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2) Celeste is interested in studying the effects that natural disasters have on the value of goods
and services in the affected areas. Her area of study should be ________.
A) marketing
B) microeconomics
C) macroeconomics
D) sociology
E) sustainability
Answer: B
Explanation: B) Microeconomics is the study of how individuals, businesses, households, and
consumers allocate their resources in exchange for goods and services. Marketing is the process
or technique of selling goods to consumers. Macroeconomics is the study of the behavior of the
economy as a whole. Sociology is the study of social relations and change.
Diff: 2
AACSB: Reflective Thinking
Objective: 2-1 What is economics, and what are the different types of economic systems?
Classification: Application
1
Copyright © 2014 Pearson Education, Inc.
2
Copyright © 2014 Pearson Education, Inc.
5) A mixed economy is one in which ________.
A) both resources and means of production are extremely limited and generally confined to
agricultural produce
B) the government or other centralized group determines and controls all resources and means of
production
C) both individuals and government control resources and determine production methods
D) either individuals or private firms control resources and determine production methods
E) there is no government intervention whatsoever in industry
Answer: C
Explanation: C) A mixed economy is one in which individuals, businesses, and government
share responsibility for determining allocation of resources and methods of production.
Responses A) refers to a traditional economy; B) to a planned economy; and D) to a market
economy.
Diff: 1
AACSB: Reflective Thinking
Objective: 2-1 What is economics, and what are the different types of economic systems?
Classification: Conceptual
Learning Outcome: Compare and contrast different economic systems
3
Copyright © 2014 Pearson Education, Inc.
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figures any evidence that capital has been attracted to Ohio by a
higher rate of interest, or repelled from our State by a lower one?
Assuredly not!
What in this direction is proposed to be done among ourselves is
shown in the section now presented for our consideration. By it the
legal rate in the absence of “special contracts” is to be raised to seven
per cent., such “contracts,” however ruinous in their character, and
whatsoever the nature of the security, are to be legalized; the only
exception to these sweeping changes being that national banks,
issuing circulating notes are to be limited to seven per cent. Shylock
asked only “the due and forfeit of his bond.” Let this section be
adopted, let him then present himself in any of our courts, can its
judge do other than decide that “the law allows it and the court
awards it,” monstrous as may have been the usury, and discreditable
as may have been the arts by means of which the unfortunate debtor
may have been entrapped? Assuredly not. Shylock, happily, was
outwitted, the bond having made no provision for taking even “one
jot of blood.” Here, the unfortunate debtor, forced by his flinty-
hearted creditor into a “special contract” utterly ruinous, may, in
view of the destruction of all hope for the future of his wife and
children, shed almost tears of blood, but they will be of no avail; yet
do we claim to live under a system whose foundation-stone exhibits
itself in the great precept from which we learn that duty requires of
us to do to others as we would that others should do unto ourselves.
By the English law the little landowner, the mechanic who owns
the house in which he lives, is protected against his wealthy
mortgagee. Here, on the contrary, the farmer, suffering under the
effects of blight or drought, and thus deprived of power to meet with
punctuality the demands of his mortgagee, is to have no protection
whatsoever. So, too, with the poor mechanic suffering temporarily by
reason of accidental incapacity for work, and, with the sheriff full in
view before him, compelled to enter into a “special contract”
doubling if not trebling, the previous rate of interest. Infamous as
may be its extortion the court may not deny the aid required for its
enforcement.
The amount now loaned on mortgage security in this State at six
per cent. is certainly not less than $400,000,000, and probably
extends to $500,000,000, a large portion of which is liable to be
called for at any moment. Let this section be adopted and we shall
almost at once witness a combined movement among mortgagees for
raising the rate of interest. Notices demanding payment will fly thick
as hail throughout the State, every holder of such security knowing
well that the greater the alarm that can be produced and the more
utter the impossibility of obtaining other moneys the larger may be
made the future rate of interest. The unfortunate mortgagor must
then accept the terms, hard as they may be, dictated to him, be they
8, 10, 12, or 20 per cent. Such, as I am assured has been the course of
things in Connecticut, where distress the most severe has been
produced by a recent abandonment by the State of the policy under
which it has in the past so greatly prospered. At this moment her
savings’ banks are engaged in compelling mortgagers to accept eight
per cent. as the present rate. How long it will be before they will carry
it up to ten or twelve, or what will be the effect, remains to be seen.
