first method is language acquisition, which is a process that is very


similar, if not identical, to how infants gain ability in their first language.
Language acquisition is a subconscious process; language acquirers are
frequently unaware that they are acquiring language and are only aware that
they are utilizing it for communication. Language acquisition results in
acquired competence, which is also subconscious. We are typically unaware
of the rules of the languages we have learned. Instead, we have a "feel" for
what is proper. Grammatical statements "sound" or "feel" right, whereas
mistakes "feel" wrong, even if we don't know what rule was broken.

Implicit learning, informal learning, and natural learning are other terms for
acquisition. In non-technical terms, acquisition refers to "picking up" a
language. Language learning is the second method for developing
competence in a second language. We shall use the term "learning" to refer to
a conscious understanding of a second language, which includes knowing the
rules, being aware of them, and being able to discuss them. In layman's
words, learning is "knowing about" a language, which most people refer to as
"grammar" or "rules." Some synonyms include formal language knowledge
and explicit learning.

Krashen distinguishes between acquisition and learning of abilities learned in


a second language by using two unique terminologies (Abukhattala, 2013).
Krashen's SLA model includes the acquisition-learning theory (Abukhattala,
2013). According to Bahrani (2011), learning takes a conscious effort on the
side of the individual to learn the language and focus on structure, whereas
acquisition happens when subconscious activity is employed to integrate the
language in the individual's mind, making it natural for the person to use.
According to Abukhattala (2013), more learning than acquisition is necessary
for schools, which may impede the development of automatic and long-
lasting knowledge of a second language.

2.2.2.4.2 Monitor hypothesis

The acquisition-learning difference asserts that two different


processes occur in adults, but it does not specify how they are utilized in
second language performance. According to the Monitor hypothesis,
acquisition and learning are employed in very particular ways. Acquisition, in
most cases, "initiates" our utterances in a second language and is accountable
for our fluency. Learning has just one purpose: it serves as a monitor or
editor. Learning comes into effect only after the acquired system has
"generated" our speech in its current form. This can happen before we speak
or write, as well as after we self-correct (Krashen, 1982).

According to Bahrani (2011), the monitor hypothesis explains the


effect and interaction that learning and acquiring have on each other. The
monitor retains the taught information until the student is ready to utilize the
language (Bahrani, 2011). According to the author, (2011), the monitor
(holding the learned information) is properly used when there is enough time
for the individual to think about the content already learned, the emphasis is
on using the correct form of the language, and the learner has been taught the
rule that applies to what he/she is attempting to use in production. According
to Abukhattala (2012), depending on their level of confidence in their
learning, learners may underuse, overuse, or correctly use the monitor.

2.2.2.4.3 Input hypothesis


The input hypothesis is arguably the most influential and important
hypothesis of Krashen’s model because of the importance that he places on
comprehensible input. Comprehensible input is explained as the information
one is receiving (input) which should be slightly above or beyond what one
can produce independently, also shown as I + 1 (Abukhattala, 2013). The
author (2013) also explains that Krashen emphasizes that the speaking and
writing skills progress and mature as continual comprehensible input is given
through one’s receptive skills of listening and reading. The input hypothesis
also explains that there will be a natural “silent period” where one is
absorbing and acquiring the language, but does not produce any language yet
(Bahrani, 2011). The author continues to explain that Krashen believes the
silent period is necessary as one is trying to feel competent in their acquired
language before using it even though it seems unproductive to others
surrounding the individual.

2.2.2.4.4 Natural Order hypothesis

One of the most interesting discoveries in language acquisition research has


been the discovery that the acquisition of grammatical structures follows a
predictable pattern. Certain grammatical structures are acquired early by
language learners, whereas others are acquired later. Individual acquirers'
agreement is not usually 100 percent, but there are evident, statistically
significant commonalities. In terms of the natural order hypothesis, English is
likely the most researched language, and morphology is the most studied of
all English structures. Brown (1973) discovered that children learning
English as a first language had an earlier acquisition of specific grammatical
morphemes or function words.

It opposes acculturation and sociocultural theories by stating that


structures gained are predictable; however, this is not the case with learning,
which may still be taught in a precise order (Bahrani, 2011). If a
consequence, Abukhattala (2013) notes that linguistic faults occur because
one has not completely mastered the skill, yet mastering certain abilities may
still be beneficial as one strives to employ the skills in production. As a
result, setting an order in which abilities are taught first, second, third, and so
on based on the difficulty of the structure is unnecessary because one will
absorb more of the language used in circumstances and experiences rather
than the exact structure taught (Abukhattala, 2013).

