44 “Our Little Newspaper”…

“OUR LITTLE NEWSPAPER”

THE LA SOLIDARIDAD AND PHILIPPINE
JOURNALISM IN SPAIN
(1889-1895)

Jose Victor Z. Torres, PhD

De La Salle University-Manila
[email protected]

“Nuestros periodiquito” or “Our little newspaper” Historian, archivist, and writer Manuel Artigas y
was how Marcelo del Pilar described the periodical Cuerva had written works on Philippine journalism,
that would serve as the organ of the Philippine especially during the celebration of the tercentenary
reform movement in Spain. For the next seven years,
of printing in 1911. A meticulous researcher, Artigas
the La Solidaridad became the respected Philippine
newspaper in the peninsula that voiced out the viewed and made notes on the pre-war newspaper
reformists’ demands and showed their attempt to collection in the government archives and the
open the eyes of the Spaniards to what was National Library. One of the bibliographical entries
happening to the colony in the Philippines. he wrote was that of the La Solidaridad, which he
included in his work “El Centenario de la Imprenta”,
But, despite its place in our history, the story of a series of articles in the American period magazine
the La Solidaridad has not entirely been told. Madalas
Renacimiento Filipino which ran from 1911-1913.
pag-usapan pero hindi alam ang kasaysayan. We do not
know much of the La Solidaridad’s beginnings, its Here he cited a published autobiography by reformist
struggle to survive as a publication, and its sad turned revolutionary supporter, Timoteo Paez as his
ending. To add to the lacunae of information, there source. There is, however, no known copy of this
are some misconceptions as to its story. autobiography in any library here in the Philippines
today.
To the knowledge of the researcher, there singular
work which studied the La Solidaridad is John N.
Schumacher, S.J.’s The Propaganda Movement, and It is also unfortunate that there is no complete set
this was first published in 1972 and again in 1997 of the La Solidaridad in the Philippines today.
(Schumacher, 2002) Here the newspaper is mentioned Specimens that were in the National Library of the
as part of the overall history of the reformist Philippines during the American period were
movement. destroyed during World War II. A few issues were
discovered in 2011 in the University of Santo Tomas
This paper will attempt to present new facts on
Archives by its archivist, Prof. Regalado Trota Jose,
the La Solidaridad and parts of its story which had
been overlooked. It will also show the methods of after it was placed in storage following an exhibit in
how Philippine journalism was done in Spain during the late 1970s.
the 19th century at a time when freedom of the press
was at its height in the peninsula. Two complete sets are known to exist – one in
the University of Michigan and, the other in the
Sources on the La Solidaridad Augustinian Archives in Valladolid. A translation
project was begun in 1966 by historian Guadalupe
Primary sources on the story of the La Solidaridad Fores-Ganzon using photostats from the latter set.
were surprisingly rare in the Philippines until recently. She translated Volumes I to V and had two volumes
But its history could be followed through the letters published before the project was discontinued by the
of its staff and contributors. In writing this paper, I University of the Philippines Press. The volumes
consulted the letters of Jose Rizal in the five-volume remained in manuscript from until 1996 when
Epistolario Rizalino; the two-volume Epistolario del Fundacion Santiago published the entire set of the
Marcelo H. del Pilar; and some of the letters of English

Luz y Saber, 11 (2), June-December 2017

 Dr. Jose Victor Z. Torres45

translation with the Volumes VI and VII translated Spaniards. Second, the relatively small but
by Luis Mañeru and marketed under Bookmark Inc. significant number of families who prospered
could send their sons in Europe for an educa-
The Epistolario was reprinted in 1961 by the Jose tion, further rupturing the isolation that cut off
Rizal National Centennial Commission (JRNCC) the Philippines from the rest of the world.
according to the letter writers. Their sons absorbed the intellectual current of
Europe, saw a completely different type of
“El Centenario de la Imprenta” in Renacimiento society and became disillusioned with Spain
Filipino (1911-1913). The articles ran infrequently for itself on seeing the more progressive state of
two years until the magazine closed down in 1913. other countries.”

