30829-Texto Del Artículo-78307-1-10-20210621

MONOGRÁFICO / MONOGRAPHIC
5
Education laboratories in
'education for all' in Russia:
from Lenin to Putin
Laboratorios educativos en la «educación

para todos» en Rusia: de Lenin a Putin
Liya Kalinnikova Magnusson*
doi: 10.5944/reec.39.2021.30829
Recibido: 11 de mayo de 2021

Aceptado: 2 de junio de 2021
* Liya Kalinnikova Magnusson: PhD in special education, senior lecturer in special education. Department of
Education, Faculty of Business studies and Education, University of Gävle, Sweden. Datos de contacto:
E-mail: [email protected]. ORCID: http://orcid.org/0000-0002-0481-8665
Revista Española de Educación Comparada | núm. 39 (julio-diciembre 2021), pp. 81-102

ISSN 2174-5382
Education laboratories in 'education for all' in Russia: from Lenin to Putin
Abstract
In Russia, the formation of this agenda was rooted in strong Soviet ideological doctrine,
based on egalitarian values and hegemony of proletarian humanism. Ideological response
to the needs of industrialization in its primary policy agenda reforms, performed strong
structural barriers to the basic right to education for children with disabilities in the public
schooling system. The undertaken research appeals to the history of formation of educa-
tion for all, dealing with social education legalization with two time frames: Soviet and
Post-Soviet; methodology of the research has qualitative approach, aiming to make text
analysis (as a primary source) of the main state policy documents, concerning social justice
and equity, educational laws, governmental orders and other documents, regulating educa-
tion for children with disabilities retrospectively and contemporary. Secondary data, such
as statistics, case data, etc., will be collected from the historic and current sources, such
as peer reviewed publications, governmental statistics, state archives, etc. The research
questions of the study are: what are the main features of the policy agenda for children with
disabilities as a nexus of reforms of ‘education for all’ retrospectively and contemporary?
What structural challenges occurred and what curriculum was created and implemented
cross the time? What science perspective/s in special pedagogy emerged and transited?
Research findings are combined in two big themes: ‘Desired contours of the future and a
state order for experimentation’ and ‘Unfinished experimentation: disrupting the pattern.
The themes are supported by the sub-themes’. Both of the themes are discussed for the
understanding of special education inputs in education for all.
Keywords: children with disabilities; education for all, hegemonic ideology; policy anal-
ysis; policy agenda; political conditions; qualitative research
Resumen
El desarrollo de la educación para todos es un nexo /eslabón simbólico entre las refor-
mas de política educativa para el acceso a la educación de cada miembro de la sociedad
rusa. En Rusia, la formación de esta agenda de reformas estuvo fuertemente arraigada
en la doctrina de la ideología soviética, basada en los valores igualitarios y en la hege-
monía del humanismo proletario. Al responder ideológicamente a las necesidades de la
industrialización, esta agenda de políticas primarias obstaculizó fuertemente en el sis-
tema escolar público el derecho básico a la educación de los niños con discapacidad. Esta
investigación trata la historia de la formación de la educación para todos, abordando la
legalización de la educación social con dos marcos temporales: el soviético y el postsovié-
tico. A partir de un enfoque metodológico cualitativo, esta investigación está basada en
un análisis de texto de las siguientes fuentes primarias retrospectivas y contemporáneas:
los principales documentos de política estatal, en materia de justicia social y equidad,
las leyes educativas, las órdenes gubernamentales y otros documentos reguladores de
la educación de niños con discapacidad. Este estudio incluye también el análisis de los
siguientes datos secundarios a saber: estadísticas, datos de casos, etc., recogidos en fuen-
tes históricas y actuales. así publicaciones revisadas por pares, estadísticas gubernamen-
tales, archivos estatales, etc. Las preguntas de investigación del estudio son: ¿Cuáles son
las características principales de la agenda política retrospectiva y contemporánea con-
cerniente a los niños con discapacidad? ¿Qué desafíos estructurales tuvieron lugar y qué
plan de estudios se creó e implementó a lo largo del tiempo? ¿Qué perspectiva científica
surgió y transitó en la pedagogía especial? En está investigación se combina dos grandes
temas: «Contornos deseados del futuro y un orden estatal para la experimentación» y
«Experimentación inconclusa: interrumpir el patrón». Ambos temas están organizados
en subtemas y se los discuten para comprender los aportes de la educación especial a la
educación para todos.
Palabras clave: niños con discapacidad; educación para todos; ideología hegemónica;
análisis de políticas; agenda de políticas; condiciones políticas; investigación cualitativa
Revista Española de Educación Comparada. ISSN 2174-5382

