Experience Representation in Information Systems
Experience Representation in Information Systems
Experience Representation in Information Systems
Faculty of History
Jan Kaczmarek
Experience representation
in information systems
June 1, 2013
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Summary
This thesis looks into the ways subjective dimension of experience could be represented
in artificial, non-biological systems, in particular information systems.
The pivotal assumption is that experience as opposed to mainstream thinking in
information science is not equal to knowledge, so that experience is a broader term
which encapsulates both knowledge and subjective, affective component of experience,
which so far has not been properly embraced by knowledge representation theories.
This is the consequence of dominance of behaviourism and later cognitivism in the
XXth-century science, which tended to reduce mind and experience respectively to
behavioural expressions and discrete states relating mindful creature to external
world, meanwhile the processes of knowing to manipulations with symbols.
We support the view that traditional knowledge representation approaches will
not suffice to embrace the entirety of mental phenomena. We propose that in order to
understand, represent and model the thinking and behavioural processes of mindful
entities in information systems we need to look into the phenomenon of experience
beyond the boundaries of knowledge. At the same time we propose to look at
experience in a more structured way and try to capture it in formal terms, making
it amenable to symbolic representation, being aware at the same time of innate
limitations of symbolic representations compared to the natural representations in
biological bodies.
Under the paradigm of mind intentionality, which assumes that minds have
this special intrinsic feature that they can relate to external word and thus are
about external world, it can be asserted that experience is one in all intentional
mind state composed of knowledge that is the intentional contents of this state, the
world-to-mind relation, meanwhile its inseparable subjective component is composed
of subjective feelings of the mindful individual corresponding to this intentional
mind states. If so, we propose that experience can be defined as two-dimensional
mental phenomena consisting of mental states that have both knowledge and affective
component. Consequently we suggest that experience can be represented as pairs
of elements of sets K, and A, where K represents knowledge, hence contents of
remembered intentional states of mind (i.e. intentional contents of experience),
whereas A represents affect, i.e. the subjective qualitative component of experience.
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Importantly, it does not particularly matter if we define experience as a set of
mind states or a mind state process for assessing if the overall relation between
knowledge and subjective experience that we have outlined above is valid. Whether
there is knowing rather then knowledge or experiencing rather than experience which
seems increasingly a contemporary principle, remains a fascinating philosophical,
ontological to be more specific, question, however it falls beyond the scope of the
thesis and therefore we shall not concentrate on it herewith.
In this thesis we pay particular attention to the role the affective component of
experience plays in the behaviour of organisms, and we use the concept of rational
agency to discuss the relations between agent experience and behaviour. This role
is primarily about motivation and experience vividness, i.e. how easily experiential
states can be retrieved from memory. The affective dimension of experience determines
the drivers for agent action and influences the remembering and forgetting (memory)
processes that experience is prone to. We reflect on how the above presented framework
could enhance one of the most popular rational agency models: the Believes Desires
Intentions model (BDI) based on Bratmann’s account of practical reason that has
dominated information science and artificial intelligence literature.
Inspired by Davidson, who opposing Hume’s account that the passions (desires)
drive action while reason (belief) merely directs its force, concluded that
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“(...) belief and desire seem equally to be causal conditions of action.
But (...) desire is more basic in that if we know enough about a person’s
desires, we can work out what he believes, while the reverse does not
hold.” (Davidson, 2004)
we conclude that in so far as BDI model approaches them, desires are sort of beliefs.
Indeed a desire in the above sense is a verbalised desire, i.e. in order for a proposition
to be included in the deliberation an agent must have internally verbalize it and
accept it by which he converts it into a belief. As a result an agent acquires a belief
about its desire.
Apart from desires made thus explicit and becoming beliefs there are implicit
experiential states that directly influence behaviour, these are not embraced by the
Desires set in the BDI and other instrumentalist rationality models as these currently
do not have adequate forms of representation. If this is so, the BDI models looses
its D creating a gap which must be filled in, which we try to do with the subjective
dimension of experience. Under such an account each belief, either the proper one
or about the desire, represented formally with a proposition should have an extra
component added which would stand for the subjective affective state to this belief.
Some preliminary suggestions how this could be implemented are proposed and
discussed.
The central proposition of this thesis states that experience, broadly understood
as the entirety of contents and quality of a conscious mind state, can be satisfactorily
represented in information systems, and any information system which objective
is to emulate natural agent behaviour with satisfactory faithfulness cannot do
without a sound experience representation framework. To achieve this it is necessary
to realize and accept, based on convincing evidence from neuroscience, that the
missing subjective component of experience is affect that forms and integral part
of natural agent’s experience, and determines, or at least impacts profoundly the
behaviour of natural agents. Relating affect to knowledge would result in a satisfactory
approximation of experience. It is to realize as well that the subjective dimension of
experience, classified as affect, is not entirely private, subjective epiphenomenal entity
but rather can be studied in objective terms as neurological correlates in the brain
following account of emotion and affect as fostered by contemporary neuroscience.
By identifying affective correlates of intentional contents of states of mind, which
build up knowledge, we can exploit a broader concept experience for the purpose
of more accurate emulation of natural agents’ thinking process and behaviour in
information systems.
This thesis presents and discusses a bulk of evidence coming mainly from three
fields: information science, philosophy of mind and cognitive neuroscience that led
us to the above stated conclusions, as well as establishes a framework for experience
representation in information systems.
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Streszczenie
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przy tym w pełni świadomym immanentnych ograniczeń reprezentacji symbolicz-
nych systemów formalnych w porównaniu z naturalnymi reprezentacjami stanów
myślowych w materii biologicznej organizmów żywych.
Podpierając się teorią intencjonalności umysłu, paradygmatem w filozofii umysłu
zakładającym, że umysł ma tę szczególną fundamentalną właściwość, że może odnosić
się do zewnętrznego świata, a więc że może być o lub być skierowany do (ang. about
lub directed at) przedmiotów i stanów rzeczy w świecie, można stwierdzić, że doświad-
czenie w ujęciu ogólnym jest stanem intencjonalnym złożonym zarówno z wiedzy,
która stanowi intencjonalną treść tego stanu, tj. relację umysł-świat oraz z nieod-
łącznego komponentu subiektywnego, odpowiadającego subiektywnym odczuciom
towarzyszącym danym intencjonalnym stanom umysłu. Jeśli tak, to doświadczenie
można postrzegać jako niedualny fenomen dwuwymiarowy składający się ze stanów
mentalnych, które obejmują zarówno wiedzę jak i nieodłączny składnik afektywny.
W związku z tym proponujemy, że doświadczenie może być reprezentowane jako
nierozłączne pary elementów zbiorów K i A, gdzie K oznacza wiedzę, czyli zawartość
zapamiętanych intencjonalnych stanów umysłu (tj. intencjonalna treść doświadcze-
nia), natomiast zbiór A odpowiada afektowi, stanowiącemu subiektywny, jakościowy
wymiar doświadczenia.
Istotnie, nie ma przy tym znaczenia czy postrzegamy doświadczenie jako zjawisko
dyskretne, zbiór stanów umysłu czy ciągły proces umysłowy, by ocenić zasadność
zaproponowanego przez nas powiązania w doświadczeniu wiedzy z subiektywnymi
stanami umysłu. Niezależnie od przyjętej postawy ontologicznej wobec kategorii
wiedzy, czy przyjmiemy za właściwsze odniesienie się do niej jako do ciągłej czynności
odpowiadającej czasownikowi “wiem” (ang. knowing) czy raczej jako uniwersalium
odpowiadającego dyskretnemu stanowi, kwantowi wiedzy (ang. knowledge), a w przy-
padku doświadczenia czy będziemy mówić o procesie doświadczania (ang. experien-
cing) zamiast o doświadczeniu w kategoriach uniwersalnych (ang. experience), nasze
ustalenia pozostają w mocy.2
Ponadto postulujemy, że subiektywny składnik doświadczenia ma również własno-
ści intencjonalne, tym niemniej podczas gdy intencjonalność składowej doświadczenia
odpowiadającej wiedzy jest skierowana na zewnątrz, ku zewnętrznej wobec podmiotu
poznania rzeczywistości, intencjonalność subiektywnych uczuć skierowana jest do
wewnątrz doświadczającego podmiotu. Posiłkujemy się przy tym współczesnymi
teoriami umysłu, świadomości i psychologii rozwojowej, uznającymi, że pierwotna,
wrodzona intencjonalna właściwość umysłu ma niejęzykowe podłoże, jako że musi
istnieć niezależna bardziej pierwotna od językowej forma intencjonalności pozwala-
2
Zarysowane tu rozróżnienie pozostaje fascynującym filozoficznym problemem, pozostającym
w ścisłym związku z zakresem tematycznym niniejszej pracy jednak nie mieszczącym się w jej
limitach objętościowych, w związku z czym ten wątek nie może zostać podjęty w dalszych częściach
wywodu, poprzestańmy zatem jedynie na obserwacji, że z dwóch powyższych postaw ta pierwsza
jawi się jako współcześnie dominująca.
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jąca rozwijającym się organizmom, dzieciom w przypadku człowieka, jak również
innym naczelnym rozwijającym umiejętności komunikacji językowej, nauczyć się
języka w pierwszej kolejności. Współczesna neuronauka poznawcza utrzymuje, że ta
bardziej pierwotna forma jest ściśle związana z afektem, subiektywnymi doznaniami
i emocjami. Ponandto, wspieramy się współczesnymi teoriami świadomości i ja o ro-
dowodzie neuronaukowym, takich autorów jak Damasio i Panksepp, którzy uznają,
że istnieje pierwotny składnik ja, tzw. proto-ja (ang. protoself złożone z czystych
odczuć pochodzących z głębi doświadczającego ciała, które reprezentowane są przez
umysł jako stany całego biologicznego organizmu, mają ściśle subiektywny charakter.
Stąd też, możemy spojrzeć na umysłowy obraz tych pierwotnych, czystych uczuć jak
na zwierciadło w którym odbija się świat zewnętrzny za pośrednictwem zmysłów,
z czego wynika koncepcyjnie dualny, jednak ujednolicony w świadomości obiektu
poznania charakter intencjonalnych stanów umysłu złożonych z treści intencjonalnej
oraz subiektywnych stanów uczuciowych pochodzących z wnętrza doświadczającego
organizmu. Ponieważ trudno jest rozstrzygać ostatecznie co do dualnej czy jednolitej
natury doświadczenia, głównie z powodu ograniczeń języka i historii współczesnej
nauki, która zdominowana jest przez wpływy dualizmu kartezjańskiego, w całej
pracy omowiając powyższe dwa aspekty doświadczenia posługujemy się określeniami
składniki wymiennie komponenty lub wymiary doświadczenia.
W niniejszej pracy zwracamy szczególną uwagę na afektywny wymiar doświad-
czenia i rolę jaką odgrywa w celowym działaniu podmiotu poznania. Odwołujemy
się w tym celu do koncepcji racjonalnego, celowego działania i filozofii praktyczności
(racjonalnego rozumu) jak również ekonomicznej teorii wolnego wyboru aby prze-
śledzić związek doświadczenia w ujęciu przez nas proponowanym z zachowaniem
racjonalnych podmiotów (ang. rational agents). Rola ta przede wszystkim obejmuje
kształtowanie motywacji oraz żywotność doświadczenia, tj. stopień jego utrwalenia
w pamięci długotrwałej, z której doświadczenie może być przywoływane do pamięci
krótkotrwałej w momencie świadomego wnioskowania na temat planowanych działań
lub automatycznego wykonywania zachowań autonomicznych. Afektywny wymiar
doświadczenia kształtuje działania podmiotu racjonalnego oraz wpływa na procesy
pamięciowe, zapamiętywanie i zapominanie którym doświadczenie się poddaje.
W pracy podjęte zostały również rozważania na temat możliwości zastosowania
zaproponowanych ram teoretycznych reprezentacji doświadczenia w najbardziej
popularnym i powszechnie stosowanym w nauce o informacji, teorii i technikach
sztucznej inteligencji modelu i formalnym systemie opisującym racjonalność, tzw.
modelu BDI (ang. Believes, Desires, Intentions) opartym na logice praktyczności
zaproponowanej przez Bratman’a.
Z przemyśleń innego filozofa praktycznego rozumu Davidsona, który w opozycji
do Humowskiej tezy stwierdzającej, że żądze (ang. passions) decydują o pragnieniach
(ang. desires) napędzają działania, podczas gdy rozum (przekonania) jedynie kierują
siłami tego oddziaływania, skonkludował, iż:
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„(...) przekonania i pragnienia wydają się jednakowymi przyczynami
działania. Jednakże (...) pragnienia jawią się bardziej podstawowymi
tak, że jeśli wiemy wystarczająco dużo o czyichś pragnieniach możemy
wnioskować co do jego przekonań, jednakże odwrotność tego stwierdzenia
nie zachodzi.” 3
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mym proponujemy także, że subiektywny wymiar doświadczenia, nie jest całkowicie
prywatnym, ukrytym przed obserwatorem ulotnym fenomenem, przeciwnie, może on
być aproksymowany z obserwacji zachowania, relacji z introspekcji oraz bezpośrednio,
obiektywnie studiowany w oparciu o neurologiczne korelaty w systemie nerwowym,
głównie mózgu, zgodnie z aktualną praktyką współczesnej neuronauki. Rozpoznając
afektywne neurologiczne korelaty intencjonalnych treści umysłu, które składają się
na wiedzę, możemy korzystać z nowego zasobu terminologicznego i konceptualnego
jakim jest doświadczenie celem opracowania sprawniejszych sposobów emulacji zacho-
wania i procesów myślowych podmiotów racjonalnych z wykorzystaniem systemów
informacyjnych.
W niniejszej pracy dokonujemy gruntownego przeglądu i omówienia najnow-
szych wyników badań naukowych, korzystając głównie ze źródłowych tekstów an-
gielskojęzycznych, z kilku zazębiających się w obrębie zadanego tematu dyscyplin
naukowych: nauki o informacji, filozofii umysłu oraz neuronauki, które zainspirowały
nas do sformułowania wyżej streszczonych wniosków oraz stworzyły punkt wyjścia
dla zaproponowanej przez nas struktury reprezentacji doświadczenia w systemach
informacyjnych.
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Contents
Summary iii
Streszczenie vii
Preface xix
1 Introduction 1
1.1 Thesis objectives . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
1.2 Thesis background and rationale . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2
1.2.1 Advancements in and limitations of information theories, in-
formation processing technologies and information systems . . 2
1.2.2 Affect and its role in understanding, defining and modelling
rationality . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
1.2.3 Methodological inspirations: Leibnitz’s Calculemus! and Wilber’s
orienting generalizations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19
1.3 Thesis proposition . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
1.4 Thesis structure . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21
2 Terminology 25
2.1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25
2.2 Terms related to rational agency . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26
2.3 Terms related to information systems . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 43
2.4 Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 50
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3.3.2 Limitations of language in expressing affective states . . . . . 87
3.4 Experience as self-information and its role in purposeful behaviour . . 90
3.4.1 Practical reason and affect . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91
3.4.2 The central problem of the freedom of will . . . . . . . . . . . 95
3.4.3 Emotions and feeling in rational behaviour . . . . . . . . . . . 100
3.5 Affective bias in rational judgements – the empirical study . . . . . . 102
3.5.1 Problem under investigation . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 102
3.5.2 Method . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 103
3.5.3 Description of the experiment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 104
3.5.4 Definition of the variables . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 107
3.5.5 Results . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 107
3.5.6 Conclusions and further work . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115
3.6 Conclusions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 116
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5.4.1 Mainstream formal models of BDI agency . . . . . . . . . . . 181
5.4.2 Review of existing emotional agency representations . . . . . . 183
5.4.3 Experiencing BDI agents . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 192
5.5 Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 195
6 Conclusion 197
6.1 Conclusion of findings . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 197
6.2 Limitations of experience representation methods . . . . . . . . . . . 200
6.3 Ongoing and future research work . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 201
Appendix 203
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List of Figures
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Preface
Like supposedly many other young people charmed by science I have been developing
my scientific interests being driven by a curiosity about a question of a fundamental
sort – why people, animals, any other living creatures feel like doing anything? The
question could be made even more general – why electrons feel like spinning? – but let
us ration ourselves to the living organisms. With this kind of general question ahead
one can take up a wide variety of specific research paths across many disciplines from
theology to quantum physics. I started with economics where human (consumer)
behaviour and choice (decision making) were some of the central foci of interest
and dug further across philosophy and cognitive psychology, further to cognitive
neuroscience to end up in information science with two main conclusions:
This thesis is inspired and driven by my deep believe that after a century of
domination of rationalism in the positivist sense we will witness a period in science
and society when much more due attention will be paid to the affective and the
unconscious side of the human and animal nature, and biological life at large, which
is the basic for understanding who we the human beings are. As the domination of
positivist thinking in XX century catalysed the flourishing of philosophy of language,
normative economics, behavioural psychology, development of information technology,
the turn to the emotional and inner dimensions of biological and mental phenomena
should let to the better understanding of non-linguistic forms of intentionality of
living creatures, human and animal consciousness, human decision making and
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problem solving, increased understanding of social behaviour and will open the way
to many practical applications that will make the world a much more liveable place.
Recently, in a journalistic essay, I risked a purposively controversial claim that
we seem to be living in increasingly romantic times. As the boundary between
mental and biological, rational and emotional in the traditional sense of the terms
is blurring, breaking the dualistic Cartesian conceptual framework, the emotional,
more primitive, evolutionarily older, shared with other animals, side of human nature
has gained more recognition and interest from scientists and engineers. The turn
to the emotional, the biological (the animal) and subjective (spiritual to certain
extent) is bringing about associations with romanticist thought. Turn may not be
the ideal word in this case however, as it implies backlash from the realm of reason
and objectivity meanwhile it is rather to suggest that the acceptance on an equal
footing of both narratives: (i) the rational, objective, third personal on one hand and
(ii) the emotional, subjective, first-personal on the other is anticipated.
The phenomenon apparently is entering not only the mainstream intellectual
discourse but also has become a part of mass culture, to which a contemporary essay
by Zygmunt Bauman (Bauman, 2011) testifies. Bauman observes that
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I believe this thesis is a humble contribution to the development of an emerging
paradigm in information studies, the affective theory of information (ATI). This
paradigm recognises that the mainstream traditional theories of information should
be extended in a way that they embrace the subjective, affective dimension of human
experience. Information and knowledge that can be encapsulated with language
cannot be represented completely without this missing part: the subjective feelings
of a minded self that receives, stores and processes information, as they have impact,
have meaning, make the difference.
This thesis proposes that the affective dimension of experience can and should be
represented in artificial systems so that these could be better applied to solving real-
world problems that are intrinsically complex. I wish it makes a tiny step forward
by providing theoretical grounds and justification, by putting together relevant
scientific evidence from various disciplines, for defining models of human experience
representation and modelling in artificial systems.
This representation and modelling methods and techniques will potentially open
the way for many practical applications across many disciplines, for instance: (i) they
can help construct information systems that are more usable and ergonomic for the
user, (ii) they can allow for the construction of more believable artificial agents both in
entertainment applications like computer games and virtual and mixed-reality worlds,
as well as business and social applications that require emulation of human behaviour.
Moreover, (iii) it can contribute to the construction of more usable human-machine
interfaces and interaction paradigms as well as the development of more accurate
decision-support systems. In this way the thesis will contribute apart from the field
of information theory to such fields as: affective computing (computer science),
customer experience management (marketing and management science), agent-based
macroeconomic simulations (economics), complex problem solving (applied computer
science), human-machine interaction and artificial intelligence (computer science).
This thesis could not have been completed without kind support of many people. In
particular I would like to thank: Professor Mieczysław Muraszkiewicz for constructive
feedback as this thesis progressed, Dr Dominik Ryżko from Warsaw University of
Technology for join scientific endeavour in the area of experience modelling and the
benefits brought by his sharp mind along the way. I shall also thank my friends: Dr.
Jakub Lebuda, Łukasz Iwasiński and Michał Wendorff for participating in my personal
development and years of challenging debates. I owe my special acknowledgements
to Dr. Jakub Lebuda whose support allowed me to complete this project.
I dedicate this thesis to my sons Stanisław and Józef.
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Chapter 1
Introduction
4. To set up the theoretical framework that would link affect and knowledge with
natural agent’s purposive behaviour resulting from conscious decision making.
1
2 CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION
would map agent’s experience, including knowledge and affect with voluntary
action.
6. To work out an experience representation and processing model that would suit
the purpose of information systems that support emulation of natural agent
behaviour.
1
See Chapter 2 for terminological discussion
4 CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION
able to map experience onto information and knowledge stored and processed by
information systems could open the way to many new applications of these systems,
such as emulation of natural agents behaviour, decision support systems, multi-agent
simulation sistems, modelling social processes, intelligent system engineering, to
name a few. Importantly the sole capability to store and emulate user experience in
information systems has an intrinsic value. We can consider an information system
that is capable of collecting, storing and processing information about experience of
a particular type of user or natural agent and answer questions such as: ’what is the
current experience of user x related to object y?’, ’what user experience attributed
to user x had resulted from the interaction with object y by user x?’, etc.. Such a
system could be applied to improved human machine inferfaces, web interfaces for
instance, e-commerce applications, customer relationship management information
systems, and many more.
sector has become one of the dominant industries of today, (iii) computers and
computing capacity is cheaper and more affordable than ever; (iv) computing remains
one of the most popular fields of tertiary education (“Education at a Glance 2011:
OECD Indicators”). This list could continue for long. At the same time some
good arguments can be made for envisaging disruptions in the development of both
information science and ICTs, of which the most important are: (i) we are approaching
the technological and physical limits of silicone in increasing the computational
capacities of chips two which parallelization constitutes only temporal solution (the
end of Moore’s law?); (ii) the failure of classical computing based on binary algebra –
the very theoretic underpinnings of information science – to deliver the promise of
artificial intelligence; (iii) failure of classical computer and information science to
cope with the complexities of many real life problems, in particular those related to
human action and social interactions, and biological processes at large.
The foundations of modern computer and information science where laid down
by theories of Turing (Turing, 1936; Turing, 1950) and Shannon (Shannon, 1938;
Shannon, 2001). Turing came up with a definition of what is currently known as
a Turing machine, a machine that performs calculations using only two types of
symbols, and later co-authored the Church-Turing thesis stating that any problem
that has an algorithmic solution can be solved on a Turing machine, which led to
the invention of digital computers as we know today, with architecture proposed
by von Neumann (Von Neumann and Morgenstern, 1944), composed of hardware
(Turing machines) and software (programmes run by Turing machines). Shannon in
turn came up with an information encoding method based on binary algebra that
paved the way for information digitalization, i.e. representation of information in
the form of strings of binary values (0,1). These inventions underpinning modern
computer and information science provided for the dualistic character of computing
and semantics lacking information processing machines which influenced significantly
many disciplines far beyond electrical engineering for which field they had been
initially meant for (compare (Guizzo, 2003)). The most surprising their influence on
philosophy, to be more specific philosophy of mind. The analogy between computer
and human brain had driven some philosophers to the revelation that the mind is
to the brain as the software is to the hardware, a philosophical stance known as
computer functionalism, or Strong Artificial Intelligence (Searle, 2004, p. 45). In other
words brain provides “biological hardware” for executing programmes that are mental
phenomena. This shows how profound was the impact of Shannon’s and Turing’s
inventions on science reaching far beyond technical disciplines. Effectively, computer
functionalism became a highly popular philosophical theory of mind in the second
part of XX century and is still appreciated by many scientists and enthusiasts of
strong artificial intelligence, becoming one of the most important physicalist, identity
theories on the mind-body problem.
1.2. THESIS BACKGROUND AND RATIONALE 7
This topic will be looked into in more detail in chapter 3, however it is important
to note now that many contemporary philosophers reject computer functionalism and
materialism at large (Nagel, 1974; Jackson, 1982; Block, Flanagan, and Güzeldere,
1997; Kripke, 1980; Searle, 2004) considering it a mistaken theory. This is a very
good example how, otherwise great invention of Shannon, Turing and von Neumann,
led to mistaken far-fetched conclusions that has led to disappointments with regard
to artificial intelligence based on classical information theory and potentially lies
in the source the cause of the crisis the computer science is facing now. The below
paragraph will briefly present main arguments given for why classical computer
science may be considered in crisis nowadays.
A fundamental difficulty encountered by modern computer science and information
technology can be found at the very fundamental level both in computer hardware
and computer software. The very source of these difficulties is complexity of real-life
problems which they try to solve. The complexity has two facets. One is related to the
problem structuring, that involves among others: definition of the objective, conditions
of satisfaction and algorithm for finding the solution, the second is the complexity of
a computational problem, i.e. a task that is in principle amenable to being solved
by a computer. Computational problems, which belong to the class of well-defined
problems, i.e. problems for which a computational algorithm for finding the solution
can be defined, can have different levels of complexity indicated by time needed to
solve the problem, and measured in the number of states required by the algorithm
to solve the problem. Problems that cannot be solved algorithmically at all, termed
ill-defined 2 , by definition fall beyond the problem-solving capabilities of computing
machines (compare (Simon, 1973)). The central difficultly in problem solving is about
that nearly every real-life problem is ill-defined, and even if it is possible, via relevant
techniques, to structure or reduce them into well-defined computational problems
their reduced complexity would still fall into the NP complexity class, which means
these problems cannot be solved in a polynomial time applying known algorithms on
a Turing machine.
So far the predominant approach to this challenge was to rely on the Moore’s law
by investing in inventing more and more powerful computer chips by increasing the
number of transistors packed into a chip, and developing multi-core processing units
that use parallel-computing as leverage for increasing computing speed of digital
computers, the modern implementations of a Turing machine. This approach however
has its limits that result from: (i) physical limits of silicone-based transistors. 3 (Lloyd,
2002), (ii) limits to parallel computation (Greenlaw, Hoover, and Ruzzo, 1995) and
limits of quantum computing (Aaronson, 2007). Evidently, modern science faces
2
Other common terms for these type of problems are: ill-structured, fuzzy or wicked problems.
3
Meanwhile Moore’s law states that transistor density on integrated circuits doubles about every
two years, we are quickly (exponentially) approaching the size of atoms which is a fundamental
barrier that is expected to be reached within a decade approximately
8 CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION
limitations of digital technology and must search for new paradigms in information
processing.
Surprisingly, many of the problems that cannot be solved by computers are
relatively easily coped with by living organisms, individually or collectively, regardless
these are simple entities (single cells) or complex organisms like human being. Which
is why bio-inspired computing is one of the possible ways out to follow (Kelso, 1995;
Mange and Tomassini, 1998). Furthermore, an important characteristic of real-life
problems of high complexity is that they are non-deterministic. Consequently, one of
the approaches to these arising challenges is to revert to non-deterministic computing.
In 2011 a large research programme was proposed under the EU’s Framework
Programme FET Flagship scheme, entitled “Phoenix”, which goal was to elaborate a
coherent, feasible and correct scientific foundation for systems that can deal with
non-determinism and NP complexity through their self-organising and emergent
capabilities4 . Scientists behind Phoenix initiative claim that:
limitations of the current one, especially as the information resources of today are not
only reach but more easy to access than ever before, which constitutes an opportunity
for many real-life applications.
Clearly digital information processing has not solved the most urging problems
humanity faces, for instance prediction of natural disasters, controlling economic
fluctuations, emulation social processes in security and crisis management situations.
There is evidently room for further improvement and advancement in information
processing technologies, with the objective to build up an information system that is
capable of replying intelligently to complex queries and supporting complex problem
solving.
This improvement can follow one of the two paths: (i) small incremental improve-
ments both in computing hardware and information processing systems (software)
based on old paradigms, or (ii) disruptive breakthrough caused by redefinition of
classical paradigm, e.g. emergence of non-deterministic information systems. Mean-
while both directions are interesting to pursue the former appears more stable to rely
on in the short run. This is also the path followed by this thesis. The incremental
improvements in existing information systems can again be achieved by following
two different strategies: (i) simulation of non-determinism at the level of computer
software “quasi non-determinism” via established methods such as rough set theory,
fuzzy logics, etc. or (ii) following the ’black box’ behaviourist belief that regardless
the non-deterministic character the observable behaviour can be modelled using
conventional computational capacities and via modelling trying to master the com-
plexity of problems both at the level of problem structure as well as computational
algorithms.
To follow either way improved methods for knowledge representation that embrace
complete mental phenomena (representation of experience) are need. The links
between mental phenomena and purposive human action must be tracked and new
meaning of rationality introduced to the IS design thinking. This thesis proposes to
contribute to this line of research.
Taking for the moment the claim that humans act purposefully as an axiom, we
conclude that all human activity has a purpose, which means it is dictated by the
content of the goal set. Goal as suggested earlier could be defined as state of the
universe as desired by an agent. Von Mises claimed to this regard:
“The ultimate goal of human action is always the satisfaction of the acting
man’s desire. There is no standard of greater or lesser satisfaction other
12 CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION
than individual judgements of value, different for various people and for
the same people at various times.”
Desires has been widely accepted as the main drivers of human activity, however some
philosophers of mind rightly stress that desires are not the only intentional states on
which agents act directly upon, as commitments and obligations are equally important
effective motivators (Searle, 2002). Nevertheless we can assume at this stage that
human action is driven by reasons constituted by goal oriented motivators. We will
revisit this preliminary assumption later on to show that affect is the underlying and
primordial motivation factor.
Influence of economic thought on the study of the nature of human behaviour
has had enormous impact on rationality models adapted by information science, and
still has. Contemporaneously these models has been aligned with instrumentalism,
i.e. the view that all reasons for action are means-end reasons, which is according
to Vogler a dominant believe in contemporary philosophy (Millgram, 2001). Under
instrumentalist approach an agent has a goal set dictated by a set of motivations
(desires), on top of it she has a set of believes that determines the set of available means
and finally a reasoning (deliberation) apparatus which allows her to match goals
with adequate means relying on believes. A textbook example of a instrumentalist
rationality model is the BDI (Believes, Desires, Intentions) model of rational agency,
reviewed in Chapter 5.
Importantly human action is driven not by a single goal but many, often working
in parallel with trade-offs between each other, however with limited means available.
This is where deliberation and choice comes in. Consequently agents have to choose
alternative courses of actions that will allow them to attain selected goals on minimal
expense of all others, which brings in yet another concept: efficiency. Efficiency
intuitively defined is the capability of an agent to take action in a way that allows
them to attain goals in the most optimized way, i.e. in shortest possible time, with
minimum involvement of resources and at the minimum expense of all other goals
that are in a trade-off relation with those attained. Efficiency of human action,
intrinsically bound with theory of choice, is the central focus of praxeology. Von
Mises was a praxeologiest himself stating that:
The above statement precedes a complete list of classical assumptions of the rational
decision-maker model.
Initial criticism of the classical model of economic man’s rationality, as in the case
of Ingram, was held on the grounds of ethics. The concept of homo oeconomicus was
attacked as a false archetype of a human being that implies people are extremely selfish
and rationally egoistic, i.e. acting primarily in their self-interest. Much later, in the
mid XX century, the ground-breaking work by Herbert Simon and other contemporary
choice theorists spearheaded what may be referred to as the behavioural revolution
in classical theory of choice. This work prompted a widespread recognition that the
psychological predisposition of a human being are not well taken into account by
the model of economic man, as humans simply do not decide the way the classical
model imposes. Simon identified the two main classes of decision problems: well-
defined (well-structured) problems and ill-defined (ill-structured) problems, of which
the former, unlike the latter, comply with the classical modelling assumptions. In
consequence, from then on the efforts of decision analysts confronted with ill-defined
problems have been concentrated on developing appropriate methods for structuring
the ill-defined decision problems, so as to translate them into well-defined problems
and be able to apply mathematical analysis for finding the problem solution.
This approach and the classical model of rationality at large has meet radical
criticism quite recently form the philosophy of mind (Searle, 2001) and neuroscience
(Damasio, 1994), which is of fundamental importance to this thesis.
The American philosopher John R. Searle stated explicitly that the classical
model of rational decision-maker is incorrect and leads to many seminal consequences,
misunderstandings and wrong decisions at the micro and macroeconomic decisions
(Searle, 2001, p. 9). What is important is that Searle is not criticizing rational
reasoning as such, on the contrary, he shows that the classic model operates with an
incorrect understanding of rationality and proposes an alternative model of voluntary
rational decision making based on theory of mind intentionality, claiming that it
reflects much better the actual way in which humans make choice while taking action.
The main axis of Searle’s criticism goes along the following points. Firstly, the classical
assumption saying that human action is driven only by desires. Searle notes that there
were other important motivators for action such as commitments and obligations,
1.2. THESIS BACKGROUND AND RATIONALE 15
dismissing at the same time an argument that rational agents act indirectly upon the
desire to meet one’s commitments or obligations respectively. Secondly, he redefines
the model decision making process, rejecting utility maximization as the sole and
ultimate objective of a decision maker. Instead he proposes a model of Total Reason
being a set of statements constituting valid reasons for an agent to take given
action. In addition, Searle examines in detail the relationship between decision and
action, including the intention-in-action and reasons-for-actions, drawing important
conclusions about the role of the conscious self in ultimate deciding about taking an
action, which will be discussed in detail in chapter 3 and 5.
Searle’s work is very important for several reasons. First, he showed that it
is possible to talk about human action and decision making in terms of formal
logic without resorting to simplifying models and assumptions of classical analytical
decision analysis. Secondly, the proposed an analytical framework for analysing
decision problems based on the theory of intentionality, which is an alternative
approach to modelling decision making that could be adopted for representing these
type of problems in information systems. Secondly, he rightly framed the problem by
trying to systematically describe how human agents do in fact take decisions unlike
earlier mainstream approaches in decisions analysis focused on how human agents
ought to decide to be rational, in accordance with the classical meaning of the term
rationality under utility theory. It therefore constitutes an important contribution
to better methods of modelling of micro-and macro-economic processes that are so
important from the point of view of the design, implementation and evaluation of
socio-economic policies and the understanding of the processes that shape the social
space, economic and cultural. Lastly, he casts different light on the understanding of
rationality, rightly noting that it is not that theories that reject the classical model
are irrational, but the understanding of rationality by the classical model proponents
is mistaken. However, Searle remains constrained by intentionality dependant entirely
on language and therefore does not embrace non-linguistic forms of intentionality and
therefore fails to address aptly the role of feelings, i.e. subjective qualitative states of
mind in decision making, meanwhile elsewhere (Searle, 2008) admits that qualitative
character of consciousness and study of non-linguistic forms of intentionality should
define the philosophy of mind research agenda for the ears to come.
Another revelation that is of fundamental importance to our argumentation is
the one derived from the findings of neuroscience of human and animal behaviour
and decision-making. As far as human decision making is concerned the ground-
breaking has proven the work by the neuroscientists Hanna and Antonio Damasio
(Damasio, 1994) which helped to better understand how emotions and feelings shape
the decisions of a human being, providing very convincing evidence stemming from
neurological brain studies performed with aid of magnetic resonance brain imaging
(fMRI) technique. The main conclusion from this work is that consciously accessible
reason and knowledge govern decisions only to a certain extent, whereas feelings,
16 CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION
emotions as well as thought processes that take place in the unconscious, or even
biological states in the rest of the body make up for the rest. The conclusions
from these research argument against the dualism: reason vs. emotion and feelings,
clearly showing that both these spaces interact, and what is more important they
show that dysfunction of brain centres responsible for one or the other leads to
disturbances in the entire apparatus responsible for decision making in humans.