In a message to the author on the social network- One of the places to go to was Spain. The penin-
ing site, Facebook, Dick Malay, the son of writer, sula was going through a period of change. Liberal-
educator, and Filipiniana collector, Dean Armando ism, the philosophy brought about by the Age of
Malay, said that his father donated a inaugural issue of Enlightenment, was permeating Spanish society. In
the La Solidaridad to the University of Philippines in the 19th century, the Spanish government was a con-
1992. It now hangs in the College of Mass Communi- stitutional monarchy with a Cortes (Parliament) that
cations Library. The said issue was a gift from Na- represented the Spanish provinces. Because of the
tional Library Director Luis Montilla after World War distance from the continent, the Philippines was
II. irregularly represented here. Slowly, the middle-class
Filipino intellectuals began to question their roles in
La Solidaridad: Quicenario democratico. Vol- society and the governance of the Church and State
umes I-VII. Translated by Guadalupe Fores-Ganzon in their country which, at that time, was still recog-
and Luis Mañeru (Manila: Fundacion Santiago, 1996). nized as a “colony” rather than a province of Spain.
Movements began that sought equal recognition
The World of La Solidaridad between the Filipinos and the Spaniards.

The opening of the Philippines to world trade in The Propaganda Movement

the 19th century brought new things and ideas from
Europe. There were several factors that brought The Philippine reform movement or what is to be
about this condition, one of which is the shorter and known in our history as the Propaganda Movement
faster route from the continent via the Cape of Good was a result of the nationalism from a modernizing
Hope that made communications easier between the Spanish colony. The enlightened Filipinos became
colony and their mother country. aware that the fight for nationalism and equality was
not to be fought in their own country but in the land
The foreign commerce and the improvements in of their colonial masters. Dissatisfied with their roles
local production and trade also created a new stratum as colonials, but unable to fight and foster their ideals
in Philippine society – the middle-class or the ilustra- in their homeland, the ilustrados opted to do their
dos. It was this class that gained much from the campaign abroad in the liberal atmosphere of Spain.
growing colonial economy by getting involved in the It must be made clear to the authorities, however,
foreign trade. They reaped its profits and lived a good that the changes they wanted to achieve had to be
life, being wealthy enough to send their sons to Eu- done by peaceful means. They wanted reform not
rope to study in higher education. revolution.

As Schumacher (2002) wrote: Though several middle-class sons were sent to

Spain, only a few actually worked in the reformist
“The growing prosperity of the country movement. Among them were young men like Jose
was important to the nationalistic movement Rizal, Marcelo del Pilar, Jose Alejandrino, Pedro Pat-
in various ways: First, opportunities of trade erno, Graciano Lopez Jaena, Eduardo de Lete, Jose
in the Philippines brought about increased Maria Panganiban, Mariano Ponce, and the brothers,
contacts with foreigners and peninsular
46 “Our Little Newspaper”…

Juan and Antonio Luna. These men worked hard in Schumacher also blamed “racial elements” with
the creation of the movement and its eventual recog- “lines largely drawn between the creoles and Spanish
nition in Spanish society. mestizos on one side and the Chinese mestizos and
indios on the other.”. (Schumacher, 2002) Political
For the next 15 years, beginning in 1880 until differences also caused the withdrawal of funds by its
1895, the Propaganda Movement formed a cause that supporters. Before the newspaper folded, Ponce tried
battled the colonial government and the Catholic to continue running it by gathering funds from
Church in the Philippines with the might of the pen. friends and other supporters. But the enthusiasm to
continue the publication already waned and nothing
Early Journalism Attempts could stop its demise.