núm. 39 (julio-diciembre 2021), pp. 81-102 82
doi:10.5944/reec.39.2021.30829
Liya Kalinnikova Magnusson
1. Introduction
A prominent aspect of Education for All (EFA) introduces an ambition to the rights to
education against discrimination internationally and interrelates with educational cul-
ture and policy of any state working towards good governance, development of democracy
and human rights. The global political movement of the EFA began in 1990, being initi-
ated by highly acknowledged leading intergovernmental organizations as a Consultative
Forum (UNDP, UNISCO, UNISEF, UN & World Bank) for expending and renewing
commitment by national governments and the international community to fulfilling
the EFA goals (United Nations [UN], 1990; Buchert, 1995). The formation of EFA has
gone through three World conferences: Jomtein (Thailand) in 1990, Dakar (Senegal) in
2000 and Incheon (South Korea) in 2015 (UNESCO, 2015). On November 2015, in Paris,
the EFA statements as a significant part of the Education 2030 Frame for Action for
Sustainable Development Goals [SDGs] (UN, 2015), declaring: ‘Ensuring inclusive and
equitable quality education and promote lifelong learning opportunities for all… No edu-
cation target should be considered met unless met by all” in the SDG 4 in Education (UN,
2015, p. 7). SDGs were adopted by 184 out of 195 Member States UNESCO (UNESCO,
2015). A significant number of countries joining the EFA movement, World Conferences
on EFA in Dakar and Incheon, emphasized, that since the 1990s, policy consultative
provision from the organizations, leading the EFA movement globally, was based upon
so called Western discourse in education in a top-down manner (Jones, 2007; Mundy,
2007; UNESCO, 2015). For the full achievement of EFA goals on global level, more atten-
tion should be paid to the multilateral aspect in respect of the social-cultural roots of the
national social and educational policy against inequality, in recognition of conventional
and contextual agendas identified as ‘education for all’. EFA as a political movement for
the civil rights of discriminated societal groups is also deeply embedded in national edu-
cational theories, methodologies and practices, provided and experienced by research
and education communities.
The Russian Federation (RF) with its historical past and present, is actively commit-
ted to the international movement of EFA, sharing a socio-cultural version of its perfor-
mance through large-scale efforts of the Soviet (1917-1991: Russian Soviet Federative
Socialist Republic [RSFSR]) and Post-Soviet (since 1991: Russian Federation [RF]) pro-
vision of education and by that, considerably contributing to the EFA globally. During
these two periods, Russian education for all was permanently processed as one of the
alternative experiments among other original worldwide ‘projects’ of building equality
in education, and is acknowledged as the most massive social experiment for targeting
industrialization, urbanization and cultural revolution in the history of modernization
(Anaikina, 2001; Kozlovskaya, 2003). Building education for all over the two historical
Soviet/Post Soviet periods, its accomplishment was shaped by constantly shifting bal-
ances of power on the scales of educational reforms/anti-reforms inside the country and
its closedness/openness internationally, continuously awaking multifarious theoretical
and practical experimentation in pedagogy with the reference to the “humanistic nature”
of education for all (Naumov, 2005).
The narrative of this research pays its attention to the history of the formation of
education for all, focusing on education for children with disabilities between 1917-2012.
The retrospective idea of this research is motivated by three main features. The first one,
emphasizing that the Soviet educational reforms [1917-1991], being built upon highly