Interestingly, Damasio concludes that there is no rationality without both lower
brain functions as well as even lower bodily functions as: “the mind exists in and
for the whole organism” (Damasio, 1994). Decisions depend on the emotions and
feelings, surprisingly, emotions appear first, then comes the rational assessment of
the decision situation in the frontal cortex of the brain. Furthermore, in a situation
of strong emotions actions are taken automatically without the involvement of brain
centres responsible for conscious reasoning. Most importantly of all, the lack of
emotion can lead to serious dysfunctions in decision making, i.e. inability to make
good decisions nor taking them at all, which is confirmed by clinical cases of patients
with brain damages or other brain dysfunctions in areas of the brain responsible
for emotions. These patients, despite normal capabilities of rational overview of the
decision situation, for instance identification of relevant alternative courses of action
or consideration of the arguments for and against each of them, are not able to
eventually to chose and pursue any of them.
Later (Damasio, 1999), and in a very recent (Damasio, 2010) work Damasio
substantially contributed to the theory of emotion and human behaviour by clearly
telling apart emotions and primordial bodily feelings and distinguishing their different
role in shaping human behaviour. His work together with that by affective neurosci-
entist Jaak Panksepp (Panksepp, 1998) who was one of the originator of the idea of
primordial feelings and Joseph Ledoux who disentangled the neuronal precesses that
stand behind emotional learning form a modern neuroscience foundations for building
theories of human conscious experience, behaviour and decision making. This work
will be reviewed in Chapter 3 as a basis for developing information affective model
of experience in Chapter 4.
1.2. THESIS BACKGROUND AND RATIONALE 17
This is how we arrived to the relation of the issues discussed throughout this
section with the thesis objective. The objective of this thesis is to work out theoreti-
cal framework for building methods of human experience representation in experts
systems supporting efficient emulation of human purposive behaviour, i.e. making
decisions by humans. We believe that systems that emulate human behaviour cannot
do without proper representation of complete mental phenomena that orchestrate
the purposive action process as depicted in the purposive behaviour efficiency im-
provement cycle. These mental phenomena include not only knowledge, which is
traditionally considered the only relevant mental content in information science,
but also subjective components of experience dependant on emotions and feelings.
The theoretical framework allowing for representation of the complete plethora of
mental phenomena influencing purposive behaviour of natural agents is required for
information systems to be able to emulate and predict such behaviour, which in
turn is need for applications that range from highly usable and adaptive information
retrieval systems, societal processes modelling to creating believable artificial virtual
characters, and machines (robots), and solving complex societal problems.
Now, let us elaborate on how experience and its nature relates to purposeful
behaviour, hence decision making. It is impossible to investigate the nature of expe-
rience and its relation to agent’s voluntary action without referring to consciousness.
Accepting that a leaving creature with fully functional brain is always conscious,
only moving between the three main conscious states: wakefulness, dreaming and
dreamless sleep, and observing that there is no experience without being conscious-
ness, i.e. being alive, and that whenever one is conscious one experiences, it becomes
clear that consciousness equals to experience. Whichever observations, qualities and
rules that may be applicable to consciousness can be directly applied to experience.
This is basically the fundamental reason why the nature of consciousness will be
reflected upon in the thesis.
Consciousness is however the most complex and difficult phenomenon to analyse
of all introduced so far, for one primary reason: it is a phenomenon that is intrinsically
subjective, the access to consciousness is only possible via introspection, which is a
deficient and scientifically unreliable mode of cognition because in introspection no
difference can be made between the object and the subject of cognition. Furthermore
consciousness is at the same time material, i.e. based on the biological processes
in the brain, and irreducibly mental, for which reason it is impossible to reduce
consciousness to any physical process that could be fully described only in the third
personal terms (Searle, 1999).
The detailed discussion on the nature of consciousness will continue in chapter 3,
now let us only consider the character of consciousness as proposed by John Searle
as to better illustrate how the philosophical debates on consciousness influenced the
model of rational experiencing agent.
18 CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION
6
Intentionality will be discussed in detail in chapter 3
1.2. THESIS BACKGROUND AND RATIONALE 19
“I don’t believe, that any human mind is capable of 100 percent error. So
instead of asking which approach is right and which is wrong, we assume
each approach is true but partial, and then try to figure out how to fit
these partial truths together, how to integrate them-not how to pick one
and get rid of the others.” (Wilber, 2001)
Therefore Wilber’s method is about assembling all the orienting conclusions from
all the fields which doubtlessly have important truths to contribute. Then these
truths shall be arranged into chains or networks of interlocking conclusions and
finally once the overall scheme is developed that incorporates the greatest number
20 CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION
Chapter 2
In chapter 2 we will introduce key terms used in the thesis. This will allow us to set up
terminological background indispensable for subsequent line of discussion. The terms
introduced in this chapter will include among others: information system, knowledge
and experience, knowledge and experience representation, process, efficiency, affect,
purposive behaviour, decision and rational agent.
Chapter 3
about human and non-human emotions and other affective states. Furthermore,
experience will be related to human decision making, thus human action. Although
the human decision making will constitute the main focus of chapter 5, in which
we will consider application of the proposed experience representation framework
to modelling rational agency, already in the concluding part of chapter 3 relevance
of experience to human decision making will be sought. Finally, we will report the
results of a study that we had conducted in order to empirically confirm the influence
of affect on rational judgement, the effect which has gained significant attention from
cognitive psychologists and neuroeconomists spotting new light on the very basis of
rational agency.
Chapter 4
Chapter 5
Chapter 6
The final chapter will summarize the main thesis results. This will cover the consid-
eration of the limitations of models and methods proposed as well as will outline the
further research programme aiming at addressing these limitations. This chapter will
also include a subsection on ethical issues related to the application of experience
modelling information systems.
24 CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION
Chapter 2
Terminology
2.1 Introduction
In this chapter we will introduce the key terminology used in the thesis. Many terms
used throughout the thesis are problematic terms because despite decades, more
often ages, of scientific disputes no ultimate, commonly accepted definitions have
been worked out. For this reason the terminological discussion has been moved to
this separate chapter so that the terminological disarrays do not disturb the flow
of argument presented in the chapters to come. Importantly however most of the
problems discussed by the thesis have roots in the terminological deliberations for
which reason some of the key thoughts presented in this chapters will echo in those
to follow. For the benefit of clarity some discussion may be therefore brought back
and repeated later on.
The terms to be introduced in this chapter cover a wide range of scientific
disciplines which is the consequence of the interdisciplinary character of the problems
tackled by the thesis as well as the interdisciplinary method adopted by the author
in challenging them, i.e. looking at the problems from different angles by taking
advantage of different insights to the same or related problems from the perspective
of different scientific disciplines.
The introduced terms can be structured in several groups and will be discussed
in the following section:
• Terms related to rational agency (incl. decision, rational agent, purposeful be-
haviour, action, reaction, habit, scarcity of resources and efficiency, motivation,
self)
• Terms related to brain science and psychology (incl. emotion, feelings, affect,
neural circuit, mental state, consciousness)
25
26 CHAPTER 2. TERMINOLOGY
digitization of goods, services but also increasingly production means, taken this
account an extreme by some futurists such as Kurzweil (Kurzweil, 2005) we feel
encouraged to propose a hypotheses about the total or far-reaching digitization of
all goods, services and processes and the transfer activity of the human mind from
the physical world to cyberspace. It is worth noting that knowledge as a product
of the human mind, following the reasoning by Reismann, is not subject to the
limitations of scarcity, as creativity seems to have no bounds. Under the paradigm of
knowledge-based economy both on the substrates and on products side of production
equation there is the unlimited imagination of a human mind. In such a hypothetical
situation scarcity is eliminated or substantially reduced. It is worth noting that in
cyberspace scarcity is created artificially, Second Life R can be taken as example,
where limits are imposed on the amount of available virtual land and other movable
and immovable resources, which are otherwise nothing but lines of computer code
that can be multiplied indefinitely. This trivial example shows that a world that we
are all used to, a world characterised by scarcity is the only one in which humanity
knows how to operate. We can risk a statement that, due to the fact that scarcity
determines the market value of products and services correlated future successful
business models in advanced knowledge-based economy will rely on the scarce physical
production substrates that are indispensable for delivering knowledge-intensive goods
or services, and the owners of this resources will dictate the condition. This is what
we already observe in ICT sector where hardware or access-bound software services
underpins most successful business models.
However, considering a situation in which scarcity is limited by increased role of
knowledge on the production means side but not completely eliminated, which would
be the case of Kurzweilian singularity, there would remain in force another very
important restriction, now on the demand side: consumption capacity limits. The
capacity of people and organisations to absorb goods and services, either material or
symbolic, is limited which is a simple consequence of the spatio-temporal constraints.
It would therefore be reasonable to strengthen Reismann’s theorem as follows:
scarcity arises from the confrontation between the limitlessness of human creativity
and the physical limitations of production capacity on the one hand and consumption
capacity of consumers on the other. In such a case the only available way of increasing
production and consumption is on the one hand an increase in efficiency of production
processes and intensification of consumption on the other. This conclusion brings us
to the next two fundamental problems: choice and efficiency.
efficiency is central for all behavioural sciences and evolutionary biology. The key
question economics and management science in particular, confront is how organisms
cope with scarcity by improving efficiency of behaviour through taking correct
decisions, meanwhile evolutionary theorists, approach decision making and behaviour
from the perspective of life management and try to figure out how these strategies
are encoded into genes and passed across generations. Later in chapter 3 we will
bring arguments for that emotions play an important role in these processes.
Choice can be defined broadly or narrowly. In the narrow meaning of the term
choice is an indication of one of the options. In a broader sense, much more common
in economics and psychology, the choice is a conscious mental process that results
in the selection of one of the available options by comparing their value to the
decision-maker. Importantly, choice always results in action, and always is about
some sort of behaviour. Choice in a wider sense is therefore a complex process
comprising: identification of available action options, assessment of the value of each
individual option (evaluation), comparison of available options, indication of one of
them and finally putting this into action. In a narrow sense, the choice is therefore
only the last but one stage of the complete choice process, that is an indication of
one of the options considered. The part of the process that precedes indication of
the chosen option will be referred to as deliberation. Choice and its determinants
is studied under wide variety of fields: economics, management science, psychology,
social psychology (sociology), cognitive science, and biology.
As living organisms constantly confront with scarcity while carrying out their
life management they constantly choose. Behaving is nothing but a life process,
continuous across lifespan, which is about choosing one of the potentially limitless
ways of conduct, one instance after another. For this reason across this thesis terms
action, behaviour, conduct, choice and decision will be used often interchangeably, as
we recognize that all of these are in principle different terms that represent the same
phenomena at the low level used with varying preference across scientific disciplines.
Notwithstanding, behaviour is broad term that covers all sorts of agent’s actions,
and it is important to differentiate basic types of actions to be able to narrow down
the focus of the discussion. We are short of place here to consider action typologies
within a proper historical contest. Instead we claim that most of the classical theories
of choice, typically elaborated by economists, has been made obsolete by recent
findings of neuroscience. As a general rule the so called armchair theories of human
actions failed on one important element: recognising the due role of emotion and
unconscious brain processes in human behaviour. We will come back to this point
on many occasions as well as we will introduce and review the classical model of
rationality in Chapter 5. For the moment let us introduce a clear, and relevant to
our further discussion, taxonomy of behaviour provided by LeDoux et al. (Gazzaniga,
2009, p. 905), which will be taken as reference point for the remaining part of the
thesis.
2.2. TERMS RELATED TO RATIONAL AGENCY 29
Ledoux et al. propose that most of behaviours performed by people and other
animals can be assigned to one of the four categories: reflex, reaction, action and
habit. A reflex is a “stimulus-evoked response that usually involves a single muscle
or a limited group of muscles”. Eye closure in response to a blow of air or removal
from the source of pain (for instance, a burned finger) are common examples of reflex
behaviour. A reaction is much alike a reflex, as it is elicited by a specific stimulus, but
it differs in that a reaction is a response to a stimuli by the entire body rather than a
limited group of muscles. Body response to fear such as freezing that involves virtually
all muscles serves as a good example. Reactions are also called fixed action patterns
(Tinbergen, 1951), which highlights the two key characteristics of this behaviour:
neurological fixation and connection with action that typically involves entire body.
As for neurological fixation both reflex and reaction are neurologically hard-wired,
which means that they are a sort of neurologically programmed behaviours that
escape conscious control. They are effectuated automatically and elicited, and in this
sense defined by, a specific stimuli. Reflexes and reactions are programmed either
genetically, for instance rodents born in laboratory respond with fear to cat’s odours
(Blanchard and Blanchard, 1972), or through associative learning. The later feature
makes both reflexes and reactions plastic in the sense that they can be modified by
means of associative learning. As associative learning is a process that takes time, at
a given moment reflexes and reactions are fixed responses. As for actions Ledoux
characterises them as instrumental responses that “are emitted in the presence of
certain stimuli that direct behaviour toward goals”. As mentioned earlier actions are
similar to reactions in that they involve entire body rather than specific muscles.
However, the distinction between reaction and action is very clear and important as
action is not a programmed response but rather a flexible response modulated by
assessment of relationship between consequence of action and the goal. This brings us
back to the considerations at the end of the previous chapter about purposive human
action. Actions therefore are human and animal behavioural responses that can be
consciously modulated in a way that they best serve the organism’s goals, for which
reason they are often referred to as goal-oriented or purposive behaviour. Furthermore
and importantly actions must involve motivation, i.e. the reasons why an organism
undertakes and, importantly, pursues an action. At this stage we should add a type
of action not considered by Ledoux, notably a free action. From the philosophy
of mind perspective a free action is that which does not have a causally sufficient
conditions that determine the action. There is, as Searle proposes (Searle, 2001) ,
the gap of free will between the antecedents of a free action and prior-intention,
i.e. the moment when the decision is taken and finally intention-in-action, which is
actually doing what has been decided, that all in one lead to action accomplishment.
The problem of free will and its existence is to be discussed in more detail in the
following chapters, but here let us propose that, given there exists a genuine free
will, we will refer to actions dependant on free will as free or voluntary actions and
30 CHAPTER 2. TERMINOLOGY
on the contrary involuntary action is that which is carried out without involvement
of free will. Whenever we use the term action with no attribute let it be assumed
that it signifies any action, regardless voluntary or not. A careful reader should ask,
what is then the difference between involuntary action and a reaction. Action in
general involves deliberation, an assessment of available options of conduct with
regard to a goal. This assessment can be done both consciously and unconsciously
at the neuronal level. As free will would not exist otherwise than in consciousness
the answer to the question would be that involuntary actions are those actions that
are performed partly of fully in the unconsciousness. Another type of an involuntary
action is that which is carried out against the free will, i.e. a forced or imposed action.
Importantly however a forced action is a one in which consciousness and free will are
involved, however in this special case a subject self despite agreeing to the imposed
way of conduct acts upon his free will. Coming back to Ledoux’s typology, the last
category he considers is a habit, which is a type of action that in course of repetitive
coexistence of a given learned instrumental response to a given stimulus becomes
inflexible an automated response which has lost its connection to the attainment of
a goal. A habit is not hard-wired as reflexes and reactions are, as it originates form
goal-directed action, in which by routine the deliberation process is lost. Again habits
can be changed via learning but usually it is not easy, and can lead to pathology
if they lead to maladaptive behaviour. Noteworthy, a skill is related to habit, as
it involves a set of trained responses to stimuli occurring when a given activity is
performed.
have subjective, qualitative states of mind. Consequently the cognitive and affective
components of conscious experience come together in behaviour where the latter
provides values needed for an organism to set goals and know when these are attained
and the former allow an organism to relate states of the world to goals and figure out
what is the most efficient way to attain them. Having said that we risk stating that
feelings, including feelings of emotions, are the currency of behaviour that provide
meaning to it and thus provide for behavioural motivation. Without subjective
feelings organisms could not involve in voluntary behaviour. Decision making cannot
be understood without understanding affect.
Self In order for subjectivity to exist there must be an entity that engages in
subjective experiencing and behaviour, voluntary free action in particular, this entity
is referred to as self. It is a philosophical discussion falling beyond the scope of this
thesis whether self is necessary for subjective experience to emerge or rather a self is
a compound of subjective experiences. The latter stance most typical of Humean
empiricism is cultivated to this date by many contemporary philosophers, including
Dennett who believes that self is an illusion created by stream of consciousness,
conscious perceptions ordered by brain in a way that an illusion of continuity and
unity is created. The former account of self is closer to naturalistic position in
which biologically fostered mindful being is the primordial subject of experience,
which evolved consciousness capable of decision making that resulted an evolutionary
efficient apparatus of environmental adaptation, which stance is contemporaneously
supported by philosophers such as Searle (Searle, 2004), but primarily accepted by
biologists who like Ledoux believe that “the existence of a self is a fundamental con-
comitant of being an animal” (LeDoux, 2002, p. 38). Such a biological account of self
stems from immunology for which defining the constituents of identity, distinguishing
one organism from others, among others for the purpose of devising mechanisms of
defence is the main preoccupation. Interestingly however contemporary immunology
theorists increasingly accept ill-structuredness of the concept of immune selfhood and
arguments coming from transplantation and autoimmunity studies questioning strict
dichotomy of self and non-self. Regardless philosophical debates, which however have
certain important consequences on behaviour related concepts including existence of
free will, it is enough at this stage for our purposes to note that self and subjective
experience are a two sides of the same coin. Ancient philosophers considered soul
rather than self which are in principle two different terms corresponding to the same
phenomenon. Interestingly Aristotle considered that soul is constituted by the core
essence of a being, the first activity of the body, which in case of humans is the
rational behaviour, thus the rational activity constituted according to Aristotle the
essence of a self (Aristotle and Sachs, 2001). To put it in other words self is behaving
by an organism, behaviour is determined by subjective experiencing constituting
motivation and subjective experiencing constitutes self, at which point we arrive at
32 CHAPTER 2. TERMINOLOGY
recurrent loop. The aim of this thesis is not however to disentangle this recurrence
dilemma but rather map and logically interrelate the stages in the loop.
Regardless self objective existence or illusory nature we can accept the concept of
self as that which identifies a particular being, building on a wide definition of self
by William James who believed that a self is the sum total of all that one can call
his, the sum total of who one is. After Aristotle we will treat self primarily in link to
action, for which reason we will use interchangeably other terms to refer to a self
as the subject of action or experience: (rational) decision maker, (rational) agent,
organism, animal or being. Throughout this thesis we will most commonly use the
term agent, making an important distinction between artificial and natural agent.
The latter would correspond to a self of a living creature, human being in particular,
meanwhile the former to a quasi-self of an abstract entity that emulates behaviour
of a natural agent, a computer programme for example.
Rationality We noted earlier that the type of behaviour we will primarily concen-
trate on hereof are actions, i.e. responses emitted in the presence of certain stimuli
that are aimed at achieving goals. We have also said that goals are motivated by
subjective experiential states, therefore by feelings, which will be discussed in the
following section. A behaving agent performing an action in order to achieve her
goal involves in a mental process which is about selecting most efficient means, i.e.
available courses of action leading to the goal attainment. This mental prices can be
called differently: reasoning, deliberation, reflection or thinking. Aristotle commonly
quoted sentence from his On Rhetoric states that “thought by itself moves nothing(...).
What moves us is thought aiming at some goal and concerned with action” (Gross
and Walzer, 2008) proposing that thought can be independent of action, but we
believe it is not the case. Adopting the cognitivist approach under which acting is
influencing environment via some kind of movement [to be checked + literature from
philosophy] and given that thought capable minds evolved only in organisms able to
move, presumably only those capable of voluntary movement, we assume thought
even abstract is always related to some kind of action, e.g. writing, speaking, albeit
may be differed in time. The mental process of which we talk about above accounts
for rationality in broader sense. Rationality or practical reason is the general capacity
of mindful creatures for resolving, through reflection, the question of what one is to
do (Wallace, 2009). Rationality in contrast to practical reason may also mean not
the capacity itself but acting upon this capacity. Furthermore, narrowing the sense of
the term event further, it may imply acting in a particular way, i.e. acting rationally.
This is when the capacity itself ceases to be the central focus of consideration, and
when normative approach takes over mandating consideration of what one shall or
shall not do. In such a case rational behaviour means a behaviour performed in
accordance with a set of clearly defined rules.
2.2. TERMS RELATED TO RATIONAL AGENCY 33
Practical reason has always been in the centre of philosophical debate. From
Aristotelian highly moral practical reasoner outlined in his On Rhetoric:
”Reason is, and ought only to be the slave of the passions.” (Hume, 2003),
which accounts for that all reasons for action are means-end reasons, i.e. practical
reason is an interplay of beliefs and desires within the mind, which echoes in different
variations across all contemporary accounts of Anscombe (Anscombe, 1957), Kors-
gaard (Korsgaard and O’Neill, 1996), Bratman (Bratman, 1987), Dennett (Dennett,
1989), Searle (Searle, 2001), Davidson (Davidson, 2004).
Apart from philosophy of practical reason the biggest footprint on the concept
of rationality has been left by economic theories. Economists introduced a narrow
understanding of rationality by conceptualising, typically of economic method, a
model of homo oeconomicus, i.e. the economic man, which contemporaneously evolved
into so called Bayesian rationality. We will review the account of rationality by
economic theory, choice theory in particular, in detail in following chapters, here let us
just briefly outline the concept of Bayesian rationality after Edwards (Edwards, Miles,
and Von Winterfeldt, 2007) which involves: (i) decision making guided by maximizing
subjective expected utility, and (ii) the availability of information processed through
Bayes’ theorem. The model of rational economic man assumes first of all that the
decision maker can always weakly order all states of universe that can be available
to him by which he defines his preferences, as well as he always chooses the best of
them as he always maximises the value that he can expect from the choices available
to him. On top of it his preferences must be transitive.
In mainstream economics literature but also instrumentalist philosophy of ratio-
nality the role of subjective states of mind is limited to motivational function. In
plain words affect sets the goal and ’reason’ does the rest i.e. matches the beliefs
with goals and urge of efficiency to sellects the actions accordingly to efficiency or
evolutionary fitness maximisation principle. We will argue that it is partly true. It is
true that subjective experiential states determine goals but also they directly influ-
ence the process of deliberation, and in case of reactions and habits may constitute
a stimulus directly eliciting response. It is difficult to judge whether in such a case
the behaviour is irrational especially as these responses may either be unconsciously
derived by a given neuronal circuit, be hard-wired by evolution or trained, in which
case irrationality would not be an adequate term to describe such responses. On the
other hand deliberative responses may as well lead to maladaptive behaviour and
may not be optimal form the global perspective.
34 CHAPTER 2. TERMINOLOGY
Brain science proses terminological problems for theories of choice and practical
reason as the demarcation line between that which is rational and that which is not
seems to pale in confrontation with neuro especially if matched with epistemological
determinism. How can a natural agent be irrational if he acts merely as a automaton
transforming one set of input states into output states according to the . Therefore
if one rejects free will one must also reject irrationality, but those that believe that
free will is a real gap in causality of physical world fully dependant on self, how can
we ever judge on whether given behaviour is irrational, how can we be sure that
there where no reasons justifying the behaviour opted by the agent, especially as
there might have been implicit internal reasons to which not only our consciousness
but also agent’s consciousness had no access.
For the above reason we suggest to reject the rationality/irrationality dualism.
By nature natural agent are rational, the same way physical world is characterised by
cause and effect relationships, in the sense that there are always reasons that justify
agent actions although these may be sometimes implicit. However avoiding using the
term rational and irrational in this thesis is simply not possible as it in large part is
about the necessity of abandoning old concept of rationality. Therefore whenever
the term rational or rationality are used they either mean Bayesian rationality or
intuitive or common language meaning of the term, i.e. related to reason, truth
logical inference rather than emotions and subjective feelings and judgements. In
the latter case we will put the term in inverted commas: ’rational’. Finally we will
rather use the term deliberative then rational to emphasize that there is a thought
process going on in the mind of behaving agent.
For the purpose of completeness it is necessary to briefly comment on yet another
term related to rationality, namely problem. Problem is simply the gap that exists
between the current state of universe and that desired by an agent, i.e. the goal state
[compare Pounds, 1969]. Obviously the problem is solved when this gap is eliminated,
so as the desired state becomes reality (Bartee, 1973). In principle problem solving is
yet another term equivalent to behaviour and practical reason, which is slightly more
popular in psychological literature, perhaps to emphasize the deliberative character of
intelligent behaviour particular to humans and some animals. Consequently problem
solving, decision-making, or choice, as economists in turn prefer to term it, will be
used as synonyms hereof.
S =< U0 , Ug , U1 , E0 , E1 >
where U0 is the input state, Ug is the goal state, U1 is the output state and E0 is the
initial experience the agent acts upon and E1 is the output experience of an agent.
Additionally U can be defined as the gap between input state and goal state, i.e.
the problem. The instance of the purposive process may be referred to as event. The
purposive process is recurrent as it loops in constant efficiency cycles due to the
fact that: (i) goals are not achieved in every instance (there exists U 6=0), (ii) goal
state Ug may change from one instance to another, (iii) agent never stops acting, in
particular if one goal is attained a different Ug is set. The purposive process efficiency
improvement cycle is graphically illustrated by below figure:
Important element of the process depicted above is learning. Learning is the
change in agent’s response to problem manifested correspondingly in subsequent
decisions and actions that results from the gained experience E in past instances
of purposive behaviour, and is an indispensable condition for efficiency improvement.
1
Importantly the above definition of purposive behaviour holds both for individual agent and
groups of agents. The different is that we will have group decisions, collective goals and collective
experience and action as arguments instead. For the purpose of current discussion let assume that
an agent can be replaced in a purposive process loop by a collective entity, such as an organization.
36 CHAPTER 2. TERMINOLOGY
p. 8) proposes to look at the mind as the central topic in philosophy and approach
all other contemporary philosophical key topics, such as the nature of language
and meaning, the nature of society and the nature of knowledge as special cases
of the more general characteristics of human mind. Knowledge is evidently both
a substratum and a product of the mind, which well corresponds to the idea that
both mind and knowledge are processes rather than entities. However in order to be
able to harness this process for pragmatic purposes we need to realise which are the
instances of it. The instances of the mental process are evidently states of mind, given
states of brain, central nervous system and the entire body of the mindful subject. It
is necessary to realise that knowledge cannot exist neither can have any significance
until it appears in a mind. A counterargument can be proposed that a computer
program that has some procedural knowledge encoded can have an effect on reality
without appearing in any mind. This is true, however procedural knowledge of a
type how to process one input state to another will not be regarded as knowledge in
the main meaning of the term we are discussing here. The fact that knowledge is
represented makes a difference, and knowledge represented in an artificial system
cannot be by nature the same as knowledge as a state of mind.
Talking about the mind it is necessary to make reference to related terms
brain and body. The main-body problem is the classical philosophical problem
source of which is the dualistic view introduced by Descartes on that the realms of
though and physical reality are two principally different entities. Many contemporary
philosophers, on which we will elaborate in Chapter 3, reject dualism by which
the classical mind-body problem ceases to exists, as there is unity between mind
and body, according some, or there is nothing but physical brain, as claim others.
We will favour the non-dualistic approach at many levels across the thesis by: (i)
accepting mind-body dualism rejection, but through mind-body integration rather
than reductionistic elimination of mind, (ii) accepting mind-brain unity, and (iii)
questioning the knowledge-affect dualism. Talking about mind-brain unity let us
note that a few distinguished neurobiologists, including Jaak Panksepp, use this
compound as a single word mindbrain (Panksepp, 1998) to acknowledge that indeed
mind and brain are one, as there is nothing in the mind that would not exists in the
brain and vice versa. Importantly brain in this case may be understood more widely
as central nervous system (CNS) that anatomically is composed the brain and the
spinal cord which together build up the majority of the nervous system.
As anathomy of CNS is not central for us here whenever we use the term brain
or CNS hereof we shall mean the biological implementation of mind, whichever the
anatomical boundaries of this implementation in nervous system are, leaving this
debate to other fields, or we will simply use the term mindbrain after Panksepp.
Experience Experience is a term and concept that is widely used across many
disciplines of science and in everyday language. Interestingly, a query ”experience” in
38 CHAPTER 2. TERMINOLOGY
• experience defines existence, a lesson taken from Nagel who in his famous essay
“What it is like to be a bat?” noticed that conscious experience defines act
of being, underlying thus the very subjective character of experience and its
fundamental role for existence; mind is that which thinks and experiences, thus
thinking and experiencing defines a minded creature, including a human being
(Graham, 1998);
one can say that experience x is better, worse or equals to another experience y.
Naturally, as experience itself is intangible this will be ascribed to a given stimulative
event (whereas physical, sensual, emotional or mental) causing experience x and
y. Evidently, as experience is subjective the same stimulative event can result in
experiences of different quality for different subjects, or for different circumstances
(time-space dependence) This makes experience assessment and comparisons highly
difficult and complex, though psychological literature provides some examples of both
theoretical and empirical endeavours challenging this problem. Maslow developed
a notion of peak experience (Maslow, 1971), which he defined as the moment of
highest happiness and related it to self-actualisation. Similarly, the optimal experience
was described by a Hungarian psychologist Csikszentmihalyi, who introduced the
concept of flow (Csikszentmihalyi, 1975), the moment of top experience when one is
confronted with a demanding challenge, still attainable with one’s own capacities, and
deeply enjoys the moment of stretching intellectual capabilities, and thus learning
and increasing self-esteem. We can therefore talk about maximisation of subjective
experience.
Schmitt, considering experience in the Customer Experience Management context
(Schmitt, 2003) proposes that customer experience comprises: (i) customer satis-
faction, linked to functional aspects of product or services, (ii) customer emotions,
linked to psychological comfort or pleasure, and (iii) social comfort achieved by social
fulfilment.
Although Schmitt account of experience appears to us as simplistic and inconsis-
tent, for as it implies unnecessarily partiality of ’components’ of experience as well
as introduces dichotomy between social comfort and emotions which is not justified,
he managed to bring the notion of experience to attention of a wider public, business
people in particular, creating demand for both scientific debate on and tools for
experience quantification and representation in information systems that lead to
advancements in the area (Kaczmarek and Ryżko, 2009).
Emotion, feelings, affect and qualia The discussion in Chapter 3 will lead
us to the conclusion that knowledge is not equal to experience, that there is a
differentiating factor, which makes experience a broader phenomena than knowledge,
although readings by giants such as Aristotle and Einstein has been interpreted
historically as to propose the contrary, i.e. that knowledge and experience are one.
This may be the issue of terminological framing or a deeper disagreement at the level
of ontological principles upon which we leave the reader to judge having gone through
Chapter 3. The differencing element is the subjective component of experience, the
“subjective appreciation” as Eysenck put it, or ’qualitative feeling to it’ as it is called
contemporaneously (Damasio, 1999).
Unveiling the conclusion of the detailed discussion in chapter 3 let us point out that
the subjective component of experience is closely related to which in psychologists
2.2. TERMS RELATED TO RATIONAL AGENCY 41
label emotions. Since the terms related to subjective component of experience such as:
affect, feeling, emotions, and qualia are used in non-psychological literature, especially
information science literature, rather loosely introducing unnecessary confusion, let
us briefly discuss these terms here. Part of this discussion will echo in Chapter 3.
Modern psychology defines emotion as negative or positive reaction to a per-
ceived or recalled object, event or circumstance accompanied by a subjective feeling
(Damasio, 1999). The evolution of emotion theories from classical Cannon-Bard the-
ory (Cannon, 1927), psychological account of emotions by Lazarus (Lazarus, 1991),
under which emotion is a function of subject’s appraisal of the situation, cognitivist
approach (Oakley, 1992; Solomon, 1973; Neu, 2000) popular especially in the second
half of XX century which proposed that emotion is a cognitive phenomena and occurs
in consequence of cognitive processes, to recent ground-breaking findings by LeDoux
(LeDoux, 2000) which suggest that emotions are result of both physiological reaction
of brain and body, and/or mental interpretations related to a given situation involving
different brain subsystems for different types of emotions, clearly shows that emotions
should be regarded holistically as neuro-cognitive and mental phenomena. Early
XX-century emotion theories regarded cognitive and emotional processes as separate
yet dependant entities and concentrated primarily on the problem of sequentiality
of emotion and cognition, that is trying to address the question: which comes first
emotion or cognition and how these two interrelate. Later in the era of domination of
reductionism emotions where relegated to the mere resultant by product of cognitive
appreciation of external stimuli. Under contemporary accounts of emotion which
depart from emotion-cognition dualism this problem has been replaced with the
search for the nature of the subjectivity of consciousness that build up the feelings
of emotion. Importantly this led to distinction between emotions and feelings, where
the former are defined as hard-wired programmes that are triggered by a stimulus
and comprise a set of relatively fixed bodily responses that are only modulated by
consciousness to certain extend, meanwhile the latter correspond to conscious subjec-
tive appreciation of the bodily state provoked by emotion programme. We owe the
view on emotions as ’affect programmes” largely to Ekman who inspired by Darwin
investigated emotional bodily expressions across cultures and evidenced emotions as
complex responses typical of all human beings across races and populations, which
are controlled by mechanisms operating below the level of consciousness, identifying
furthermore a concrete set of these programmes which included: happiness, sadness,
fear, anger, surprise, and disgust (Ekman, Friesen, and Ellsworth, 1982; Ekman,
1989; Ekman, 1993). Contemporaneously this approach is continued and expanded by
neuroscientists such as LeDoux (LeDoux, 1996) and Panksepp (Panksepp, 1998) that
investigate emotions at the level of neuronal circuits in the mammalian brain. Feelings
on the other hand both in Damasio’s and Panksepp’s account are different in nature
and correspond to the subjective appreciation of bodily states coming from within the
body as well as from outside via sensory gates. The particular characteristics of such
42 CHAPTER 2. TERMINOLOGY
defined feelings are their origins in evolutionary old parts of the mammalian brain
for which reasons these are called by both neuroscientists primordial feelings. Under
both accounts primordial feelings provide basis for emergence of self. Separating
emotions from feelings and specifying emotions as programmed responses created a
vacancy for a more general term that would embrace subjectivity of experience in all
forms: emotions, feelings, incl. feelings of emotions. The term that has filled in the
gap is affect.
For introducing the term affect let us start with quoting Dr. Jaak Panksepp,
author of a widely respected book “Affective Neuroscience” and one of the pioneer of
the field gaining more and more attention recently.
“I chose that word for coining the term ’affective neuroscience’ to highlight
that neuroscience has yet to deal with the nature of our positive and
negative experiences-the many ways we can feel about things instinc-
tively. Why does sugar taste wonderful on our tongue, but not a cat’s?”