The proposal to publish a newspaper to spread The La Solidaridad

their ideals came with the idea of forming a Filipino
organization in Madrid in 1876. But the concept of In spite of the end of España en Filipinas, Ponce
uniting the Filipino community in Spain died an early continued to solicit funds to put up “an organ of
death, yet the thought of coming out with a newspa- Filipino opinion in Spain.” (Schumacher, 2002) There
per remained. were immediate positive results. Funds were contrib-
uted by interested parties along with proposals that
On March 7, 1877, the first issue of the newspaper, Ponce and Rizal (who was beginning to show his
España en Filipinas made its appearance in the streets leadership among the Filipinos in Spain) should be
of Madrid. It was edited by Eduardo de Lete and the editors of the planned newspaper. Both declined.
came out at least four times a month. The paper was Lete, on the other hand, assumed that he will be
initially issued to combat the anti-Filipino attitudes of asked to be editor again considering his experience
some Spanish writers who began writing diatribes with the Espana en Filipinas. But it was because of
against the ideas of assimilation. It was moderate in the debacle of the newspaper that many of his coun-
its outlook and, at first, “not openly opposing trymen opposed his taking up the responsibility again.
“existing institutions” (Schumacher, 2002) but “to In fact, Lete was also blamed for the growing schism
sustain in the arena of the press all those solutions between the Filipinos caused by his handling of the
which tend to renew once more the open-minded newspaper. The decision to appoint a director for the
policy of assimilation, traditional in overseas Spain.” planned newspaper became deadlocked. Unable to
solve the problem of removing the condition of
The newspaper was the first step to make known choosing an editor that came with the contributions,
to the Spanish authorities the idea of assimilation by Ponce, along with the other Filipinos, decided to put
the Filipino reformists. It called for representation in up a newspaper with their own money.
the Spanish Cortes as well as equal rights for the
Filipinos as a province of Spain. But it still took a In his history of the Soli based Timoteo Paez’
moderate stance with regards to confronting the account, here the facts about the newspaper:
Spanish authorities and, in fact, dealt more with com-
menting about non-Philippine affairs. It was only in “ The La Solidaridad was founded on Febru-
its third issue and he subsequent issues that it began ary 15, 1889 in Barcelona by Galicano Apaci-
to deal with Philippine events. (Schumacher, 2002) ble, Jose Ma. Panganiban, Mariano Ponce.
Pablo Rianzares Bautista, and Santiago
España en Filipinas lived a short life, lasting only Icasiano. The main proponent of the news-
16 issues with the last one put out in September of paper project, however, was Mariano Ponce,
1877. Internal strife was the cause of its demise. who became administrator and the business
There were differences of ideals and purposes among manager of the newspaper. The newspaper
its staff and writers. Rizal and Lopez Jaena were said began with funds these men contributed.
to have radical tendencies in deploring anti-Filipino Paez mentioned that Ponce and Bautista
feelings by the Spaniards of which the newspaper’s gave 10 reales fuertes each while Panganiban
Spanish writers want nothing to do with. gave three duros.” (Paez, 1980 as cited by
Artigas y Cuerva, 1913)