2.2.2.4.5 Affective Filter hypothesis

The emotional filter hypothesis, which explains that a learner must be


open and willing to accept information in a new, targeted language for it to
reach one's language acquisition device and result in the complete acquisition
of the knowledge, is Krashen's last hypothesis (Abukhattala, 2013). The
affective filter is based on one's emotions about learning a new language,
which includes motivation, self-confidence, self-image, and worry as
potential elements that reduce or boost the affective filter (Bahrani, 2011).
When the emotional filter is activated, the input (even if understandable) is
not assimilated due to the "mental barrier" that has been placed in one's head
(Bahrani, 2011). The Emotive Filter theory describes how affective
elements influence second language acquisition. Dulay and Burt (1977)
suggested the notion of an Emotional 30 Filter, which is congruent with
theoretical work in the domain of affective factors and second language
learning.

2.2.2.4.5.1

2.2.2.4.5.2

2.2.2.4.5.3
2.3 Anime

According to the Anime Art Museum, anime is an umbrella term used


to refer to all animated productions made for Japanese digital media.2 It
should be noted that there is ample discussion in terms of whether anime can
be considered as such if it is not produced in Japan. The anime art style can
be distinguished from cartoons in that its character designs tend to be more
realistically drawn, however, their eyes are usually disproportionately bigger
and their mouths simplistic, but both are often exaggerated to express strong
reactions.

Anime is a form of Japanese animation (Lu, 2008), which comes in


different genres and is shown in the form of movies and television series
(Hodges, 2003). However, Initially a blanket term for all animation created in
Japan, but now used in the West to also denote the unique approach to style
and content embraced in Japan; derived from 'animation' and phonetically
pronounced 'ah-nee-meh’ (Education Kit, 2007). Early anime films were
largely aimed at the Japanese market, and as a result, many cultural
references specific to Japan were used. Although anime is primarily aimed at
children, mature themes and subject matter can occasionally be found in
anime films (Britannica, 2022).

It contains substance and styles Advertisements, through the more


standard length of From "half-hour" television serialized episodes to a wide
range of other formats of theatrical and straight-to-video and now DVD other
digital formats film (Denison, 2015).

2.3.1 Anime Popularity


According to Condry (2013), anime is both a local and a global
phenomenon. It is a media format (in Japanese) and part of a larger cultural
phenomenon. Comprises a vast portion of the globe.

The anime genre didn’t catch the population’s attention until the
1960s (Lu, 2009). According to Nakamura (2006), anime occupy 60% of the
TV animation broadcast internationally. Also, anime accounts for a reported
sale worth the US $4 billion a year in the US (O’Hagan, 2006). Japanese
animation is frequently mistaken for being a children’s animation; however,
anime does have an adult market (O’Hagan, 2006). A major source of
influence on the production of anime is manga, in other words, Japanese
comics (Fusanosuke, 2003). The process in which anime was transported to
audiences other than the Japanese audience started with “fansubbing”
(Hodges, 2003). Fans of anime in the United States would produce subtitles
for unpopular anime, which are not commercially distributed and translated
by a company (Hodges, 2003). Fansubbing causes a challenge for the
commercial market in a way that pressures the commercial companies to
distribute the products that are gaining popularity. Fansubbers, then, became
an active force in the anime market and did not rely on companies to import
the foreign shows they are interested in (Hodges, 2003). However, reflecting
on that, fansubbers are in a way playing a role in reproducing the original
Japanese context of the anime with amateur translation. On the other hand,
González (2007) states that fansubbing can potentially cause a movement in
the media marketplace, contributing to the globalization of anime.
Consequently, fans in the United States have immersed themselves in the
Japanese popular culture, referring to themselves as ‘anime otaku’ (Newitz,
1994). While otaku in Japan is used as an insult, fans outside of Japan have
already appropriated the term to fit a new world (Newitz, 1994).
2.3.2 Anime and Culture

There is an ongoing debate on the content and appearance of anime.


Several studies have looked into this area is quite similar and dissimilar ways.
Iwabuchi (2002) argues that Japan has prided itself on the globalization of its
unique nationalist product anime. However, Iwabuchi (2002) claims that
anime is rather ‘culturally odorless’ in that it shows a universal face to the
world by having characters with physical characteristics that are
unidentifiable as being Japanese. Lu (2009) reinforced Iwabuchi’s assessment
of viewer perception of anime characters’ different races by presenting
samples of anime characters’ portraits to a largely Caucasian sample. Results
showed that most viewers had a perception of the character’s racial identity
that was different than those intended by the anime producers. Lu (2009)
concludes, according to her study, the ‘ethnical bleaching’ of the physical
attributes of anime characters may have aided the internationalization of
anime. By ethnical bleaching, she meant that characters have non- Asian hair
colors and features that are closer to Western representation (Cooper-Chen,
2012; Lu, 2008).