(Panksepp and Campbell, 2010)
stored within the system. AI researchers has taken the challenge of identifying ef-
ficient ways for explicit representation of knowledge in computer programmes and
its algorithmic processing as a way towards designing artificial intelligence systems
formalized as symbolic reasoning automaton (Van Harmelen, Lifschitz, and Porter,
2008). Muraszkiewicz (Muraszkiewicz, 2011) defines KR as a methodology of pre-
senting the knowledge about the world along with the procedures for processing this
representation, especially by means of reasoning (inference) and proposes a formal
definition as the following duple:
It must be underlined that the field of KR uses a much more formal definition of
knowledge, which is dictated by the necessity of exactness and strong influence of
the deterministic thought on the domain. First of all KR builds on more specific
definitions distinguishing different kinds of knowledge. One of the most important
distinctions is that between procedural knowledge and propositional knowledge, where
the former captures the knowing how to do something, eg. driving a car, and the
latter the knowing that some particular proposition is true, e.g. knowing that earth
is a planet (Ryle, 1949). A third type of knowledge that is distinguished form
the other two is that which captures knowing a place or a person (Steup, 2008),
which is knowing in the sense of being acquainted with something. All the three
meanings are seemingly significantly different in nature and KR primarily focuses on
propositional knowledge, also referred to as declarative or semantic knowledge. This
is because procedural knowledge includes, or is the basis for the other two. Procedural
knowledge bridges the propositional contents of mind with behaviour. Knowing how
is a combination of knowing that with goals driving purposeful behaviour, or in other
words the procedural knowledge is the mapping of means to ends. With this approach
procedural knowledge can be ontologically reduced, however remains a useful term
for describing the mapping itself. Similarly knowing as a condition of acquaintance
with x can be reduced by knowing that x exists and knowing that x has a given
qualitative endowment. Consequently, in principle the concept of knowledge which is
of particular interest to KR researchers, and us under this thesis, is of declarative kind,
and the earlier adopted general definition of knowledge, i.e. knowledge as intentional
contents of mind, complies. However knowledge engineering and KR makes it more
narrow. The subject of analysis under KR is the concept of knowledge as expressed
by the schema “S knows that p”, where S refers to the knowing subject, and p to the
proposition that has a logical value (Steup, 2008). Similarly Muraszkiewicz states
that knowledge is every entity that can be expressed in language and has logical value
(Muraszkiewicz, 2011). This discussion will be continued in Chapter 3. Contemporary
thinking about what is knowledge and what are the contents of mind is under heavy
influence from the legacy of philosophy of language. The famous Wittgensteinian
claim that “The limits of my language are the limits of my world” encapsulates
2.3. TERMS RELATED TO INFORMATION SYSTEMS 45
knowledge in language, which KR takes for granted and on which it rests entirely.
Meanwhile non-linguistic forms of intentionality of mind as well as the subjective
dimension of mental states, the role of emotions in building language capacity and
its underlying role for enabling mammalian brainmind with intentional capacity, has
been persistently ignored by KR, which we are trying to address herewith.
Another aspect of knowledge typically ignored by KR is its relation to con-
sciousness. An important question arises: is knowledge only that which a subject
is aware of or it includes also states of mind which are not available to subject’s
consciousness, still have intentional contents and provide meaningful guidance to
subject behaviour? Let the provisional answer here be that both conscious and
unconscious intentional contents of mind qualify as knowledge, however let us make
a terminological distinction so as we will refer to these two as explicit and implicit
knowledge accordingly.
In above paragraphs we have used terms such as artificial intelligence, expert
system and knowledge engineering that need to be explained and relations between
them shall be traced.
Artificial intelligence was defined by Minsky, one of the pioneers of the field,
as “the science of making machines do the things that would require intelligence
if done by men” (Minsky, 1968). Cohen an Feigenbaum provide a more specific
definition “AI is the part of computer science concerned with designing intelligent
computer systems, that is, systems that exhibit the characteristics we associate
with intelligence in human behaviour - understanding language, learning, reasoning,
solving problems, and so on” (Cohen and Feigenbaum, 1982). Rutkowski shortly states
that AI is about exploring human intelligence and its implementation in machines
(Rutkowski, 2005). Rutkowski rightly notes that despite the fact that AI is primarily
the branch of research in computer science it resonates with many other disciplines,
for instance: information science(e.g. information theory, representation, storage and
processing of information and knowledge), philosophy (e.g. consciousness, experience,
epistemology, ethics), biology and medicine (bio-physiological aspects of human
cognition, reasoning, information processing by the nervous system, particularly the
brain), logic and mathematics (eg, inference, reasoning, mathematical modelling of
cognitive processes and decision-making), psychology (cognition, affect, motivation)
and computer science (eg, intelligent systems, machine learning, algorithms, expert
systems), for which reasons it qualifies as highly interdisciplinary branch of science.
For AI the fundamental challenge is the design of methods and techniques of
knowledge representation in the form of symbols that can be processed by machines,
Turing machines in particular, for inferring about actions and new knowledge genera-
tion. Consequently one of the key outputs of AI are expert systems. Expert system is
a computer program that uses knowledge and reasoning process (inference) to solve
problems that require human experience (a domain expert), acquired through years
of activity in the field. The basic elements of the expert system are: knowledge base
46 CHAPTER 2. TERMINOLOGY
(a set of facts and rules), the reasoning machine and the user interface for data entry.
Knowledge engineering is the field that deals with devising expert systems, and the
research challenges it addresses are: sourcing, structuring and processing knowledge,
design and selection of inference methods, and finally the design of user interfaces
(Rutkowski, 2005, p. 9).
AI and expert systems as a field flourished and matured in the era of computer
functionalism domination in philosophy of mind. In short computer functionalism is
the view that brain to mind is like computer hardware to computer software. This
analogy has fuelled research in the domain of knowledge engineering. Together with
the predominant philosophy of language it resulted with the focus on propositional
knowledge seen as contents of mind encapsulated in language. Consequently the
mental processes has been considered equal to language processing, and the field has
been, apart from the earlier mentioned KR, primarily about logics, logic programming
and natural language processing. If the contents of mind, i.e. knowledge, are more
than language can express the question arises if the classical methods and techniques
of AI and knowledge engineering suffice, and this has important implications not
only for experts systems but information systems at large.
Expert systems constitute a class of a more general entity: information systems
(IS). According to the definition presented in the aims and scope of Elsevier’s
Information Systems journal information systems are the software and hardware
systems that support data-intensive applications. A much more specific, yet technical,
definition is provided by Pawlak who by an information system means a classification
systems that assigns certain qualitative endowment to a set of objects, and provides
a formal definition of IS as a quadruple:
Such account makes the boundaries between information and knowledge blurred
and emphasis is put on the role of information in shaping users’s knowledge, unlike
it is in computer science and AI which sets more clear boundaries between which
is data, which information and how these two relate to knowledge. Zins (Zins,
2007) notices that ”data is commonly conceived as the raw material for information,
which is commonly conceived as the raw material for knowledge”. Similarly yet
more specifically Muraszkiewicz (Muraszkiewicz, 2011) explains that data are finite
sequences of symbols, e.g. 24/06/1980, referred to as data string, information is
data with interpretation, e.g. a date, meanwhile knowledge is information together
with relations defined on the information set, e.g. Jan’s birthday date. We will later
propose that in order to be able to add experience into this account it is necessary
to further add to knowledge the subjective feeling particular to it, which together is
the basis for establishing meaning, meaning that goes beyond semantics.
To complete the picture let us quote Ingwersen who has cast interesting light
on the relation of information science, which has emerged from library science and
the study of scientific information, its documentation and the processes involved
in scientific communication, covering with time also the wider aspects of scientific
investigation of the processes of generation, representation, management, retrieval
and use of information, with other tightly related disciplines: information theory and
computer science:
48 CHAPTER 2. TERMINOLOGY
Figure 2.2: Information science viewed as one of the several sciences of information
(Ingwersen, 1992)
“The problems for information science with respect to its borderlines with
other disciplines are mainly found at interdisciplinary level, less often at
the disciplinary level. A core dimension noticed by other fields, is that
information science actually is the one which studies large text entities
containing preserved knowledge – with more interest in solving theoretical
and practical problems of its organisation and representation in systems
for later retrieval and use on demand, than in the technology itself; the
latter being the means to the former. Consequently, important areas
of common interest between information science and other disciplines
may develop. One may state that its applied level contributes to its
recognition.”
Given what has been said in previous paragraph we shall start with affective informa-
tion retrieval system which would simply be the interface between public, i.e. shared,
experience and private experience. This interface should be capable of transferring
meaningful information that enriches user’s experience not only knowledge. In order
to be able to work on this kind of systems it is necessary first to investigate the
possibility of affect representation in information systems to which we dedicate
large parts of this thesis. Here let us just state that affect representation seeks for
methods and techniques of non-linguistic representation of affective subjective states
enriching knowledge and ways for its processing and emulation. There is an emerging
interdisciplinary branch of computer science that deals with this matter: affective
computing (Picard, 1997; Scherer, Bänziger, and Roesch, 2010) which contributes to
the larger field of affective sciences (Davidson, Scherer, and Goldsmith, 2003), which
for the moment seems not to include affective information science to which we would
like to contribute, albeit there are already publications in the area of information
science that deal with the importance of affect to information behaviour search and
theory identifying new affective paradigm within (Nahl and Bilal, 2007).
2.4 Conclusion
In this chapter we have introduced the key terms relevant to the subject matter of the
thesis as well as we have put the problems discussed herewith in the multidisciplinary
context. The key terms has been introduced with emphasis on presenting differences
in accounts of the concepts behind these terms between different fields that overlap
with the subject matter of this thesis. Preliminary own definitions of knowledge,
experience and affective information retrieval has been proposed. The terminological
discussion presented in this chapter will echo in following chapters as it is closely
related to the objective of this mostly theoretical dissertation.
Chapter 3
The objective of this chapter is to first elucidate the seemingly fuzzy term: experience
and then synthesize with our own account of experience. The analysis of the concept
will be carried out mainly form the point of view of philosophy of mind, cognitive
neuroscience, psychology and information science as to provide for a possibly wide
yet contemporary perspective on the phenomenon.
To achieve the goal of this chapter we will start with contrasting knowledge
with experience, which shall lead us to the preliminary formulation of our revised
account of experience and its relation to knowledge. In chapter two, we will look into
the nature of experience by analysing qualities of consciousness that are inherent
in experience. The most critical properties of experience that are subjectivity and
temporarily will be discussed in separate sections. The discussion on subjective
character of experience will echo the debate on qualia which are in philosophy of
mind considered experience quanta. Then the affective dimension of experience will
be discussed as it touches upon the pivotal element in our account for which reason
an entire section is devoted to this topic. Finally, links between experience and
rational agency will be established.
This is done with the purpose to propose a formal definition of experience and a
framework for representing experience and emulating natural agency in information
systems, which will be the main subject of the next chapter.
51
52 CHAPTER 3. TOWARDS AFFECTIVE THEORY OF EXPERIENCE
bered, as a set of past discrete events or is somehow amalgamated into one, unified
sort of total experience?; (iii) how conscious and unconscious shape experience and
which dimension is covered by the proposed definition?; (iv) what can we say about
the subjective quality of experiences?; (v) what is the relationship between knowledge
and experience. In this section we will concentrate on the last element meanwhile
the rest will be discussed throughout the remaining body of the chapter.
Einstein said that “The only source of knowledge is experience” (Einstein, Podol-
sky, Rosen, et al., 1935), which suggests that knowledge can be considered as instances
of human experience. Another classic quotation attributed to Einstein is “Knowledge
is experience. Everything else is just information” (Zeleny, 2002). For Einstein there
was a clear distinction between knowledge and information but knowledge and expe-
rience was one. The important question here is whether we can reverse this statement
and say that any instance of experience is knowledge? To challenge this question let
us come back to the considerations on what is knowledge in general, in simplified
classic terms whether knowledge is episteme, doxa or endoxa? Importantly however
the solution to this problem is not relevant to the main argument of this thesis.
Regardless the approach taken on the knowledge-truth problem, or regardless the
eventual definition of knowledge, we can rest on the assertion that knowledge always
would inherit the qualities of human consciousness, as an experiencing conscious
human mind is the only source of knowledge, but also its ultimate end-user.
Importantly however the mainstream definitions of knowledge proposed by knowl-
edge representation theorists (see Chapter 2) rely on language, for which reason they
cannot encompass all the qualities of conscious experience. Alfred North Whitehead
rightly noticed that ”An enormous part of our mature experience cannot be expressed
in words” (Whitehead, Griffin, and Sherburne, 1979) And this is not because some
words are still to be created to name the knowledge that is yet to be uncovered, but
because of immanent structural limitations of language as language is not a direct
but indirect mean of human cognition 1 .
Which is that Whitehead had in mind while saying “enormous part” of experience
that escapes the expressive capacities of language? The two following sections will
consider this question in detail, now let us preliminarily propose that this missing
part includes at least three elements:
1. Subjective qualitative feeling inherited from the consciousness of minded-self;
3. Emotions.
As noted in chapter 2 the boundary between emotions and feelings is blurred,
however later we will try to explain this relationship in more depth. At this stage it is
1
See subsection 3.3.2 for further discussion
54 CHAPTER 3. TOWARDS AFFECTIVE THEORY OF EXPERIENCE
important to highlight that they are separate phenomena, furthermore emotions are
much better studied and understood than consciousness, and theories of consciousness
that embrace both emotionality and the subjective feelings of consciousness are
relatively recent and not fully established yet.
Let us conclude this section with a hypothesis that the definitions of knowledge
that impose on the scope of knowledge the limits of language are not capable of
embracing the concept of knowledge in broad terms as nurtured by Einstain and
Whitehead, but not in the ontological sense but cognitive sense. The missing compo-
nent is mostly the subjective quality of consciousness and emotions. Importantly, as
we will later try to argue, the omission of this component - the inner, intentional
qualitative dimension of experience - makes the knowledge representation lame and
imposes limits on real life applications, this is because ultimately it is the experience
that determines the rational agent’s purposeful behaviour, and because any minded
self can have access only to this form of knowledge.
and activities, which is recurrent, i.e. involves being introspectively conscious of the
introspective consciousness itself. Introspective consciousness, concludes Armstrong,
is a necessary condition for the presence of awareness of a self and the past history
of that self.
As talking about consciousness in interpersonal terms can currently only be done
on the basis of intuition, our intuition dictates that the nature of consciousness
is much more heterogeneous than Armstrong proposes. This heterogeneity starts
already at the level of members of the same species, like human beings (for instance,
between sexes, cultural communities, people with different mental capacities, people
at different stage of mental development, but we will risk to say that likely even
between identical twins), and gets bigger and bigger as we go down the evolutionary
ladder comparing different species of primates, mammals, reverberates and finally
the simplest forms of life: single cell organisms. So types of consciousness could be
pointed on a continuum from simplest sensing capabilities of most primitive single
cell organisms to different types of human wakefulness, or likely beyond that to some
higher states of consciousness evoked by drugs, trances, meditation, discussion of
which falls beyond the scope of this thesis. Still there are important landmarks on
this continuum which can be tested with behavioural experiments or brain activity
measurements. The important landmark for us is the consciousness of a healthy adult
human being that can have the following 3 modes: (i) wakefulness, (ii) dreaming,
(iii) deep dreamless sleep.
Having said that we must streamline that unconscious mental processes are those
that are never accessible to self in all above mentioned modes of normal consciousness,
not the processes that are going on in the brain when one is not awake, i.e. sleeping
or in a sort of coma.
There are many accounts of what a mental conscious state is and what is its
origin. We will try to present selected, to us most convincing accounts originating
from philosophy of mind and neuro science.
Van Gulick (Van Gulick, 2011) identifies six main possibilities discussed in the
contemporary philosophy of mind: (i) consciousness as meta-intentionality, which
requires the consciousness be mental states that are themselves about mental states;
(ii) consciousness as qualitative feeling, which emphasises the importance of the
existence of qualitative or experiential properties of mental states, i.e. qualia (see
the final subsection for details); (iii) phenomenal consciousness, which concentrates
on phenomenal structure of consciousness, its spatial, temporal and conceptual
organization of relationship between agent and external environment (so this approach
contains the intentionalist view on consciousness); (iv) first-personal consciousness
that stems from the classical article by Nagel (Nagel, 1974) in which he proposes that
for an organism to have conscious experience it is necessary that there is ”something
it is like to be that organism”, therefore it requires I and I-am-ness; (v) access
consciousness, conceptualized by Block (Block, 1995), which sees the availability of
3.2. CONSCIOUSNESS AS THE PLAYGROUND FOR KNOWLEDGE 57
AND EXPERIENCE
the informational content of experience for use and guidance by the organism as
a decisive factor constituting conscious mental state; (vi) narrative consciousness
which accounts for the consciousness that can be reduced to the stream of narrative
episodes experienced from the perspective of an agent, either natural or artificial,
which account is strongly supported by Daniel Dennett (Dennett, 1991) who questions
the existence of qualia and views unity of consciousness as illusionary.
Contemporary philosophers of mind polarize into two main groups one composed
of those that still accept Cartesian dualism (e.g. Chalmers, Penrose) and the other
the supporters of materialistic, reductionistic account of consciousness as illusionary,
non-existent phenomenon that is nothing more but collection of lower level processes
in the brain.
The former group is led by Dennett. Dennett’s account is particular because it
assumes that there is no consciousness that matters, the consciousness is illusive,
irrelevant phenomena crafted by the brain that builds the illusion up from sensational
bits and pieces, meanwhile all the processes in the brain can be decomposed to purely
physical processes and entities. He favours the view on consciousness as a stream of
tiny building blocks of mental states that build up the illusive feeling of unified field of
consciousness (Dennett, 1991). This account is intriguing as some convincing parallels
can be drawn. As for instance we can easily enjoy the continuity and flawlessness
of a piece of music encoded in .mp3 audio file formats that deceives our ear with a
lowered bitrate, the organisational capacity of our brain could allow it to make up
for the missing gaps between bits and pieces of intentional contents fed by our senses
creating an illusion of continuity and unity of consciousness. Gestalt phenomenon is
often given as another exemplification of this brain capacity.
Somewhat against these two mainstream approaches Searle provides his alternative
account which he calls biological naturalism (Searle, Dennett, and Chalmers, 1997).
Searle believes that consciousness is entirely the product of biological, physical body,
mostly brain and central nervous system (rejection of dualism) that is at the same
time irreducible condition which has a qualitative, subjective and unified feeling to
it, qualitative in the sense that for any conscious state, there is something that it
“qualitatively feels like to be in that state”, and subjective in the sense that they only
exist when experienced by a some sort of a subject, continuously over time. The
key to understanding this view is Searle’s deep critique and rejection of traditional
concepts in studying nature of human mind influenced by Cartesian dualism. The
problem according to Searle is that we erroneously believe that ”mental” cannot
be ”physical” at the same time. Searle compares consciousness to other higher level
processes in the body such as digestion, which despite being composed only of cells
account for a process at higher level that has new properties and functions. Similarly
CNS created consciousness that plays pivotal role in life management of the organism.
Searlian biological naturalism is similar to non-reductionist physicalism. Searle defines
consciousness in the following way:
58 CHAPTER 3. TOWARDS AFFECTIVE THEORY OF EXPERIENCE
The sense of self, the protagonist with the thought of itself, comes in three stages as
well: (i) the protoself that is formed by images mapped from the body inner part, by
so called primordial feelings fundamental, spontaneous feelings of a living body that
originate at the level of brain stem which is an evolutionarily older part of the brain
and the meeting point of the cortical parts of the brain and the spinal cord connecting
the body with the brain; (ii) the core self that emerges as the protoself gets modified
by an interaction with objects of external world within the space of mind; (iii) finally
the autobiographical self is fully formed when the pulses of core self created by
manipulating images of past and anticipated future experiences interacting with
protoself are put together in a coherent pattern creating a continuous autobiography
across time. Importantly, consciousness should not be equalled to wakefulness, nor
to mere mind. Mind is a fundamental space in which protoself interacting with
images forming the core self and the basis for emerging the autobiographical self, so
it is a part, or a sine qua non condition for consciousness, meanwhile wakefulness
determines to which degree the self is present in mind. Under the account of Damasio
the qualitative feeling of experience is realised at the level of protoself. The primordial
feelings that build up the proself have their particular quality, valence, somewhere
along the pleasure-to-pain range but also intensity as the pleasant and unpleasant
60 CHAPTER 3. TOWARDS AFFECTIVE THEORY OF EXPERIENCE
states may be stronger or weaker. This is a critical stance, as this means that all the
contents of mind are in a way reflected in the protoself, inheriting undoubtedly the
feeling, qualitative valence and intensity from it.
Somewhat similarly Panksepp (Panksepp, 1998; Panksepp, 2008) talks about
three levels of processes that correspond to the three stages in which full human
consciousness arises: (i) primary processes that reflect brain/mind basic functions
of biological brain; (ii) secondary processes reflecting learned symbolizations and
object relations in the world (which sounds like those standing behind intentionality;
(iii) finally tertiary processes, which unlike the previous two might be only found
in humans, which stand for autobiographical self, i.e. thoughts about thoughts and
emotions. This directly corresponds to the three levels of consciousness that Tulving
talked about: (i) anoetic consciousness, meaning experience without knowing; (ii)
noetic consciousness, knowledge-based consciousness; and (iii)autonoetic conscious-
ness which is build by autobiographical memories (Tulving, 1985). Panksepp believes
that affect is present at each of these three levels, primary process emotions, sec-
ondary level emotional processes modulated by learned relations, and higher-order
derivative processes that may be only studied in human experience. Importantly, we
know relatively much about the primary-process affects based on extensive studies
with animal models, much less or very little on higher-level process affects typical for
human experience (Panksepp and Campbell, 2010).
Ledoux (LeDoux, 2002) contributes to the discussion on neurological underpin-
nings of consciousness primarily with his considerably sceptical account of the overall
importance of conscious experience compared to the non-conscious brain processes.
Ledoux indeed supports the claim that consciousness will be fully explained in terms
of brain processes one day but at the same time notes that this discovery will not be
a major breakthrough as what is evidently far more important for understanding the
human nature are the non-conscious brain processes. These cannot be studied by
introspection, solely by brain studying experiments. Consequently he distinguishes
two parts of self: (i) implicit self which accounts for aspects of self that are not
immediately available to consciousness either because of their implicit nature or
being not accessible at a given moment, and (ii) explicit self which is all that is
immediately, consciously accessible to the subject of experience.
Concluding the above introduced contemporary neurological theories of conscious-
ness let us assert that affect plays a fundamental role in building consciousness. It is
also important to stress that conscious selves subjectively experience their “I” in the
way it is proposed by philosophers of mind, i.e. as a unified field of consciousness,
rather than the way neurological account suggests, as multiple brain processes. So
from the perspective of an experiencing self there is one conscious field. Still the
objective nature of experience is likely to be as brains study evidence tells us, so
in the deliberative process, in which the self engages, it takes knowledge contents
that are amalgamated with primordial feelings and makes decision based on both
3.2. CONSCIOUSNESS AS THE PLAYGROUND FOR KNOWLEDGE 61
AND EXPERIENCE
intentional contents and affect that are from the subjective perspective at least
inseparable elements of a conscious mental state.
It is clearly visible from the above very brief overview of main theories of con-
sciousness that it is very difficult to say what consciousness is without referring
to other concepts such as mental states, experience, being, I-am-ness, etc. which
themselves are ambiguous. Consciousness and intentionality are so fundamental
concepts in the study of mind that they become axiomatic. This exemplifies the
difficulty in approaching and discussing consciousness at all, as the efforts targeted
at defining consciousness often ends up in a deadlock of recurrence. For this reason
it is reasonable to try to define the phenomenon descriptively, i.e. to enumerate the
unquestionable or at least plausible characteristics of consciousness which tell us
more about the nature of it. Interestingly, with few examples, modern philosophers
of mind tend to agree on the majorities of qualities of human consciousness despite
being at odds when it comes to its genesis.
To wrap up, consciousness is the playground for conscious experiencing. The
intentionality of mind realizes itself in consciousness and fills itself up with intentional
contents. Consciousness in this sense seems equal to mind. Mind is simply conscious-
ness in all of its modes. The totality of mind’s intentional contents that are directed
towards both outside world and within of the mindbody build up the experience.
With such an account of consciousness let us have a look into its main properties.
These properties are critical for providing a plausible account of knowledge and later
methods for their representation in the information systems.
character of conscious mental states is of key importance to our later argument for
which reason we will discuss it thoroughly in a separate, following section, and we
will come back to it later still on many occasions.
Unity (iii) of consciousness is the third fundamental property of consciousness.
Consciousness is unified in two distinct manners, firstly it is unified across time,
one mental state follows another and keep consistency over the lifetime of a healthy
individual, secondly at each point in time the consciousness is felt unified in the
sense that different appreciations do not come separately but as a whole, a textbook
illustration of it is that we do not feel separately our shirt on the back and the
objects in front of our eyes and the sounds of someone speaking as separate instances
but rather as one, unified experience. The property of unity can be illustrated with
either of the two following metaphors: a metaphor of “stream of consciousness” or
a metaphor of “unified field of consciousness”. There is an important difference
between these two approaches, the former one assumes that the consciousness is a
sequence of discrete mental states equivalent to appreciations of sensations or thoughts
meanwhile the latter sees consciousness rather as a fluctuating field in which these
appreciations are reflected. Both views have their supporters and opponents, the
former is supported for instance by James and contemporaneously by Dennett, the
latter by Kant, contemporaneously by Searle (Searle, 2004) and Damasio (Damasio,
2010) to name a few. Similarly, there is an ontological consequence of this difference
for consciousness, in first case the consciousness and its unity can be considered
illusionary meanwhile in the second the ontological and physical existence (in some
sort of neural representation) of consciousness is assumed. The unity of consciousness
is a subject of itself, notably a separate book by Michael Tye on the topic appeared
delving into this particular quality of human experience (Tye, 2003), where many
types of unity are identified and discussed: object, subject, spatial, phenomenal,
introspective, Gestalt, neurophysiological and higher-order subject unity.
We will assume after many contemporary philosophers that indeed consciousness
is unified in a variety of ways, which adds to the significance of the subjective and
qualitative accompaniment to knowledge, because it acts causally on behaviour. It
is important to underline however that unity, as all the other properties discussed
in this section, is a “perceived” characteristic of consciousness which is confirmed
by our introspection. The unity at the level of conscious access does not necessarily
must mean its unity at “implementation” brain level. On the contrary, recent results
of neurological studies of the brain suggest that the consciousness may be realised
in the brain via multiple processes, and self is coming in stages: protoself, core self
and autobiographical self as suggested by Damasio (Damasio, 2010). However, it is
important to highlight that the fact we feel consciousness as unified does matter,
even if it may be an illusion as Dennett believes. As we pay much attention to the
subjectivity of the conscious experience the unity of consciousness is important to us
because it is subjectively perceived as such, so from the point of view of experience
3.2. CONSCIOUSNESS AS THE PLAYGROUND FOR KNOWLEDGE 63
AND EXPERIENCE
representation and modelling that is critical, and will be addressed in chapter 4 and
we will be coming back to this point on many occasions.
The intentionality (iv) of consciousness means the unique capacity of mental
states to refer to the external world, to be about objects/states/processes that are
external to it. This aboutness allows mental states to be “filled in” with content.
These contents can be many forms, including sensations, abstract thought, all sorts
of images in general, which stay with the mind in the intentionalist relation, i.e.
mental conscious states are about the external entities and this is how the content
of the mental states is build. These contents can be stored in memory in different
formats, both in raw images (visionary, auditory, etc.) and organised with some sort
of abstract symbolic representations, mostly with natural language. This is primarily
why language cannot embrace the entirety of the mental contents, as it is merely
a means of organisation of intentional contents of the mind, still it does very well
in describing these contents. But regardless the language can capture entirely the
intentional contents or not, it definitely cannot capture what is beyond it, i.e. the
qualitative, inner subjective feeling of the subject that accompany the creation of
intentional contents of the mind. This is pivotal. The intentional contents of mental
states is knowledge, the qualitative feeling of having this mental state to the subject
complements knowledge giving rise to experience. As some part of consciousness
is always directed towards the inner side of the mind and body of the subject and
in parallel towards the external world realising its intentional capacity, and at the
same time these two are amalgamated in the unified field of consciousness, both
knowledge and its qualitative subjective feeling build up the unified experience. We
assume it is safe to risk a statement that it is not knowledge equals experience as
Einstein proposed, rather consciousness is experience and knowledge is its intentional
contents.
The fifth quality of consciousness to be discussed is attention selectivity (v).
Consciousness is selective in the sense that mental contents that appear in the field
attract different level of attention from the self. The self tends to engage in only
one selected content at a time over a given attention span and the remaining part is
passing in the background. It may be the case however than more contents are given
higher attention in parallel, which happens for instance in multitasking, however the
universal property of consciousness is that it has a center and periphery, so some
contents manage to draw the attention of the self others to a lesser extend. Although
there can be significant plasticity in this property of consciousness and capability of
managing the focus of attention may vary significantly between individuals, as for
instance some people are more capable of multitasking and following two or more
threads of thought in parallel.
The interesting part is how attention is governed. Damasio’s account of the issue
is that a hypothetical mechanism which he labelled “somatic markers hypothesis”
applies here, which in short says that each content that appears in the consciousness
64 CHAPTER 3. TOWARDS AFFECTIVE THEORY OF EXPERIENCE
is emotionally marked or “highlighted” which allows the mind to decide about the
importance of the appreciated stimuli and present them to the attention of the self.
This hypothesis will be further discussed in the following section as it is important
for the arguments to be presented later in chapter 4.
The sixth property: plasticity (vi) will be introduced and discussed at the end of
the section providing for a conclusion and interlude to the subsequent parts of the
chapter. Besides the aforementioned six characteristics there are also other included
by philosophers of mind and cognitive scientists which are less relevant to this thesis
however are vital for understanding consciousness as a whole, therefore we will briefly
discuss them in the following paragraphs.
Searle (Searle, 2004) distinguishes: situatedness, Gestalt selectivity, and mood
dependence as separate properties of consciousness, which is debatable. Importantly
the existence and reality of this properties is not to be questioned but merely their
separation as independent properties. We see that these are already captured by the
six properties discussed earlier.
Situatedness (vii) which is embraces the property of consciousness such that
conscious self always know the some basic background, contextual facts, such as
the time of the year, the whether, the geographic location, the time of the day, etc,
we see as redundant with unity and intentionality, as the context that situatedness
encapsulates seems nothing but repeatedly invoked intentional contents about the
environment the agent sits in and the continuity of these contents due to the unity
of consciousness. Similarly Gestalt selectivity seems a combination of unity, indeed
Tye (Tye, 2003) refers to it as Gestalt unity, and attention selectivity.
Gestalt selectivity (viii) is a highly interesting property of conscious mind, presum-
ably also the unconscious mind works in this way but it is not evident, extensively
studied by Gestalt psychologists (Köhler, 1929) which can be described as an organisa-
tional capacity of the mind aiming at, in plain terms, making sense of the intentional
contents it captures. This sense making is usually about building up a “bigger” and
complete concepts from the captured sensory data, fitting the newly captured sensory
data into these bigger concepts, which is a mechanism that serves the organisation
of sensory data and mental intentional contents into meaningful concepts and more
elaborate mental stories persistent overtime. Gestalt psychologists used behavioural
tests to prove this in which they used purposive crafted pictures that represented at
the same time two different images, of which the classic textbook example is a black
and white picture that can appear both as two faces directed towards each other or
a vase. Depending on which of the two images the mind concentrates on the one is
captured by the conscious mind. The interesting properties of the conscious mind
is that it can swap between the two but it is hard or impossible to “see” or, better
said, experience both at the same time. The above description of the phenomena
shall serve as sufficient justification why we reckon these properties as a derivative of
broadly understood unity of consciousness and selectivity of attention.
3.2. CONSCIOUSNESS AS THE PLAYGROUND FOR KNOWLEDGE 65
AND EXPERIENCE
Finally, mood dependence (ix) fits under the scope of qualitativeness and will be
discussed together with it in the following section.
Another proposition by Searle is to tell apart the active/passive (x) consciousness
as states of consciousness activated during engagement in a voluntary action and
passive perception respectively. Although, as he rightly stresses, there is a clear
difference between voluntarily raising an arm as part of a conscious act, and having
an arm raised by someone who stimulates relevant part of motor cortex, an example
taken from the famous experiments by neurosurgeon Wilder Penfield (Penfield, 1975)
2
, we would rather think of a voluntary action mechanism not as an integral part of
consciousness but rather as a mechanism to which consciousness is a “background
environment”. Consciousness is necessary for voluntary purposeful behaviour and is
the background for it but it is not consciousness itself.
Mode dynamism (xi) is a property that has a more indirect consequence to
our considerations and is about ability of consciousness to be in an “on” and “off”
mode and some other modes “in between”. The modes in question include: normal
wakefulness, dreaming, deep sleep without dreams, and different forms of coma. As
Damasio rightly says (Damasio, 2010) the boundaries between these fairly stable
and well studied states of consciousness is not so sharp. We can experience this
ourselves when our consciousness shifts from one to another. Being tired, sleepy,
falling asleep, awaking, loosing consciousness are all intermediary states in which
our state of consciousness is largely undefined, which we experience and define
as passing out or coming to. Studying these processes is one of the way towards
understanding consciousness and its building blocks. Damasio hypothesises that
the way consciousness is put together and decomposed each time consciousness
changes its operating mode suggests that consciousness relies on more than one
core location or system in the brain and it is rather a process than an object. He
proposes that consciousness is composed of a few building blocks which get activated
non-simultaneously, provoking the particular, awkward feeling to it, lasting until all
are finally rightly “lit-up”. But more importantly, it may happen that only some of
these blocks get activated while others remain inactive for a longer period of time as
consequence of drugs or physical interference, a knock in the head or solar plexus for
instance, which provides some clues on how consciousness is engineered in the brain.
These findings are important for us only indirectly, i.e. the property itself does not
impact much our later considerations and the frameworks elaborated in chapter 4, as
we have already rationed the scope of our focus to the normal, awake consciousness
state, but it is interesting as far as it provides a way towards understanding the nature
2
Penfield, who was searching for causes of epileptic seizures and regions in the brain involved
in the disorder, performed experiments that involved stimulating with electrodes the surface of
exposed patient’s brain trying to thus identify the regions that triggered the seizures. When he
stimulated the motor cortex he could provoke involuntary movements of patient’s limbs. However
the patients described the corresponding conscious experience provoked by this stimulation with
these words: “I didn’t do that, you did it!”
66 CHAPTER 3. TOWARDS AFFECTIVE THEORY OF EXPERIENCE
of consciousness in general. And so, Damasio’s conclusions form his investigations and
theoretical considerations are that we can look on consciousness from two distinct
vantage points which results in two types of self: self as observer and, younger from
the evolutionary perspective, self as knower. The former appreciates a dynamic
object constituted by workings of minds, traits of behaviour, and history of life,
the latter is the process that gives a focus to our experiences and lets us reflect on
those experiences (Damasio, 2010, p. 8). The consequences of this distinction will be
discussed in the following section when we look into the role of emotion in creating
self.
The emergence of self from consciousness is usually taken as one of the char-
acteristics of consciousness which we shall refer to as Iamness (xii). Nagel (Nagel,
1974) in the essay ”What it is like to be a bat?” noticed that conscious experience
defines act of being, underlying thus the very subjective character of experience.
Mind is that which thinks and experiences, thus thinking and experiencing defines
a minded creature, including a human being (Graham, 1998). Nagel was one of
the first contemporary IA thinkers to emphasize the fundamental significance of
conscious experience to constituting being. One can say that something is only when
there is something that feels like being that thing. Therefore in order to be able to
say ”I am” there must be consciousness. This immanent Iamness of consciousness
is where ontology meets epistemology. If we suppose for a while that consciousness
in a much more broad sense is pure intentionality and assume that beings which
do not have enough elaborate brains to have consciousness of a sort that has been
discussed throughout this section, still can have some more primitive capabilities of
intentionality, which are abundant in even simplest single cell organisms, but also in
could be found in the domain of plethora where lifeless objects are bound with laws
of physics, we indeed can risk stating that existence without intentionality, i.e. ability
of one entity to be about another, would not make any sense nor make any difference
therefore had no meaning. Although the Iamness of consciousness unquestionably
touches the most fundamental philosophical questions, for the purposes of this thesis
it is sufficient that we consider it as element of subjectivity and unity of experience.