Luz y Saber, 11 (2), June-December 2017

 Dr. Jose Victor Z. Torres47

Lopez Jaena was made director though he only patriotic duty in the defense of democracy
said that “he can give only a contribution of his in those islands. That nation of eight
works.” (Schumacher would belittle Lopez Jaena’s million souls should not and must not be
role in the movement, citing that the part Lopez the exclusive patrimony of theocracy and
Jaena played was “small and he contributed nothing conservatism.
of permanent value to the vision of a future Philip-
pines.” (Schumacher, 2002) There was also evidence
that it seemed it was Del Pilar and Ponce who did As Schumacher said:
most of the work of the newspaper. (NHCP, 2011)
The newspaper unabashedly took a
partisan stance, associating itself with
The Soli was not a broadsheet but a tabloid-sized the generally anti-clerical republican
newspaper measuring some 20.5 x 28 cms (the size of parties of Spain, and to a lesser
a sheet of short bond paper) – Del Pilar’s extent with the left wing of the
“periodiquito”. The text was printed in two columns. liberals. It announced its program as
Illustrations were present yet seldomly found only on “assimilation” – the full application
to the Philippines of Spanish law and
the front page. A regular edition of the newspaper
the rights conceded to it.
was around 12 pages but there were issues that had (Schumacher, nd)
16 pages or more. The size and thickness were nec-
essary for the target readers also included the ones in It was, as Epifanio de los Santos later said, “a
the Philippines. Knowing that the newspaper had summary of the aspirations of the Filipino
will draw the ire of the friars and the colonial authori- people.” (Artigas y Cuerva, 1913)
ties, the Soli administrators prepared it to be secretly
The La Solidaridad was no different in content
mailed or smuggled to escape the government cen- and style from the Spanish newspapers circulating in
sors in the islands. the peninsula. These turn-of-the-twentieth century
newspapers were generally subjective, reflecting “be it
The new periodical also had its birth pains. Del political or otherwise, of the publishers.” (Bascara,
Pilar would write to Rizal about the dilemma of “too 2002) They were called “periodicos personalistas” for
many articles” submitted as well as the “trick of com- they serve as “a media to convey and herald the
opinions, views, sentiments, and positions of
positors” who use large types for the articles which
individuals and different sectors – politicians,
forced the editors to temporarily cancel the planned business, Church, and labor groups.” Spanish
Literary Section. (NHCP, 2011) newspapers were also described as “periodicos
opinion” for many of them were opinion-centric and
The objectives of the La Solidaridad were printed focused more on view and opinions rather than news.
on the front page of the first issue: (Bascara, 2002)

Writers and Managers

Our program, aside from being harmless is
very simple, to fight all reactions, to hinder The writers of the Solidaridad were among the
all steps backward, to applaud and to accept best of the intellectuals in the Filipino community in
all liberal ideas, and to defend progress…. Spain. The articles, at first, remained uncredited for
obvious reasons but later the writers started using
The aims, therefore, of La Solidaridad are pseudonyms: Rizal was Dimas-Alang and Laong-
defined: to gather, to collect liberal ideas Laan; Ponce - Kalipulako, Tikbalang, Naning; Del
Pilar - Plaridel; Antonio Luna -Taga-Ilog; and
which are daily exposed in the camp of
Panganiban - Jomapa. Later, Rizal would ask Del
politics, in the fields of science, arts, letters, Pilar to use their names when publishing their articles
commerce, agriculture, and industry…. (NHCP, 2011)– a suggestion that was seldom
followed.
We shall pay special attention to the Philip-
pines because these islands need the most The set-up of the La Solidaridad included
correspondents in the following countries with their
help having been deprived of representa-
corresponding addresses:
tion in the Cortes. We shall fulfill one
48 “Our Little Newspaper”…

When the Soli was moved to Madrid, the printing

Madrid : Plaza de San Maricial, num was done at the Progreso Tipografico on Miñas 13.
3, 2
Paris : 175 Boulevard Piére Following Rizal’s complaint that the first Soli
London : 37 Chaliot Crescent, issues from the Madrid printing was of poor quality,
Primrose Hill, N.W. (Rizal’s Lon- Del Pilar changed printers on July of 1890,
don address) transferring the Soli to the Tipografia de Madrid.
Hong Kong : J. Basa. Pottinger, St. Before the end of the year, the printing needs were
handled by the Imprenta Moderna while the editorial
The growing communications technology like offices were moved to Calle del Rubio 13 Principal.
telegraph cables, faster ships, and land vehicles that The Imprenta de Diego Pacheco del Dos de Mayo 5
transported news materials between countries made it was the last printing press that handled the printing of
easy for the newspaper to keep up with the news and the Soli in its last year of existence. (Artigas y Cuerva,
notices in the continent and the Philippines. 1913)