Already among ourselves the effects of the sad blunders of our great
financiers exhibit themselves in the very unpleasant fact that sheriffs’
sales are six times more numerous than they were in the period from
1861 to 1867, when the country was so severely suffering under the
waste of property, labor, and life, which had but then occurred. Let
this section be adopted, giving perfect freedom to the Shylocks of the
day, and the next half dozen years will witness the transfer, under the
sheriff’s hammer, of the larger portion of the real property of both
the city and the State. Of all the devices yet invented for the
subjugation of labor by capital, there is none that can claim to be
entitled to take precedence of that which has been now proposed for
our consideration.
Rightly styled the Keystone of the Union, one duty yet remains to
her to be performed, to wit: that of bringing about equality in the
distribution of power over that machinery for whose use men pay
interest, which is known as money. New England, being rich and
having her people concentrated within very narrow limits, has been
allowed to absorb a portion of that power fully equal to her needs,
while this State, richer still, has been so “cabined, cribbed, confined,”
that her mine and furnace operators find it difficult to obtain that
circulating medium by whose aid alone can they distribute among
their workmen their shares of the things produced.—New York,
already rich, has been allowed to absorb a fourth of the permitted
circulation, to the almost entire exclusion of the States south of
Pennsylvania and west of the Mississippi; and hence it is that her
people are enabled to levy upon those of all these latter such
enormous taxes. To the work of correcting this enormous evil
Pennsylvania should now address herself. Instead of following in the
wake of New Jersey and Connecticut, thereby giving to the monopoly
an increase of strength, let her place herself side by side with the
suffering States of the West, the South, and the Southwest,
demanding that what has been made free to New York and New
England shall be made equally free to her and them. Let her do this,
and the remedy will be secured, with such increase in the general
power for developing the wonderful resources of the Union as will
speedily make of it an iron and cloth exporting State, with such
power for retaining and controlling the precious metals as will place
it on a surer footing in that respect than any of the powers of the
Eastern world. The more rapid the societary circulation, and the
greater the facility of making exchanges from hand to hand, and
from place to place, the greater is the tendency toward reduction in
the rate of interest, toward equality in the condition of laborer and
employer, and toward growth and power to command the services of
all the metals, gold and silver included.
It will be said, however, that adoption of such measures as have
been indicated would tend to produce a general rise of prices; or, in
the words of our self-styled economists, would cause “inflation.” The
vulgar error here involved was examined some thirty years since by
an eminent British economist, and with a thoroughness never before
exhibited in reference to any other economic question whatsoever,
the result exhibiting itself in the following brief words of a highly
distinguished American one, published some twelve or fifteen years
since, to wit:
“Among the innumerable influences which go to determine the general rate of
prices, the quantity of money, or currency, is one of the least effective.”
Since then we have had a great war, in the course of which there
have been numerous and extensive changes in the price of
commodities, every one of which is clearly traceable to causes widely
different from those to which they so generally are attributed. Be
that, however, as it may, the question now before us is one of right
and justice, and not of mere expediency. North and east of
Pennsylvania eight millions of people have been allowed a greater
share of the most important of all powers, the money one, than has
been allotted to the thirty-two millions south and west of New York,
and have thus been granted a power of taxation that should be no
longer tolerated. The basis of our whole system is to be found in
equality before the law, each and every man, each and every State,
being entitled to exercise the same powers that are permitted to our
people, or other States. If the Union is to be maintained, it can be so
on no terms other than those of recognition of the existence of the
equality that has here been indicated. To the work of compelling that
recognition Pennsylvania should give herself, inscribing on her
shield the brief words fiat justitia, ruat cœlum—let justice be done
though the heavens fall!
Speech of Gen. Simon Cameron.
2×6
This “2 × 6” was to show the length and width of the grave they
would have. Not only that, but the negroes that they could impose
upon and get to vote the democratic ticket received, after they had
voted, a card of safety; and here is that card issued to the colored
people whom they had induced to vote the democratic ticket, so that
they might present it if any white-leaguers should undertake to
plunder or murder them:
New Orleans, Nov. 28, 1874.
WILLIAM ALEXANDER,
President 1st Ward Col’d Democratic Club.
Attest:
J. H. HARDY, Ass’t Sec. Parish Committee.