In addition, Denison (2010) identifies the multi-cultural aspects


present in anime: from Victorian English to European Culture. Lu (2008) also
did argue that what audiences are consuming from anime is not specifically
one culture, but a mixture of cultures in one medium. An instance of this
would be the global success of Pokémon: the producers focused on giving the
animation a universal appeal to capture the attention of American children
(Lu, 2008). Thus, Iwabuchi (2000) is critical of Japan’s false pride in an
audiovisual product that does not look Japanese. Another factor that makes
anime a transcultural product, as Denison (2010) points out, is the
reproduction of anime to promote globalization at the hand of both
international fans and American industries. For example, Disney has
reproduced films made by Studio Ghibli, a renowned Japanese creative anime
company, by translating and dubbing the text (Denison, 2010). The case is
similar to anime TV shows that have also been redubbed by American
industries for broadcasting (Denison, 2010). Consequently, even though
anime production is based in Japan, it is also being taken over and
reproduced by American industries, which control and release the world’s
most imported and globalized audiovisual products.

Hodges (2003) discusses an example of the reproduction of the anime


Rurouni Kenshin, which presents significant themes on national historical
issues. However, by translating the anime, the reproducer’s goal is to
communicate more generalizable themes to an international audience; this
erases the specific national references to past incidents and traditions
(Hodges, 2003). Iwabuchi (2002) finds a problem in this ‘culturally odorless’
globalization of Japanese anime since he argues that there is no evidence of
clear ‘Japanese-ness’ in these productions.

Ito (2005) and Lu (2009) would present an oppositional argument


about the absence of any Japanese-ness in the making of anime. To begin
with, as mentioned before, anime is largely based on manga. As Ito (2005)
lays out, manga exists in the context of culture and language; manga is a
mirror of Japanese society and its reality. The manga was not invented
recently, as it has been historically present in Japan (Ito, 2005). In 1847,
manga became an influence on Japanese politics due to the journalistic nature
that it acquired. It was one of the factors that allowed advancement in the
freedom of speech: it is an outlet of expression for Japanese artists regarding
what is currently happening in their society (Ito, 2005). Therefore, anime is
only a reproduction of the manga itself into an audiovisual form. Inevitably,
an audiovisual medium will have adjustments and changes; however, the
themes and cultural references that Ito (2005) mentions will still be there.
Although Lu (2008; 2009) argues that anime does have universal appeal
regarding its visual components, such as characters’ physical appearance, she
does mention that Japanese anime producers have shown “Occidentalism” in
some instances (Lu, 2008). Occidentalism occurs when negatively depicted
Western characters are overpowered and defeated by Asian characters (Lu,
2008). Thus, Lu’s (2008) argument is that Japan is building its national pride
within these occidental scenarios that are present in anime. This adds to the
general argument that ‘Japanese-ness’ does exist in anime, and like manga,
doesn’t exist in a vacuum.

Another view on Occidentalism is that it allows a positive image:


anime’s transcultural nature has allowed its greater popularity (Denison,
2004). Manion’s (2005) 9 thesis on anime and interest in Japanese culture,
argued that students who are taking a course in Japanese are enrolled as part
of their enthusiasm to understand Japanese popular culture; i.e, anime.
Newitz (1994) restates Manion’s (2005) conclusion from the interviews she
conducted with anime fans in the United States. Anime fans mainly showed
interest in Japan and in discovering its culture due to unmentioned factors,
but anime was one of them (Newitz, 1994). Add, Newitz (1994) believes that
anime is an expression of ideology, in other words, culture. Cooper-Chen
(2012) quotes that anime fans in Singapore have overcome language and
culture barriers: they will still embrace the ‘kawaii’ culture. Therefore, one
can argue on one hand that anime can contain a piece of Japanese culture and
oppose Iwabuchi’s (2002) perspective on anime and its mukokuseki,
“culturally odorless,” visuals.