Finally, we would like to add to the list of considered properties of consciousness
the plasticity (xiii). The plasticity of the brain is one of the topical issues in current
neurocognitive and brain studies (Kolb, 1995; Shaw, McEachern, and McEachern,
2001; Schwartz and Begley, 2002). As brain manifests incredible flexibility and
adaptability in many of its functional areas very likely this capability is also visible in
consciousness, to which some evidence of introspective nature can be provided. The
good example confirming the plasticity of consciousness are those that demonstrate
that certain otherwise fixed, or common for many individuals, properties of it can be
altered by practice or experience over time. Such an example is the human capacity
to multi-task, i.e. concentrating on doing more than one thing at a time. Capability
of multitasking questions the selectiveness of consciousness, and can be gained by
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AND EXPERIENCE
Experience directly inherits these capacities from memory, in fact we can risk
a statement that memory as phenomenon, not so much as capacity, equals to
experience. For this reason there can be no sound account of experience that does
not address processes of remembering and forgetting, which determine the temporal
dimension of experience. These processes are studied by cognitive neuroscientists
investigating memory processes, which usually include: (i) encoding, (ii)storage
and (iii)consolidation, and (iv)retrieval. Furthermore, from the cognitive functional
perspective a couple of memory forms can be considered: working, episodic, semantic,
priming and procedural memory, each governed by different functional nuclei or rather
interlinked neuronal circuits, which shows that memory is not a single phenomenon
or entity but rather a complex compound of brain sub-systems.
Importantly however, as we have made a point in previous sections when we
discussed consciousness from the perspective of the philosophy of mind, an important
quality of conscious experience is unity. It must be underlined that memory processes
are in vast part unconscious processes, and only the end result of these processing is
accessible to us consciously in thinking and deliberation. We can distinguish therefore
between implicit and explicit memories. In fact, a vast part of learning, i.e. encoding,
storing and consolidating memories, is carried out by the brain in the unconscious.
Our interest here is primarily focused on explicit memories that can be voluntarily
retrieved in consciousness.
The objective of this subsection is not to provide a detailed account of how
memory functions however, instead we want to emphasize two highly important
points:
1. Experience being totally dependant on memory over time is subject to all the
four major memory processes, consequently it is prone to forgetting which
is a fact widely neglected in mainstream KR methods, therefore there is a
constant need for definition of algorithms that could emulate fundamental
memory processes in artificial systems;
“Our reading of the past is generically under the description of the present
set of entities and phenomena (...). Past time is the same as present time;
past entities of the same order as present entities.” (Bowker, 2005, p. 227).
afterwords they get fixed in the process called consolidation. It has been shown
recently that each time during recall memories enter into liable state even those that
have been consolidated already.
One of the many studies that support this account was conducted by Ledoux
and his team, on animal models: rats. Ledoux investigating the classical conditioned
learning in rats discovered that the moment a conditioned memory is recalled by
re-exposure to the conditioning stimulus the memory system gets destabilized for
several hours and if during this period the memory storage process is altered either
behaviourally or with drugs the memory does not go back in properly and it is lost.
Another important recent discovery in memory research is the one made by
Schacter and colleagues (Schacter and Addis, 2007) about the role of constructive
memory in the simulation of future events. A series of converging results of recently
reported studies suggest that the brain uses the same neuronal machinery to imagining
future possible events that is normally applied to remembering past events. This
nicely fits in the convergence-divergence approach and suggests that deliberation
about future events, normally also present in decision making depends tightly on
past experience, furthermore adds arguments to the claim that creativity is about
reconfiguration of existing facts which leads to new emergent qualities that stand
behind the novelty.
All the above suggests that biological memory is very much unlike the computer
functionalism wished to imply, i.e. that memories are stored in the brain like files in
a computer system and reproduced during recall. The old paradigms of knowledge
representation deeply rooted in computer functionalist tradition fail to embrace this
very basic characteristic of biological machinery of minded organisms for knowledge
acquiring and processing. There seem to exist no past experiences only their recon-
structions in the present. So the past matters only to the extent it reappears in
the present experiences. Furthermore the past, the present and the future use the
same neuronal processing machinery and apparently are mingled in a conscious field
of consciousness according to a pattern that is not fully understood yet. However
as experience depends on memory it is evident that it is subject to forgetting and
distortion, which should be taken into account when representation of experience is
to be done in information systems.
Apart from the overall importance of memory processes to experience, there is
a special dependence between memory and emotion, which suggests that affective
dimension of experience matters not only to the past and present but also future,
consequently has profound impact on planing future actions, thus conscious behaviour.
As a general principle, emotions amplify memories, as it has been proven by
investigations led by McGaugh (McGaugh, 2000; McGaugh, 2004) that amygdala
influences consolidation of emotionally arousing experiences. The amygdala activity
during experiencing emotionally arousing stimuli, regardless positive or negative,
proves to impact positively the consolidation of memory, so that the degree of amyg-
72 CHAPTER 3. TOWARDS AFFECTIVE THEORY OF EXPERIENCE
dala activation during encoding correlates with long-term memory. The emotional
arousal also helps in better recalling of encoded memories and augments their sub-
jective vividness. One of the way it is achieved is that amygdala modulating the
emotional arousal, being well connected to sensory cortices amplifies the activity of
this cortices which leads to better detection and intensification of attention.
Furthermore, orbitofrontal cortex involved in some types of emotions modulates
conceptual processes. Emotionally marked memories are also more likely to benefit
from the consolidation amplifying effect of sleep on memory (Gazzaniga, 2009, p. 730).
It is also known that memorized states of mind are more easily retrieved form memory
when there is a match between the emotional state at the time of memorizing and
at the time of reconstruction, so that one is more likely to remember negative
experiences when is in a bad mood and positive during feeling of pleasure or other
positive excitation (Bower, 1981).
There are important exceptions however to these principal general rules. It has
been found out that stress impairs explicit memory by affecting the functioning of
hippocampus (Sapolsky, 1996). 3
In conclusion, there is strong evidence that memory, which provides for the
long-term unity of experience and its intentional contents (knowledge) depends on
the subjective, affective quality of experience. This provides for yet another argument
supporting our claim that representation of affective dimension of mental phenomena
is indispensable for satisfactory emulation of knowledge, experience and behaviour of
living organisms in artificial systems.
Dawkins captures all three elements that make this question one of the questions
that contemporary science confronts: (i) if and how subjective experience can be
quantified, (ii) if and how it can be described in objective, tangible terms, what
is the corresponding brain processes behind these subjective states, (iii) how does
it evolve, (iv) can it be put in inter-subjective context, in other words can it be
compared between individuals? These are central questions to this thesis as well
because if they only result in negative answers this objective could never be attained.
Although indeed the above formulated problem is still challenging scientists across
disciplines it would be definitely unfair to state that no progress has been made
towards disentangling the puzzle of experience subjectivity. We risk to state that the
progress has been suffcient to come up with preliminary, yet satisfactory, means of
representation and intra-subjective comparison of subjective states of consciousness,
although in general we are far from in-depth understanding of the phenomenon. In
philosophical and AI literature this subject has been extensively explored in the
debate over qualia. The debate primarily focued on the quantifiability, universality
and inter-subjectivity of subjective experiences. This topic is important to philosophy
of mind because subjectivity of consciousness is one of the key arguements for the
opponents of the phisicalist account of the mind-body problem. The philosophical
debate on qualia tackles exactly the essence of the subject matter: the qualitative
conscious experience, for which reason this debate shall be briefed and used for
review of arguments that may be brought up by phisicalists who perceive qualia as an
unrelevant concept and thus partly at least object the importance of the qualitative
dimension of experiernce reducing it to purely phisical properties. Qualia could be
seen as experience quanta, and are defined as experiential properties of sensations,
feelings, perceptions, thoughts, desires, etc., in other words qualia include what is
like to have experiential mental states. Taking the most commonly used example,
also featured in the earlier quote by Dawkins, a quale represents what is it like to
see red for instance, in other words what makes redness as perceived by experiencing
bodymind. This represents the most general and intuitive understanding of qualia
but as there are many definitions of the term different of them emphasize different
constituitive features of qualia, among which the most important are (i) subjective
phenomenal character; (ii) universalism, but qualia are universals in the sense that
they can be recognized from one experience to another experience and are not the
properties of any object (Lewis, 1929); (iii) qualitative feeling, which constitutes
the very essence of a quale: the associated quality of experience (Chalmers, 1996)
5
; (iv) ineffable, as they cannot be communicated, and can be fully appreciated
only via direct experience, at least according to Dennett (Dennett, 1988; Dennett,
1991); (v) intrinsic, that is they are non-intentional, non-relational, so that they
remain the same regardless experience relates to different objects, (vi) introspectively
5
for this reason qualia are also referred to as ‘qualitative feels’ or ‘phenomenal qualities’
74 CHAPTER 3. TOWARDS AFFECTIVE THEORY OF EXPERIENCE
6
See the openning quote of this subsection.
3.2. CONSCIOUSNESS AS THE PLAYGROUND FOR KNOWLEDGE 75
AND EXPERIENCE
experience, but rather the relevance and importance of the concept of qualia and
their alleged special properties, asserting that:
. One in all, his argument leads to the conclusion that qualia defined as ineffable,
intrinsic, private and directly apprehensible properties of experience, do not exist.
Instead, there are:
He notices that the proponents of this special properties of qualia revert to intuition
while building their arguments so he decides to use so called intuition pumps that are
properly crafted thought experiments, which would help him undermine the intuitive
’psedo-argumentation’ used by qualia believers. This is very symptomatic about the
debate on qualia, which is based on considering different sorts of thought experiments
or other conceptual structures without reference to empirical data rather referring
to introspection and common sense. This makes the conclusions vulnerable to the
allegation that these thought experiments are nothing but philosophical puzzles that
do not bring new knowledge, however this is such the methodology in philosophy.
The first of the fifteen intuition pumps put forward by Dennett is (i) watching
you eat cauliflower which undermines the validity of the assumption that the quale:
“how something tastes to X at time t” can be separated from the complete context
of the experiencing what X is doing or thinking. Although it seems plausible to say
that A tastes to X differently at time t1 than at time t2 or comparing these two
qualia with that corresponding to the taste of A to Y at the time t1 it is wrong as it
presuposes that we can consider these quales in separation to all the rest which is
going on (Dennett, 1988, p. 384). Although conceptually it is sound we may respond
that as the past experience is remembered the introspective comparison could be
possible. One of the central problems with qualia is that they appear not comparable
in inter-subjective terms. This results in that it is not possible neither to validate
nor falsify the claim that blue colour appears to everybody in the same way, as we
learn what blue color is by perceiving the same blue objects. With the term quale at
hand it could be rephrased that we cannot tell if the quale of experiencing the blue
colour is the same for all people. To discuss this feature of qualia a classic thought
experiments called (ii)inverted spectrum is used(Locke, 1801). In the classical form
it calls that we imagine that one day we wake up and realise that all colours has
been inverted, although we cannot discover any changes to the physical qualities
of the objects we perceive nor to our brain. The lesson from this story for a qualia
proponents is that if we can imagine such a spectrum inversion possible qualia must
76 CHAPTER 3. TOWARDS AFFECTIVE THEORY OF EXPERIENCE
exist and be non-physical. The original thought experiment by Locke has gained
more sophisticated variations as the debate on qualia has continued, arriving at
a point to the version proposed by Block block1990 which goes as follows. Let
us imagine a planet on which all colours are inverted, so that sky is yellow and
lemons are blue, still the inhabitants name the colours of all the objects the same
way as we normally do, so the sky is still blue in their natural language. If one is
anaesthesia and undergoes a surgery during which “color inverting lenses” are put
in one’s eyes after which one is placed in the Inverted Earth no difference can be
noticed. So there does not have to be a direct link between the object of experience
and qualia. Dennett in turn rejects not only inter-subjective comparability but also
intra-subjective comparability of qualia. For this he uses the intuition pump the
Brainstorm machine which supposes that there is a wonderful machine which allows
person A to experience the visual experiences of a person B, but when the machine
is on it turns out that A sees all colours inverted and is supposed to realize that
B has different qualia. But, what would happen if the technician turns the plug by
180 and reverts A ’s to its “normal” state of experience? How would it be possible
to judge which of the positions of the plug is correct? This could not be possible, in
other words we could not calibrate such a machine and we could not know if qualia of
A and B are the same. (Dennett, 1988, p. 387). As for intra-subjective comparison of
qualia, Dennett provides a counterargument to the intra-personal inverted spectrum
which proposes that if one waked up in the morning and discovered that the colours
are inverted, meanwhile nobody else notices any difference at all this would have
made you think that you must have had an inversion of colour qualia (Lycan, 1973).
Dennett’s counterargument is an intuition pump he calls alternative neurosurgery,
which consists in an observation that this colour qualia swap could be achieved with
two kinds of operations: (i) by changing the qualia themselves, so the way colours
appear to us, or (ii) by altering all our past experiences related to colours. Again,
one could not tell which of the either two operation was performed. Consequently
Dennett concludes:
“If there are qualia, they are even less accessible to our ken than we
had thought. Not only are the classical inter-subjective comparisons
impossible (as the Brainstorm machine shows), but we cannot tell in
our own cases whether our qualia have been inverted, at least not by
introspection.” (Dennett, 1988, p. 389)
This conclusion brings Dennett to assertion that if we cannot compare qualia neither
interpersonally nor at interpersonal level it does not make sense to talk about
qualia at all. The attack continues by stating that in fact we can not say anything
objective about them, they are intrinsic and thus atomic and unanalysable, and
consequently inexpressible in language, and as there is nothing that can be asserted
about the subjectivity representing qualia they are just pseudo-concept, to put it in
3.2. CONSCIOUSNESS AS THE PLAYGROUND FOR KNOWLEDGE 77
AND EXPERIENCE
Wittgenstanian terms, and Dennett concludes that qualia are not even something
about which nothing can be said, they are a philosophical pseudo-term that refers
to no properties or features at all. (Dennett, 1988, p. 387). Dennett uses here the
following argument by Wittgenstein:
“The thing in the box has no place in the language-game at all; not even
as a something; for the box might even be empty. - No, one can ‘divide
through’ by the thing in the box; it cancels out, whatever it is (p.100)
(„) It is not a something, but not a nothing either! The conclusion was
only that a nothing would serve just as well as a something about which
noting could be said.” (Wittgenstein, 1958, p. 91-100)
This argument appears weaker if one ceases to regard language as the ultimate carrier
of intentional contents of mind. Given we accept the existence of non-linguistic forms
of intentionality we provide space for that something can be expressed with this forms
about subjective dimension of experience. Still the way of interpretation holds also for
another thought experiment that we propose think about tomato which is somewhat
related to the earlier discussed watching you eat cauliflower. The intuition pump is
about imagining what eating a tomato is like. If qualia existed in a universal, separate
form, abstracted from objects of experience, as products of philosophical distillation,
as puts it Dennett, we could not do it without recalling specific contexts from our
memory in which we were eating a tomato earlier in our life. The specific events
associated with tomatoes may be various, such as our last visit to the marketplace,
tomatoes eaten up in our soup last night, the legendary tomato juice our grandmother
used to prepare, etc. In this intro-spectral thought exercise one can quickly realize
that tomato as an abstract entity is entirely qualitatively empty, it has no subjective,
qualitative value, means nothing to us. It is only due to the recalled memories of
specific events or thoughts associated with tomates by our past experience that
allows us to build up in our mind a state which could be like eating a tomato. In
this respect Dennett is right stating that qualia can not exist in isolation from the
full context of experience. The direction of thinking that takes Dennett is as follows:
if qualia are in fact derivatives of experience one should analyse the experience, not
qualia, which cannot be even properly defined, there are no qualia there are only
states of consciousness that emerge in interaction with the external world.
Every contemporary philosopher of mind provides his own account of qualia and
heterogeneity of views is unsurprisingly high as this is an important element of the
discussion on the body-mind problem. There is not enough space to provide a decent
overview of all the accounts but Dennett was taken as an example of one of the
principal opponents to the concept. In this debate we take the side of moderate
representationalists (Ten problems of consciousness: a representational theory of the
phenomenal mind ; Tye, 2000) that accounts for qualia as qualities of experiences
represented in the mind, so that qualia are representations in consciousness of objects
78 CHAPTER 3. TOWARDS AFFECTIVE THEORY OF EXPERIENCE
in the world not phenomenal objects themselves. This view is shared by a wide group
of contemporary philosophers including Tye, Chalmers (Chalmers, 2004), Dretske
(Dretske, 1995), Searle (Searle, 2004), Siewert (Siewert, 1998) in spite of differences
in fine-grained theoretical details.
Representationalism accounts for qualia as equal to certain representational
contents or as certain representational properties of experiences, which we favour.
Siewert and Searle find this properties as irreducible. Tye draws an viable analogy
between the relationship of qualia and experience on the one hand and meaning of a
word and the word itself on the other. Indeed, the view on qualia as the meaning
of experience greatly appeals to us, however Tye and Byrne make one step further
(Byrne and Tye, 2006) asserting that “qualia (like meanings) ain’t in the head” so
they are relational contents fixed at least partly by external relations between agent
and its environment. This assertion we find debatable, we rather consider qualia as
subjective phenomena that can be inter-subjectively related and indeed depends on
the external entities being represented in the consciousness but their location is in
the agent’s head. Similarly Searle as proponent of the consciousness unity discussed
in previous sections believes that as consciousness functions as a continuous unified
process it is not possible to account for qualia as atomistic, quantifiable phenomena
but rather as a non discrete compound of qualitative value of experience at a given
point in time. However Searle supports the claim that each state of consciousness
carries something that is like to have this conscious state, which was discussed earlier
in detail. Consequently Searle remains strong supporter of qualia but not as universals
but as qualities of conscious experience (Searle, 1999). It is not important to us if
qualia have objective existence of any form. It is pivotal for us that they cannot be
questioned at the subjective level, which we know based on our individual, private
introspection. The important take-away from the earlier discussion for us is that
for each, even tiniest experiential state that can be recognised in the consciousness,
a qualitative value can be assigned by the experiencing subject, the experiencing
mindbody. We also believe, as many contemporary philosophers of mind, that these
states can be inter-subjectively compared but we currently lack relevant concepts
and ways for doing so, which is an intuitive assertion which at present cannot be
objectively verified, irrespective of Dennett’s strong opposition to such settlement.
He strongly states:
This argument is strong and valid, however we cannot afford in the discussion we are
conducting here for strict attachment to pure methodology if we want to make any
progress in understanding and also exploiting the subjective component of experience.
It is alos important to note that this argument cease to be valid if we consider only
the subjective, not inter-subjective realm of experience. If we want to understand the
phenomena such as human behaviour, intenlligence and motivation we cannot deprive
ourselves of the concepts that are from within the world of subjectivity. Qualia are
not ontological beings such that there is a universal quale that says what is the
feeling of redness universally. However qualia, more precisely the subjective feelings
of consciousness, are real phenomena, they exist in subjective consciousness and they
matter as they impact agent’s behaviour. The closest account of qualia to that we
accept is that proposed by moderate representationalist so we rest on the following
properties of qualia: (i) are accessible to introspection, (ii) can be different for the
same representational contents of the experience but only at different points in time
or different contexts, so one may have different qualia for the same object at different
points in time or in different contexts, (iii) are mental correlate to some physical
properties of objects in the world, (iv) they build up the subjective dimension of
experience, (v) they depend on memory, are memorized together with the correlated
object and context. Some of the problems with qualia could be solved by taking a
dynamic perspective on the phenomenon, as provided above in the ‘tomato intuition
pump’. Qualia are therefore in our understanding nothing but subjective dimension
of experience accumulated, i.e. remembered, over time associated to given stimuli.
It is subject to learning, for instance classical conditioning, so qualia are dynamic
phenomena that are shaped in the process of repeated concurrence of a stimuli,
accompanying stimuli and compound feelings these stimuli provoke. This feelings
are the products of constant brain mapping of the body state. So qualia are a
sort of representations of external world in the internal world of a minded agent.
Qualia in that sense are not inter-subjective phenomena, they exists in the sense that
conscious experience has a qualitative value determined by affect, primordial feelings
and feelings of emotions to be more precise, available only to the experiencing self.
Qualia in this sense are plastic, they can change overtime along with experience.
The quale of experiencing redness is not a universal quality attached to the redness,
rather it is the qualitative value of experiencing redness by a particular agent. In
this sense we could use the term qualia for encapsulating the qualitative, affective
component of experiential, conscious mental states, affective quanta of experience.
Importantly however if a way for measuring and representing feelings is found out,
for instance based on empirical observation of their phisical representations in the
brain for instance, then qualia will turn out to be intersubjectively comparable.
Contrary to the last assertion there exist a problem of the so called “explanatory
gap” (Levine, 2001), which is that as we have access to qualia only via conscious
introspection it will ever be difficult to match it with any objective processes that
80 CHAPTER 3. TOWARDS AFFECTIVE THEORY OF EXPERIENCE
may be going on in the brain that correspond exactly to the considered quale. Even
if we come up with powerful technology with which we would be able to study every
little detail of how the CNS functions we will never be able to brige the gap between
this apparently different two realms of inner mental states and objective physical
reality. This presents to us the the classic problem of dualism. The clearcut solutions
comes form phylosophers who reject dualism, like Searle who without questioning the
gap believes that some physical qualities or states simply have irreducibly subjective
nature (Searle, 2004). Other possible approach is to accept that the gap will never be
bridged (Chalmers, 1996) or hope for that some day it will be bridged when proper
concepts we lack today are worked out (Nagel, 1974). Yet another which we want to
pursue is that the gap is real but it is not so important, so we should not make it
wider and more significant that it appears from the pragmatic perspective. This is
close to the approach of Searle, though he emphasizes the gap pretty strongly, yet
notices that the gap is a consequence of misguiding concepts inherited from Cartesian
dualism. As acknowledging that the gap exist has no influence on how things are in
the world nor prompts any modification for theories of consciousness the gap does
not fill the bill.
involved in cognitive and social processes, and are thus fundamental to purposeful be-
haviour, for which reason should not be taken for granted during conceptualisation or
design of information systems that aim at representing human knowledge/experience,
emulating human rationality or are constructed with the purpose to study or support
human decision-making.
noting that their essence is different. According to Damasio emotions are a sort of
biological programmes of actions carried out by the body (internally and externally,
like movement, facial expression, changes in viscera, body temperature, internal
secretion of different substances, etc.) merely complemented by a cognitive program
involving ideas and modes of cognition. The way emotions are triggered is beyond
control of consciousness and precedes the conscious appreciation of stimuli and feeling
of the very emotion activated. In other words an emotion is a set of programmed
actions triggered to a large extent unconsciously, meanwhile feelings of emotion are
the appreciations of the changes in the body caused by the emotion. So feelings
are passive images of actions activated by the emotion and recorded in the form
of brain maps, and thus memorized in some part at least (Damasio, 2010). The
emotion-feeling feedback loop is well explained by below quote from Damasio:
Importantly in their core, i.e. in the basic structure of the action programme,
emotions are unlearned, automated and genetically determined, and they only can
be modulated with willpower to a certain degree. There can be some plasticity in
these programmes as far as the triggering stimuli is concerned of course, as different
people fear and get angry about different things, also some external expressions can
be hold under control, still the lion part of the inner processes develop automatically
beyond the control of volition. So although ultimately it is the feeling that is what
brain maps and remembers as the end product of emotion, the way how emotions
function determines the feeling, so understanding the emotions lets us understand
what is the feeling to it.
Furthermore Damasio (Damasio, 2010), distinguishes the so called primordial
feelings which reflect the current state of the body along varied dimensions, e.g.
pain and pleasure, originating from the brain stem, therefore evolutionary older,
part of the brain rather the the younger cerebral cortex. Interestingly according to
Damasio but somewhat similarly also to other neuroscientists such as Jaak Panksepp
(Panksepp, 2005) and Derek Denton (Denton, 2005) the primordial feelings constitute
the basis for a self, referred to as the protoself or primordial self. This is a critical
hypothesis, as it proposes that self is in fact build up with feelings which are the image
of a leaving creature captured by its brain. Therefore the famous Cartesian maxim
”Cogito, ergo sum” should be replaced with a more Spinozist ”Sentio, ergo sum”. The
3.3. AFFECTIVE QUALITY OF CONSCIOUS EXPERIENCE 83
following two quotes from Damasio explain the mechanism of brain-to-body mapping
and its character in neurobiological terms.
“The body-to-brain signalling (...) does not deal merely with the repre-
sentation [in the brain] of quantities of certain molecules or degrees of
smooth muscle contraction [bodily states]. (...) But there is, side by side,
a qualitative aspect to the results of the transmission. The state of the
body is felt to be in some variation of pleasure or pain, of relaxation or
tension(...).” (Damasio, 2010, p. 97)
“(...) the regions [of the brain] that receive body-to-brain signalling
respond, in turn, by altering the ongoing state of the body. I envision
these responses as initiating a tight two-way, resonant loop between body
states and brain states. The brain mapping of the body state and the
actual body state are never far apart. Their border is blurred. They
become virtually fused.” (Damasio, 2010, p. 100)
The key conclusion from the above quoted insights on emotion supported by neuro-
logical evidence is that whatever mental state is experienced by a conscious mind it
has an inseparable affective part. If there appears an intentional content in the mind
that we could qualify as knowledge (a proposition for instance) it is accompanied by
a primordial feeling reflecting the affective state of the entire body. Importantly, as
we know from earlier sections of this chapter, these two components cannot appear
in consciousness as two independent states occurring in parallel but rather they are
amalgamated in a unified field of consciousness.
It is the right moment to recall that in the section on qualia we have concluded
that, in line with the representationalist account of qualia, the nature of the subjective
component of experience is also intentionalistic in nature. The difference is that
subjective qualitative intentionalistic contents that correspond to qualia are directed
towards within the mindbody. Such an account has been inspired by and supported
by the account of protoself and primordial feelings as formulated above by Damasio.
Now, in accordance with both the theory of unified field of consciousness as well
as the concept of “two way resonant loop between body states and brain states”
proposed above by Damasio it must be that both types of intentionalistic contents
of mind, those directed outward and inward, must be unified, are the two sides of
the same coin.
This entails that each intentional content which can be qualified as knowledge, or
image captured by senses and recorded in the brain, or each abstract thought that is
a product of manipulation of images mapped in the past is affectively marked. And
this marking plays and important role in cognition and behaviour. The role is triple
at least: (i) the affective marking governs the selectivity of conscious attention; (ii)
84 CHAPTER 3. TOWARDS AFFECTIVE THEORY OF EXPERIENCE
impacts behaviour both reaction as well as deliberative voluntary action; (iii) alters
memory processes.
The first role is underwritten by a somatic marker hypothesis formulated by
Damasio, according to which images captured by the mind by applying its intentional
capabilities are somatically marked (Damasio, Everitt, and Bishop, 1996). This
hypothesis served him to explain how the selection and ordering of the abundant
quantity of images captured by the mind is managed. The hypothesis proposes that
the marker signalling influences the response of the organism to stimuli. In the
process of self information the brain automatically manages external signals in a way
that it tags these with somatic markers that represent the body state which prepares
the organism for instant response in case this is necessary. The markers are termed
somatic because they relate to body-state structure and regulation represented in
the brain. This mechanism is subject to learning so that the tagging is not fixed but
subject to adaptation along with experiences, some kind of learning algorithm seems
to be applied as although the marking process may be open to consciousness it is
clearly not under its control. The practical significance of this process for conscious
and unconscious life management is critical.
The somatic marker mechanism according to Damasio is used not only to or-
chestrate reactions but also applies to attention selection. The somatic markers are
emotional states, not necessarily a fully fledged emotions but some sort of feelings,
that highlight important images captured by the brain and bring them thus to
attention of consciousness. So the influence of these emotional markers is double, first
they impact the way conscious attention rations the masses of sensory data or all
sorts (visionary, auditory, tactual, etc.) bringing to the attention of consciousness only
those that according to the marking mechanism are important, from evolutionary
perspective critical for survival and life management, secondly they influence the
response.
This capability is underpinned by non-conscious mechanism referred to as pre-
attentive processing identified in neurocognitive studies involving analysis of reaction
time to affectively heavy stimuli such as happiness/anger facial expressions, or images
of spiders and snakes which has showed that processing of emotional stimuli in non-
consciousness occurs before the operation of selective attention which results in
enhanced detection of stimulus with affective value (Dolan, 2002). The significance
of emotion and feeling to behaviour is well emphasised in Dolan:
Naturally this heuristic has nothing to do with blind guessing but is underwritten
by a precise mechanism implemented in neuronal circuits that process affectively
marked images recalled from memory, engaging prefrontal cortex and relying on brain
capacity to mentally simulate outcomes of prospective actions. In this simulation
feeling states corresponding to imagined outcomes of implementing a tested solution
are evaluated. Consequently the solution that resulted in most positive affective value
of imagined outcome is put in action. This mechanism most likely stands behind
many heuristic that fall under the umbrella of what is vaguely referred to as intuitive
behaviour.
Finally, (iii) emotion and feelings impact profoundly memory processes and
learning. Affective marking of stimuli served from the evolutionary perspective
pragmatic purposes: fast and accurate predictions regarding occurrences important
from the viewpoint of survival, and adopting relevant response in case of re-occurrence
in the future. Affective marking enhances memory accordingly, as to allow organism
recall and pay attention to important events. The critical role in this process is
played by amygdala as research evidence proves that patients with bilateral damage of
amygdala nuclei do not have the advantage of enhanced memory for affectively marked
images (Cahill et al., 1996). What is more, there exist neurochemical mechanisms
which augment memory of affectively marked images (McGaugh, 2000).
Again it is important to distinguish the memory processes that function at the
level of feelings from those affected by emotion programmes as well as on whether
these operate on the conscious or unconscious level, as fMRI-aided research shows
that consciously and unconsciously projected emotional stimuli are handled by
different neural networks in the brain, different nuclei of amygdala in particular
(Kandel, 2006, p. 219). More detailed discussion on the impact of emotion on memory
and consequently forgetting is covered in section about temporal dimension of
consciousness.
An important conclusion from this deliberations and somatic marker hypothesis
is that intentional contents of mind are emotionally marked. A parallel could be
made to semantic tagging of information content. Somatic markers are a sort of
biological metadata for knowledge proper: the intentional contents represented in
language. Once again we see that knowledge limited to intentional states expressed
with language cannot embrace this meta component which apparently is vital for
orchestrating the behaviour of any organism, certainly it is the case of a human
being.
The next important question, once we have answered to what stands behind the
qualitative subjective component of experience, is what qualities we are talking about
in first place. In other words if affect colours experience what colours are involved. To
answer this question we would have to refer to kinds and properties of emotions and
feelings and eventually map these onto the corresponding behavioural consequences.
3.3. AFFECTIVE QUALITY OF CONSCIOUS EXPERIENCE 87
meanwhile “the emotional” pertained to the realm of arts. This is exactly because these
two realms are governed by different narratives, the former by the inter-subjective and
objective reality and the latter by primarily subjective, intra-subjective reality. Speech
acts are forms of institutional intentional states therefore linguistic components have
corresponding parts of objective reality that they represent. Everyone knows what a
“wheel” is because one can point at an object that she and others can see and say
pointing a finger “This is a wheel”. This cannot be done with emotions because the
emotions are strictly subjective. Put in philosophy of mind terms this represents
the impossibility of determining the direction-of-fit. Of course one may verify the
statement “A is angry” by matching particular bodily expressions to the emotion of
anger, still how doest the anger feel to A, what are its variations, intensity, etc. is
hard.
It is important to notice that when it comes to subjective mental phenomena
the language that is the carrier of subjectively felt mental states, and the observed
behaviour, remain the only proven, yet imperfect, tools for interpersonal comparison
of these states. This is why the lack of proper terminology, or/and terminological
disarray, as well as language imperfections are an important obstacle for understanding
of internal subjective mental phenomena that give flavour and meaning to human
experience. Likewise, methodological disputes on whether observed behaviours can
be taken as solid basis for inter-subjective comparison of internal mental states that
apparently caused that behaviour, as in the above used example of the angry A
build up additional hurdles. Therefore it is important to reflect on the limitations of
language we face in the study of human emotion and experience at large and consider
possible solutions or ways to go about it.
First let us notice that language is a third-personal, inter-subjective construct
which serves people to communicate, i.e. share contents of their intentional minds
and act in groups. Searle while writing on intentionality (Searle, 1983) highlights two
important properties of language: he points out that speech acts are a type of human
action, and thus become the part of social reality, speaking is behaving and language
is both behavioural and social phenomena, and forms of intentionality underlying
language are social forms. Needless to say language also serves other important
purposes, particularly it aids mental representation and abstract manipulation with
intentional contents, as well as building a “narrative” part of self, though it seems
not its primordial role. So the first limitation of any language in expressing affective
content stems from sole fact that language is intrinsically inter-subjective, social
phenomena meanwhile feelings are privately, subjectively appreciated.
Jaak Panksepp points out that it is necessary to tell apart the propositional speech
from the affective contents it carries in form of intonation variations. Speaking form
the evolutionary perspective, he observes, that early vocal signs which preceded fully
developed propositional speech apparently served the communication of emotional
expressions, these however have only weak links with propositional speech which
3.3. AFFECTIVE QUALITY OF CONSCIOUS EXPERIENCE 89
has evolved much later and most likely have been developed as an effective way of
encoding the relationships among external events. Even in today’s human beings the
voice intonation and social colouring of utterances is handled by a different hemisphere
of the brain (right) than it is the case for propositional speech emerging from the
left hemisphere (Panksepp, 2005). This also explains why music with its richness
of intonations and timbre is such an effective medium for affective communication,
albeit lacking words.
Furthermore, it is increasingly believed that language is not the intrinsic form of
mind intentionality and other non-linguistic forms of intentionality should be studied
after the dominance of philosophy of language (Searle, 2008). What is more, contrary
to the Chomsky’s universal grammar theory and other linguistic theories proposing
that some of the properties of language are hard-wired into the brain, and encoded
genetically (Chomsky, 1965) contemporary brain research provides sound arguments
to the claim that acquisition of language is dependant on emotions, suggesting that
affect lies at the basis of mind’s intentional capacity. Greenspan and Shanker have
formulated the following hypothesis, which resulted from their extensive therapeutic
work with autistic children:
The above hypothesis is indeed ground breaking. It supports our claim that affect
stands behind meaning. Single words and utterances carrying intentional contents
have meaning in semantic terms, which corresponds to the contents of the intentional
mind state as well as a meaning in a more subjective, private dimension, which
is provided by remembered, accumulative affective value corresponding to these
contents.
Panksepp makes it explicit that substantive understanding of emotions cannot
be generated by sole means of using the language. To talk about emotions and
feelings in a precise, scientific terms, he proposes, neural criteria must be taken into
account. Astonishingly, at the same time topically for scientific disputes, despite
common agreements on basic affective processes engineered in the brain by evolution,
90 CHAPTER 3. TOWARDS AFFECTIVE THEORY OF EXPERIENCE
It is almost trivial to state that brainmind is an organ responsible for life management,
i.e. managing organism’s behaviour. Behaviour is understood widely here, spanning
from physical bodily movements to acts of thought or speech acts. Interestingly a
vast majority of the processes in the brain lead to some kind of movement, limbs
movements, speech apparatus movements, heart beats, handwriting, facial expressions,
gestures, etc. Daniel Wolpert suggests that complex central nervous systems including
elaborate brains has evolved due to the requirement of adaptable complex movement.