In his letter to Rizal from Barcelona, two days Financing

after the Soli was put out, Del Pilar gives us a descrip-
tion how the newspaper was initially run: The La Solidaridad began as a bi-monthly then
later became a monthly then would come out
It is democratic in its opinion, but very infrequently as funding became a problem. Money to
much more so in the organization of its sustain the newspaper came mainly from the Comite
staff. One should see how the director de Propaganda in Manila of which Del Pilar was a
writes, corrects proofs, directs the member. The first remittance he received from the
printing, distributes the copies, and Philippines was a letter of exchange for 150 pesos
even takes the packages to the post fuertes. But the printing costs for the first month of
office. Naning (Ponce), the administra- the newspaper’s existence amounted to 18 pesos
tor, gathers the data, writes, corrects monthly which later increased to 120 pesos. This
proofs, addresses the wrappers, answers expense did not include the payment for the rent of a
the correspondence, and also distrib- house for the editorial offices; the director’s
utes the copies. I am the only idler, dormitory; the salaries of the staff and the printing
though the newspaper had me preoccu- and writing costs. (Artigas y Cuerva, 1913) The
pied during the period of its gestation newspaper was also sustained by subscriptions and
and birth, for which reason I am behind sales. By the second issue, the Soli was already selling
in my correspondence with you. advertising spaces.

Del Pilar later took over management when the However, the funding seems not to be enough.
newspaper and its editorial offices moved to Madrid Rizal’s letters from Paris between 1889 and 1892 to
and Lopez Jaena opted to stay in Barcelona – a move Ponce and Del Pilar would mention notices of paid
that proved to be fortunate for the reformists as subscriptions and complaints by his friends that their
Lopez Jaena was already being complained against by issues failed to arrive.
Ponce for the former’s lackluster work on the news-
paper. (NHCP, 2011) Among those who helped with the money
problem were Paez, Juan Zulueta, Marcelino Santos,
Expenses and the dependability of available Timoteo Lanuza, Deodato Arellano, Domingo
funds from contributors forced the staff to change Franco, and Moises Salvador. These men gave Lopez
offices and printing shops. The Soli was printed in Jaena an additional 40 pesos monthly to gather
different printing houses at different times. It was propaganda materials for the newspaper. Another
first run in the Rambla de Cataluña, num. 123, Barce- Filipino propagandist, Fernando Canon Faustino,
lona while the editorial and administrative offices gave money from the sale of Rizal’s novel, Noli Me
were on Plaza de Buensucesos 5, 1º. Ten months Tangere (Artigas y Cuerva, 1913)
later, the staff moved to a new location on Atocha St.
principal izquierda and the printing was done at the The staff also contributed two duros monthly
Tipografia de Jaramillo y Compañia on Cueva 5. The deducted from their pay that was reduced to one
shop later moved to No. 45 on the same street on duro when the funding from Manila failed to arrive.
December 15, 1890.