2.3.3 Anime and Audiovisual Translation


Translating an audiovisual text is quite different than translating an
essay or writing. According to Remael (2010), the audiovisual text has four
main components in its sign system. The first component is audio-verbal
signs: the words that are uttered. The second is audio-nonverbal signs: the
various sounds that are present. The third one is visual-verbal signs: the
writings on the screen. The last one is the visual non-verbal signs that are
comprised of all the visual signs and actions on the screen. However, these
components do not work independently: they are highly dependent on each
other’s contexts and cues (Remael, 2010). Thus, an audiovisual text provides
a complex medium for translators to work with and transpose. Moreover,
audiovisual translation has two major forms: either subtitling and dubbing
(Remael, 2010). By definition, subtitling is the process of transposing the
“audio-verbal signs” into a maximum of two lines, situated at the middle-
bottom of the screen (Pettit, 2004). Subtitling then does not interfere
completely with the original audiovisual text: only a written visual
component is added (Cintas, 2010). Cintas (2010) mentions the challenges of
producing subtitles: one must take into consideration the speed at which the
viewer can read and perceive the audiovisual components that are present. On
the other hand, dubbing undergoes a different process than subtitling.
According to Cintas and Orero (2010), dubbing is when the original
soundtrack of the audiovisual text is replaced with a reproduced and
translated soundtrack while it is still synchronized with the actor’s lip
movements. In other words, the translated soundtrack is made for another
target audience from another culture (Cintas & Orero, 2010). Unlike
subtitling, dubbing makes the characters in the audiovisual text seem as if
they are originally speaking the translated audio (Cintas & Orero, 2010).
Some scholars draw our attention to different challenges and
questions that result from using audiovisual translation. In her analysis, Pettit
(2004) realizes that genre affects the way the image is translated into
subtitled and dubbed versions. Pettit (2004) finds a distinction between the
subtitled and dubbed versions of the same movie: subtitles usually have a
more literal translation of the spoken word, while the dubbed audio is
referring to visual information. Also, Pettit (2004) analyzes an example
where subtitles, unlike dubbing, use language that reflects the context of the
genre; this, thus, complements the image and narrative’s characteristics. In
some cases, the dubbing of the dialogue causes its neutralization: the
audiovisual text loses its original context (Pettit, 2004). In Italy, dubbed
comedies are criticized by audiences, and realize that the translation of the
jokes from the original language to Italian will not always work (Chiaro,
2006). Chiaro (2006) indicates that finding equivalent terms for a word in
another language may not mean the same thing and can alter its context in a
culture.

Anime does contain cultural references and contexts to some extent.


However, the globalization of anime required its translation into different
languages. The translators’ challenge will be how to maintain the cultural
aspects of anime that are embedded in its audiovisual text. To begin with,
since anime started as a niche genre in the United States, the fans stimulated
its popularity by creating “fansubs” for the original show (Hodges, 2003).
Denison (2010) points out the risks of increasing the reproduction of anime
with fansubs: if amateur translators are altering the content that is
reproduced, then it would be hard to recognize the origin of anime and where
it is made. On another note, dubbing, as a process of audiovisual translation,
imitates the effect that Denison previously stated. Cintas and Orero (2010)
argue that dubbing holds the power of neutralizing and censoring the film,
thus, partially transforming the audiovisual text into a new one that does not
match the original. Audiences who watch dubbed films and shows do not
have the chance to compare the original dialogue with the dubbed one; the
true meaning could be obscured from them (Cintas & Orero, 2010). González
(2007) agrees and provides an example of the previous statement in the realm
of anime. By dubbing anime, producers are Americanizing Japanese names
and effacing Japanese cultural references to fit the targeted audience:
Americans (González, 2007). The viewers of the dubbed anime, however,
could still identify that the characteristics of anime differed from cartoons
that are produced by Americans (González, 2007). Dudley (2012) states that
manga and anime are made for entertainment and not education.

2.3.4 Anime Genres

Anime is commonly defined as Japanese animation, or animation


produced in Japan, although to Japanese, “anime covers all animation
regardless of provenance” (Richmond 2009, 2). Davis (2015, 35) defines it as
“Japanese limited-animation, which is a form of animation that utilizes fewer
frames than the classic Disney animation and a variety of other cost-saving
techniques,” focusing on economic and technical aspects.

Brenner (2007, 29) more broadly defines it as Animated films


produced in Japan for a Japanese audience. The word itself comes from the
word animation, a translation of the English word “animation.” This term
encompasses all animated titles including feature films, television shows, and
original video animation (OVA) released to the home entertainment market.

Brenner’s definition, particularly “animated films produced in Japan


for a Japanese audience,” is debatable because it is difficult to draw a clear
conclusion about where anime is produced, and, especially today, anime is
not only for a Japanese audience but an international one as well. Denison
(2015, 2 emphasis original) argues that “anime is not just a genre any more
than it is simply a kind of animation or a product of only Japanese culture.”
Denison expands these limited definitions by saying that “anime needs to be
understood more broadly as a cultural phenomenon whose meanings are
dependent on context.” This expanded concept of anime views it as a
“medium,” “multimedia,” and “part of a range of (trans) national media
cultures” (Denison, 22).