These assumptions are based, among others, on studies of a simple animal that after
a period in its life where it moves eventually it settles and first thing it does after
settling is to digest its CNS for food, apparently not needing it any more. There
are more other indications for such an account, including trees that are complex
biological beings, yet do not have the capacity to move and lack CNS. There is no
point in thinking process if there would be no future/potential expression in action
Zeleny binds knowledge with action, inextricably linked with movement, in a
reflection provoking way:
92 CHAPTER 3. TOWARDS AFFECTIVE THEORY OF EXPERIENCE
causation, causation at large and specifically the causality in practical reason can be
accepted.
Now, the critical point in this line of thought is to realise that mental causation
which we encounter in purposeful behaviour, voluntary action in other words, is
significantly different from any other causation we experience in the physical world.
This point is made very clearly by Searle and explained in detail in his book
“Rationality in action” (Searle, 2001). The difference in question is that unlike in the
case of causality we experience in the external world which must be stemming, in
Humean terms, from the presupposed uniformity of nature guaranteed by causality
and causation that is given and nothing can be done to eliminate or question it, in
case of the intentional action of a minded creature there is a causational gap. This
gap is the gap of free will. We are discussing the problem of fee will in the next
subsection in more detail as it is central to the problem of practical reason.
Searle answering the scepticism of Humean problem of induction notices that the
existence of the causality in the external world can be extended from the causality that
we experience in our waking consciousness (Searle, 2004, p. 144). As we experience in
our mental states the cause and effect relation we can assume that the same causality
feature functions in the external world. Although this stance could be questioned
on the basis of the possible erroneous or illusionary character of our perceptual
experience at large, the perception of causality should not be less unlikely than any
other perceptual experience.
If indeed there is the gap of free will there is no other way than accepting the
following scenarios: (i) the gap of free will is real, completely indeterministic and
unexplainable in causal terms, (ii) the gap of the free will exists, is real, but we still
cannot explain how it works, it may be deterministic may be not or may be of some
other yet not uncovered nature, we may learn one day, (iii) there is no gap of free
will, we will soon learn it from the brain studies which will show that free will is an
illusion and so called free action is fully determined by the unconscious processes in
the brain.
Searle is a strong supporter of the first claim. Here let us propose that the
second alternative seems the most likely scenario but importantly let us observe
that although indeed under the current state of play the gap of free will seems to be
real, it can be, at least partly explained by looking into the realm of the subjective
experience. If we are ever going to explain the voluntary action of the mental in causal
terms we cannot ignore the subjective feeling of conscious experience. Searle points
at the minded self as the cause of the gap, meanwhile it is evident that emotions
and subjective dimension of experience is the place to look for the self.
Consequently if it is ever to be possible to emulate purposeful behaviour of
minded creatures in artificial systems it can only be done by proper representation
of the subjective, affective dimension of the experience and its causal mapping on
purposeful behavioural patterns of these minded creatures, humans in particular, or
94 CHAPTER 3. TOWARDS AFFECTIVE THEORY OF EXPERIENCE
at least such a representation shall be seen as the necessary milestone along the way.
However if Searle is right, that the first assumption is correct than most likely we
will never be able to represent human purposeful behaviour in artificial systems.
So the first important moment when affective, qualitative dimension of experience
plays in the decision making process is in who it fills in the gap of free will, given
Searle is right that the minded self is responsible for the gap and Damasio is right
that self is most likely build up from primordial feelings.
Damasio notices that one of the main capacities of highly developed brains, such
as human and primates have, a capacity which makes complex life management of
an organism possible is creation of maps. These are mental maps, representations
of the body and external world in the brain, which are the way the brain that is
responsible for life management “informs itself”. This map making is done while the
body of and organism changes and as it interacts with the environment. One type
of this maps are sensory images that can be manipulated in the consciousness and
to which reasoning can be applied. (Damasio, 2010, p. 63). This, naturally, has a
profound impact on how the behaviour of an organism, in particular the voluntary
behaviour, i.e. decision making, is performed. The maps created by the brain are the
very basis for decision making and the realisation that these maps do not merely
concern the external environment sensed by the traditional five senses: hearing, sight,
touch, smell, and taste but also maps of internally subjectively and qualitatively
experienced internal states sheds new light on how rational behaviour is perceived.
Especially because the boundary between these maps is difficult to spot and very
likely the working human brain spontaneously (or by a fixed patterns that we still
do not know to date) associates elements of one map with the other, which very
much likely is the source of human and some animal creativity. The mechanisms that
are responsible for this process will stand for what Hofstadter called the creative
analogies, the very essence of biological intelligence.
The interdependence between the realm of objective thought and subjective
bodily feelings is figuratively yet aptly depicted in the below quote from Damasio:
There is enough evidence from neuroscience to claim that emotions play a central
role in human and animal decision making (Damasio, 1994; LeDoux, 2000). Based on
this evidence let us postulate that any intentional state, which is as explained earlier
reflections of external world in human mind, has certain emotional value, which is
3.4. EXPERIENCE AS SELF-INFORMATION AND ITS ROLE IN 95
PURPOSEFUL BEHAVIOUR
a decision will have to respond with some action, either would go for one of the
available alternatives or abstain from acting, which is always one of the available
options. As time cannot be stopped refraining from action is a sort of action.
An interesting question that scientists struggle to answer is what is the source of
free will, how it is implemented in the brain and how could it be explained theoretically
or empirically. One hypothesis suggests that the source of free will should be sought
in some deep, low-level (subatomic) indeterministic (quantum) processes, which
are the only indeterministic processes we know in physical world, which has been
proposed by some philosophers including Searle (Searle, 2008). Another one points at
system-level processes that can give birth to emergent, epiphenomenal properties of
a complex systems which a biological brain doubtlessly is. Yet another one suggests
that the source of free will could be found in a more generic capability of the brain
which in literature is referred to as neuroplasticity.
Brain is an incredibly flexible organ, clinical cases of patents with brain lesions
caused by strokes or injuries with similar effects show that brain can relocate its
functional specialisation areas to compensate for the cognitive losses caused by the
damage. This capability particularly manifests during a relatively short period of
time, 2-3 weeks, immediately after the damage, as rehabilitation proves much more
effective during this early days after an incident. The sole fact that behavioural
therapy and rehabilitation prove to impact the recovery process is a blunt evidence
that brain has a self regulatory mechanisms within which we as conscious beings
can identify by introspective experience the free will as a part of this self-regulatory
system. This self-regulatory system is likely therefore to be responsible for such
crucial brain capabilities as: learning, motivation and free action, and also indirectly
bio-cultural co-evolution.
Likewise, the brain should be capable of significant modifications as a result of
internally directed focus of attention: self-reflection, mindful meditation. Based on
the studies on mindful meditation recalled in earlier sections it can be assumed that
human brain is flexible enough to change the way it functions in course of conscious
mental process which goes beyond typical capabilities of a normal fully functional
healthy brain. It is still uncertain, but very likely, that many of the brain processes
that have been believed to be hard-wired, such as fear-governing brain circuits could
be altered with mindful meditation and mental practice. This could allow for a
volitional, mental control of fear and other emotional reactions that are normally,
physiologically beyond the control of consciousness.
This brings us however to a visible contradiction between two opposing accounts
on the free will problem. One account proposes that the free will is real and suggest
that it could embrace more and more mental processes via inward directed volitional
control or mindful meditation. Another favours reductionalist stance that free will
is an illusion, can be fully explained by lower level processes in the brain and even
more these processes are governed in the unconscious. The supporters of the latter
3.4. EXPERIENCE AS SELF-INFORMATION AND ITS ROLE IN 97
PURPOSEFUL BEHAVIOUR
Such an approach to free will as a “veto mechanism” has been labelled free won’t by
Hofstadter (Hofstadter, 1979).
The RP hypothesis suggests therefore that initiation of the freely voluntary act
begins in the unconsciousness which already introduces a completely new perspective
on the freedom of will. Notably, there is a qualitative difference between the freedom to
veto and the freedom to suggest actions, an analogy to different models introducing
separation of powers studied by political scientist inspires the imagination. The
creativity process for instance under this account would fully rely on the unconscious
processes, furthermore ingenuity of a free character of a voluntary act can be easily
undermined. Importantly it has provided support argument to physical determinants
98 CHAPTER 3. TOWARDS AFFECTIVE THEORY OF EXPERIENCE
who somewhat prematurely judged that brain science proves that free will is an
illusion. However the RP hypothesis has also been criticized. Searle for instance
rejects Libet’s account providing the following justification:
Although as the juxtaposition of the above quotes from Liebet and Searle shows,
there is a bit of misunderstanding on the extend to which Liebet himself rejects
the existence of free will, the reply by Searle illustrates that the sole proposal that
because of RP the action is initiated unconsciously can be questioned.
More recent studies using fMRI technology by Soon et al. (Soon et al., 2008)
suggest that predictions about the outcome of supposedly free choice can be made
as early as up to 10 seconds before the decision reaches awareness. Unconscious
determinants of free decision in the human brain discovered by Soon are located
in the frontopolar and parietal cortices (higher-level areas of the brain), unlike it
was in the case of Libet who investigated the SMA motor-related brain regions. The
evidence provided by this studies suggest, in contrast with the previous studies,
that unconscious brain processes not only determine an unspecific preparation of a
response but also encode specifically how a subject is going to behave. Soon et al.
reporting these results conclude:
We have emphasised the word can in the above quote to highlight the fact that even
armed with apparently strong evidence showing that unconscious processes precede
the voluntary decision making the scientists are extremely conscious about decreeing
the non-existence of genuine freedom of will. The possible reasons for such a situation
will be reflected in paragraphs to follow.
Most of the prominent brain scientists, like Damasio, Ledoux, Panksepp and
philosophers like Metzinger, Searle believe that consciousness and free will, or free
”won’t” as Hofstadter aptly frames it, will be explained one day by brain science. As
Searle (Searle, 2008) concludes there are potentially 2 possible directions of research
adopting either a system approach to the problem or single brain area approach.
3.4. EXPERIENCE AS SELF-INFORMATION AND ITS ROLE IN 99
PURPOSEFUL BEHAVIOUR
In the former case the studies would focus on examining different altered states of
consciousness (sleep, coma, trance, consciousness disorders etc.) in the latter case
the research would focus on close examination of phenomena such as Gestalt unity
of consciousness. We propose yet another study that may provide some insight into
the phenomena, namely what happens in the brain when we voluntarily let our brain
accept an illusion (for instance a crafted visionary illusion) as true and after that
“get back” to the acceptance that this is only an illusion. In other words which is the
locus of control for putting ourselves in and out of an illusion.
It may be wrongly suggested that if some of the processes are unconscious these
automatically means that these are not free. To us it can equally hold true that
genuine freedom of will operates in the unconscious, and that the genuine character
of the freedom of will is not conscious but unconscious, in which case we will never
be able to verify it, as we will never have access to such knowledge consciously and
inter-subjectively. Supporters of Wittgenstein’s epistemological account and modern
computer functionalists such as Dennett will say here that if we cannot say anything
certain about that, this means that we are wasting time trying to make the point in
first place, as that about which nothing can be said does not exists. Again we arrive
here to a similar deadlock as in the debate on qualia and subjectivity of conscious
experience.
Furthermore, the readiness potential hypothesis may be incomplete, it may be
that it overlooks some important, still undiscovered, features of the free will process
that all in one prompts misleading conclusions. Last but not least, regarding the
dilemma from a metaphysical perspective, we will never have chance to learn if
the knowledge on the basic-level brain processes on which the readiness potential
hypothesis is proposed is valid, and if it is to be questioned by consequent research
sometime in the future.
From the above standpoint it is very likely that the phenomenon of free will and
its basic properties, whether genuine or illusionary, will never be fully explained.
Emulation of free will in an artificial system could be achieved provisionally by
applying probability calculus or if we come up with a better formal theory which
would better simulate uncertainty as freedom rather than randomness.
Noteworthy, supposing that the gap of free will or free won’t is real, it is operat-
ing, as mentioned earlier, within tight boundaries of largely natured motivational
constraints and mortality. How the behaviour can be considered free at all if it is
motivated by a purpose that is not set by the subject. Our drivers do not depend
solely on us, the very fundamental drives such as desire to survive, desire of avoiding
pain, sex drive, are beyond our control. Of course one may provide a handful of
counterexamples like: people who commit suicide, monks that give up having off-
spring, sadomasochists, but for some reason these are behaviours that are extreme
and rare, for some reason it is very unlikely that entire mankind commit suicide or
decides not to have children or we simply cannot stand still and do nothing. Evidently
100 CHAPTER 3. TOWARDS AFFECTIVE THEORY OF EXPERIENCE
we have a deeply biologically rooted mechanisms that beyond the control of our
conscious self dictate the rhythm of our lives. Two which extent these drivers are
accessible and controllable by conscious self is still a largely unknown territory. Until
this is clarified we must accept a pretty limited notion of freedom in our action, or
perhaps full biological determinism. On the other hand until we prove it is possible
to programme a rational artificial agent we will not be sure that freedom of will is
indeed epiphenomenal and irrelevant to intelligence.
Although the problem of free will is central to understanding conscious experience,
and consequently forms the foundation for providing a sound experience represen-
tation framework, it unfortunately appears to us as unsolvable dilemma at present.
Noteworthy this assertion is not new whatsoever as thinkers and scientists have been
confronting it constantly for as long as history of ideas reaches back, and despite
the evident lack of clear cut answers the progress in science, including computer
and information systems was possible and proved useful across many application
areas, decision support and expert systems in particular. We therefore insist that
despite the problem of free will can not be now solved efforts aimed at constructing
satisfactory experience representation frameworks are justified, needed and can result
in useful approximations applicable to solving real-life problems.
as many as there are fundamental emotional states, fear, disgust, shame, joy, etc.
but potentially there can be a lot more of different shades and intensities of these
emotional feeling states varying from a situation to another and having different sort
of impact on agent’s behaviour. Secondly, the outcome of the assessment process of
the valence of the feeling state is much more complex, and we propose this complexity
could be mapped by figuring out affective value of each piece of intentional contents
and include them in the reasoning about the current, “real-time” affective state of
the agent processing these contents while facing a particular decision situation.
Another important difference is the focus of utilitarians on the long-term perspec-
tive, a global optimum which is directing an individual to happiness and avoiding
pain, ignoring the local optima, single decision in which not always an alternative
which has the highest long-term pay-off is chosen, instead we point to the fact that
the behaviour, and thus decision process by an agent is a “here and now” exercise, as
no future nor past contents that do not appear in the present of the mind matter, so
the currently simulated future pay-offs (importantly, simulation is made based on
the remembered past experiences) only matters and only those that occur to, are
recalled by an agent from his memory have any significance, not all those that are
probable. More about different decision effects and their implication on the legacy
behavioural theories will be presented and discussed in chapter 5.
Our account is also different from the standard approach to how emotionality is
dealt with in so the called deliberative agents (please see chapter 5). Deliberative
BDI agents are enhanced with emotions by enlarging their knowledge, beliefs to be
more specific, set with propositions about their emotional states. However we do not
accept such a solution as a satisfactory one because it confuses the state of being
aware of an emotion with the affective state associated with any intentional state.
This is supported and inspired by philosophical account by Donald Davidson:
“According to Hume, ’reason is, and ought only to be the slave of the
passions’. By this he seems to have meant that the passions (desires)
supply the force that moves us to act, while reason (belief) merely directs
this force. I doubt that desire can be distinguished from belief in this way;
belief and desire seem equally to be causal conditions of action. But there
is a sense in which desire can be said to be more basic conceptually. Desire
is more basic in that if we know enough about a person’s desires, we can
work out what he believes, while the reverse does not hold.” (Davidson,
2004, p. 26)
Desires are equal to beliefs as indeed a desire is in the above sense a “verbalised
desire”, i.e. in order for a proposition to be included in the deliberation an agent
must have internally verbalize it and accept it by which he converts it into a belief.
As a result an agent acquires a belief about his desire or emotional state. Moreover,
as Davidson aptly puts it, a desire can be quantified according to its strength, which
102 CHAPTER 3. TOWARDS AFFECTIVE THEORY OF EXPERIENCE
under Bayesian choice theory equals to assigning subjective probability to it. Apart
from desires, converted as just explained into explicit beliefs, there exist implicit
affective states that directly influence behaviour, and these are not captured by the
desires set in the BDI framework, neither by other instrumentalist rationality models
because these currently are missing adequate forms of representation.
that is guided by balanced rational deliberation involving facts and cues that can be
interpersonally appreciated. This does not presuppose that such judgement cannot
be subjective. We have argued earlier that rational choice in most real life situations
is subjective. For the purpose of this study it is sufficient to make use of the intuitive
definition of rational judgment as fair assessment, that is one that follows the tenets
of rationality.
More specifically, in our study we have focused on the negative affective state:
disgust and its influence on the subjects’s judgements about the quality of a selected
wiki-type website, namely an open public Polish recipe service www.wikikuchnia.
org.
Our primary hypothesis was that the occurrence of disgust deviates the assessment
of the quality of wikikuchnia service and the user satisfaction from the service. So we
assumed that the affect of disgust would lower the assessment scores for the service.
Moreover we anticipated that the perceived tastiness of the dish being described on
the chosen wikikuchnia entry would be influenced as well, and equally the disgusting
stimuli would discourage people from recommending either the dish or the service to
their friends.
In order to avoid response bias the respondents were misinformed about the
actual purpose of the study. Furthermore, apart from the control group the study
covered two study groups, one of which was exposed to an affective stimuli presented
above the threshold for conscious perception (supraliminal) and the other below the
threshold (subliminal).
3.5.2 Method
The study was carried out following the experimental testing regime with an ex-
perimental manipulation. A between-group design was applied with three groups
involved: (i) the control group (Group C), (ii) the study ‘supraliminal’ group (Group
A), and (iii) the study ‘subliminal’ group (Group B). The target participants where
heavy Internet users, familiar with wiki-type services (e.g. Wikipedia) with basic
computer and Web literacy. With this target set we have decided to target students
or young people between 18-34 years old with invitations to participate in the study.8
The samples were build and group selection made randomly. Invitations where sent
out to 3 independent groups of students in Warsaw, Poznan and Lodz via e-mail and
Facebook invitations. The targets were reached via tutors and students within the
identified student communities. Personal and professional background of participants
was assumed irrelevant. Participation in the study was anonymous, voluntary and
unremunerated.
8
Due to the selected questionnaire distribution method which relied on social media a few
subjects from outside this target group participated in the study, however as the age was not a
critical factor in the experiment these responses have not been removed from the sample
104 CHAPTER 3. TOWARDS AFFECTIVE THEORY OF EXPERIENCE
As for the research tool used in the study we have designed a questionnaire
according to our own operationalization. The questionnaire was prepared with
Google Forms web tool. There where free forms prepared, one per each group. Each
participant received a link to the questionnaire corresponding to the relevant group.
The questionnaire consisted of an introduction and the main part. The introduction
covered the instructions for the respondents and the basic information about the
study including the misinformation and manipulation, which will be explained in
detail in the following subsection.
For the full questionnaire please refer to Appendix 1.
Instead of a regular, static .png file with a photograph of the rolls an animated .gif file
was placed which included two layers. One layer included the original picture of the
rolls and the second layer the picture of Zuris, the same used in case of the group A.
The layers where animated with a delay between frames set at 2200ms for the layer
with the rolls and at 17ms for the layer with the worms, looped forever. 17ms delay
was chosen as the typical sub-threshold time applied in visual priming (Marcel, 1983;
Stone, Valentine, and Davis, 2001). Consequently the subject could only unconsciously
appreciate the stimuli evoking the emotion of disgust. It is important to note that in
some studies low-latency subliminal priming effect was found to be stronger than in
higher supraliminal priming latencies (Fischler and Goodman, 1978).
Importantly, the content of the page in terms of the recipe, structure, layout,
etc., was unaltered for all the groups. Each participant was evaluating exactly the
same recipe, although participants were informed in the questionnaire instructions
that a random wiki entry had been selected from WikiKuchnia, which was the part
of the purposeful misinformation. The misinformation was introduced to limit the
respondence bias. All participants were informed that the study is about assessing the
quality of Polish wiki services. The participants were guided throughout the study and
the questionnaire in a way that was supposed to make them believe the qualitative,
subjective assessment of WikiKuchnia was the genuine purpose of the study. The
third group, the subliminal study group B, was added to the experiment, as to further
weaken the respondence bias, as it was anticipated that despite misinformation some
participants may still figure out the real goal of the study which would spoil the
experiment.
The procedure was as follows. Each participant received a link to the Google
Form in one of the three versions corresponding to the particular experimental group.
The first page of the questionnaire gathered basic respondent information such as
age, gender and a few profile questions irrelevant to the study which were part of
the misinformation strategy. Also the respondents were asked about how much they
like ingredients which later would appear in the recipe, however this was prior to the
moment the respondents could see the wikipage with the recipe for assessment. In
the next step, on the next questionnaire page, each participant received the link to
the wikipage in one of the three prepared versions. After reading the wikipage with
the meat rolls recipe the respondent was asked to come back to the questionnaire and
reply the rest of the questions. The questions in the questionnaires where identical for
all the groups. Only the links to wikipages where altered. Moreover, the questionnaire
for group A included one additional control question at the end of the questionnaire
(on the third page) to verify that the pop-up window was correctly displayed on the
catered wikipage. The respondents who indicated that they had not seen the pop-up
were removed from the data set.
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3.5.5 Results
284 questionnaires where collected during the study out of which 273 retained, as 11
responses were ignored from the Group B, as in those cases the respondents indicated
that no pop-up had been noticed.
The participation structure for the responses retained for the data analysis is
presented on figure 3.3.
All statistical tests have been performed with R version 2.15.3. Charts where
generated in Google Spreadsheet.
In the study, after the manipulation, the participants were asked to evaluate
WikiKuchnia on a set of criteria. The corresponding form question was formu-
lated as follows: “Please assess the quality of the following aspects of WikiKuchnia:”
after which 5 aspects followed: clearness, conciseness, structure, language, visual
aspects, each to be assessed on a 1–4 Likert scale such that: 1 – very poor, 2 – poor,
108 CHAPTER 3. TOWARDS AFFECTIVE THEORY OF EXPERIENCE
3 – good, 4 – very good. Based on this answers the “average.score” indicator has been
defined as the arithmetic mean of the scores for the 5 criteria. Figure 3.4 presents
the average score values for all the three experiment groups.
Visibly there is a difference in average score between the control and subliminal
groups, statistical significance of which has been verified by applying between subjects
one-way analysis of variance (ANOVA). The analysis revealed a significant effect
of only subliminally evoked affect of disgust on qualitative overall assessment of
WikiKuchnia (operationalisation: arithmetic mean of assessment scores of all aspects)
3.5. AFFECTIVE BIAS IN RATIONAL JUDGEMENTS – THE 109
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at the p < .001[F (1, 175) = 12.01, p = 0.000666]. Interestingly this was not the case
for the supraliminal group which responded alike the control group. Importantly
the Bartlett’s test did not show a violation of homogeneity of variances [ 2 (1) =
0.4322, p = 0.5109].
In order to verify whether the reason for the subliminal group odd responses could
lie in the manipulation of the graphical elements of the wikipage, as the animated
.gif file with subliminally projected frame containing the disgusting Zuris could
potentially impact visual experience of the subjects, the avarage.score indicator was
modified by taking out the assessment score for the visual aspects. Consequently a
new variable was defined “average.score..without.visual”, and statistical tests repeated.
As figure 3.5 illustrates the difference between average score values changed only
slightly, as means decreased for all groups.
Figure 3.5: WikiKuchnia average assessment score excluding visual aspects, by group
by the three groups to this question. The analysis of the data from the experiment
proves the contrary.
Let us start with presenting the frequencies of yes/no answers for the free groups,
summarised in figure 3.6.
Visibly, the subliminal group stands out again. To determine whether observed
frequencies are significantly different between the experimental groups the Pearson’s
chi-squared test ( 2 ) was used. The results of the test confirm that there is a
statistically significant dependence between the independent variable (belonging to a
particular experimental group) and the willingness to recommend WikiKuchnia to
a friend [ 2 (2, N = 273) = 13.41, p < 0.01(p = 0.001224)]. Again, the dependance
only holds between the control and subliminal groups [ 2 (1, N = 177) = 9.55, p <
0.01(p = 0.001995)], as there was virtually no difference in response frequencies
between the control and supraliminal groups.
Another hypothesis of the study was that the affective stimulus used in the experiment
would affect the perceived tastiness of the dish presented on the wikipage. This was
measured by three indicators corresponding to three questions in the questionnaire:
(i) “Suppose you are in a restaurant and you find these meat rolls on the menu among
other you know and like, would you order them?”; (ii) “Would you recommend the
meet rolls to a friend?”; (iii) “Even if you have not tried such a dish before try to
imagine its taste and assess how much you like it”. The first questions are yes/no type
questions operationalised into a nominal variable taking values [1,2], whereas the
3.5. AFFECTIVE BIAS IN RATIONAL JUDGEMENTS – THE 111
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last question involved a Likert scale coded into quantitative variable taking values
[1,2,3,4,5] as defined in previous section.
Let us start with presenting the frequencies of the yes/no answers for the free
groups. Answers to the question (i) are summarised in figure 3.7.
Finally let us look at the answers provided to the third question measuring
the perceived tastiness of the dish presented in the WikiKuchnia entry. Figure 3.9
provides the summary of the mean values by each group.
Figure 3.9: “How much do you think you would like the rolls?” (mean by group)
3.5. AFFECTIVE BIAS IN RATIONAL JUDGEMENTS – THE 113
EMPIRICAL STUDY
Surprisingly, this time the supraliminal group stands out slightly with higher mean
value. However this effect is neither strong nor statistically significant. Bartlett’s test
did not show a violation of homogeneity of variances ( 2 (2) = 0.3526, p = 0.8384)
and the one-way ANOVA test results did not allow to take the effect of disgust on the
perceived tastiness of the rolls as statistically significant [F (1, 271) = 0.068, p = 0.795].
This also held for non-parametric tests of independence. The contingency table for
the considered variable “like.rolls” is presented in table 3.5.5.
If we apply the Chi-square test to the contingency table we get results which do
not allow us to reject the null hypothesis that level of disgust is independent of the
perceived tastiness of the dish [ 2 (8, N = 273) = 13.4779, p > 0.05(p = 0.09643)].
As these results are contradictory to our initial assumptions let us consider other
elements of the questionnaire related to this point.
In the study, before the manipulation, all participants were asked to declare
how much they liked each of the individual ingredients appearing in the recipe
that they were supposed to assess later, on a Likert scale 1-5. Our expectations
where that: (i) there should be no significant difference between groups in scoring
for all the ingredients separately either for the mean of individual scores, (ii) there
should be a correlation between the assessment of individual ingredients and the
perceived tastiness of the dish for the control group, (iii) there should be a significant
difference in perceived tastiness between the control group and the two study groups
(supraliminal and subliminal).
We already know that the third expectation turned out incorrect. Now let us
look at the other two. Figure 3.10 summarises the average score for all ingredients
by group.
The differences in average score between groups are very small, furthermore not
statistically significant [F(1,271)= 0, p=0.982]. If we analyse the ingredients one by
one and test their dependence on the group with one-way ANOVA we get the results
presented in table 3.5.5.
Those results reveal dependence for only 3 out of 13 ingredients, out of which
one can be considered as not critical (margarine) in the recipe and for the other two
114 CHAPTER 3. TOWARDS AFFECTIVE THEORY OF EXPERIENCE
the mean values were higher in the supraliminal and subliminal groups compared to
the control group, which is illustrated in figure 3.11.
Consequently, we can say that all the three groups of respondents where homoge-
neous in terms of how much they liked the ingredients appearing in the recipe.
The above results suggest that the subjective perceived tastiness of the dish did
not depend on how subjects liked the ingredients before the experiment, and it is
hard to determine the reasons for why participants liked or disliked the dish at the
end, so this indicator is not the best for analysing the deviations in judgements
between groups.
3.5. AFFECTIVE BIAS IN RATIONAL JUDGEMENTS – THE 115
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Table 3.2: One-way ANOVA test results confirming lack of significant differences
between groups in how individuals liked the ingredients before the experimental
manipulation
Df Sum Sq Mean Sq F value Pr(>F)
pork 1 0.22 0.218 0.367 0.545314
beef 1 5.25 5.255 8.841 0.003223 **
onion 1 4.18 4.183 7.037 0.008476 **
oil 1 0.57 0.565 0.951 0.330392
flour 1 0.20 0.198 0.334 0.564060
yeast 1 0.02 0.017 0.029 0.865620
milk 1 0.28 0.279 0.470 0.493749
margarine 1 8.38 8.382 14.102 0.000214 ***
yolk 1 0.08 0.080 0.135 0.713170
egg.white 1 0.05 0.050 0.084 0.772028
sugar 1 2.23 2.226 3.745 0.054062
salt 1 0.23 0.233 0.393 0.531496
peper 1 0.75 0.751 1.264 0.262006
Residuals 259 153.94 0.594
Figure 3.11: “How much do you like these ingredients? (mean by group)”
in answers within subjects, which would allow separate better participants’ past
experience bias. Such design however would call for a more controlled experiment
environment and thus require more resources for equally high participation numbers.
3.6 Conclusions
Do we happen to leave in increasingly romantic times? Shall we now turn to the
classics of romantic literature and thought for inspiration? Or perhaps it is all just a
puzzle, and the key to this puzzle lies in the proper framing of the problem? Evidently
the dualist tradition makes the boundaries between mind and body, heart and reason,
rational and emotional clear and sharp. The mind-body problem has been approached
by contemporary philosophers by objecting dualism, noticing that the same reality
can simply be described from different narratives: mental and physical that are not
mutually exclusive. The dualist tradition in considering the rational as separate from
the emotional is strong as well, which is mainly driven by classical and neo-classical
economics. Likely, the solution again can be found in questioning the traditional
dichotomy between rationality and emotionality, dissolving the positivist-romantic
problem in the integral spirit.
Let us conclude this chapter by highlighting the following characteristics of subjec-
tive affective mental states: (i) affective mental states have biological representation;
(ii) affective states are subjective states but can be compared inter-subjectively; (iii)
the problem with affective states representation begins with the limitation of natural
language which prompts for the search of non-linguistic forms of intentionality
3.6. CONCLUSIONS 117
Elaborating on the last point let us note that traditionally what has been
described as rational linguistically pertained to the realm of science and philosophy
the emotional pertained to the realm of arts. This is exactly because these two
realms are governed by different narratives, the former by the intra-subjective and
objective reality and the former by primarily subjective reality. Speech acts are forms
of institutional intentional states therefore linguistic components have corresponding
parts of objective reality that they represent. Everyone knows what a “wheel” is
because we can point at an object that you and me see and say “This is a wheel”.
We cannot do this with affective states because the they are subjective and likely
private, so it is hard to define the “direction of fit”.
Let us close the discussion in this chapter with two quotes from Damasio pointing
at two very important properties of of conscious mind states:
The aim of this chapter is threefold. Firstly (i), it will introduce the conceptual
framework for unified representation of affect and knowledge in informations systems.
This will allow (ii) to introduce the formal definition of experience and (iii) propose
experience representation framework for application in information systems. Mean-
while the said framework will build on the mainstream knowledge representation
approaches without entering into a discussion on their validity nor efficiency, the
complementing part of the model corresponding to affect will be studied in more
detail. To be more specific (iv) a review of emotional and affective models used
in information science with the objective to identify their main weaknesses and
limitations will be carried out. Finally, we will be able to conclude with proposing
a general purpose theory of experience applicable to representation, emulation and
processing of experiential phenomena in information systems.
119
120 CHAPTER 4. A MODEL FOR EXPERIENCE REPRESENTATION IN
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“Affects are not encoded as information. They are diffuse global states
generated by deep subcortical brain structures, interacting with primi-
tive viscerosmatic body (core self) representations that remain poorly
mapped.”(Panksepp, 2008)
The natural tendency in the field of information and computer science in ap-
proaching affective phenomena is to apply proven knowledge engineering mode of
thinking, methods and techniques to affect representation, despite the fact that
knowledge and affect are distinctively different phenomena, which is a pitfall in which
we also prone to a certain degree, but we realize it and have taken it as our main
direction for improvement and further work. Possibly, a fundamentally new formal
system or even a new type of formalism may be needed to facilitate a development
of a satisfactory (iib).
The overview of theoretical approaches to emotion modelling and representation
in information system, to be covered in the following subsection, shall provide justifi-
cation of the above formulated diagnosis. Importantly, we will focus in this review
primarily on identifying weaknesses of the emotional and affective theoretical models
providing basis for computational models of affective phenomena because we strongly
believe that the former are the main reason for inefficiencies of formal, computational
models. Formal models always result in yet another degree of simplification of the
natural phenomena. If the formal models are based on refutable theories and theoret-
ical models of emotion and affect they are a priori bound to failure, this is why we
emphasise the need for coming up with an improved theoretical model before getting
to implementation details. Applicability of the theoretical framework proposed by us
later in this chapter will be covered in the next one.
theory by Scherer (Scherer, Schorr, and Johnstone, 2001), (iii) action tendency by
Frijda, (iv) OCC model by Ortony, Clore and Collins. All four have two important
things in common: firstly, they treat emotion process as a cognitive process that
starts with appraisal of the triggering stimulus producing, in course of conscious
reasoning, behavioural or cognitive responses as process outputs, secondly, they
confuse emotion and feelings of emotions.
According to the evidence presented throughout Chapter 3 these theories are
flawed. We will briefly present Lazarus’s version of appraisal theory as an exem-
plification of this family of theories as to highlight the main flaws, later we will
concentrate on OCC model chosen as an example of appraisal theory driven emotion
taxonomy and undertake its critical review. Before that, let us mention that many
propositions that build up these theories are uncontroversial and plausible, such as
that emotions are adaptation mechanisms produced by evolution, and that their
predominant role is to help organism to ensure survival and well-being. Without
a prejudice to the informative and useful insights provided by these theories the
below critical presentation will concentrate on more controversial aspect of appraisal
theories of emotion.
The account of emotion developed by Lazarus is the most widely cited among all
appraisal approaches. Like all theories in the family it proposes that:
This statement is critical as it shows that according to the discussed theory only an
interpreted stimulus can trigger an emotional state. The interpretation that is done in
the appraisal phase is a cognitive process that involves conscious thought processing.
This contradicts findings by Ledoux (LeDoux, 2000) on emotional fear responses
discussed in earlier chapters as well as the phenomena of inbred fear reaction to
certain objects such as predators like cats in case of laboratory rodents (Panksepp,
2005), or human innate fear reactions to snakes (Öhman, Flykt, and Esteves, 2001).
This also is opposed by an account of Zajonc (Zajonc, 1980; Zajonc, 1984), who
suggested that occasionally emotion is independent of cognition.
124 CHAPTER 4. A MODEL FOR EXPERIENCE REPRESENTATION IN
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The basic proposition of the appraisal theory that we find fundamentally wrong is
that emotional states are only triggered by cognitive information processing. Lazarus
proposes that:
Figure 4.2: The model of the cognitive – motivational – emotive system by Lazarus
(Lazarus, 1990)
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The above theory of emotion as any other appraisal based approach has been
strongly influenced by Miller’s classic account of the importance of planing and goal
achievement for human behaviour (Miller, Galanter, and Pribram, 1960). For Stein
goal monitoring is from where emotional excitation originates. This is in line with
the commonly accepted claim that emotion primarily serve evolutionary fitness so
they must help an organism to guide its behaviour in a way that this principal goal
such as survival are attained. The trouble with such an account is if the nature of all
types of goals, such distinctly different as thirst satisfaction, survival and going to
cinema tonight, can be monitored and appraised with the same sort of mechanisms.