doi: 10.5944/reec.39.2021.30829
centralized, specialized and standardized schools and agencies (Mazurek & Winzer,
1994; Hopper, 1977), developed an educational system for children with disabilities,
legitimized inside general educational laws (Zamsky, 1974; Malofeev, 2000; Nazarova,
2000). This pattern was kept in the educational laws, following the 1991 Post-Soviet
educational laws (Zakon, 1992; Zakon, 2012). The attempt to create a special educational
law, was undertaken in the form of a proposal of a Federal Law: ‘Education for individu-
als with disabilities (special education)’ in 1995 (Proekt, 1995). From unknown reasons
this proposal was never discussed publicly and not realised. The question, which is raised
out of this feature is: How was the legalization of special education issues formulated
and implemented across these two periods?
The second feature has its roots in the state policy provision of the ideological frame
for Soviet sciences, in general, and educational science, in particular. Soon, after the
revolution of 1917, the need of new power in new ‘sciences that reflected the new image of
socialist man’ (Popkewitz, 1984, p. 112) looked for new paradigmatic assumptions in edu-
cation that would convey this socialist commitment. Marxism-Leninism was employed
as an ideology of power for building a progressive society and science was to serve these
goals: “…Marxist sciences had to be modified and adapted to orient practice towards
social goals” (Popkewitz, 1984, p. 111). Soviet educational science got its philosophical
and methodological transformation. Dialectical materialism established philosophical
foundations and ground-rules for guiding research in educational science: “…the prob-
lem of science became programmatic” (Popkewitz, 1984, p. 111). The other question,
addressed to this research is: What scientific perspective/s challenged educational and
pedagogical issues in regard to children with disabilities during these two periods?
The third feature of this research is directed to the justification of a school curriculum
for children with disabilities. Since 1917 education for these children was organized in
existing pre-revolutionary special schools and in the hastily established children’s homes
as a result of caring for street and homeless children because of the civil war (Diyachkov,
1958). Ascent of the political and economic life of the country has been outlined since
1924 and the course against philanthropic approach in education to realize the materi-
alistic special pedagogy was taken. An intensive process of searching for new scientific
ideas how to upbring and educate children with disabilities was combined with people’s
enthusiasm of the successful realization of the first years of the plan to industrialization
in general and the beginning of the new course to cultural revolution, targeting ‘a fight
against illiteracy’. Strong beliefs of professional and research communities that by lit-
eracy force, new methodology and pedagogical methods, children with disabilities would
become useful societal members as other children, contributed to the loss of the ‘speci-
ficity’ of the special school (Zamsky, 1974). In 1931 schools for deaf, blind and mentally
retarded children got state order to teach children employing a mass school curriculum
(ibid). The research question out of this feature became: What special education cur-
riculum was created and what it was resulting in within Soviet and Post Soviet time?
2. Methodology
The research appeals to the history of formation of education for all, dealing with special
education legalization for children with disabilities, science provision and school curric-
ulum during the RF state history: Soviet (1917-1991) and Post-Soviet (1991-2012). Even
though, both of these ‘time frames’ are designated as the most radical and fundamental