Although recently it is becoming more difficult to draw a line


between what is anime and what is not, in general, anime has several unique
characteristics that are distinguishable from Western animation. Levi (2013)
states that sadness, environmentalism, and terror are unique themes found in
anime, and Davis (2015) provides an interview with Robert Napton, a graphic
novel writer and former employee at Bandai Entertainment, who states that
plot and narrative style are anime’s main appeals to its audience, an audience
that includes female adults, who were often excluded in Western comics and
animation culture.

Despite the growing prevalence of and demand for anime, current


organizational systems for anime are lacking, especially when describing
genre information. A survey conducted by Exner (2012, 34) showed this
clearly, as the majority of library patron respondents expressed “the desire for
a greater quantity or variety of support” for accessing anime or “more robust
genre cataloging,” although some respondents also indicated that they were
“categorically not interested in anime or manga through the library.”
Strengthening the organizational access points for and information about
anime titles would help address such user experience requests and facilitate
access to existing collections. As with other narrative and visual narrative
materials, an important access point for anime is genre information. Sardar
(2015, 49) defines genre as “categories of media products; specific types of
books, film, television and radio programs.

Genres are identified by their conventions, which the audience


recognizes through regular contact. The term originated in literary criticism
but was adopted by cinema studies. Television is exclusively genre-led.” In a
previous study investigating anime users’ information needs for
recommendations (Cho et al. 2017), the genre was one of the most frequently
mentioned features used to get recommendations (ranked third among
nineteen features identified). Lee, Shim, and Jett (2015) also had similar
findings: genre was the second most mentioned feature when Korean anime
users sought recommendations. However, despite such common usage, a
genre in anime remains highly ambiguous.

Even some anime fans may not be familiar with some of the genre
terms in the information systems, such as Sekai-Kei (world-type) and
iyashikei (healing). In addition, whether an anime belongs to genre A or B is
often unclear. As an example, in a previous study (Cho et al. 2017), we
defined the genre as “categories of anime characterized by similarities in
form, style, or subject matter, including typical genre labels that are
universally used by anime users,” but how real users interpreted genre varied.
What some users called genre was considered a theme or trope by other
users. Even when users used the same genre term, the elements they expected
were often different. In a similar vein, current information systems have
shown several limitations in providing anime genre information.

2.3.4.1 Action
Exciting action sequences take priority and significant conflicts
between characters are usually resolved with one's physical power. While the
overarching plot may involve one group against another, the narrative in
action stories is always focused on the strengths/weaknesses of individual
characters and the effort they put into their battles with the opposing group's
members.
In contrast with Military or Sports where the narrative is on collective
achievement or monster-of-the-week where the brief action scenes are a
predicted climax to the plot of the episode (Action Anime My Anime
List .net.n.d.).

2.3.4.2 Adventure

What classifies an anime as an adventure series? The characters in the


show are typically on some kind of journey, traveling unfamiliar territory and
working towards some kind of goal. In Samurai Champloo, the main
characters are traveling through Japan in search of the samurai who smell of
sunflowers, for example. Adventure anime often features a group of heroes,
rather than just one or two protagonists.

2.3.4.3 Comedy

According to MyAnimeList.net, in Comedy anime Uplifting, the


audience with positive emotion takes priority, eliciting laughter, amusement,
or general entertainment. Almost always, comedy stories are episodic or have
happy endings. Nearly every work will use comedy as a plot device to relieve
tension, but the overarching narrative must be focused on evoking
amusement to be Comedy. Drama and Comedy are not mutually exclusive,
but mixing them requires the audience to face human struggles with
lightheartedness. Slice of Life and Comedy are incompatible by definition.
2.3.4.4 Drama

Plot-driven stories focused on realistic characters experiencing human


struggle. Because drama stories ask the question of what it means to be
human, the conflict and emotions will be relatable, even if the settings or
characters themselves are not. Here, you will see humanity at its worst, its
best, and everything in between. Simply having a serious tone, dramatic
moments, or evoking tears does not equal Drama. If the narrative focuses on
eliciting emotional reactions rather than on characterization, then it is
melodrama and not Drama. Slice of Life and Drama are incompatible by
definition.

2.3.4.5 Ecchi

Most parents perceive anime as a cartoon for children, whereas many


anime have pornographic content or ecchi elements (nudity and sexual
intercourse). It is necessary to disseminate knowledge for parents to control
teenagers when watching anime.