Despite the theoretical elegance of Stein’s account it is hard to ignore the important
evidence from neuroscience that suggest that emotions, some at least, are rather
immediate responses to sensory inputs that directly trigger emotional state without
entering neither consciousness nor areas in the brain that are capable of cognitive
appraisal. Basic emotions are governed simply by lower structures in the brain that
are not cognition capable, and the emotional appraisal mechanism seems to be much
more primitive than appraisal account would suggest.
Lazarus however, in considering the appraisal mechanism, surprisingly distin-
guishes emotions from other “entities that serve adaptive purposes” in which he
includes (i) “reflexes” such as startle or eye blink, and (ii) “physiological drives” such
as thirst or hunger. Distinguishing reflexes from emotions would not be surprising
if Lazarus would not suggest in one place that reflexes may also be referred to as
“instincts” and assign them to simple organisms “that can afford to interact with
their environments in highly stereotyped ways”. Unfortunately Lazarus does not
specify how “simple” organism he means, whereas these are primitive single cell
organism or more complex organisms such as insects or reverberates. The word
“instinct” suggest that at least primitive species of reverberates like amphibians are
4.2. LIMITATIONS OF MAINSTREAM AFFECT AND EMOTION 127
MODELS
of patients suffering from severe depression, in which despite the presence of evident
homoeostatic needs of hunger and thirst reflected in the parameters of the body
such as low level of sugar and density of blood, these patients do not find enough
motivation to get up to take food or drink. Noteworthy, it has been demonstrated
that the activity of general-purpose seeking emotional system in the brain responsible
for “go get resources” action motivation is chronically low in depressed patients
(Panksepp, 2005).
To sum-up the above part of the discussion on the appraisal approach let us
conclude that despite theoretical elegance and completeness of this account and its
alignment with the evolutionary perspective on behavioural adaptation to environ-
mental conditions guaranteeing long-term evolutionary fitness of the organism this
account of emotion is incompatible with a bulk of neurological evidence suggesting
that affective states are triggered a the level of brain structures that are not capable
of complex cognitive processing which goal monitoring would require. It further
ignores the fact that affective states that start to develop before conscious cognitive
processing influence, so affect, the later stage modulation in higher brain structures.
This suggests that affective states a priori colour beliefs which form the body of
knowledge used as a basis for thinking and higher level processing. Despite that
the appraisal account remains still the dominant theory of emotion adapted by
information and artificial intelligence scientists. This is also because the appraisal
account gave birth to a number of emotion models that served well the purpose of
emotion representation in computer systems, of which a most influential example is
the OCC model presented in the next paragraph.
An important landmark in modelling emotion in artificial systems was the ap-
pearance of the seminal, and still widely used in AI field, work by Ortony et. al.
(Ortony, Clore, and Collins, 1988), in which a structural framework for dealing
with emotions as cognitive phenomena was proposed, labelled OCC after the first
letters of the authors’ surnames. The unquestionably valuable contribution by Ortony
and colleagues was to bring the importance of emotion to human cognition to the
attention of AI field widely dominated by computer functionalism at the time, where
the theory of human mind as information processing machine was in the mainstream.
The introduction to the book opens with the following statement:
This work however took one step further which was critical for its popularity. It
proposed a ready-to-use theoretical framework allowing to treat the emotion as part
of the cognitive machinery of human mind, which has set the thinking pattern on
emotion in AI for years to come. Importantly however the cognitivist account of
emotion as proposed by Ortony et. all has proven fundamentally wrong. The below
quote summarises this account.
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“The emotions are very real and very intense, but they still issue from
cognitive interpretations imposed on external reality, rather than directly
form reality itself. It is in this sense that we claim that there is an essential
and profound cognitive basis for emotions.” (Ortony, Clore, and Collins,
1988, p. 4)
As mentioned earlier contemporary brain science proves the contrary the basis of
emotion is not cognitive but neurologically, unconsciously hard-wired. Emotions
are cognitively triggered and may be cognitively modulated but are not cognitively
determined, they are neurologically determined, automatic programs of bodily re-
sponses to stimuli which may in some cases operate entirely without involvement of
the higher level cognitive machinery of human brain.
The characterisation and structuralization of affective dimension of human expe-
rience proposed by Ortony at al. was driven by the cognitivist paradigm which may
be the roots of the problem and the reason why eventually it fails to capture the true
nature of feelings and emotions of a natural agent. Under OCC affect is understood
as “evaluative reactions to situations as good or bad” and emotions, treated as one
kind of “affective conditions” as “valenced reactions to events, agents, or objects, with
their particular nature being determined by the way in which the eliciting situation
is construed.” In other words the reactions affected by stimuli depend entirely on
the stimuli and the evaluation by the natural agent which reminds a deliberation
process and involves complex reasoning including that of distinguishing which is
good and bad. The complexity and dependence on practical reasoning typical of
higher cognitive brain functions is well illustrated by the below excerpt:
“The qualitative nature of the affective reaction depends in the first
instance on what aspect of a situation is evaluated: an event, its agent,
or an object. Depending on which of these is the focus of attention, the
primary affective reactions include being pleased or displeased, approving
or disapproving, and liking or disliking. In particular, the reaction of
being pleased or displeased reflects one’s perception of the consequences of
events and desirable or undesirable. Desirability is computed on the basis
of the implications an event appears to have for one’s goals. The reaction
of approving or disapproving reflects one’s perception of an agent’s action
as praiseworthy or blameworthy. Praiseworthiness is computed on the
basis of the standards, principles, or values implicated by the action.
finally, the affective reaction of liking or disliking reflects one’s perception
of objects (including persons, things, ideas, experiences, etc.) as appealing
or unappealing with respect to one’s attitudes towards them. (Ortony,
Clore, and Collins, 1988, p. 191)
We know that emotional responses simply do not work this way and have a direct
and immediate impact on natural agent behaviour. One sentence from the above
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As the OCC model was created with the purpose of AI applications the model is
“elegant” enough to be computationally tractable. For the reason of being tractable
and highly popular as it has been implemented in vast number of artificial agent
frameworks it is often accepted by KR theorists unthinkingly. This becomes evident
after the review of many examples of agent logics looked into in detail in the following
chapter. The common justification for adopting OCC model of emotion is exactly
as follows: as the model has been created with the purpose of IA application, is
commonly used by AI researchers and is easy to implement in computing machines
we choose to formalize it also in our work. This approach is highly misguided, as
the foundations of the OCC model are wrong. This is why we believe there can be
no breakthrough in affective computing and affective information systems until a
computationally tractable yet valid theory of emotion is proposed and made popular.
Needless to say, a flawed account of affect lying at the foundations of OCC model
does not have to necessarily disqualify the contribution by Ortony et al. at large as
their structuring approach and parts of the proposed framework could serve as a
starting point for improved structuring efforts. As the limits of the framework are
evidently rooted in the misguided foundations these suggests the most promising
directions for improvement. It is also important to recognize that the work by
Ortony and colleagues vastly contributed to the convergence of disciplines working
by then on emotions separately: psychology, clinical psychology, cognitive science,
information and computer science and economics. It was and important landmark in
the emergence of what is now called the affective computing.
Affective computing is a discipline which studies the representation of emotions
in information and computer systems, that has emerged about the time of the
publication by Picard (Picard, 1997), which starts with the following manifest.
in the space vary from author to author, yet the most accepted and uncontroversial
is the two-dimensional space where one dimension is affective arousal and the second
valence. One of the first and most influential dimensional model was proposed by
Mehrabian and Russell which included three dimensions: (i) pleasure-displeasure, (ii)
arousal-disarousal, and (iii) dominance-submissiveness, referred to in the literature
as PAD model. (Mehrabian and Russell, 1974)
Importantly the Mehrabian–Russell model (M–R) assumed that affects orchestrate
human-environment relationship, so that stimuli coming from the environment impact
emotional state of an agent which directly elicits given behavioural response. The
mapping of environmental events onto behavioural responses mediated by emotions
has still been however under a visible influence of the behaviourist way of thinking.
Although a body of neurological evidence has been recalled to support the theory the
proposed framework severed rather the descriptive purposes of behavioural responses
than understanding the nature and neurological roots of emotional behaviour.
The PAD model has been extensively explored in computational models of affect,
although it has evolved into many different variations. Russell and Pratt (Russell
and Pratt, 1980) later proposed that the dominance dimension, which stands for a
degree of power or control, could be omitted in the basic variation of the M–R model,
as arousal and valence dimensions are sufficient to cover all possible responses to
all types of situations. At the same time Russell proposed an extended framework
that embraced with a circular spacial model eight affective concepts: pleasure (0 ),
excitement(45 ), arousal(90 ), distress(135 ), displeasure(180 ), depression(225 ),
sleeplessness(270 ) and relaxation(315 )(Russell, 1980). Recently however Russell
has been insisting on the fundamental role of the basic two dimensions: valence and
arousal proposing his concept of core affect understood as central “states experienced
as simply feeling good or bad, energized or enervated”, which “influence reflexes,
perception, cognition, and behavior and are influenced by many causes internal and
external, but people have no direct access to these causal connections.” (Russell,
2003, p. 145), see also (Russell and Norvig, 2009).
Another important particularity of the dimensional account is that it highlights
the primacy of emotion over cognition in agent–environment instant relationship
orchestration. Unlike appraisal theorists Russell believed that the sequence of af-
fective response is as follows: external stimulus occurs, the affective quality of this
occurrence influences the core affect, the variation in the core affect is attributed to
the stimulating object and only then the cognitive appraisal of the object is carried
out in terms of goal relevance. (Russell, 2003)
Regardless of the exact final shape of the affective dimensional space the pivotal
element of this account is the questioning that emotional programmes or affective
states are natural kinds, i.e. entities that have constant properties independent of
us humans, but rather resulting from the nature of things. Barrett for instance
provides and overview of evidence against the view that there are kinds of emotion
4.2. LIMITATIONS OF MAINSTREAM AFFECT AND EMOTION 133
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with boundaries that are carved in nature (Barrett, 2006). So there is no universal
meaning of the term sadness or joy as these have not objective, natural properties.
Such an account contradicts however the anatomic approaches that are inspired
by brain research and try to mimic brain processes when modelling emotions. The
anatomic account, though we prefer to call it neuroscientific account of affect will be
briefed in below paragraphs
Let us start with a quote from Panksepp, who’s account of affective phenomena
appeals to us as most convincing:
“The basic emotional affects are primary brian/mind processes, similar
to seeing a color. One can use a word, like “red”, as a label for a color,
but this word does not explain the experience of seeing red. (...) In
order to explain seeing red, one must discover the neurophysiological and
neurochemical causes of visual experience.”
Neurological account of emotion is exactly about finding the neurological and
neurochemical correlates of all variety of affective states by studying human and ani-
mal models with all sorts of techniques that brain science has at hand: brain imaging,
electrical and chemical neurostimulation combined with behavioural experiments.
As such is seems the most scientific way of studying emotions as it operates with
objective categories. Indeed, what Panksepp postulates above is that this is the only
way to study emotion scientifically.
The basic idea behind neurological account of affect is that affective states are
results of neurological processes governed by brain structures that can be mapped
and explained. These processes are hard-wired, if not subject to brain plasticity, and
can be separated according to variety of functions they fulfil in life management of
an organism. It also, at least implicitly, assumes that as equalities between these
processes in brains of different individuals and sometimes across species can be
identified the subjective quality of experiences produced by these hard-wired affects
are likely to be equal. This assumption has two important implications: (i) studying
of brain processes behind affective states can provide us with meaningful clues on
the subjective properties of these states, (ii) affective states are intersubjectively
comparable, as their neuronal correlates can be objectively compared.
Another important implication can be noted from the earlier quotation. Words
and language are not proper means for explaining and representing affective states
as they are of different categories. This line of thought is further elaborated by
Panksepp:
“Affects fill the mind with a large variety of desirable and undesirable
experienced states that are hard to define objectively or to talk about
clearly. Partly this is because raw affects are pre-propositional forms
of consciousness comprising brain and bodily processes of kaleidoscopic
complexity.” (Panksepp, 2008, p. 48)
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So dimensionalists reject the view that specific emotional kinds could be separated
from the plethora of affective states, meanwhile neuroscientists tend to agree that
there are brain systems that correspond to particular affective or emotional kinds
for which reason one can distinguish and objectively compare across individuals and
even species different affective states.
Before we give examples of taxonomies of affective states under neuroscientific
accounts of emotion let us come back for a while to the terminological discussion.
4.2. LIMITATIONS OF MAINSTREAM AFFECT AND EMOTION 135
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“I use the term emotion as the “umbrella” concept that includes affective,
cognitive, behavioral, expressive, and a host of physiological changes.
Affect is the subjective experiential-feeling component that is very hard
to describe verbally, but there are a variety of distinct affects, some
linked more critically to bodily events (homeostatic drives like hunger
and thirst), others to external stimuli (taste, touch, etc). Emotional affects
are closely linked to internal brain action states, triggered typically by
environmental events. All are complex intrinsic functions of the brain,
which are triggered by perceptions and become experientially refined.”
(Panksepp, 2005, p. 3)
affects every affective state must have an innate component, so that we should rather
consider how innate a given emotion is rather than wondering if it is innate at all.
For a historical overview of the topic please see Evans (Evans, 2001). This presents
a potential direction for unification of dimensionalist and neurological accounts. It
could be advanced that the dimensions are defined by core affects meanwhile the
higher-level affective states derived from the core affects, cognitively and culturally
acquired and strengthened. The variety of combinations of activation of different
core affect systems could be conceptualized and explained as n-dimensional affect
space where n is the number of identified core affects.
As we perceive experience as affectively coloured knowledge the natural direction
for searching relevant formal systems apt for representation of experience is combin-
ing the approaches of knowledge engineering with those developed under affective
computing. To our knowledge there are no systems that would undertake to represent
emotions and knowledge on equal footing under a unified framework of experience
representation. This is largely due to the domination of cognitivist standpoint which
integrates emotions and feelings into the cognitive processes to which standard KR
techniques are applied.
Importantly however, meanwhile the available frameworks can be applied to
handling emotions, in so far as they correspond to the programmed behavioural
responses, they ignore both immediate impact of affect on behaviour as well as
emotional feelings, the by-product of emotions, that have a profound and long-
term impact on cognition and behaviour. Although virtually all computational
models of emotion include a component responsible for estimating the behavioural
and cognitive consequences of affect, typically their role is limited to modulating
consecutive behavioural response and reasoning, which usually takes for of if... then...
type of rules that focus on short-term impact of affective states on behaviour. It
is uncommon that such frameworks include a component responsible for long-term
experience estimation necessary for emulating affect impact on behaviour that is
deferred in time due to memory.
Consequently there appear to be two main directions for bridging the gap: (i)
adapting the existing formal models of emotions and complementing them with
experience estimation component, (ii) devising a new model, built from scratch
relying on the revised theoretical foundations which incorporate recent insights into
the nature of human emotions and feelings provided by brain research. Here we
advance a new framework for emulating and representing experience in formal systems
meanwhile we build on the improved existing computational models of emotion to
represent the affective component of experience.
In conclusion, in this section we have reviewed the mainstream theoretical models
of affect that provide the starting point for AI and information scientists for advancing
emotion representation approaches and computational models of affect. The existing
computational models of affective phenomena are unsatisfactory as they rely on
4.2. LIMITATIONS OF MAINSTREAM AFFECT AND EMOTION 137
MODELS
outdated appraisal accounts of human emotion. They evidently fail to embrace the
complexity of affective dimension of experiencing by a natural agent, regardless
human or animal. Evidently the difficulties in designing a sound and complete
computational model of emotion and experience stem from the lack of complete
and sound theory of emotions in first place. Most of the mainstream theories of
emotion and experience that provide the foundations for the computational models
has been refuted by the recent developments in the brain science, or have never been
compatible with the earlier known facts which were simply ignored or skipped for the
sake of provisional yet satisfactory conceptualisations. Still, the problem is not trivial.
The difficulty lies in the fact that the computational implementations are driven
by applications that require end-to-end solutions. No incomplete, half-frameworks
are acceptable. The framework must be complete to serve its purposes and, unlike
in brain science, it is hard to identify tiny sub-problems on which research effort
could concentrate, gradually contributing small yet solid building blocks for the
all-encompassing framework. In cases which these kind of tiny elements, treated
as sub-problems, can be identified the progress is much more satisfactory. A good
example are mappings of emotional states to facial expressions in the research on
virtual characters or cyberspace avatars. Armed with sound theories worked out in
course of decades-long research conducted by Ekman (Ekman, Friesen, and Ellsworth,
1982) and followers computer engineers could design robust and highly believable
emotional virtual faces that aptly emulate human facial emotional expressions,
which are vital for inter-human communication, shaping social relations and shaping
culturally-driven emotions.
Importantly however, most of the models fail to propose algorithms that would
link emotional responses to behaviour in a satisfactory way. There is currently no
framework that could reliably predict human behaviour in affective situations. The
problem still is in the lack of sound theories of human behaviour embracing both
affect and cognition, and the problem of free will discussed in end of chapter 3 stands
out still as an unsolved issue. Still the need for more accurate emotion representation
frameworks is vivid, with opportunities in application to areas such as computer
games, virtual and augmented reality, information and knowledge management
systems, learning and computer-human interaction.
In the following section we will advance a general purpose framework for experience
representation embracing cognitive (intentional) and affective dimensions of conscious
human experience. In chapter 5 we will review selected computational models of
emotion applied in the frameworks dealing with rational artificial agents. This area of
research directly focuses on mapping affect onto rational behaviour for which reason
these frameworks has been selected for further analysis.
138 CHAPTER 4. A MODEL FOR EXPERIENCE REPRESENTATION IN
INFORMATION SYSTEMS
The critical point in our approach was that the experience gaining was modelled as
learning process so that theory of machine learning could be applied to modelling
accumulated experience change in time. As any learning process involves training
data, which goes through the learning algorithm and results in a set of learned
4.3. FORMAL DEFINITION OF EXPERIENCE 139
e =< d, t, c, v >, where d is event description, t - time, c - class (e.g. offer, advert,
sales etc.), v - vividness
f :K!A
in the brain, or a few circuits at a time. In line with the contemporary neurocognitive
theories of emotion and affect (Panksepp, 2005) we distinguish between low-level,
primordial affective states, i.e. core affects, like fear, lust, etc, and compound or
high-level affects that can involve a combination of core affects, which is why we
have defined M - mode, as k-combination of the set C, where k is any integer such
that k 2< 1; n >. Noteworthy, we do not take into account to what degree each
particular system corresponding to an element of C is activated. We judge valence and
intensity for the elements of M only, which is in line with the account of the affective
component of experience as unified and subjective, and subjectively such nuances
cannot be consciously appreciated. We consider it a fair and accurate approximation.
The reason why we insist on including M as important parameter is because we
assume that different affective kinds can be mapped onto behavioural tendencies
that these affective states imply. If one would want to infer on the likely behavioural
response by an agent to a given stimuli not only intentional contents captured by
the mind during the event in question, its affective value in terms of valence and
intensity are needed but also the kind of affective state that has been provoked by
the event, as to equal situations in terms of K, V and I may result in different
behavioural response under different M . Evidence to this claim can be recalled from
experiments in neuroeconomics. Knutson and Winkielman for instance have shown
that in the same consumer decision situations prospects are less likely to buy an
offered product if the insula, part of the brain that mediates sensory affect of disgust
is activated, similarly prospects are more likely to choose a risky option after being
exposed to a positive (happy) facial expression than after experiencing a negative
facial expressions like anger, disgust or fear (Knutson et al., 2007; Winkielman et al.,
2007).
The intentional states of mind, which build up E, carry contents (K) that can
be represented with prepositions of natural language which have a logical value: true
or false. The propositions themselves only carry intentional contents but do not
carry affective contents, still they are affectively marked. Each intentional state of
mind, as it exists in consciousness is always accompanied by a subjective, affective
feeling of a living body that constructs this consciousness. The intentional contents
do not carry the affective contents rather they are marked, in the sense that they
have capability of invoking affects of a particular type. The affective component
of intentional stance is not a stable entity but a highly epiphenomenal entity. In
consequence of the memory processes in the brainmind, the affective component of
intentional state is always reconstructed whenever the given state appears in the mind
and the end result of the reconstruction process depends on past experiences, i.e. the
remembered affective marking and the current experience that has a given feeling to
it. The reconstructed affective state mingled with the intentional state in the unified
field of human consciousness becomes thus the updated affective marking of the
intentional state and rerecorded in memory for future reconstructions. This process
4.4. KACZMAREK-RYŻKO FRAMEWORK FOR EXPERIENCE 143
REPRESENTATION IN INFORMATION SYSTEMS
f : K ! A,
T (t) = {(e1 ..en ) : 8k 2 (1, n) time(ek ) > time(ek 1 ) and time(n) <= t}, where
time(e) is the time of occurrence of e
e =< Be , t, a >, where Be - believes resulting from the event e (a set of intentional
states to be remembered), t - time, a 2 A - affective value of the event as defined
earlier.
BDI agents in particular, their knowledge base, B – believes set in case of BDI,
should not be limited to K but should be assumed E.
Consequently, under KRERF using predicate calculus we can represent experien-
tial intentional states, remembered by an agent from the event, as a set
E = {p1 (a11 , x12 , ..., x1m , c1 , a1 ), ..., pk (xk1 , xk2 , ..., xkl , ck , ak )}, where p1 ...pk are
predicate symbols and x11 ...xkl its attributes, while ck and ak are consolidation
coefficient and affective value of a predicate pk .
Variable ak is derived and updated dynamically during each event from the
affective value of the current event e as well as affective value of remembered past
experiential states in which pk (xkl ) appears. Moreover, the variable ak should be
also dependant on affective value of related affected predicates, which relation could
be determined by co-occurrence of certain events or based on associations between
contents of the predicates. For the purpose of ak estimation an affect update function
should be defined. As there are only general premises on how such a function should be
build, we define it on purpose in a general way so that a more specific implementation
can be used for a particular application.
Variable ck is derived taken into account the time of the current event and the
time of the past events in which the same predicate was remembered. For the purpose
of ck estimation a decay function must be defined. This function should reflect the
fact that experience consolidation depends both on time, repetitive recall of the given
predicate from the memory, as well as the role of affect in the memory processes
(Kandel, 2006). For defining the decay function one could build on available memory
models and algorithms such as Woźniak’s algorithms based on spaced repetition
(Wozniak and Gorzelanczyk, 1994). We insist that the temporal dimension is one
of the most important aspects of the experience. As an agent is confronted with
new events, the experience gained from the old ones will be steadily forgotten. As
forgetting is intrinsic to learning the model of experience must take this into account.
So the decay function governing the vividness of past experiences, represented by
consolidation coefficient (ck ) must be provided for to enable modelling of the memory
volatility linked to experiential outputs of events.
4.5 Conclusion
The evidence from both contemporary philosophy of mind and neuroscience discussed
in previous chapters seems sufficient to claim that affect play a central role in human
and animal decision making (Damasio, 1994; Panksepp, 1998). Based on this evidence
let us postulate that any intentional state, which is as explained earlier representation
of external world in human mind, has an affective value, which is characterised by
valence (positive or negative), intensity (arousal level) and mode (affective state
146 CHAPTER 4. A MODEL FOR EXPERIENCE REPRESENTATION IN
INFORMATION SYSTEMS
147
148 CHAPTER 5. APPLICATION OF THE FRAMEWORK TO MODELLING
RATIONALITY OF AN EXPERIENCING AGENT
Next, I will present an overview of what are the contemporary mainstream ap-
proaches to rational agency, that are to certain extent the outcome of the questioning
of the classical model, and what are the strategies for unification of these theories
across many disciplines. This will allow us to conclude that in information science
and IA the mainstream approach to modelling rational behaviour is that proposed
by Bratman (Bratman, 1987; Bratman, 1999), involving agents that organize their
behaviour with believes, desires, and intentions, the so called BDI model.
Then we will look at the representation methods of rational agency in informa-
tion systems, with emphasis on the mainstream approach to modelling artificial
rational agents, including BDI agents that are engineered with different formal BDI
frameworks, as to provide a brief review of the ways the decision making can be
represented in information systems.
Next, we will consider how the experience representation framework proposed
in previous chapter could be utilised for enhancing the current methods of agency
emulation in information systems. To this end we will provide an overview of the state-
of-the-art in emotional agents formalizations and finally suggest a way for integration
of our experience representation framework with BDI approach to modelling agent
rationality. Consequently this chapter will set the foundations for emulating behaviour
of experiencing agents
The meeting point for both approaches is the choice itself at which an agent
arrives in one way or another. The reason why rationality has become so important
to economists is that choice is tightly bound with scarcity which is a central problem
for economics (for details see Chapter 2). Choice is the consequence of scarcity, or
as Barron and Lynch put this the problem of choice arises only if there is scarcity.
As Hall and Lieberman rightly observed the scarcity of resources and the choices
that it forces people to make is the source of all problems studied in economics
(Hall and Lieberman, 2001) but also in other behavioural sciences. As discussed in
chapter 2 choice can be defined broadly or narrowly. In the narrow meaning of the
term choice is an indication of one of the options. In a broader sense, much more
common in economics and psychology, the choice is a conscious mental process that
results in the selection of one of the available options by comparing their utility
to the decision-maker. The choice in a wider sense is therefore a complex process
involving: identification of available options, their assessment, comparison and finally
an indication of one of them. If an agents acts upon the chosen option we can talk
about a decision in a proper meaning of the term.
more abstract idea of preference utility which means satisfaction of preferences. This
evolution took a few steps and was started by Edgeworth (Edgeworth, 1881) who
assumed, unlike early utilitarian theorists, that utility was not an additive function of
utilities of separate independent goods, as different commodities can not be combined
into a total utility by simple addition. As a consequence Edgeworth came up with the
notion of indifference curves representing compounds of goods that are of the same
value to a consumer switching between which resulted in no change in consumer’s
utility. This way the utility concept that was associated with some absolute value
measured with the amount of pleasure or pain was replaced by a more abstrct concept
of utility that represents relative value of different bundles of goods. Further, in
course of work of Pareto (Pareto, 1906), (Pareto, 1971), Johnson (Johnson, 1913),
Slutsky (Slutsky, 1915), and finally Allen and Hicks (Allen and Hicks, 1934) and
Wold (Wold, Shackle, and Savage, 1952) the modern classical theory of riskless choice
has been shaped where the n-dimensional commodity space is considered, with n-1
dimensional indifference hyperplanes in that space. This theory was equipped with
an elegant mathematic structure based on linear algebra and calculus, with allegedly
a minor flaw: a formal constraint that consumers shall always have a complete
weak ordering for all commodity bundles, or points in commodity space (Edwards,
1954). To complete the above picture it must be added that Samuelson observed
that indifference curves, hyperplanes and entire indifference maps can be derived
from empirical observations of consumers’ choices (Samuelson, 1947). The process of
making the concept of utility abstract has undoubtedly alienated it from how normal
internal deliberation process of a real decision maker looks like. Undoubtedly most of
non-specialist making choices do not think about indifference hyperplanes, nor even
may know what utility means. This trivial observation has fuelled a massive criticism
of the model mainly by psychologists, to which the most common response by decision
theorist was that the model well describes the outcomes of peoples decisions, not the
internal psychological processes of deliberation, which are irrelevant to economics.
This argument is being used until today and will be taken up again in the following
section.
To complete the presentation of the classical decision maker model it is necessary
to add risky choices to the scope. The classical model has been extended to embrace
risky choices principally by von Neuman and Morgenstern (Von Neumann and
Morgenstern, 1944) in their classic publication Theory of games and economic
behaviour. The main modification they introduced to the model was that economic
man can also completely order probability combinations of states. This allowed for
deriving cardinal utility as indifference between possible probability combinations of
states, using the equation for expected utility: EU = p1 U (s1 )+p2 U (s2 )+...+pn U (sn ),
where p1 +p2 +...+pn = 1. The consequence of this approach, among others where that:
(1) risky propositions can be ordered in desirability, just as riskless ones can, which
allow to lesser the requirement of complete information; (2) the concept of expected
5.1. THE CLASSICAL MODEL OF RATIONALITY - TCMR 153
utility became behaviourally meaninglful; (3) choices among risky alternatives are
made in such a way that expected utility is maximized (Edwards, 1954).
From the outline provided above a model of static expected utility maximising
agent emerges. Importantly this model involves evaluation of subjective value or
utility of possible outcomes and deriving their objective probability. In 1954 Savage
introduced an extension to the model proposed by von Neuman and Morgenstern,
which became a classical theory of choice under uncertainty called the SEU model
(Subjective Expected Utility) (Savage, 1954). Mathematically the model has not
changed at all compared to expected utility model, however the interpretation of the
utility function was modified importantly. Savage assumed that expected utility does
not depend on objective probability, indeed often the decision makers are ignorant
about probability theory and ways how objective probabilities are calculated, instead
their conduct is governed by their own subjective assessment of how likely a given
event is. As a result the concept of subjective probability was born (though Savage
called it originally personal probability). As a consequence the measurement of the
utility depended under the SEU model on both subjective value and subjective
probability. To keep the formal soundness of the model Savage had to introduce
an assumption that subjective probabilities equally to objective ones are additive,
so that probability of two mutually exclusive events is equal to the sum of the
two probabilities. Early psychological experiments, which tried to directly estimate
subjective probabilities with psychological methods under laboratory conditions,
seemed to prove that this assumption is plausible, as they showed individuals’
subjective probabilities are linearly related to observed proportion (Edwards, 1961).
Another important principle introduced by Savage was the sure-thing principle, which
says that if a course of action A is at least as good as course of action B in all future
states of the universe, still A is better in one or more states, than B should never
be preferred to A. In other words that the preference between two gambles a and b
which have the same set of events and which have identical consequences in one of
the events (but not necessarily in others), should not depend on what that identical
consequence is. The sure thing principle allows to assume that probabilities of events
are independent from the utilities of the outcomes of these events, which opens the
ways for better exploitation of the model with mathematical apparatus and theorems
of probability theory.
The sure-thing principle, additivity of probability and the transitivity of prefer-
ences constitute the three main pillars of the SEU model, which is used in economics
still today. The widely used argument for the validity of this model is the Dutch
book or Duch lock argument, which states that a decision maker constantly violating
the transitivity or additivity principles would be eliminated from the market as it is
possible to construct gambles (or games, trades) that are strictly worse to him which
in longer run would lead the decision maker to sure loss (Freedman and Purves,
1969).
154 CHAPTER 5. APPLICATION OF THE FRAMEWORK TO MODELLING
RATIONALITY OF AN EXPERIENCING AGENT
that acts selfishly in achieving self-oriented goals (Ingram, 1888). Much later, in the
mid XX century, the ground-breaking work by Herbert Simon, Daniel Kahnemann
and Amos Tversky and other contemporary choice theorists spearheaded what may
be referred to as the behavioural revolution in classical theory of choice. This work
prompted a widespread recognition that the psychological predisposition of a human
being are not well taken into account by the model of empheconomic man, as humans
simply do not decide the way the classical model dictates.
The criticism of TCRM by the behavioural psychologists was particularly in-
teresting compared as it confronted the model with empirical studies aiming at
its falsification or corraboration, depending on initial hypothesis of a study. This
empirical research followed the methodological line aptly expressed by Newell and
Simon in their pioneering paper introducing GPS (General Problem Solver):
The first behavioural critic of the classical stance that rational mean maximising
expected value (currently utility) can be dated back to the famous paper by Daniel
Bernoulli, published in 1738, in which he presented and explained the St. Petersburg
paradox (Bernoulli, 1954). In brief, this essay tried to explain why people tend to
avoid risk and why risk aversion decreases with wealth. Bernoulli constructed a
gamble involving choice between a lottery and sure gain and confirmed empirically
that people in general would prefer sure gain even if mathematically calculated
expected value of the lottery was higher. That showed that people are risk averse.
Bernoulli, starting from the observation that a dollar must be worth much more
to a beggar than to a wealthy man, tired to explain risk aversion phenomenon by
noticing that people do not value the gains in monetary values but in subjective
utility, which has a property such that marginal utility is decreasing with wealth,
therefore that the utility function is concave, so for instance the difference between
utility of 100 and utility of 200$ is higher than the difference between 1000$ and
1100$. For this reason people value higher sure gains over some lotteries with higher
expected value. By defining a concave utility function Bernoulli let TCRM overcome
the St. Petersburg paradox.
Friedman and Savage (Friedman and Savage, 1948) came back to the analysis of
the paradox and noticed that the solution provided by Bernoulli explains only risk
aversion of the type that makes people willing to buy insurance and avoid fair and
unfair gambles, still does not explain the risk seeking behaviour, i.e. the preference
for lotteries with lower or equal expected value to sure gains, in case of people
who do gamble. Friedman and Savage noticed that a plausible explanation of the
inconsistency in the form of the co-existence of risk aversion and risk-seeking would
require a definition of a utility function that would have to be both concave and
convex. This prompted their definition of a wiggly utility function which foresees that
people are risk-averse for low incomes, risk-seeking for higher incomes, and again
risk-averse for the highest incomes.
Figure 5.1: Wiggly utility function as proposed by Friedman and Savage (Friedman
and Savage, 1948, p. 297)
wealth, i.e. a function that considered gains and losses as negative and positive
impacts on the status quo at the stating point rather than changes in global level of
wealth. This optic allows for better analysis of a single risky choice irrespective of
the current level of wealth and its subjective valuations.
The prospect theory embraces several behavioural biases related to risky choices
thoroughly examined by Kahneman and Tversky and reported in a series of papers.
These biases are briefly recalled below.
This effect has been already outlined, as it is the basic assumption of the prospect
theory. According to Kahneman and Tversky the starting point for evaluating the
outcomes of events is for an agent the status quo (Kahneman and Tversky, 1984).
Any gain or loss is considered by an agent as a negative or positive impact on the
current state. To give a simple example if an agent losses 10$ and his starting wealth
was estimated at the level of 10000$ she is not assessing this situation as becoming
rich at the level of 9990$ but loosing 10$ and psychologically this is a difference that
does matter. This characteristic of human decision making is likely the consequence of
the qualities of consciousness. Consciousness, being based on primordial feelings and
build up by both mental and biological states of brain, exists primarily in the present.
It is the ”here and now” that provides the background for any mental phenomena,
even if the deliberation is by some means, like memory or ability to anticipate time
continuum, related to the past or the future. For this reason it is natural to think of
changes experienced by an agent as variations of the current state. The theory of
consciousness that is accepted by many contemporary philosophers of mind assumes
that consciousness can be visualized as a fluctuating plane or space that corresponds
158 CHAPTER 5. APPLICATION OF THE FRAMEWORK TO MODELLING
RATIONALITY OF AN EXPERIENCING AGENT
Figure 5.2: Hypothetical value function as proposed under Prospect Theory (Kahne-
man and Tversky, 1984, p. 2)
to the changes in the electric charge of some neurons in the brain cf. (Searle, 1999).
This provides a sound background for the stance that any mental phenomena is the
a change in the previous state.
The value function defined by Kahneman and Tversky is concave in the domain
of gains and convex in the domain of losses, however it is considerably steeper for
losses than for gains which means that people in general value negatively the loss of
some amount of money more than positively the gain of the same amount. Such a
shape of the value function is the result of the conclusions drawn by the scientists
from their empirical studies involving undergraduates who in majority would not
stake 10$ on a toss of a fair coin unless the gain was not lower than 30$ (Kahneman
and Tversky, 1984).