Luz y Saber, 11 (2), June-December 2017

 Dr. Jose Victor Z. Torres49

The shortness of funds would sometimes be so by sympathizers working in the mail and telegraph
serious that in one letter to Rizal in 1891, Antonio offices in Manila. Based on Paez’ account, Artigas y
Luna, who was hired by the newspaper as a Cuerva says that the subversive materials from Spain
correspondent, complained that he had not been and Hong Kong were received by a first-class
promoted or paid sufficiently by the newspaper, in telegraph operator, Damoso Ibarra, who handled the
spite of the fact that the newspaper management has incoming correspondences at the Office of the
been receiving funds: Inspector-General of Communications. These were
then handed to a postman, Brigido Casteloy, who
“As a special favor that comes from would then secretly distribute them to other
you, they assigned me 8 duros a month. It is messengers. They would then clandestinely distribute
exactly one year that, despite my fulfillment the materials in the city and the provinces. This
of my duties and working more than is system was effective for some time as it was
required; I have not yet received any happening under the very noses of the authorities.
promotion that will encourage me to The two, however, were eventually caught and
continue. I write two, three, or more articles punished by their superiors. (Artigas y Cuerva, 1913)
for each issue, as you will see, and
nevertheless, despite stealing time from The price for getting caught with copies of the La
school duties, I find myself with the salary of Solidaridad and other subversive propaganda
a carromata driver (as I call him) without hope materials was heavy. Many were arrested and
of rising further. If it is true that they are deported. Among them were two relatives of Del
sending thousands of duros, on what are they Pilar who he was relying on for funding.
spent, where are they invested? My book is
dying of laughter, neither books nor The End of the Soli
pamphlets are being printed, the pay is
wretched . . . what is this? On the other The end of the La Solidaridad came in the
hand, there is a great waste of money, useless seventh year of its existence. By this time the reform
trips, complete abandon, no initiative, and movement was waning. Rizal had returned to the
what amounts to a dead campaign. This is Philippines in 1892 and founded the La Liga Filipina
complete suicide. This very day the on July 3. He was, however, arrested that same
fortnightly is in my hands and the two issues evening and ordered deported to Dapitan four days
published while I am here have only one later. With Rizal gone, it was the end of the La Liga.
article by Naning. Here in its true light is all The remaining members tried to continue the
the work of the labors of the organization along with its aims of reform and
Propaganda. Today it has been truly support for the La Solidaridad. But the Liga lasted
scandalous. There was almost no material for only a few months as the members saw the futility
and I have had to write on one day four of continuing the call for reforms as it apparently fell
articles, because both del Pilar and Naning on deaf ears in the Spanish colonial administration.
are doing absolutely nothing.” (NHCP, The group broke into two factions: the Cuerpo de
2011) Compromisarios led by Numeriano Adriano and the
Katipunan led by Andres Bonifacio.
Smuggling the Soli
The Compromisarios tried to continue support
A problem of the reformists about the La for the publication of the La Solidaridad but they had
Solidaridad was disseminating the newspaper, along to face the fact that the gathering of funds was
with their other writings, in the Philippines. Reports becoming difficult. Money still came in from time to
of their anti-government activities had already time from supporters and sympathizers, but it wasn’t
reached the colonial authorities in Manila. One of enough. The funds dwindled. The printing of the
their immediate reactions was to strictly monitor the Soli suffered.
cargoes from ships coming from Europe entering the
customs house in the city. The prohibition was so Finally on August 19, 1895, Apolinario Mabini,
effective that Del Pilar would only happily report to secretary of the Compromisarios in Manila, wrote to
Rizal on February 28, 1890 that the Soli has finally Marcelo del Pilar in Madrid with the sad news that
been smuggled into the Philippines almost a year the group has finally decided to end the newspaper:
after it came out. (NHCP, 2011)

Copies of the Soli were smuggled to the islands

50 “Our Little Newspaper”…

I regret very much to be the person to inform Facing the obstacles that the reactionary
you that the moment I have feared has come persecutions bring in opposition to the
when the publication of the newspaper La circulation of this newspaper in the Phil-
Solidaridad has to stop.
ippines, we have to suspend our publica-
The efforts of a few could not prevail against tion for some time.
the belief of many that the newspaper is
useless, since the authorities refused to listen Nowadays, when there are ways to curb
to our clamors for help. difficulties, we will not stop working to
overcome them. We are certain that all
“This is the reason why we cannot send you sacrifice is little in order to conquer the
any amount this month. They make use of
rights and freedom of an oppressed na-
any pretext for not giving money. It is not
now possible to support the paper, unless tion living in bad times of slavery.
someone comes along who was great
influence and plenty of money, and even then, We work within the law and thus we will
I consider it still difficult because of the entry continue publishing this newspaper
of the newspaper here will meet with serious whether here and aboard, depending on
obstacles. At other times, we could have gone the exigencies of the right wherein the
ahead. Nowadays, it is impossible because we
are a highly impressionable people, and, on Filipino reactionaries have come to im-
top of this, very little is given to reflection. press upon all Filipinos that in its soul
This is why the few who were helping us, there beats some sentiment of dignity
lured by recent events that you know only too and shame.
well, have lost the hope they pinned on the
paper over there and have transferred it Whether here or abroad, we will contin-
wholly to another direction. I do not know
ue developing our program.
whether they even realize the difficulties that
the new procedure would bring with it and
consider whether they have enough strength The end of the La Solidaridad signaled the end of
to met and overcome difficulties. All I know is the Propaganda Movement and Philippine journalism
that they believe it is the only good way, and in Spain. It was the final curtain for, what Artigas y
they refuse even to think whether the death Cuerva called, a “glorious moment of the Philippine
for the newspaper could cause us some press.” (Artigas y Cuerva, 1913)
damage.” (NHC, 1965)
An Examination
Mabini also told Del Pilar that they are collecting
Though it may be a successful newspaper to many
money to provide funds for him and Mariano Ponce
of its readers with regards to its objectives, the La
if they would like to leave Spain. He added that
Solidaridad went into a steady decline as the years
“everyone wants you to go to Japan, where some
passed. Several factors were cited:
from here already are.” (NHC, 1965)