Ecchi shows a bit of vulgar content, not to the sexual stage; Hentai, vulgar
and sexually explicit content. Ecchi, is a hentai genre that shows nudity but
does not show sexual scenes. Some of the anime genres, namely: Highschool
DxD, Queen Blade, and Love Hina; Futanari is a hentai genre that shows a
woman of two sexes. Either shemale or hermaphrodite; Sometimes the male's
genitals only show up at a certain moment but there is also the opposite. An
example of anime in this genre is Bible Black; Lolicon is a genre in which an
adult male likes a young girl (Advances in Social Science, Education and
Humanities Research).

2.3.4.6 Seinen/ Mature


Some users use the seinen label to describe anime generally made for
mature audiences, others use it for anime with complex plots or serious issues
regarding life or society, and still, others use the term to describe anime with
more violent or sexual content. Due to different understandings and
ambiguous definitions of the same term, various anime databases commonly
show conflicting results when searching for the same genre term. Crunchyroll
(http://www.crunchyroll.com/videos/anime/genres) mostly shows anime with
mature content under the genre filter “Seinen/Mature” (as the genre term
itself already indicates), but Anime-Planet (2017) and MyAnimeList
(https://myanimelist.net/anime.php) yield results including Mushi-shi (2005)
and Haven’t you heard? I’m Sakamoto (2016), which are both listed in
Crunchyroll but not classified as seinen

2.3.4.7 Shoujo

Shoujo is marketed primarily to a female audience. Shoujo anime


deals with questions asked by both boys and girls—“who am I, what kind of
person do I want to be, what would I be willing to do for love” (Davis, 2003a,
p. 2). The stories focus on the internal decision-making process that the lead
female character goes through to answer those questions (Davis, 2003b).

In 1995, Sailor Moon was the first shoujo anime to be officially licensed for
distribution in the United States (Drazen, 2003). Unlike other anime series
available in the United States at the time, Sai/or Moon was marketed to
teenage and grade school girls. The stories in this series maintain a balance
between romance and action, with themes of love, valor, and compassion.

2.3.4.8 Shounen

According to VIZ Media, “the largest publisher of manga...and


leading distributor of...anime,” shonen translates to “boy,” to whom anime
and manga of this genre are aimed, but they note that shonen has a broad
appeal across various demographics. In shōnen, the main character often
personifies its target audience with their age ranging from 7 to 18. Some
defining characteristics found in this genre are epic battles with high stakes,
the hero is depicted as an underdog or being placed in a fantastical situation,
they have an emphasis on friendship, and the protagonist has a clear mission
or goal to strive for throughout the series.

2.3.4.9 Kodomo

Kodomo (Children) is anime intended for children with an upper


bound of late elementary school age to junior high school age (H. Cho, T.
Disher, W.-C. Lee, S. A. Keating, J. H. Lee, 2018). These series are usually
moralistic, often educating children about staying on the right path in life.
Each chapter is usually a self-contained story.

2.3.5 Positive of Japanese anime on teenagers

Lu, S., & Zhang, R. (2019) The First, Japanese anime has the effect
of relieving psychological pressure on young people. As the pace of society
continues to accelerate, many young people in modern society are facing
increasing pressure and growth. In the case that it is difficult to solve the real
pressure, many people only have some way to relieve and release the
pressure, including the animation works. Because of its surreal situation, the
psychological pressure is relieved, and the audience's mind can be pinned.
Second, Japanese anime can cultivate the strong will of young people who
are not afraid of setbacks. There are a lot of heroes in Japan's sports anime
who have tenacious struggles and never give up their will. The stories told
are the success stories of the masters. This has cultivated their strong fear of
frustrating teenagers. Third, the Japanese animation enhancement of the
team’s awareness of young people has prompted them to attach importance to
cooperation and communication. In much Japanese anime, there is no lack of
teamwork between the protagonists. Through the understanding of these
works, young people have learned how to deal with social relations and
cooperate with others, which has a very positive impact on the cultivation of
youth team awareness. Fourth, Japanese anime has expanded the scope of
learning for young people's extracurricular knowledge and cultivated the
thinking ability of young people. Through the understanding and viewing of
Japanese anime, young people have a deeper understanding and
understanding of Japanese culture and related knowledge, and their
knowledge has been expanded.