Loss aversion was one of the most profoundly studied effects (Kahneman and
Tversky, 1979), (Tversky and Kahneman, 1992), (Kahneman, Knetsch, and Thaler,
1991), (Thaler et al., 1997). It has been estimated by empirical studies that that
losses compared to gains are valued twice higher, to give an example the disutility of
losing 100isroughlytwiceashighastheutilityof gaining100, (Tversky and Kahneman,
1992).
The convexity of value function in the domain of losses illustrates risk seeking
behaviour when an agent is confronted with choices that would result in a loss. In
such a case an agent would prefer some lotteries with the expected value lower or
5.2. LIMITATIONS OF TCRM - INTERDISCIPLINARY PERSPECTIVE 159
equal to a sure loss (Kahneman and Tversky, 1984). From the common reasoning
point of view this effect embraces the heuristic that stays behind a Roman maxim
“dum spiro spero”, i.e. “while I breathe, I hope”. An agent does not what to accept
a sure loss, he prefers to take considerable risk in order to avoid the loss. Having
put this that way, risk-seeking in domain of losses appears psychologically consistent
with general risk aversion, an agent wants to avoid losses so much that she prefers
to take the risk riding on the hope for being fortunate in the lotter, rather than
accepting the loss from start, even if an agent knows that in case of misfortune the
loss will be higher. Risk seeking in the domain of losses has been confirmed by many
empirical behavioural studies, including (Slovic, Fischhoff, and Lichtenstein, 1982),
also with non monetary consequences such as pain (Eraker and Sox, 1981).
Effect 6 Allais paradox and the risk seeking in the domain of high gains
Allais paradox is a behavioural effect that was pinned down by Maurice Allais,
who constructed a set of exemplary gambles which showed that people sometimes
violate one of the main axioms of expected utility theory, the sure-thing principle, i.e.
the independence axiom, see 5.1.2. The set includes two gambles that are presented
to an agent one after another. First, an agent has to choose between getting 100mio
francs (A) and a lottery (B) with three possible outcomes: 10% chance of wining 500
mio francs, 89% chance of winning 100 mio francs and a 1% chance of not wining
anything. The second gamble asks to chose between two lotteries: (C) getting 100
mio with 11% probability or not getting anything with 89% probability, and lottery
(D): getting 500 mio with probability of 11% or nothing with 90% probability (Allais,
1953). The expected utility for the above lotteries A, B, C, and D is a = 100, b = 139,
c = 11, and d = 50 respectively. However people would not only prefer A to B, and
so avoiding risk, but more importantly would violate the sure-thing principle by
preferring A to B in the first gamble and D to C in the second. Obviously to be
consistent with the sure-thing principle people should prefer A to B and then C
to D, or B to A and consequently D to C, which was not the case in experiments
carried out by Allais, which therefore show the violation of the 5th axiom proposed
by Savage (Savage, 1954).
The example given by Allais falls into a more generic class of choice problems
of the same structure referred to as common consequence effect problems. It has
been empirically demonstrated that agents violate the sure-thing principle under
many set-ups, regardless the outcomes are small or large, involve real or hypothetical
payoffs, and the probabilities low or high (Kahneman and Tversky, 1979).
A common sense explanation of this effect is pretty simple and intuitively accept-
able, as an agent seems to follow the following line of reasoning. An agent mentally
visualises the situation in which she gets 100 and 500 mio francs trying to answer
the question how would it be like to get 100 and 500 mio francs respectively then
160 CHAPTER 5. APPLICATION OF THE FRAMEWORK TO MODELLING
RATIONALITY OF AN EXPERIENCING AGENT
estimates how likely it is for this situation to happen. Naturally she can easily dis-
tinguish between having and not having won a considerable sum of money, however
estimating what is the difference in the feel-like of getting 100 and 500 is a bit harder,
though it is evident that it would be judged that it is better to get 500 then 100. It
would be much more difficult if the difference between these two amounts was by far
smaller, e.g. a couple million francs, then probably the feel-like of having 100 and
say 105 would be almost similar. The same applies to estimating the consequences
of the lottery in terms of probability, it would be impossible for an agent to feel
the difference between probability 0.89 and 0.9 which would be treated as equally
unlikely. For this very reason when confronted with the first gamble an agent can
easily imagine getting a lot of money and feels that this is at hand, she can in fact
feel that she has already received and be very happy about it. Not strangely she
wants to keep that feeling forever and not to take risk of losing it accepting the
optional lottery. The situation is completely different in case of the second lottery.
She knows right from the start that she is it is quite unlikely that she wins anything,
so she is probably taking the second gamble much more relaxed and not taking is
as a risk of loosing anything but opportunity to win a lot of money. And if she is
to take this risk, which in both cases is pretty much the same, she would prefer
to win 500 then 100 if she happens to be lucky enough to win the lottery at all.
Emotions will evidently play important role in the first choice. An agent feels as if
she had gotten the 100 million already, and feels happy about it, this prompts her to
stick to the choice which promises the pleasure that is felt so closely. Accepting the
lottery instead would mean she puts at risk something precious that her body and
brain already accepted or at least mentally visualised as her own, adopting strategy
consistent with general risk aversion.
The above behavioural effect has been also described and classified by Kanheman
and Tversky, who present it as the second consistently observed type of risk-seeking
behaviour apart from risk seeking in the domain of losses 5. According to their
empirical studies people often prefer a small probability of winning a large prize over
the expected value of that prospect. This effect has been also captured by the wiggly
utility function by Friedman and Savage 2.
Noteworthy, Savage in (Savage, 1954) has managed to overcome the problem
of TCRM with Alais paradox, i.e. the violation of the independence axiom, not by
relaxing the axiom but by mere making a distinction between normative and descrip-
tive purpose of decision analysis and emphasizing the relevance of his theoretical
framework primarily for the former, by stating: ”[the decision theory can first] be
regarded as a prediction about the behavior of people, or animals, in decision situa-
tions. Second, it can be regarded as a logic-like criterion of consistency in decision
situations. For us, the second interpretation is the only one of direct relevance, but it
may be fruitful to discuss both, calling the first empirical and the second normative.”
(Savage, 1954, p.19). Paraphrasing these words the decision analysis as axiomatized
5.2. LIMITATIONS OF TCRM - INTERDISCIPLINARY PERSPECTIVE 161
by Savage is primarily concerned with the question how to make good decisions,
and the insights it provides in how people make decisions may be interesting but is
apparently of secondary importance, at least to Savage.
So far I have been discussing effects that relate to an agent deciding about
getting involved into choices under uncertainty in first place. Apart from this very
fundamental decision whether to take risk at all and if so how much of it is acceptable
to an agent, there are two main sources of behavioural effects under risky choices: (i)
agent’s subjective evaluation of the outcome, i.e. its value or utility, which is common
for the riskless choices, (ii) agent’s subjective assessment of probability on which the
given outcome depends upon. Below I will discuss the basic effects which relate to
the latter, the following section will focus on the former.
One of the most important behavioural effect from the point of view of the
influence of emotion on human decisions is the framing effect. The framing effect was
well described and studied by Kahneman and Tversky whose most cited paper on
this topic was published in 1984 (Kahneman and Tversky, 1984). In this paper the
researchers considered one of the fundamental assumption of the TCRM, namely the
invariance condition. Invariance condition states that a rational agent should be able
to recognize different representations (frames) of the same choice problem and should
therefore have the same preference for both representations, i.e. an agent should
choose in the same way regardless the framing of the choice problem. Kahneman
and Tversky constructed a psychological experiment involving subjects that were
supposed to judge on which of the two programmes counteracting an outbreak of a
disease a state should adopt. The point was that both programmes yielded exactly the
same outcomes but where frame differently, in first case the outcome was formulated
in terms of numbers of lives saved and in the second in numbers of casualties. This
difference made people judge significantly differently between two representations of
exactly the same problem and outcomes.
There have been many similar experiments reported in the literature, of which
one is particularly noteworthy, which is the so called trolley problem analysed by
moral philosophers. It is an interesting exemplification of the framing effect because
it has been procured with slightly different purpose, outside the domain of decision
analysis, to study moral judgement. The trolley problem has echoed in the literature
in many variants, here I will present the two classical facets of the trolley problem
the Bystander at the Switch dilemma and the footbridge dilemma, as proposed by
Philippa Foot and Judith Jarvis Thomson (Thomson, 1985).
Imagine a trolley coming down the track being out of control as the driver had
fainted, heading towards 5 people that will certainly be killed unless the train is
162 CHAPTER 5. APPLICATION OF THE FRAMEWORK TO MODELLING
RATIONALITY OF AN EXPERIENCING AGENT
directed towards the side track on which only one person is situated and would die
instead. There is a switch at your hand and you as a bystander that is witnessing
this situation and have clear judgement of it have to make the decision whether to
change the direction of the trolley towards this single person making her die but
saving the other five. The majority of people say that they would use the switch. Now
imagine similar situation, yet instead of the comfort of controlling the switch you are
standing on a footbridge above the truck well before the place the five prospective
causalities are standing, which creates an opportunity to stop the trolley by throwing
a heavy object on the track. Incidentally, there is a very fat person standing on the
bridge next to you and you clearly see that you could push her on the truck and
save the five people down the trucks. In this case most people would not decide to
sacrifice the life of this fat person.
This phenomenon has been recently studied by neuroscientists who have discovered
that these two dilemmas involve two different frames, one personal another one
impersonal that result in different emotional arousal that prompts differences in
the behaviour of prospects. They have found that moral judgements and decisions
made in response to ’personal’ moral dilemmas involved greater brain activity in
the areas that are responsible for management of emotion and social cognition
compared with the ’impersonal’ ones (Greene, 2003). If a prospect is confronted with
an anonymous, mechanistic, dehumanised so to speak situation in which she just
operates a switch the consequentiality rationale prevails and the decision to use the
switch is easier. However in cases where prospects imagine close physical contact with
the person that is to be sacrificed a strong negative emotional response outbalances
the consequentialist arguments and a prospect chooses not to do anything.
Yet again it appears plausible that agents while making real or hypothetical
judgements mentally visualise the outcomes of the choice options and biologically
and sensationally experience the subjective qualitative value of this outcomes, in
which emotion play important role. This makes the TCRM fail to predict human
behaviour in real life situations. Without involving emotional dimension into the
models applied to emulating human behaviour one would have to assume the false
rule that agents normally push the fat man off the footbridge and kill the baby in
the basement, which contradicts the results of empirical studies.
This cases also undermine the applicability of TCRM in normative approach, as
this is questionable as we see from the above discussed cases if applying the model
that optimizes individual or even collective utility would be the right thing to do
from the moral standpoint. Would we accept the world in which a mother would kill
her baby for the sake of saving herself and a few more people? It seems that the
natural answer is no.
I will come back to the trolley dilemma later in the section while discussing the
emotional response to moral judgement effect 14.
5.2. LIMITATIONS OF TCRM - INTERDISCIPLINARY PERSPECTIVE 163
Another implication of prospect theory closely related to the status quo bias is
the endowment effect studied mostly by Kahneman and Thaler (Kahneman, Knetsch,
and Thaler, 1990), according to which people value higher things they already possess
to those they could have in the future. This effect may be explained by the emotion
of attachement as well as searching for justification for the decisions already taken
to ensure agents psychological comfort with the past decisions.
The neurological studies of the endowment effect by Knutson et.all (Knutson
et al., 2008) suggest that it is primarily driven by loss aversion regarding the owned
or preferred products, therefore it is the anticipated salience of loosing the already
possessed or preferred product that causes the effect, which again takes us back to
the emotions contributing to loss aversion effect.
As this heuristic has no common name in the literature I will refer to it as the
“headlines effect”. This heuristic refers again to the assessment of probability of
events, which is that people tend to overestimate the probability of events when they
take excessive account of information that is salient, easily available or to which
extensive attention by mass media is paid to. The most common example of this
heuristic is: people tend to perceive flying by plane more risky than driving a car
because non-occurrences of flight accidents are not reported meanwhile occurrences
are widely communicated over the mass media.
The headline effect is the good exemplification of how experience and emotion
bias the individual choice. People rely on experience, they judge probability based
on the events they experiences not based on the abstract analysis on the problem
space. Furthermore they assign high emotional negative value to the occurrences
of plane crashes as these are typically covered by all news channels reporting high
number of casualties and low survival rate of passengers. The emotional load of this
type of news is fuelled, often purposefully, by detailed news coverage, breaking news
mode, and drastic shots form the plain crash scene.
The source dependence effect describes a phenomenon that agent’s subjective as-
sessment of the probability of an uncertain event depends not only on the degree
of the objective probability but also on how this probability is derived, what is its
source. In an experiment procured by Ellsberg (Ellsberg, 1961), referred to as the
two-color problem, people where asked to bet on urns that contained 100 black and
red balls. It was revealed that urn A contained blacks and reds in a ratio unknown to
anyone meanwhile urn B contained and even split of balls of each colour. It turned
out that prospect would bet on the second urn more often, assessing the chances to
get a desired colour of the ball from the second urn regardless the colour, therefore
relying on or ’trusting’ urn B more regardless the gamble offered based on these two
urns. This at the same time constituted a counterexample for the TCRM’s axiom of
subjective probability additivity to 1.
This effect, also known as ambiguity avoidance , was later studied by Heath
and Tversky (Heath and Tversky, 1991) who showed that the effect also occurs
in situations when the source of ambiguity lies in the prospect’s knowledge. More
explicitly, they conducted a series of experiments in which they let prospects choose
between clear chance events of unambiguous probability and events depending on
their beliefs, which showed that people favour clear chance over uncertain beliefs if
they feel incompetent in the domain of the choice problem, contrary to the situation
in which they feel competent and would rely on their beliefs instead.
Clearly ambiguity relates to the emotion of fear, the basic emotion responsible for
survival (Darwin). Fear is one of the basic emotions and the fear of the unknown one
of the five basic fear factors (Ollendick, 1983). The ambiguity avoidance likely has the
emotional background. Fear triggers basic bodily emotional responses such as ’freeze’
or ’run’, is definitely a negative emotion that an agent wants to avoid. This well
explains the effect of ambiguity avoidance, as the known would be always preferred to
the unknown, and as it is strongly emotionally conditioned the rational argument that
the objective probability of choosing from either urn under the Ellsbeg’s two-color
problem is equal would be largely ignored by prospects and urn A would be avoided.
Evidently, fear of the unknown also provides a good justification of risk avoidance at
large as involvement in a risky decision implies accepting an unknown outcome of
the choice.
Fox and Tversky (Fox and Tversky, 1995) showed that ambiguity avoidance is
much stronger when an agent compares a clear and ambiguous option under one
choice compared to the situation when an ambiguous chance is assessed individually.
This well corresponds to the way people deal with emotion of fear, once it cannot
be avoided an agent would face the situation and look for a best response to the
situation. Consequently emotional reaction in choices under ambiguity would bias
the decision to a greater degree in situations when ambiguity can be avoided.
Insights from recent neurological studies, involving fMRI brain activity monitoring
of prospect participating in behavioural experiments, indicate that choices under
5.2. LIMITATIONS OF TCRM - INTERDISCIPLINARY PERSPECTIVE 165
This hehavioural effect is discussed by Bernatzi and Thaler (Benartzi and Thaler,
2007) primarily in the context of choices about pension schemes. A couple of studies,
incl. that involving UCLA proffersors deciding about the composition of pension fund
portfolio reveal that the initial composition of the offered menu of pension largely
impacts the eventual proportion between the chosen saving instruments. People while
allocating savings tend to split equally between the offered compositions of saving
instruments. For instance if they are asked to allocate 100 euro and are offered with
a choice of 2 instruments they would tend to split equally between them 50/50, if
they are offered 4 than the decision would be biased towards 25/25/25/25 split. The
paper recalls a justification of a savings allocation decision by Nobel laureate Harry
Markowitz, a founder of modern portfolio theory who once admitted:
They also quote and discuss other studies including that by Read and Loewenstein
(Read and Loewenstein, 1995) involving children, trick-or-treaters during Halloween,
which evidenced strong diversification bias in situations where children where offered
to chose two candy bars from two types at one time (in the simultaneous choice
condition), compared to the situation when they were offered to chose one bar at the
time at two adjacent houses (in the sequential choice condition). The justification
of the decision on pension scheme contributions by Markowitz suggests that naive
diversification heuristic is a type of loss aversion. The regret of incurring loss in case
an outcome alternative to the expected one turns out to be true makes prospects bet
on a 50/50 gambles. In a way betting on a 50/50 chance gambles may be treated
as avoiding entering into risky choice at all by simply refraining from subjective
assessment of probability, relying entirely on faith in this respect. This may be true
166 CHAPTER 5. APPLICATION OF THE FRAMEWORK TO MODELLING
RATIONALITY OF AN EXPERIENCING AGENT
for an agent that wishes to avoid a situation in which one would have to blame
oneself for a wrong decision stemming form miscalculation of risk.
This effect has been dubbed by Benartizi and Thaler (Benartzi and Thaler,
1995) as an explanation to the equity premium puzzle, later empirically validated by
Thaler et al. (Thaler et al., 1997). Myopic loss aversion is am effect closely related
to loss aversion and refers to the sensitivity to losses combined with a tendency to
evaluate outcomes frequently and adjust decisions accordingly with the focus on
shorter time perspectives. This effect was observed in the analysis of pension scheme
decisions, where prospects had a chance to revise their investment portfolio during
the investment period. I was observed that investors tend to take loss averse decisions
each time they receive information on the investment results so that the frequent
feedback provision led to lowest risk portfolios and ultimately poorest return on
investment. The study of this effect is in particular interesting because it proves that
experience directly impacts the decisions. The utilities and objectives of the investors
remained the same over the period still the sole fact of getting new information and
opportunity to reconsider decisions made strongly influenced the end result.
consistency and completeness main effects identified at those grounds are presented
below, together if some that appear for the fist time.
According to Searle instead of maximising utility a human agent, more precisely the
irreducible self of an agent, makes decisions based on the reasons for actions that
are intentional states of motivational character. Importantly there is no reason such
that it could provide causally sufficient condition for consciously voluntary action,
i.e. there is always a gap of free will (cf. next effect). Putting the model in simple
terms (for details please see chapter 1) an agent in a deliberative process considers:
valid reasons for actions (incl. trade-offs between conflicting reasons), effectors and
constitutors (elsewhere in the literature this process is referred to as means-to-ends
analysis), and makes choices in such a way as to satisfy/not compromise as many
of these reasons as possible without compromising other reasons, which are either
desires or commitments.
Saltzman and Newsome (Salzman and Newsome, 1994) research on neural mecha-
nisms for forming perceptual decision shows that a deciding brain presents increased
neuronal activity in certain of its parts as if it ’accumulated’ simultaneously argu-
ments for different available options, the choice is made the moment one options
’prevails’ which is manifested by visibly strongest neuronal activity in one of the parts
taking part in this ’neuronal dispute’. This suggest that decisions are made based on
conscious evaluation of available options by internal collection of arguments for and
against available alternative, which corresponds well to the theoretical propositions
by Searle.
If this is indeed how people take decision then the deliberation, which takes place
in the unified field of consciousness, would be naturally impacted by related aspects
of consciousness, including emotional states. This puts the decision making into a
significantly different, very dynamic, set-up compared to TCRM, which relies on
subjective utilities that are stable, consistent also in time.
Finally, one of the main conclusions from the discussions in Chapter 3 on the
free will is that at the level of analysis adopted in this section the gap of free will,
regardless one perceives it metaphysically as an illusion or not, constitutes and
important, if not the most important behavioural effect. The consequence of this
effect for decision theory is indeed dramatic, as it implies impossibility of deductive
theory of action, i.e. no fully robust algorithm for human action can ever be defined
(cf. (Searle, 2001)). This means that however accurate a model of human behaviour
is there will never be certainty about its predictions. However as Searle puts it
”The causal gap does not imply explanatory gap”, so although we can say what
where the reasons for actions we cannot derive actions from reasons. Still, it seems
plausible to assume that before the gap of free manifests itself in the form of counter
rational behaviour the premises of rationality (reasons for actions) will be taking
effect, consequently the more we know about what constitutes rationality, including
5.2. LIMITATIONS OF TCRM - INTERDISCIPLINARY PERSPECTIVE 169
how conscious experience with its emotional background influences rational choice
the better the models we can construct.
The above presented overview of behavioural effects, for the limited space merely
providing some examples rather than a complete catalogue, shows that these effects
could be better understood and explained by linking decisions with affective and
experiential phenomena of a conscious human being. The TCRM cannot resist the
bulk of evidence against it and new models of agents rationality must be sought for.
Undoubtedly, there is a need for a model of agent rationality that would embrace
agent’s affective states and qualities of conscious experience, as clearly affect is the
basis for meaning, which was a conclusion from chapter 3 and catalysts for human
behaviour.
170 CHAPTER 5. APPLICATION OF THE FRAMEWORK TO MODELLING
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Affect manifest itself in the decision making process in two ways: (i) as remembered
affective value of experiences and (ii) as the affective reaction to current stimuli.
Separating these two effects on behaviour is difficult given the homogeneity of
consciousness, but distinction is possible given the analysis done at the level of
neuronal systems in the brain, which could provide sound background for a new
theoretical model of behaviour. The remaining part of this chapter will be dedicated
to alternative, contemporary models of rationality, with particular emphasis on the
BDI rational agency model and will reflect on how the experience representation
framework proposed in chapter 4 could be used to improve the existing approaches
to modelling emotional agents and prompt the formulation of a rationality model of
an experiencing agent.
come up with better algorithms predicting actions taken by agents. The algorithms
in question would emulate agents rationality and thus make satisfactorily accurate
forecasts on their actions. Here the key techniques used for modelling are delivered
by machine learning theory, agent-based systems, formal logic and linguistics.
Importantly, in principle there are no unbridgeable gaps preventing from unifi-
cation of these two approaches under frameworks that emulate both behaviour in
competitive social situations and individual decisions, however the two opposing
schools show little confidence in the findings but primarily theoretical underpinnings
of other approach.
To complete the picture it should be mentioned that some proponents of cognitive
approach, in particular some more orthodox neuroeconomists suggest to dive even
deeper into the neurological processes behind human choice, as the key to the human
behaviour may be found at the level of synaptic processes, or at the higher level of
brain regions or systems of regions that normally are looked into in functional studies
of the brain. This provokes major sceptical criticism from mainstream economists
who doubt that neurological insights could significantly improve economic normative
models and pave thus a way to more efficient practical applications. One of the main
arguments raised in this respect is that the opening of “the black box” is an endless
exercise because there is not a single box but rather a Russian doll, so that models
of neural processes are black boxes of lover cellular processes, atomic processes,
subatomic processes and so on, of which little sense can be made at all, (Bernheim,
2008). Importantly however, it is beyond doubt that neuroeconomics provides valid
empirical clues for constructing economic and social theories, and it has been so ever
since cognitive and brain science emerged.
This allows Gintis to come up with a handful of patches for TCRM and thus
explain many behavioural effects by taping into social psychology. Importantly, Gintis
sees social reality, including social norms, as irreducible phenomenon that cannot
be derived from a model of interacting rational agents, not mentioning the lower
level processes inside individual decision maker’s mind. This is accompanied under
his account by the believe that the evolutionary approach to strategic, competitive
interaction can fully explain rational behaviour. So Gintis suggests that evolutionary
game theory (Smith and Price, 1973) may provide the unification framework for
studying natural agents behaviour across behavioural sciences. Rational agents under
such a framework could for instance copy strategies that ensure highest fitness, these
strategies would thus diffuse across populations of players instead of being deduced by
individual rational agents, especially when such deduction (information processing)
incurs high costs.
So the framework which Gintis proposes is based on five key elements: (i) gene-
culture co-evolution; (ii) the sociopsychological theory of norms; (iii) game theory; (iv)
the rational actor model (modern version of TCRM assuming Bayesian rationality);
and (v) complexity theory.
Importantly, Gintis rests on Bayesian rationality as fundamental principle for
starting analysing rational behaviour, which is bounded by society and culture. He
emphasizes that diversion of behavioural scientists from Bayesian rationality model
has led to “theoretical disarray”, resulted in no alternative improved frameworks and
thus provided no new useful insights.
The position by Gintis in so far as TCRM is concerned, which is typical of
proponents of Bayesian rationality model, is well illustrated in juxtaposition with
the views presented by followers of Simonian, psychological approach. For instance
to Krantz assumption:
Gintis replies:
At the same time the seeming flaws of the model can be dissolved with incor-
porating social and evolutionary context into it. He for instance underlines that
some behavioural effects uncovered by Tversky and Kahnemann stem from the fact
that people do not simply know how to calculate objective probabilities in risky
lotteries so they are guided by their common sense instead, once however instructed
how to calculate objective probabilities agents would follow the choices dictated by
mathematically calculated expected value.
This statement by Gintis is pivotal. This statement implies that not behaving
according to utility maximization is wrong, detrimental to well-being of conscious
creatures. It implies that there is a common recipe for “proper”, “normal” or “fit”
behaviour which is that obeying the prescriptions of decision theory. This could
hold only if decision theory could come up with a recipe that embraces all human
behaviour. The key here is that often decision theorists presuppose that there must be
a universal rule of behaviour, in case of Gintis these are the rules of Darwinian natural
selection captured by evolutionary games theory. This is practical, but unlikely to
be true. It requires moral and subjective judgement to state which way of human
conduct is normal, i.e. which rules of conduct are acceptable from the point of view
of a “rational” agent. We could easily try to think of some rules that hold for the
majority of people such as: people prefer to live than to die, people prefer more than
less goods, people pursue happiness, but if we consider the case of a suicide-bomber,
a suicide in despair, a Buddhist monk, a masochist, we would have to rest on stating
after Gintis that they commit as so called “performance error” or are “misinformed” or
“ignorant”, which is not convincing. Of course, it could be said that a suicide-bomber
optimises social utility sacrificing his life for the well-being of his community, but
even if we are able to come up with rules of such low granularity at the level of
individual agents would the tools of decision theory be of any use? No, because they
only make sense if there is at least a group of people obeying the same rule if we
want to explain these cases with social norms.
This is not to undermine the utility theory at large, as indeed we can define
a large space of problems that can be neatly addressed with it, however we must
remember that relying on the axiom of preference consistency has its price, which is
the elimination of behaviours that do not fit this axiom from the scope of analysis,
regardless how we try to tweak the problem space as to make it more and more
inclusive.
174 CHAPTER 5. APPLICATION OF THE FRAMEWORK TO MODELLING
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Nonetheless, the method proposed by Gintis to work with the problem space in a
way that we are able to define rules, preference consistency in particular, that hold
for more choice situations seems the valid one to follow. An example is apparent
time-inconsistency of preference. If we modify the choice space to include payoffs at
different points in time the inconsistency in preference will disappear. We propose that
if we include experience in the scope, i.e. if we consider affective accompaniment to
knowledge, a few more inconsistencies could be eliminated. The emotional background
of conscious self composed of primordial feelings represented in the upper brain stem
as suggested by Damasio (Damasio, 2010) supports the stance that feelings play
fundamental role in any conscious process.
Gintis says that indeed anomalies occur but if we take this as general rule this
would mean that we believe most of people are psychopaths. It is unlikely however
that the claim that most or many of us are psychopaths or at least that there is
important amount of psychopathic behaviour such that it influences socio-economic
processes to the extent that it influences the emergence of unpredictable phenomena
that impact the majority of us should be considered false. All depends how we define
what is normal.
Gintis after Robson (Robson, 1996) argues that preference consistency flows
from evolutionary biology, citing research results on nonhuman species, including
insects and plants that show applicability of decision theory to their behaviour. In
evolutionary biology the behaviour of individual organisms is guided by preserving the
fitness of organism, which is related to its expected number of offspring. Gintis, going
back to Darwin (Darwin, 1872) highlights that organisms do not directly maximize
fitness but have preference orderings that are themselves subject to selection according
to their ability to promote fitness. This seems an idea that is consistent with the
theory that says that human brain as an organ of the body, has been created in
course of evolution to give birth to consciousness and free will which underpin the
most efficient (from the evolutionary perspective) decision apparatus responsible for
promoting fitness. However, there are two principal problems with this approach.
First, minor one is that we still cannot be sure that this is the selection of preference
orderings that govern evolutionary adaptation. The second, far more important, is
that even if in the long term the above claim holds, in the short term we have to
include in the behavioural analysis all the organisms, also those that are not fit
and will become extinct in one or more generation. This is very important because
we want to address with decision theory the problems that we are facing now, not
solving problems in the hypothetical future state of the universe where all organisms
are fit. Needless to say there will probably never be such a point in time where there
is no place for fitness improvement, as apparently the evolution process is an endless
one.
In conclusion, approach presented by contemporary proponents of TCRM such
as Gintis appears promising it so far as it enlarges the scope of Bayesian rationality
5.3. CONTEMPORARY APPROACHES TO MODELLING RATIONAL 175
BEHAVIOUR
the internal mental structure of a rational agent, and what makes up for rational
agency in first place.
In contemporary information systems and computer science, AI in particular,
agent-based approach is the mainstream method for representing human practical
rationality. This method involves agents, rational or intelligent agents, that are a
certain class of computer systems. These systems are called agents precisely because
they have some features typical of a rational human decision-maker. So far when
we have been talking about agents the epistemic understanding of the term should
have been applied. From now on the term agent may appear in a new meaning: an
artificial system, precisely a computer system, that represents behaviour of a human
rational agent. To avoid confusion we will use the term artificial agent (AA) for this
new meaning of agent.
Artificial agents have the following main features: (1) they make decisions, there-
fore they act, so they can have causal effect on the environment; (2) are autonomous
in their behaviour and (3) are rational, i.e. they follow certain rules while acting,
in other words they make adequate not random decisions, furthermore typically
artificial agents (4) are capable of communicating with external world and other
agents, so they sense and influence (simply act, as sent communicates can be seen
as speech acts) (Wooldridge, 2000), (Russell and Norvig, 2009). Wooldridge and
Jennings add one more important feature: proactiveness, which apart from covering
the core feature of performing actions, embraces also the exploitation of serendipity,
i.e. being able to grasp unexpected opportunities to initiate fit actions (Wooldridge
and Jennings, 1995). Artificial agents can be seen as complex input-output process
or a box that processess inputs to outputs, however for problem-solver approach
what is in the box is of primary importance.
The basic idea about modelling human behaviour with artificial agents is relatively
simple. As humans can be defined as rational decision makers behaving according to
a set of observable rules it should be possible to construct an artificial agent that
would have a particular set of rules encoded together with some metarules setting
out how new rules and knowledge is acquired by an agent, so that the given artificial
agent could represent the behaviour of a human being. Importantly, as agents can
interact with the environment, other agents in particular, complex socio-technical
systems can be modelled and social behaviour emulated by applying agent based
systems, which is referred to as agent-based modelling (ABM). Moreover, AAs can
learn, taking advantage of machine learning algorithms, and therefore evolve along
the way, altering behaviour patterns based on the updated knowledge. Repetitive
interactions between agents allow an agent-based system exhibit complex behaviour
patterns and lead to emergent phenomena (Bonabeau, 2002).
Consequently, the key questions under the considered account are: what is the
agent process like?, what is that drives the behaviour of an artificial agent?, how
to define the rules of its behaviour? In answering these questions information AI
5.3. CONTEMPORARY APPROACHES TO MODELLING RATIONAL 177
BEHAVIOUR
builds on knowledge regarding rational agency from many disciplines, primarily from
philosophy of mind, behavioural psychology, decision theory, neuroscience and formal
logic.
Importantly, in computer science an artificial agent is a computer programme
accompanied with some architecture (Russell and Norvig, 2009). An agent program
implements the agent function which is the mapping from percepts to actions. The
architecture includes the computing device and other hardware such as physical
sensors and actuators. 1
Taxonomy proposed by Weiss (Weiss, 2000) distinquishes four main classes of
agents: (1) logic-based agents, (2) reactive agents, (3) belief-desire-intention agents,
and (4) layered architectures. This taxonomy provides a useful distinction between
layered architectures that represent hybrid approach combining different realizations
of AA’s decision making via various software layers from all other classes. Distinctions
between reactive agents, logic-based agents and BDI agents are somewhat more
problematic, as these classes seem conjunctive. However it provides a good overview
of what are the possibilities of architectural implementations of AA rationality. All in
one there are three possibilities: (1) reasoning based on formal logic; (2) optimisation
of an choice function, however in a reactive relation to environment (otherwise a
regular transformational system not agent-based system); (3) hybrid/multi-layer
approach. So, in all the cases AA population is modelled as a mulit-agent system
where each natural agent is represented by one AA. In first case a formal system
is introduced to represent the way how an AA reasons about actions. This should
be based on a plausible theory of customer behaviour. Therefore a formal language,
axioms and a set of inference rules must be defined. Typically for this purpose existing
formalisms are adapted and reused from within either monotonic and nonmonotonic
logic or new formal systems are defined. Under this class the way how a given agent
behaves is translated into a set of axioms and theorems, valid formal utterances,
which constitute the basis for deducting the way the customer is going to behave
in a confronted situation. With regard to the second possibility, a choice/action
function is defined. Typically an agent would have a SEU function defined so that
depending on the inputs from the environment (constraints) AA choices can be
deduced under the supposition that AA optimises subjective expected utility. The
major challenge is to define this function in a way that it describes well the behaviour
1
It is worth underlining that any AA, from the software engineering point of view, is a reactive
system, as opposed to a transformational system. The distinction made by Harell and Pnueli says
that a transformational system is a system that in principle takes some input and processes it by a
given function by which it produces outputs after which it terminates. On the contrary, a reactive
system intensively interacts with its environment, it repeatedly monitors the outside world and
continuously responds to the external inputs, so a reactive system instead of performing a function
“maintains a certain ongoing relationship, so to speak, with its environment” (Harel and Pnueli,
1985). Such a description of a reactive system well corresponds to the nature of a human agent, and
well addresses the intrinsic dynamism of real-world problems, on which traditional static methods
of decision theory concentrated on optimization of a utility function fail hopelessly.
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the acceptance that rational agents have mind states that are somehow related to or
are about external world. 2
As Hoek and Wooldridge notice rational agents can have all sorts of possible
mental states such as: beliefs, goals, desires, intentions, commitments, fears, hopes,
and obligations among others, and propose to group them into three clusters of
attitudes:(i) information attitudes, including mostly believes, (ii) pro attitudes that
invoke agent’s actions so primarily desires, intentions and goals, (iii) normative
attitudes including obligations, permissions and authorization (Hoek and Wooldridge,
2003). Under Searlean account these three would correspond to (i) believes, (ii)
prior-intentions and intentions-in-action, and (iii) reasons for actions comprising
desires and desire-independent reasons for actions: commitments and obligations
(Searle, 2001). In broad terms human and nonhuman agents are considered rational
purposive agents who pursue goals given their mental representation of the world,
their constantly figure out which goals (ends) they want to pursue and combine
means to ends in the process of deliberation and means-to-ends reasoning, and thus
coordinate action. Action is therefore motivated by desires and other non-desire
reasons for action, but desires and other reasons for action can be inconsistent and
the agent may not know by which means these could be satisfied (Weiss, 2000,
p. 344). So an agent first of all has to figure out which of the potentially conflicting
reasons for action to accept, which is about selecting those that are consistent and
achievable. This process is known as deliberation which leads to selection of goals.