doi:10.5944/reec.39.2021.30829
in their educational reforms, they are part of the continuity of the contemporary enact-
ments in the field (Anaikina, 2001; Kozlovskaya, 2003). For better understanding the
process of legalization of special education for these children, some emphasis is needed.
The first one interplays with the concrete historical contexts. The general line of the
development of education for all in RF has been rooted in the political structure of the
Soviet power, where from 1917 leading political positions, regulating and controlling a
broad spectrum of economic, social, and cultural issues on all levels, belonged to the
Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) till 1991, - the year of the Soviet Union
dissolution and the following transition towards liberalization and marketization. 2012
is a year of the adoption of the latest law of education in RF. Viewing the historical past is
a sign of any transitional epoch. That means, the history of special education formation
could be understood in relation to the Soviet power structure as a symbolic “hegemonic
moment” and fundamental challenges transferring policy reforms in education for all.
The next signifier emphasizes the role of special education origins in making “education
for all” possible. Referring to Richardson and Powell (2011), special education within
the periods of fundamental challenges, so called, ‘moments in time’, re-originating its
organizational designs, pedagogical foci, and instructional practices (Richardson &
Powell, 2011, p. 25). Debating special educational needs at ‘the moments in time’, special
education repeatedly reactivates its origins towards solutions, responding to deviations
‘from explicit or implicit norms in ever- more standardized, age-graded educational cur-
ricula and pathways’ (Richardson & Powell, 2011, p. 25). Special education passing the
difficult paths of its formation is a multidirectional process, consisting of interconnected
‘moments in time’ of its history in a wider political context, progressively contributing to
education for all.
This study is based mainly on Russian sources, relating to policy documents in gen-
eral and compulsory education within the relevant political and scientific framework.
Historical documents are represented by Constitutions of the RSFSR (Konstitutsiya,
1918; 1925); Constitutions of the USSR (Konstitutsiya, 1936;1977); Educational Laws
of the USSR (1958; 1973); Educational Laws of the RF (1992; 2012) and a chronologi-
cal collection of the state decrees, orders, government letters, reports and regulations
of education for children with intellectual disabilities. Scientific sources are based on
authoritative monographs in the history of Soviet education and special education such
as Vygotsky, Zamsky, Malofeev, Anaikina, Kozlovskaya, Naumov; defectological vocabu-
laries (Kratkiy, 1964; Defectologicheckii, 1970) issued by the Research Institute of
Defectology (RID) of the Academy of Pedagogical Sciences of the USSR (APS). Data from
the research texts were collected as a peer review resources through the Russian State
Library (journals: Special School [Spetsialnaya Shkola]; Defectology [Defecktologoya]);
electronic international data bases Discovery, Google scholar; the electronic platform
of the research Institute of Correctional Pedagogy (ICP) of the APS of the RF (journal:
Almanac of the Institute of Correctional Pedagogy). Of particular interest was a num-
ber of articles by professor Dyachkov, the director of the Scientific Research Institute of
Defectology, written during 1961-1967 in the journal of “Special School”; several arti-
cles by this author are covering the Soviet history of the formation of special education
and the provision of tasks for the defectology as a science in the period 1917-1967 were
selected for subsequent analysis.
The data analysis was based on an overall hermeneutic approach to data collection.
The descriptions were collected and then interpreted by historical and phenomenological

doi: 10.5944/reec.39.2021.30829
inquiries. The comprehension of former and present documents was inspired by

Engelhart (1972, p. 8). The main task of the perusal of documents and research texts
was to detect and utilize certain formulations relating to understanding disability issues,
rights to education and its realization, the scientific perspectives challenged educational
and pedagogical (curriculum) issues for children with disabilities across Soviet and Post-
Soviet educational reforms. The content analysis was proceeded through the idea to
‘make a symbolic reading of the text in question’ (May, 2001, p. 232) for further ‘uncov-
ering meaning, develop(ing) understanding, and discover(ing) insights relevant to the
research problem’ (Merriam, 1888, p. 118). Units of analysis of the findings were identi-
fied as ‘themes’ perspective, where significance of the words and phrases, expressions
and frequency of certain words was noted. The main findings were divided into two big
themes: Desired contours of the future and a state order for experiment (sub-themes:
Randomizing the sample and the dynamics of change: from the ‘street’ to the ‘labora-
tory’; Experimenting, implementing and disseminating a new structure of laboratories:
education through differentiation and adaptation of the curriculum; Scientific platform
for experimentation) and Unfinished experimentation: disrupting the pattern.
3. Findings
3.1. Desired contours of the future and a state order for experiment
3.1.1. Randomizing the sample and the dynamics of change: from the ‘street’
to the ‘laboratory’
Ideological statements were formulated in the first Constitutions of RSFSR of 1918/1925

(Konstitutsiya, 1918, art. 3, 17, 18; Konstitutsiya, 1925, art. 1, 8), playing a crucial role in
defining structural formation of- and the right to- education, including children with dis-
abilities. The power of proletarian dictatorship stressed priority of education for workers
and peasants, proclaiming formation of non-class society and builder of socialism/pro-
ductive worker as a new cultural model, value and norm of citizenship. The all-encom-
passing pressure of non-class ideology resulted in a dynamic challenge to the restriction
of rights to education for different groups of children, those who were identified as being
not fitting the new non-class norm of citizenship. School was seen as an ideological tool
for upbringing and formatting this new mankind as a man of fully developed personal-
ity, collectivist upbringing, the proper molding of the perfect and productive worker
(Kalinnikova & Trygged, 2014, p. 239).
Later, at the beginning of the 1930s, a new concept came into use in Stalin’s ideo-
logical discourse: ‘proletarian humanism’/‘socialist humanism’. The authorship of the
primary meaning of this concept was Maxim Gorkii, the Soviet writer: ‘only the true
humanism could be - is the proletarian humanism’ with its ‘inextinguishable hatred to
the bourgeoisie’, ‘to bourgeois humanism’ and ‘to the rule of capitalism’ (Sherrer, 2020).
‘Socialist humanism’ was integrated in the new discipline of ‘Ethics of Marxism-Leninism’
in 1959 and got its scientific definition in the Malaya [Short] Soviet Encyclopedia: social-
ist humanism- is a feature of the revolutionary ideology and practice of the proletariat,
which is fighting for the liberation of workers from economic oppression, for the build-
ing of a communist society, which creates real conditions for the full development of all
people, for true individual freedom (Humanism: 1959, p. 227). Further this concept was