2.3.6 The negative impact of Japanese anime on teenagers

First, Japanese anime has caused some teenagers to indulge in this


and it is difficult to extricate themselves. Japanese anime with the rich subject
matter, well-made stories, and close to the psychological needs of young
people has great appeal to young people. Some teenagers have indulged in
this and spent a lot of time watching animation. Second, there are many bad
behaviors in the anime characters in Japanese anime. Some teenagers lack
judgment and cognitive ability, and blindly recognize or even imitate them.
In addition, the development of the Japanese animation derivative industry
has also had an impact on the lives of young people. Some teenagers love
cartoon characters and blindly consume them. Third, there are many scenes
of violence, blood, and pornography in Japanese anime, which hurt the
physical and mental development of young people. Many anime stories have
negative themes, including hatred, pain, jealousy, resentment, sadness, some
pictures, and even sexual abuse and nudity. These works have appeared in
many animation works and even occupy the mainstream position. Fourth, the
subculture content in Japanese anime confuses the values of young people.
There is no shortage of individual heroism in Japanese anime, which easily
leads to the formation of extreme individualism among adolescents.
Compared with individual heroism in American anime, Japanese anime is
more prominent. This kind of individual heroism is a subculture. Young
people are affected by this subculture and neglect teamwork when
considering and solving problems. Emphasizing personal ability, one cannot
have a comprehensive and objective understanding and consideration of the
problem. Fifth, there are many anti-cultural contents in Japanese anime,
which have adversely affected the formation of adolescents. Militarism,
radical nationalism, and even New Nazism have all appeared in Japanese
anime works, which is not conducive to the establishment of patriotism,
world peace, and even violent tendencies among young people. In addition,
the theme of Japanese anime works is mainly horror and spirituality, which is
not conducive to the correct understanding of the world by young people and
has a very negative impact on the healthy growth of young people (Lu, S., &
Zhang, R. 2019).

2.4 Audiovisual Translation and Translation Studies

Audiovisual translation focuses on the practices, processes, and


products that are involved in or result from the transfer of multimodal and
multimedia content across languages and/or cultures. Audiovisual texts are
multimodal since their production and interpretation rely on the combined
deployment of a wide range of semiotic resources or modes (Baldry and
Thibault 2006), including language, image, music, color, and perspective.
They are multimedia insofar as this panoply of modes is delivered to the
viewer through various media in a synchronized manner (Negroponte 1991).
Since the turn of the century, the combined effect of technological and
statutory developments has prompted a significant and rapid expansion in the
provision and study of assistive forms of audiovisual translation that aim to
facilitate access to media content for sensory-impaired viewers. In assistive
translations, the meaning conveyed in the source text through acoustic or
visual signifying means is reencoded in written or spoken language – in
subtitles for the hard of hearing and audio description for the blind,
respectively. Concerned with intersemiotic rather than interlingual transfers
of meaning, accessibility-driven practices have significantly widened the
scope of audiovisual translation as a field of professional practice and domain
of scholarly inquiry.

Throughout the second half of the twentieth century, the most


established forms of audiovisual translation, whose emergence and
consolidation are inextricably entwined with the popularization of film for
mass entertainment, were adopted by other media such as television and,
since the 1980s, software applications and videogames. This increasing
diversity of audiovisual content has been mirrored in the changing
terminology used to designate this area of study (Chaume 2004). As
subtitling and dubbing were born on the back of sound motion pictures, the
terms film dubbing and film translation featured prominently in early
scholarly work (Fodor 1976; Snell-Hornby 1988). The subsequent expansion
of television broadcasting provided new avenues for the dissemination of
translated audiovisual texts, with labels such as film and TV translation
(Delabastita 1989) and media translation (Eguíluz et al. 1994) gaining
visibility in the literature. Following the exponential growth in the volume of
audiovisual texts produced by and for electronic and digital media, terms
such as screen translation (Mason 1989; O’Connell 2007), multimedia
translation (Gambier and Gottlieb 2001), and multimodal translation (Pérez-
González 2014a) have emerged, illustrating the extent to which audiovisual
translation has outgrown its core domain of inquiry and annexed neighboring
fields under an all-inclusive research agenda.

2.5 Effects of Age in Second Language Acquisition

Some of the earliest studies of the effect of age on the acquisition of a


second language focused on proving or disproving Lenneberg's (1967)
critical period hypothesis. Lenneberg theorized that the acquisition of
language is an innate process determined by biological factors which limit the
critical period for acquisition of a language from roughly two years of age to
puberty. Lenneberg believed that after lateralization (a process by which the
two sides of the brain develop specialized functions), the brain loses
plasticity. Lenneberg claimed that lateralization of the language function is
normally completed at puberty, making post-adolescent language acquisition
difficult.