Goals provide basis for intentions that are planned actions. Importantly Bratman
underlines that the capability to engage in planning, i.e. future oriented intentions is
which distinguishes human agents from other purposive agents. Importantly, planing
comes in stages, or there are different levels of plans, as agents are flexibly confined
by these plans, not all of them are turned into action, which is where intentions and
prior intentions and finally intentions in action (as Searle puts it) comes in.
The distinction between goals chosen for pursuit and all the other goals is very
particular for BDI framework which emphasizes in practical reason the significant role
of intentions, which are simply goals to which an agent committed itself. Bratman
does not distinguish goals as separate entity from intentions but rather emphasizes
there are different types of intentions, which depend on how and for how long an
agents commits to it. Commitment therefore decides on the persistence of an agent
in pursuing intentions (goals) and putting them in action. 3 Goal remains however a
2
Especially here it is important not to confuse intentionality of mind with a common meaning
of intending, which relates to action, so planing to do something. Intentionality of mind means the
unique capacity of mind to be about external world, in other words the capacity of mind to have
mental representations of external reality. For detailed explanation please refer to chapter 2.
3
Noteworthy, the commitment we are talking here is an internal, subjective attitude of an agent,
and should not be confused with commitments understood as externally directed intentional states
that constitute a desire-independent reason for action, e.g. agent A has committed to read a book
tonight.
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useful technical term in BDI agents implementation frameworks used for separation
of particular type of intentions. It is important to highlight after Wooldridge that
intentions are future-directed states of mind, not actions themselves (Wooldridge,
2000, p. 23). Searle in turn highlights the role of a special kind of intentions that allow
an action to be continued and completed, the so called intentions-in-action. And so
we could distinguish: goals, prior intentions or partial plans, and intentions-in-actions.
For this general introduction on BDI framework it is enough to take away that
agents operate with three basic mental states: believes, desires (and after Searle
desire independent reasons for actions such as commitments or obligations), and
intentions which are future oriented plans of actions or mental states that allow
an agent to persist in action (intentions-in-action). The persistence in intending is
dependent on internally directed commitment of an agent to pursue an intention. It
is important to highlight that an agent manipulates all these mental states to sort
out primarily what to do via deliberation, which in principle is a process of sorting
out intentions from desires being constrained by beliefs. Apart from deliberations
there is yet another reasoning process in practical reason, the means-ends reasoning,
which governs the ’how to’ part of pursuing the intention, which is less emphasized
in Bratman’s original account outlined in (Bratman, 1987).
Very likely the popularity of the BDI framework is due to the fact that it
can be elegantly translated into a computational model of rational behaviour of
artificial agents. Selected formal implementations of the model will be presented
in the following subsection. Agent-based approach to modelling human behaviour
is underpinned by formal logic, which governs the AA’s behaviour. In the below
state-of-the-art review I will therefore pay special attention to logical frameworks
applied to emulate human rationality in information systems.
In this section we will provide an overview of formalisms used for representing BDI
agents in IS, then we will review already proposed frameworks for designing BDI
agents that are emotional, with the purpose of identifying weaknesses of existing
approaches, finally we will suggest direction towards including our account of experi-
ence, in particular the affective dimension of experience, into the BDI framework and
provide arguments for why we believe this could constitute important enhancement
of the framework from the point of view of efficiency of natural agent behaviour
emulation and creating believable artificial agents.
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INFORMATION SYSTEMS
There have been many attempts to formalize rational agency among which BDI
agent implementations are most common. Likewise, many BDI agency frameworks
has been proposed so the state-of-the-art of this particular area is massive, full
review of which falls beyond the scope of this thesis. However as we have chosen the
BDI framework as a starting point for implementing experiential rational agency
it is necessary to briefly introduce selected work in the area. We have rationed the
scope of this introduction to two most popular frameworks: (i) BDIC T L framework
and (ii) KARO framework. Noteworthy, the first fully fledged BDI agency logic
implementation was proposed by Cohen and Lavesque (Cohen and Levesque, 1990;
Cohen and Levesque, 1991) which is based on an adapted linear temporal logic
(LTL) enriched with primitive operators for belief and goal, operators providing for
representation of actions (HAPPENS↵ and DONE↵) and aprimitive action by an
AA (ACT i↵: agent i is the actor of ↵), but this framework will not be presented
here in more detail.
BDIC T L framework One of the most common and cited logical implementation
of the BDI model of agency is that proposed by Rao and Georgeff (Rao and Georgeff,
1991), which relies on the Bratman’s theory of human action and a temporal logic
CTL (Computation Tree Logic) (Emerson and Srinivasan, 1989) slightly adapted
to the BDI requirements. The main novelty of this implementation compared to
earlier endeavours to formalize the BDI theory is that for beliefs (B), desires (D),
goals (G), which for Rao and Georgeff are consistent desires chosen by an agent,
and intentions (I) are represented with a temporal structure of a time tree, with
a single past and a branching time future, where an event is defined as moving
along the time tree by a single point, referred to as a situation. B, G and I are
therefore represented as sets of possible worlds, which result from the fact that
agents do not have complete knowledge about the state of the world, belief-, goal-
and intention-accessible worlds meaning respectively worlds believed by the agent
to be possible, worlds representing AA’s goals, worlds that an AA committed to
realize. Importantly meanwhile intentions need to be consistent with goals, and goals
consistent with beliefs, goals and intentions need not be closed under the beliefs
of AA, due to which it is possible that AA commits to a goal that may result in
side-effects that are not desired by AA, for which Rao and Georgeff provide the
classical example of the visit at a dentist, which inevitably equals to the AA suffer
pain if it wants to have his teeth fixed. Consequently an important feature of the
model is that it follows tightly Bratman’s insistence on the intentions being separate
and hierarchically equal entities to desires and goals, not mere derivatives of the
two. The implementation by Rao and Georgeff extends the CTL with two modal
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operators: optional and inevitable and makes use of standard temporal operators for
next, for eventually, for always and for until.
The framework proposed by Rao and Georgeff lets the Bratman’s theory of human
action be formalized so that it could be possible to formulate statements in a formal
system about agent action however it does not provide an algorithm for complete
agent’s rationality, notably how an AA forms, maintains and revises the three sets,
in particular how beliefs prompt goals selection and how an AA commits to them
creating intentions. The authors underline that different types of agents may have
different rules that govern these processes, which would determine their behavioural
profiles. Some very basic examples are provided to demonstrate the usability of the
proposed formalism.
KARO Framework The KARO approach has been proposed and developed by
Van Linder, Van der Hoek and Meyer (Meyer and Hoek, 1995; Meyer, Hoek, and
Linder, 1999; Hoek, Van Linder, and Meyer, 1999; Hoek and Wooldridge, 2003; Van
Linder, Hoek, and Meyer, 1995; Van Linder, Meyer, and Van Der Hoek, 1997). KARO
builds on propositional dynamic logic unlike Rao and Georgeff’s BDIC T L framework
which relies on temporal logic. Van Linder et al. proposes a language of propositional
dynamic logic augmented with modal operators for knowledge (K), belief (B), desire
(D), and (A) denoting ability of an AA to perform an action. It is characteristic for
this framework that it emphasizes on actions, action results and different mental
states of an agent directly related to action, which may be a consequence or reason
for tapping into propositional dynamic logic as the foundations for KARO agency
logic. It moves further on defining agent’s attitudes and situations resulting from
agent acting upon intentions compared to theoretical BDI which emphasizes the
deliberation and intentions more than means to ends reasoning. KARO achieves
this by extending the core language with further additional operators which in total
provide for a complete and extensive BDI agency logic. These additional operators
include: opportunity (hdoi ↵i ') denoting an opportunity for an agent to perform an
action ↵ with result '; practical possibility (PracPoss) denoting possibility to do an
action with respect to an assertion; can (Can) which stands for knowing to have the
practical possibility to perform an action with respect to an assertion; realizability, i.e.
the existence of a plan of actions that an agent has practical possibility to perform
with respect to the assertion at hand; goal (Goal) which denotes an assertion that
is desirable, not true yet, but realizable; possibly intend (PossIntend) to do an
action with respect to an assertion (expressing that the agent can do the action with
respect to the assertion of which he knows it to be a goal of his). Furthermore KARO
includes special actions commit and uncommit to manipulate with the commitments
of AAs. Naturally the framework covers the control of motivational attitudes such as
wishes, goals and commitments of AA (Meyer, Hoek, and Linder, 1999; Segerberg,
Meyer, and Kracht, 2009).
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The most promising and interesting directions of extension of the basic model of
agent’s behaviour in agent-based systems are: (1) incorporating in the AA other
cognitive capabilities that go beyond logical reasoning, including feelings and emotions,
(2) enabling social capabilities of AA. In this subsection I will focus on the former,
in particular I will take a closer look at the emotional aspects of AA. The social
capabilities of AA will not be tackled in this thesis as detail discussion of this theme
is the ongoing work.
Given the discussion presented in earlier parts of the thesis on the role of emotions
in human decision making as well as the way how experience has been defined and
included in the adopted theory of human action, the importance of emotional dimen-
sion of an AA is self-evident. Still it is worth reviewing how computer scientists have
been dealing with AA’a emotions so far and for which reason they find emotions an
important subject of their studies. Several reasons could be given for why information
systems, computer systems in particular, that rely on intelligent AAs could benefit
from AAs having emotions. Sloman quite early (Sloman and Croucher, 1981), (Slo-
man, 1987) noted that emotions would play important role in AI systems, for they are
immanent and integral part of human cognition, which is a fundamental benchmark
for AI. As emotional states, he points out, arise from mechanisms required for coping
intelligently in a complex enviroment there is no point in separating the emotion
from cognition. Earlier Simon (Simon, 1967) suggested that emotions build up an
“interruption mechanism” for general purpose information processor, as defined under
his information processing theory of human cognition, which mechanism prompts
the processor to interrupt operations as to respond to urgent needs in real-time.
It can be noticed that in principle there are two main reasons given for including
emotions in the scope of the study of AA: (1) To enable believable emulation of
human behaviour with AAs it is necessary to embrace emotional capabilities which
are immanent to human cognition and action, believable behaviour of AAs is a key
preoccupation of both AI scientists dealing with problem solving, socio-economic
simulation and robotics as well as artists, animation and computer games specialists
trying to engineer the illusion of real life, real living creatures (Bates, 1994); (2)
as emotions play critical role in human cognition and decision making they must
be central to human rationality at large, therefore including emotions in artificial
reasoning systems should lead to efficiency gains, which is the main focus of software
engineering. Meanwhile the former argument seems quite natural and intuitively
acceptable, the latter seems a bit more controversial. It reads that we can make the
artificial reasoning systems better by including emotions in the AA program.
This claim has been made indirectly by both Simon and Sloman, as well as
explicitly by recent architects of emotional agent systems Meyer and Dastani:
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“We are interested in agents with emotions since we believe that emotions
are important heuristics that can be used to define effective and efficient
decision-making process.” (Meyer, 2004; Dastani and Meyer, 2006),
“We believe that (...) emotions can still be helpful for agents to make
better decisions.” (Jiang, Vidal, and Huhns, 2007)
“The question is not whether intelligent machines can have any emotions,
but whether machines can be intelligent without any emotions.” (Minsky,
1988)
The need for emotional agents in systems that emulate human behaviour or imitate
human behaviour in a more convincing and natural way, e.g. in expert systems used in
studying social behaviour or in computer games respectively, is evident because there
is sound psychological evidence that human behaviour, (linguistic) communication
and social interaction is highly dependant on affect (see earlier sections and chapters).
However I disagree that direct reference to emotion and affect is a promising direction
in searching more optimal decision algorithms for artificial systems solving complex
problems.
First off all, it must be remembered that affect is biological phenomena typical
of biological beings, more precisely conscious biological beings. It seems convincing
that emotion requires some form of self to be able to emerge and be sensed by this
very self. Emotion entails subjective feelings of a leaving creature. It is confusing to
talk about computer system’s emotions and other affective states in first place, and
we should insist on talking about affect representation or emulation in IS instead.
Noteworthy, all above cited authors reserve from entering into philosophical debates
on the possibility for an artificial system to be conscious or have emotions, rather they
adopt a pragmatic, functionalistic view trying to see the practical benefits of looking
at artificial systems as affect-capable entities. We think therefore that taking about
agent’s emotions in contexts other than representation of biological phenomena in
information systems is confusing. We recognise that certain mechanisms for decision
moderation that have “biological implementation” so to speak in the form of affective
states, might be inspiring for designers of intelligent systems however it is possible
but very unlikely that affect per se would contribute to the efficiency of problem
solving systems. It has to be remembered that from evolutionary perspective affect is
designed to help to take fast decision in the situation of reasoning capacity shortages
and/or time constraints, not necessarily best decisions. It is true that affect ration
human agent in the deliberative process and thus make it faster and effortless, however
unlike artificial systems a human when involved in a deliberation start searching for
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a satisfiable solution from already the best alternative that intuitively occurs to him,
so one can afford limiting the search to a few first alternatives without major loss in
choice efficiency.
Nonetheless if we want to construct systems that behave like humans, or create
systems that emulate or predict natural agent individual or group behaviour, we
need to put emotion into the loop. Below I will briefly describe the selected formal
frameworks designed to represent and process emotions in agent-based information
systems.
EBDI - an architecture for emotional BDI agents. Jiang et. al (Jiang, Vidal,
and Huhns, 2007) propose a generic architecture for agents with emotions which
allows for separating the emotional mechanisms within an agent in parallel to practical
reasoning. The main advantage of this architecture is that it allows to implement
different specific emotional models, so regardless the selected theory of emotion that
may be relevant for a given application this architecture could be applied. Another
strong point is that it extends the BDI framework skilfully by including emotions, for
instance (1) in EBDI emotions set the priority of desires and help decide intentions;
(2) unlike original BDI the EBDI allows for intention-belief inconsistency which is
handled by emotions, i.e. emotions are used as a tool to balance intention and belief
as intention can influence belief indirectly through emotions; (3) complementary
ways for acquiring beliefs are added: via contemplation and communication.
Similarly to other models EBDI considers emotions as a separate set. The state of
the EBDI agent is defined as a tuple: < E, B, D, I > so by the current sets of emotions,
believes, desires and intentions. Furthermore the model defines in very broad terms
how the emotions come into play with B, D and I, by specifying a few revision
functions, specifically: (1) belief revision function: brf : E⇥I⇥(B[Bp [Bm )!B,
which shows that beliefs set is revised based on the emotions as well as perception
(Bp denotes a set of belief candidates form preception) and communication messages
(Bm denotes the set of possible belief candidates from communication); (2) two
emotion update functions euf 1 : E⇥I⇥(Bp [Bm )!E and euf 2 : E⇥I⇥B!E
for primary and secondary emotions respectively; as well as (3) a filter function
f ilter : E⇥B⇥D⇥I!I that revises the set of intentions to find the best option(s) for
later execution (Jiang, Vidal, and Huhns, 2007). However the model does not specify
exactly how emotions interfere with the other sets of BDI. It only proposes a generic
process specifying at which stage of perception-deliberation-action emotions should
be taken into account. The model provides no insights how emotions determine AA’s
actions leaving this part to the designers of particular implementation.
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Emotional BDI - modelling agent’s emotions with "B DI logic The eBDI
framework for modelling emotions in BDI agents proposed by Pereira, et. all (Pereira,
Oliveira, and Moreira, 2006) relies on the work of Oliveira and Sarmento (Oliveira
and Sarmento, 2002) who extended the OCC model of emotions by introducing a
concept of emotional valence defined as “a subjective measure that relates the chances
of an agent being able to fulfil its goals given a particular environment situation,
its internal state and its set capabilities.” This work was done with the intention
to improve efficiency of AA’s deliberation in dynamic worlds, so it falls within the
research thread that recognizes emotions as important element of efficient reasoning.
The definition of emotional valence stems from the observation that the OCC model
primarily focuses on how cognitive processes leads to emergence of emotional states,
i.e. the eliciting conditions, but it provides no insight in what is the role of emotions
in enhancing the problem solving capacities of AA in complex environments.
Oliveira and Sarmento assert that fundamental role of emotion is the evaluation
of the state of the world, so emotions provide for a mechanism that allows for rapid
and automatic assessment of environmental conditions and its orchestration with
internal states of AA. So the emotional valence is a sort of weights that reflect the
AA’s subjective estimation of chances of attaining a goal given the current state of
environment and her mental state and capabilities. However the proposed model
does not rule out whether this assessment is followed by an immediate response
or is retained for later processing, neither it assumes if this response is a reactive
or deliberative in nature. Furthermore in the model of emotional valence an AA
evaluates the environment only in strict relation to its current goals for which reason
it would not notice changes that are unrelated to his internal states, which is an
apparent simplification, as it excludes situations in which AA’s behaviour is influenced
by external stimuli irrespective of a current deliberative process.
The way Oliveira and Sarmento understand and define emotional valance is very
important as this concept is seemingly similar to the experiential model of agency as
we proposed in Ryżko and Kaczmarek (Ryżko and Kaczmarek, 2011) and in earlier
sections. However there is an important deference between these two approaches,
which is the way each approach understands emotions ontologically. Oliveira and
Saramento reduce emotional mechanisms to conscious rational assessment of the
relationship between the environment and internal mental states, primarily goals.
This is an evident influence of appraisal theory of emotion which we have refuted
as incomplete. Oliveira and Sarmento see emotions as providing “an automatic and
quick way of evaluating the environment and the internal state of the agent in respect
to its own goals”. This evaluation is directed both outwards to the environment and
inwards towards the internal states such as beliefs, goals, action sets, etc.. Emotional
valence answers the questions how are, negative or positive and to what degree, both
environmental conditions and current plans, knowledge to the specific goals of an AA.
Meanwhile our account first distinguishes between emotions as programmed responses
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to specific stimuli and other affective, feeling states which colour intentional contents
of perceptions. These are remembered and reconstructed from memory together with
relevant intentional contents, i.e. instances of knowledge.
As explained in chapter 3 neurocognitive research suggests that at the founda-
tional level emotional affective states are biologically and neurologically independent
of conscious, rational information processing in the cortical parts of the brain. Fur-
thermore the study of some emotional neurological cerebral circuits, such as fear
system, show that an emotional reaction to an external stimulus precedes the con-
scious appreciation and modulation of the perception (LeDoux, 2000). This makes
it unlikely that the emotional valence as defined above well represents the way
emotions and its relation to the conscious deliberation. Instead, as we have proposed,
emotional valence and intensity colour agent’s knowledge forming part of unified
field of conscious experience. Assigning emotional valence and intensity to atomic
intentional states, represented by propositions also allows for better modelling of
emotional influence on deliberation across time, as affective states are assigned to and
remembered by the agent with a corresponding intentional state. Under Oliveira’s and
Saramento’s model the emotional states are recorded in short- and long-term memory
in the form of Valence Vectors < V, I, E, G > where I stands for input from internal
sources, E - input from external sources, V - a valence measure regarding a given
goal G, which is useful from an engineering point of view, but would require that
an agent be highly consistent and disciplined in storing and recalling its emotional
states. However the most significant limitation is that such definition of emotional
states in AA does not allow for handling such phenomena as orchestrating conflicting
emotions and associative proliferation of emotional states, for instance if an agent for
some reason experiences strong emotions in relation to an object of some particular
property, e.g. red colour, agent’s behaviour with respect to other red objects is likely
to be affected even if this new object has not much to do with the object being the
source of emotional arousal.
Inspired by this model of emotion Pereira et.al have proposed an elaborate
formalism based on BDICTL logic and earlier work of Rao and Georgeff, with
elements of KARA framework for representing emotional states in BDI agents. They
extended the DBICTL logic with elements of KARO, namely operator for representing
capability: Cap, Can, Cannot and EffCap (effective capability); action representation
from Propositional Dynamic Logic (PDL), modal operator Fund for fundamental
desire, modal operators Res, Needs, Available, Saved and atomic actions get(r),
save(r) and free(r) for resources management; and operators AtRisk, PossATRisk,
and Safe to handle risky situations, finally standard temporal operators of CTL allow
for considering emotions changing overtime, however authors do not make much
use of it as far as emotional dynamics are concerned but do take advantage of it
in considering risk. With this apparatus at hand three exemplary emotions: fear,
anxiety and self-confidence are defined and some examples how these could influence
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AA’s behaviour are given. The way how the framework deals with threats as well
as combining action execution and time with resource management by AA allows
for formulation of alternative eliciting conditions for emotions such as fear, anxiety
and allows for embracing more emotional states such as self-confidence, which is a
clear enhancement compared to the framework proposed by Meyer. However the
model does not leads to a major breakthrough in emotion handling in BDI agent
systems, rather allows for incremental improvements or alternative formulations that
may be more adequate for some particular applications. The model better relates
to the influence of emotions on agents behaviour as the tableau construction of
BDICTL has been expanded by formulas referring to fundamental desires (Fund)
still the examples of application did not show convincingly substantial potential of
this framework in enhancing overall AA’s performance.
expectation not to be met. As we fear we want to avoid the state of affairs that cause
fear, therefore we want to release the fear by hoping, but this does not stop us from
forgetting our fear, or fear is there all the time but it is overshadowed, so to speak,
not replaced by the hope. This also relates to the known odds between OCC model
and Lazarus’ theory of hope emotion (Lazarus, 1991) according to which hope is the
emotional state that comes about when something negative is expected to happen
but nonetheless one believes it may turn out less negative in the end; on the contrary
the OCC model accounts for hope as arising when something positive is expected
but it is merely likely not sure.
The weakness of the Adam’s model in this case is that it does not allow for
coexistence of all types of emotions, taking the approach that contradictory emotions
replace each other not that they coexist but one simply dominates, or outweighs the
others, which is much more intuitively close to such a fluent phenomena as emotions.
Another inherited flaw is the definition of joy caused by ' as conjunction of a
believe that ' and desire that ', which in notation adopted by Adam is: Joyi ' =
Beli ' ^ Desi ' . In other words an AAi is happy when it realizes she has satisfied
her desire, likewise AA is in distress when she realizes that something undesired
happened. This approach seems already slightly broader than that of Meyer’s (cf.
previous section) which made joy dependent on successful achievement of goals by
an AA, nevertheless still too narrow to embrace a situation when an AA becomes
happy as a result of a sole revision of beliefs, a good example of which is a joke or
funny situation that an AA senses. To give an example if an agent is presented with
an amusing cartoon he will evidently become happy meanwhile he has not achieved
any goal nor satisfied any desire.
Likewise, as in previously discussed frameworks under Adam’s account prolifera-
tion of affective states across mental states is impossible, there is no place for affective
association between believes, no affective serendipity which could importantly alter
agent immediate or future behaviour. For instance, let us consider a case of an AA
emulating consumer behaviour exposed to a commercial communication, e.g. an
advertisement on the radio. The advertisement modifies AA’s B (beliefs) set, but
likely the commercial would carry heavy emotional load shaping the affective intensity
and valence of the AA’s experience. Now agent’s mind would capture the experiential
state encapsulating both new knowledge from the event (the facts, propositional
contents conveyed by the commercial) as well as the corresponding affective load.
Through spontaneous association in the process of deliberation the agent should be
able to associate the affective and intentional contents of the advertisement once
confronted with the advertised product as well as in similar affective context. Such
affective interplay within (B) believes set which in turn can bias consumer behaviour,
i.e. prompt the revision of B, G or I sets is not supported by any of the reviewed
accounts.
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Yet again though the framework appears to be sound there is a clear lack of
strong examples that would prove the framework unconstrained applicability to real
problem solving. The proposed axiomatization of emotional dimension of AA leads to
theorems that claim emotion properties that are counter-intuitive or do not appear
likely if we take a step back and look from a wider, practical perspective or from
the standpoint of alternative theory of human affect. It introduces consistency rules
that oversimplify emotional dimension of AA rationality, which is acceptable as a
first step, however there are no clear perspectives provided on how to make this
model more inclusive. Important limitation of the model is that it does not allow
for coexistence of conflicting emotional states and it presents overly simplified and
somewhat naive exemplification of AA’ emotional life.
LEA - Logic of Emotional Agents. In a series of papers Mayer and his colleagues
(Meyer, 2004), (Dastani and Meyer, 2006), (Steunebrink, Dastani, and Meyer, 2007)
have introduced a logical system for representing emotional agents based on the
KARO logic which they called LEA (Logic of Emotial Agents). The development of
this framework was started by Meyer (Meyer, 2004) who relying on the psychological
evidence recognised that emotions significantly influence behaviour via creating
attitudes that are responsible for handling AA’s goals and intentions and proposed
the extension to the KARO logic developed earlier together with van Linder, to cater
for emotional attitudes. As emotional states were defined as attitudes towards goal
maintenance and execution they were represented under LEA as fluents, predicates
that can change over time. Each fluent had two axioms, one specifying under which
condition the emotion arises, the second how the emotion affects AA’s behaviour.
Consequently these axioms are constraints on the deliberation and execution of
startegies that an AA applies. Furthermore Meyer considered 4 basic emotions:
happiness, sadness, anger and fear and proposed a couple of axioms governing these
emotions in LEA, which represented some very basic heuristics such as: (1) AA
becomes happy when she succeeds in achieving subgoals, and once happy an AA
is more persistent in executing its intention; (2) On the contrary, an AA that fails
to attain her subgoals gets sad which prompts her to abandon the chosen course of
action and revison of plans, intentions or goals; (3) if an active plan of an AA collapses
she gets frustrated and angry which makes her revise her believed capabilities or
defer the execution until she is capable of achieving the set goal or persists in the
execution of her intentions with alternative means, which would depend on this
AA’s behavioural profile; (4) Finally an AA can become fearful when she confronts
conflicting goals, after which she is likely to revise her plans looking more carefully
on how environment changes to avoid conflicts in the future.
5.4. TOWARDS REPRESENTING EXPERIENCING AGENTS IN 191
INFORMATION SYSTEMS
The main downsize of the approach taken by Meyer and his colleagues is that it
maintains the emotional states as ontologically separate facts, irrespectively of any
other mental states of AA. We consider this approach mistaken. According to very
plausible theories of consciousness, conscious experience is gained within a unified
field, so any emotion is tightly bound with other mental contents that accompany
affect, or better put, that build up the given affective state. Therefore we argue that
instead of maintaining emotions as separate beliefs it would be better to refer to
experience at large represented as affected intentional states. In case of formalisms
proposed by Meyer et. al we could consider all beliefs to be affected, i.e. to have a
permanently assigned affective value that would become a property of a given belief,
remembered by an AA together with belief propositional content.
A minor comment should be made on the fact that LEA proposes only exemplary
and very simplified axiomatization of AA’s emotions, leaving it open for particular
implementation, which in principle is a correct approach however by now there have
been no LEA implementations that could prove the framework to have practical
value.
Miscellaneous approaches
Emotional gauges Padgham and Taylor (Padgham and Taylor, 1997) introduce
a simplified model of emotions in which emotions are grouped in pairs of opposites
(e.g. love v.s. hage, pride vs. shame) and are represented by a gauge with a neutral
point about which the emotions fluctuate in positive or negative direction. The
fluctuations of emotional gauges are caused by events and passing time. Give the
time decay rate of emotional state is represented by a function DA (e) Therefore for
each particular agent A the following function can be defined for determining the
values of the emotional guauges:
The moment the emotional gauge passes a threashold defined for agent A emotions
start to take effect on agent’s cognition and behaviour. This allowed the authors
to define agent personality as a tuple: P hiA =< MA , NA , PA , DA >, where MA is
the set of motivational concerns for agent A, PA (e) and NA (e) are the functions
representing negative and positive assertion thresholds for the gauges, DA the decay
function and the DA (e) the set of motivational concerns for agent A, which govern
the agent’s desires.
This simple model is useful for representing emotions in an agent system in
simple applications such as modelling characters in computer games. However it has
some evident limitations. First of all it relies on a simplified theory of emotions,
which may be questioned from the emotion theoretical point of view, for instance
insofar as classifying the emotions and pairing them on the principle of opposites.
192 CHAPTER 5. APPLICATION OF THE FRAMEWORK TO MODELLING
RATIONALITY OF AN EXPERIENCING AGENT
Secondly it does not explain the way how emotions motivate actions. Nevertheless it
elegantly models the personality as a behavioural pattern that reflects how an AA
manages emotions. It also allows to represent the intensity (degree) of emotions. The
simplicity of the model is appealing and the fact that it is strongly influenced by
the dimensional emotion theory makes it an interesting alternative to frameworks
blindly following outdated appraisal accounts.
8. The available frameworks tend to mix old concepts of emotions with contem-
porary, for instance they talk about love, hate, fear sadness, pride, meanwhile
some theories talk only about fear, we are not sure how many emotions there
are and how to classify them.
11.
Given the above the usefulness of the above frameworks is very limited. They may
be applied with considerable success in creating believable virtual characters for video
games and other entertainment and arts multimedia content, with moderate success
in software engineering providing some improvements to agent-based systems, and
are too weak to provide basis for satisfactory emulation and prediction of behaviour
of natural agents in information systems, likewise for representing experiential
phenomena in expert systems for support in decision making, for instance in customer
relationship/experience management, likely rendering worst results for individual
behaviour then emulating group behaviour dynamics.
Now, let us consider how the experience representation framework could enhance
the BDI emotional agency frameworks.
First of all it must be noted that our approach to experience representation could
be applied primarily to enhanced representation of the B (beliefs) set. We shall
recognize that the BDI theory of practical reason as proposed by Bratman is one
of the most advanced AI friendly accounts of agency. Bratman’s contribution to
understanding how human take action is highly valuable. However it pretty much
neglects the role of affect in practical reason. It may be because this account is
firmly rooted in cognitivist tradition. This constitutes a constraint for any BDI
agency formalization right from the start. Our account of experience understood
as affected knowledge could patch this evident gap. This would be achieved in two
ways: (1) by providing a framework for affect control in the framework, in particular
as far as modulating memory volatility processes as far as both knowledge and
affective dimension of experience is concerned, (2) for orchestrating affect influence
on behaviour.
We could risk formulating a simplification that there are two basic ways in which
affect influences agent’s action: (1) via immediate impact on behaviour when one
of the known emotional systems is activated, i.e. when emotion program sets off,
altering immediately behaviour of an agent, interfering its normal deliberation and
means-ends reasoning processes, (2) indirectly influencing deliberation process via
impacting believes set. These two main types of influence overlap in situations when
5.5. CONCLUSION 195
recalled affective states associated with processed beliefs invoke affective arousal
intensive enough to trigger fully-fledged emotion. This is we believe one of the biggest
advantages that our account could bring to BDI framework. In wider terms this
is about providing for a proper temporal dimension of experience and modelling
experience as learning associative process, including memory processes.
Furthermore, as the framework does not a priori impose any particular emotion
representation system it could flexibly embrace contemporary models of affect that
consider affective states in neuronal or some other terms, for instance it could
incorporate a crafted affect coding system for different identified by contemporary
neuroscience affective states represented for instance with multidimensional vectors,
where vector space could be delineated by different brain systems that are activated
or inhibited under given affective state.
Moreover, as detailed control of affective state of an AA would be provided the
BDI framework could be enriched with more sophisticated rules definition for mapping
these states onto behavioural consequences. Affect could influence deliberation in
variety of ways, by highlighting dynamically importance of certain desires and
believes on the expense of another. Intention formulation could also be modulated
by the affective state of the agent at any point in time. Reconstruction of past
mental states and their amalgamation with current new perceptions, as unified
field of consciousness account dictates, could be emulated. With enhanced affective
dimension DBI framework could better address motivational aspects of intention
formulation. Likely, the gap of the free will could be bridged, even if only with
provisional approximations, based on the affective value estimation of alternative
states.
In order to validate above theoretical assumptions empirical experimentation
are necessary. It is a common problem of all BDI formalization as Meyer rightly
concludes in his recent review of formal logic implementation of BDI agency:
“To this day there is still a gap between theory and practice” (Segerberg,
Meyer, and Kracht, 2009)
Also in our case empirical verification of our experience theory constitutes ongoing
work.
5.5 Conclusion
Simon rightly pointed out that it should be the goal of AI to design agents that
overcome human limitations while displaying all their strengths (Simon, 1967).
Sloman in turn speculated that certain limitations of human agents, resulting in
failing to achieve fitness optima on some occasions, may be inevitable consequences
of their strengths resulting in human intelligence (Sloman, 1999).
196 CHAPTER 5. APPLICATION OF THE FRAMEWORK TO MODELLING
RATIONALITY OF AN EXPERIENCING AGENT
Conclusion
197
198 CHAPTER 6. CONCLUSION
Further we have defined a function mapping intentional content into affective state
f :K!A
2. We have came up with our own, formal definition of experience, which allows
for representing experience in information systems.
3. We have came up with our own selection of interdisciplinary evidence for that
affect, which stands behind the subjective component of experience is intrinsi-
cally related to rational behaviour, pointing to the necessity of redefinition of
the traditional notion of rationality, which casts new light on the concept of
experience.
4. We have carried out an empirical study that confirmed that affective stimuli
can alter rational judgements.
6. We have also showed how the framework could be applied to modelling experi-
ence in an information system responsible for collecting, storing, retrieval and
processing of information on experiential states of consumers under the so called
Customer Experience Management systems, which purpose is to provide infor-
mation and decision support to marketing and management decision makers
responsible for customer relationship and customer satisfaction management,
mostly in business organizations.
200 CHAPTER 6. CONCLUSION
The above briefed results can be utilised both in our further investigations as
well as can be utilised by other researchers in the area of information systems,
in particular information systems which objective is to collect, store and process
information about experience of natural agents. They can be embraced by a wide
range of areas of application, for instance: user-centred information retrieval systems,
decision support systems (e.g. customer experience management systems), agent-
based simulation systems emulating behaviour of natural agents, human-computer
interactions, recommender systems, user profiling, crisis management and decision
support systems.
3. Neurocognitive studies in memory and imagination show that the native format
of manipulating concepts in human brain is not language (Damasio, 2010;
Kosslyn, 1996). The CDZ model proposed by Damasio (Damasio, 2010) and
Kosslyn arguments on imagination reveal that the brain stores and processes
memories in the formats that are pictorial in character (visual, auditory, tactual,
etc.) rather such that remind linguistic descriptions.
5. Analysis of the social dimension of experience and the inclusion of social layer
into the representation framework for modelling individual experience, conse-
202 CHAPTER 6. CONCLUSION
quently modelling social experience and its relation to social phenomena such
as morality and culture and eventually mapping these onto group behaviour.
2. You have been assigned with one randomly chosen entry from the online
wiki-based cookbook WikiKuchnia.org.
3. Below you will find a few introductory questions, necessary to calibrate the
results.
4. On the next page of this survey you will find a link to the selected wiki entry.
Click that link (it should open in a new window). Read the article and then
return to this survey.
Thank you very much for taking part in this research experiment.
1
The survey questionnaire was originally authored in Polish. The provided translation has been
prepared solely for the purpose of this appendix.
203
Introductory questions
Your gender female / male
204
Now read the article!
Open the link provided here to an WikiKuchnia.org article with a recipe. Read the
article carefully and return to the survey. [link]
Imagine that you are at a restaurant and find this dish in the menu among
other dishes at the same price, dishes you know well and like. Would you
order this dish? yes / no
Even if you have never tasted it before, try to imagine its taste. . . How
would you rate the taste?
very much like / like / neutral / dislike / strongly dislike.
How would you rate the quality of the article you have just read?
very good good poor very poor
clearness 3 3 3 3
conciseness 3 3 3 3
structure 3 3 3 3
language 3 3 3 3
conformity (only if you knew the recipe) 3 3 3 3
visual aspects 3 3 3 3
205
206
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