doi:10.5944/reec.39.2021.30829
integrated in the last Soviet Constitution of 1977 (Konstitutsiya, 1977). Until the dissolu-
tion of the USSR, ‘socialist humanism’ kept its Soviet version, nothing in common with
universalism.
Giving short reference to the restrictions of rights to education for children, empha-
sizing that in the middle of 1920s till the end of 1930s ideological statements became a
symbolic social marker, recognizing, categorizing and alienating those who were identi-
fied as abnormal on the scale of normality/abnormality. Among these ‘socially abnor-
mal’ were children, categorized on the scale of friends-foes: children of people’s enemies
(‘bad’ social background), children of ethnic settlers, etc. (Korobkova, 2011). A big group
of homeless, neglected, orphans, physically and mentally retarded children, etc. got their
categorization on the scale of defectiveness (Diyachkov, 1967a).
The discourse of ‘defectiveness’ had its pre-revolutionary initial introduction by child
psychiatrist Kashenko (1912), where he defined: ‘physical defectiveness’ (with organic
impairments); ‘mental defectiveness’ (mentally retarded) and ‘moral defectiveness’
(socially neglected and maladapted). This discourse got its continuation after the revolu-
tion in a new ideological context of beliefs that these children by newly developed peda-
gogy, newly established state care and educational system would grow into new Soviet
children. Lunacharsky, the first People’s Commissar of Education of the RSFSR, in 1924,
in his speech at the second congress of social and legal protection of minors, defined
children with defectiveness as ‘… subjects, who differ from the norm… it is necessary to
make such children healthy… defectiveness in the proper sense of the word goes hand
in hand not so much with bad heredity, as it depends on the environment’ (Diyachkov,
1967b, p. 5),- expressing hope that these children could become full members of the new
society. In the emerging discourse of the science of defectology ‘child defectiveness’ was
turned to the discourse of ‘difficult child’, clearly formulated by Vygotsky (1993): ‘… We
selected the following varieties and types of difficult childhood as the foundation for the
research: troubled children in a mass schools; children difficult for train in the proper
sense of the word (homeless, delinquent or pedagogically neglected), psycho- and neuro-
pathic children, mentally retarded, blind, deaf-mute, logopathics, and the mentally and
physically ill’ (p. 188). The signs from the science didn’t meet the feature of the ideologi-
cal proclamation of the new society.
In 1936, the new (Stalin’s) constitution consolidated the victory of the proletarian dicta-
torship, legally secured the victory of socialism and proclaimed liquidation of antagonistic
societal classes (Konstitutsiya, 1936; Konstitutsiya, 1959, 1160-1161). The fact of the exist-
ence of abnormal children completely contradicted the claims of an ideal and happy Soviet
childhood: ’… it is enough to leave only a certain number of schools ‘for children-disor-
ganizers, psychoneurotics and idiots. We have no other categories..,’ – the bolshevik party
ideologist A. Zhdanov asserted in August 1936 (Rodin, 1998). ‘Difficult’ children became
invisible. During the 1930s, the structure of learning conditions for all these children was
defined by state profiling commissions, regulating a process of selection and restriction for
education, in more regulated and isolated placements (Galmarini, 2012). Educational con-
ditions for ‘morally defective’ children got its repressive resolutions in colonies for young
criminals under the People’s Commissariat of Internal Affairs of the USSR. ‘Physically’
(deaf, blind, crippled) and ‘mentally’ (oligophrenic) defective children were segregated in
special schools under the People’s Commissariat of Education (PCE). Since the 1920s the
group of children, recognized as ‘non-educable’ (feeble-minded, idiots) were transferred to
the jurisdiction of the People’s Commissariats of Social Welfare and only the satisfaction