Many studies have tested this hypothesis by comparing children to


adults in the acquisition of pronunciation. Studies examining subjects'
pronunciation after over five years of exposure to the second language
consistently find that the large majority of adults retain their accent when the
second language is acquired after puberty, whereas children initiating second
language acquisition before puberty have little or no foreign accent (e.g.,
Asher and Garcia, 1969; Oyama, 1976; Seliger, Krashen and Ladefoged,
1975; Tahta, Wood and Loewenthal, 1981). Two studies assessing students'
acquisition of pronunciation after three years of exposure to the second
language found that younger students had retained more accent-free
pronunciation when compared to adolescents just past puberty (Fathman,
1975; Williams, 1979).
Researchers have debated the age at which lateralization actually occurs.
Kinsbourne (1975) proposes completion by birth; Krashen (1973) suggests it
may be complete by age 5; Lenneberg (1967) proposes lateralization by
puberty. Long (1988) suggests that the brain's loss of placticity is also due to
other aspects of cerebral maturation unrelated to lateralization. Regardless of
the exact timing of lateralization or other related factors, evidence is very
strong that most people who acquire a second language after puberty retain
an accent in the second language. It may be that the effort to test the critical
period hypothesis is called too much attention to one aspect of language
proficiency - pronunciation - and to the child/adult dichotomy. Educators
may be more concerned about differences in language acquisition of young
children (4-7), older children (8-12), and adolescence (13-16), and they are
interested in more aspects of language to be mastered than just pronunciation.
The sections which follow examine the effect of age on school children's
acquisition of progressively complex language domains: first, basic oral
skills, then language skills for school including oral and written skills, and
finally language skills in content area development.

2.5.1 Lenneberg Crtical Period Hypothesis

Lenneberg argued that language acquisition needed to take place


between age two and puberty – a period which he believed to coincide with
the lateralisation process of the brain. (More recent neurological research
suggests that different time frames exist for the lateralisation process of
different language functions.

2.5.2
2.6 Review Related Studies

2.5.1 Anime

Initially a blanket term for all animation created in Japan, but now
used in the West to also denote the unique approach to style and content
embraced in Japan; derived from 'animation' and phonetically pronounced
'ah-nee-meh’ (Education Kit, 2007). Early anime films were largely aimed at
the Japanese market, and as a result, many cultural references specific to
Japan were used. Although anime is primarily aimed at children, mature
themes and subject matter can occasionally be found in anime films
(Britannica, 2022).

2.5.1.1 Anime as a Tool for Learning

According to Corpuz (2020), in her study entitled “Anime with


English Subtitles: Tool in Expanding Second Language Learners’
Vocabulary and Syntactic Complexity”. She employs a combination of
qualitative and quantitative approach and examined the effect of subtitled
anime in the learning gains of ESL (English as Second Language) learners in
terms of vocabulary and syntactic complexity. according to the findings As
pertained to in the Kruskall-Wallis Analysis of the learning gains of the three
groups of respondents, the composition writing results garnered a p-value of
0.058 while the cloze test garnered 0 p-value; thus rendering the decision to
reject the null hypothesis and proving that there was a significant difference
in the learning gains of the students in vocabulary and syntactic complexity
for those who used the English subtitled and dubbed anime as instructional
materials. Moreover, those who used the English subtitled anime achieved
higher learning gains compared to those who used English dubbed anime.
The statistical evidence was seconded further by the survey and interview
among the respondents regarding their opinion on the utilization of subtitled
anime as instructional material.

According to Bhowmik (2018), in his study “Impact of Using


Subtitled Anime in Enriching Vocabulary Knowledge among Junior
Secondary ESL Students”, Language learning in classroom does not use such
element, especially in a country like Bangladesh. Traditional methods are
being used in classes where English is treated as a subject but not a language,
which is acquired better than learned forcefully. Use of books, black boards
and white boards are very common and monotonous. Different studies have
been done worldwide on this idea of using anime to teach English but in most
of the cases they are used as material or, as secondary source. In this study,
anime was used in direct and explicit way to see impact of using anime on
students in an ESL classroom. The survey was done on two different groups
which were the controlled and the experimental group. The findings showed
that the impact of watching anime in class was positive and students were
focused on class.

According to Hiroko Furo in his study entitled “Using Anime as a Teaching


Tool in US Undergraduate Courses,”, he discusses how we can use visual
forms of pop culture, especially anime, as an effective teaching tool in
academics and utilize them to attract students to Japan-related courses. To
understand students’ motivation and attraction, an anime survey was
conducted and the results are presented. Furthermore, based upon the
successes and difficulties in using anime to teach US undergraduate students
are also analyzed based on student comments on the course evaluations.

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