The last issue of the La Solidaridad on November First, as mentioned in Mabini’s letter to Del Pilar,
15, 1895 was a mere ghost of its glory as the the irregularity of funds. Money was a continuous
newspaper of the reformists. It was only eight pages problem despite the financial support from fellow
with articles written by Del Pilar, Andres de Filipinos and sympathizers in Spain. The reformists
Garchitorena, and Juan Serrano Gomez. Its farewell not only had to pay for the printing of the newspa-
message to its readers is found in the last page. It pers, they had to deal with expenses like rent for the
was a brave front put up by Del Pilar as he did not offices as well as salaries for the staff and the corre-
lose hope that the newspaper will continue: spondents and fees for the use of the telegraph and
other means of communication as well as the sending
of the newspaper.

Second, the effective vigilance of the Spanish

authorities in the Philippines led to a low circulation
of the Soli in the country. And without a good circu-
lation, subscriptions from readers were very few,

Luz y Saber, 11 (2), June-December 2017

 Dr. Jose Victor Z. Torres51

leading to a shortage of funds. Schumacher men- NHCP (2011). Correspondence with Fellow
tioned that the Soli “had less effectiveness as an in- Reformists. Manila, Philippines.
strument of documentation within the Philippines.”
John Schumacher, S.J. (nd) “Historical Intro-
Third, a rift between Rizal and Del Pilar over the duction” in La Solidaridad., Volume I.
leadership of the reformists climaxed with the breaka-
way of Rizal from the movement and the Soli. This Bascara, Cornelio (2002). Stories from the
worsened the newspaper’s precarious circulation since Margin: The Other Narrative of the Philippine
Rizal had many supporters and readers. Del Pilar was -Spanish Revolution. UST Publishing House.
left with Ponce to manage the newspaper. The con- Manila.
tents soon became repetitious for Del Pilar had dis-
cussed issues over and over in earlier Soli articles. NHC (1965). The Letters of Apolinario Ma-
Interest among the Spanish politicians waned. bini. Manila, Philippines.

However, a question remains as to how success-

ful was the La Solidaridad in its objectives? As an
organ of the reformists, it was successful, but as a
means to influence the Spaniards, it failed. Assimila-
tion became an impossible dream for the reformists.
Though there was some Philippine representation in
the Spanish Cortes, these men were Spaniards and
not Filipinos. Moreover, Schumacher pointed out
that there was no concrete proof that the reforms
that were later brought to the Philippines was a direct
result of the Soli.

The positive result of the newspaper, however,

was that it still contributed, in a small way, to the
development of the identity of the Filipinos. The
ideas the newspaper expounded, coupled with the call
for reforms and assimilation introduced the Filipinos
to their standing as members of Spanish society – not
as colonials but as equals. It also contributed to their
realization of the futility of having equal status with
Spaniards. Independence would soon become the
cry of the people.

References
John Schumacher, S.J. (2002). The Propagan-
da Movement (1880-1895) Second Edition.
ADMU, Quezon City.

La Solidaridad: Quicenario democratico.

Volumes I-VII (1996). Translated by Guada-
lupe Fores-Ganzon and Luis Mañeru (Manila:
Fundacion Santiago, 1996).

Paez, Timoteo. Su historia politico-social,

1890 as cited by Artigas y Cuerva, Manuel
(1913). Renacimiento Filipino IV:7, 345-346.
52 “Our Little Newspaper”…

Luz y Saber, 11 (2), June-December 2017