doi: 10.5944/reec.39.2021.30829
of the basic needs of these children was steadily considered as prioritized (Zamsky, 1974;
Kalinnikova & Trygged, 2014). The ideological pressure on the formation of the educa-
tional system during 1930s, was manifested in the prevalence of political homogeneity,
severely marginalizing the right to education of ‘difficult’ children.
During the post-revolution period and till the early 1950’s, the understanding of
the nature of child ‘defectiveness’ got its pure materialistic interpretation, based on
Marxist-Leninist philosophical propositions: theory of development, theory of knowl-
edge and the principle of determinism of phenomena in relation to various anomalies
(Vlasova, 1971). Since the middle of the 1950’s ‘defective’ children began to be called
abnormal, which meant ‘… children with significant deviations from normal physical
or mental development… 1) hearing impairments (deaf, law hearing abilities, late deaf);
2) visual impairments’ (blind, law visual abilities); 3) deaf-blind; 4) mentally retarded;
5) severe speech disorders.’ The term of the defect became synonymous to the term
anomalos meaning incorrect, wrong (Anomalnie deti, 1964, p.12-13). This material-
istic understanding of the defect formed the basis of the methodology for recognition
of the child ‘defect’ for further differentiation and correction of the abnormality in an
appropriate educational institution.
Political rehabilitation, initiated after 1953, Stalin’s death, for children of people’s
enemies and of ethnic settlers, deserves a separate narration. Being socialized under the
oppression of the label political, experiencing long term fears and neglect, most of these
grown up children were never liberated from barriers and restrictions to full citizenship till
the end of the Soviet era. The repressive discourse regarding ‘morally defective’ children
was softened, but kept, slowly opening changes towards counter discourse of psychological
trauma and social disadaptation, leading to the development of therapeutic intervention
and medicalization (Galmarini, 2012). Experimentation, scientific work of education of
non-educable children started at the end of the 1960’s, but the recognition of their rights to
education would be formulated through the concept ‘from equal rights to equal possibili-
ties’ just in the Law of Education of RF in 1992 (Ob institute, 2021).
3.1.2. Experimenting and disseminating a new structure of laboratories:

achievements through differentiation and adaptation of the curriculum
Initially, class theory and incorporation of ideological doctrines for creating a new edu-
cational system, have pushed experimentation, challenging ‘people’s education’ on all its
structural levels. Since 1918 responsibilities for ‘defective children were divided, inter-
related and periodically transferred between three commissariats: education, health and
social affairs (Zankov, 1974). In the State Decree of 1926, the initial institutional structure
for children with ‘physical’ (deaf and blind) and ‘mental’ (oligophrenic) defects was placed
under the Council of People’s Commissars of Education: homes for preschool children;
schools and school-internats; schools and school-internats for professional-technical
education; mixed age schools and school-internats; special [vspomogatelnie] groups for
mentally retarded children in regular schools (Diyachkov, 1967b).
Taking in account the fact, that there was no separate Law of special education in
RSFSR, the structural formation of education for these children was experienced and legal-
ized through a number of State Decrees, Orders, Letters, Instructions, etc., directed to the
reforms in general and compulsory education. In the instructional guide for the directors
of special schools this regulation was explained as follows: …Both, tasks and principles of

doi:10.5944/reec.39.2021.30829
education for children with mental and physical defects (nedostatkami) of development
and tasks of their communist education are common with the mass school, but the struc-
ture, regime, methods of education have particularities (Sbornik, 1982).
The structural changes of educational institutions for children with physical and
mental defects [nedostatkami], became more dynamic after World War II. The main
reason for that was not only the growing up of a number of physically war wounded chil-
dren and a poliomyelitis epidemia in the middle of 1950s, but also the scientific achieve-
ments in deeper understanding the nature of different ‘defects’. Defectological research
issues were included in the scientific plan of the Academy of Pedagogical Sciences of the
USSR at the end of the 1930’s and resulted in the process of slowly increasing differen-
tiation among children with defects [nedostatkami] (Diyachkov, 1967c; Vlasova, 1971;
Zamsky, 1974). In the Educational Law of 1958 (art. 5), the format of school-internats
and daycare groups were expanded in order to strengthen the role of society in helping
families in raising children. Free provision of basic needs for children with physical and
mental ‘defects’ [nedostatkami] such as food, clothes, leisure activities, treatment, etc.,
especially for special schools-internats had a positive impact on this structural challenge
(Sbornik, 1982, p. 148-153). Since 1972 the nomenclature of five special preschool insti-
tutions/groups in regular kindergartens was legalized: for children with hearing, speech,
visual, mental and motor impairments (Sbornik, 1982, p. 59).
Figure 1 is introducing the tendencies in the development of special education
schools discussed above. Despite that the collected data operationalize only by general
statistics of students’ number in these schools, the evidence of structural changes is
obvious, except one reference, worth considering. The expansion of the enrollment of
students clearly demonstrated on the Figure 1, in 1958-59 was lower than the number
of students, enrolled in special schools in 1927-28 (Kasin & Chekharin, 1970). This fact
has its explanation, which mostly connects to the ideological statement, mentioned and
discussed previously. Having a format of radical governmental response on the usage of
IQ tests by the pedologists, (which resulted in increasing by 50% of special schools dur-
ing 1925-1926 (Zamsky, 1974), this response proclaimed: there is ‘…enough to leave only
a certain number of schools… for children-disorganizers, psychoneurotics and idiots…’
(Rodin, 1998). After the 1960’s the process of differentiation led to diversification of edu-
cational placements for children with physical and mental defects [nedostatkami]. As an
example: types of impairment became more specified within each group: deaf / hearing
impaired, blind / visually impaired, mentally retarded, with speech impairments. At the
end of the 1960’s –beginning 1970’s, three new types of special educational settings were
established: for deaf-blind (school-internat, the only one in Moscow), for motor-disor-
dered (special school internat) and for developmental delay [zaderzhka psihicheskogo
razvitia] children (special classes in mass schools, special schools) (Table 1; Diyachkov,
1967c; Vlasova, 1971; Kisova, 2017). Within the same period, the first educational curric-
ulum was addressed to the still existing ‘non-educable’ group of children in experimental
settings (Dulnev, 1960; Vatazhina 1971; Tsikoto 1979).
For the first Educational Law, where the confirmation of the existence of the ‘special
educational institution’ was formally legalized was the Educational Law of the USSR of
1973. In the article 26, under the heading: Certain types of general education schools.
Schools-internats, internats at schools. Children homes’, was clearly formulated: For
children and teens with defects [nedostatkami] in physical and mental development,
which are the reason of difficulties in learning at the regular school and are in need

doi: 10.5944/reec.39.2021.30829
in particular conditions of upbringing, special regular schools and schools-internats

should be organized and provide education, upbringing, medication and preparation
(these students) to the socially useful work (Zakon, 1973). The structural differentiation
in special education was continually processed and coordinated with the ‘types’ of child
‘defect’ [nedostatkami] cross 1970-90s.
Figure 1: Number of Children in Schools for the Physically or Mentally Handicapped: USSR,
1950-19. Source: Anderson, B., Silver, B. & Velkoff, A. (1987). Education of the Handikapped in
the USSR: exploration of the Statistics Picture, Soviet Studies, v. XXXIX (3, July): 468-488
The educational curriculum by the Decree of 1930’s ‘On universal compulsory primary
education’, (Postanovlenie, 1930) got its qualificative nature, and normative principles
of education for all students were equalized. As an example, the structure of a school
curriculum for children with mental ‘defect’ [nedostatkami] was based on two stages.
The curriculum of the first one (five years) was fully corresponding to the first stage of
four years regular school curriculum. The second stage: sixth and seventh school years
provided basic theoretical education in algebra, physics, chemistry and trigonometry.
This polytechnic education was considered to prepare these students to enter the next
stage of education in factory schools. State order took over, special education became
an important resource and service for the state industrialization needs addressed to
educators and scientists as an ‘over task’ (Malofeev, 2000). On all stages of improve-
ment of Soviet compulsory education for all (Zakon, 1930: seven years; Zakon, 1958:
eight years; Kotsitutsiya, 1977: ten years; Postanovlenie, 1984 – eleven years) special
education curriculum was required to be adapted to mass education. To make students’
achievements realized, special educational institutions got structural regulations: less
number of students in the learning settings, longer period of compulsory education, full
time control from the school staff, free basic needs provision (special education school-
ing was mainly organized and provided through school-internats). Since the 1920s a new
teacher education specialty was created: defectologist. Special education curriculum was
responding to the state reforms in labour education and preparatory students to every-
day life. Development of special pedagogy and didactics for purposes of the state got its
formation from intensive practical and scientific inputs (Dulnev, 1955; Diyachkov, 1957;
Diyachkov, 1968).

doi:10.5944/reec.39.2021.30829
Table 1.
The network of educational institutions, (Diyachkov, 1967c)
IV. PRODUCTION
[PROIZVODSTVO]
General system of
compulsory and
professional higher Training industrial
Evening schools education enterprises
Distance schools (Technical VUZ)
[Vechernie [Uchebno-
[Zaochnie shkoli] [Obshaya sistema
smennie schkoli] srednego I visshego proizvodstvennie
professionalnogo predpriyatiya]
obrazovaniya
(Tehnicheskii VUZ)]
III. SPECIAL SECONDARY AND PROFESSIONAL INSTITUTIONS

[SPETSIALNIE SREDNIE I PROFESSIONALNIE UCHREZHDENIYA]
General secondary Professional

Professional- Occupational
schools with schools
technical training work
industrial education (music, art, etc.)
institutions places
[Obshie srednie [Profshkoli
[Professionalno- [Uchebno-
shkoli s (muzikalnie,
tehnicheskie proizvodstvennie
proizvodstvennim hudozhestvennie i
uchilisha] masterskie]
obucheniem] dr.]
II. SPECIAL SCHOOLS OF COMPULSORY EDUCATION

[SPETSIALNIE SHKOLI OBYAZATELNOGO OBUCHENOIYA]
Schools for Schools for Schools for Schools for

students with Schools for students with students with students with
Schools for Auxiliary speach physical
hearing blind visual
deaf students schools impairments impairments
impairments students impairments
[Shkoli dlya [Vspomogate [Shkoli dlya [Shkoli dlya
[Shkoli dlya [Shkoli dlya [Shkoli dlya detei s detei s
gluhih] lnaya shkola]
slabislishashi slepih] slabovidyashi narusheniyami narusheniyami
h] h] rechi] dvizheniya]
I. PRESCOOL INSTITUTIONS FOR ABNORMAL CHILDREN

[DOSHKOLNIE UCHREZHDENIYA DLYA ANOMALNIH DETEI]
Preschool
Special groups in
departments in
regular
special schools
Nursery institutions Kindergardens kindergardens
[Doshkolnie
[Yasli] [Detskie sadi] [Gruppi pri
ondeleniya pri
massovih detskih
spetsialnih
sadah]
shkolah]
Network of the educational institutions:

I. Preschool institutions;
II. Special schools;
III. Secondary general and professional education;
IV. Employment, secondary general professional and higher education
_________________________________________________
Reference to the table: Diachkov, A. (1967). Osnovnie etapi razvitiya sovetskoi sistemi vospitaniya i obucheniya anomalnih detei
[Main stages of the development of the Soviet system of upbringing and educating of abnormal children].Spetsialnaya shkola, n5
(125), s.5.

doi: 10.5944/reec.39.2021.30829
The intellectual platform of special education created by defectologists, theoretical

and methodological developments contributed to the further typification of special edu-
cational structure, creating a symbolic Soviet pattern, expanding it over the whole USSR.
Figure 2 draws the line of this expansion between 1950-80s, witnessing the regional
inequality of development of the net of special educational institutions for the whole
USSR. A similar picture of regional inequality was inside the Soviet Russia. Special edu-
cational institutions, were located extremely unevenly across the country, mainly in the
European part (Malofeev, 2000). The only solution for education for these children was
a state response to the establishment of special school-internats over the RSFSR, where
children lived, learned and socialized, being far away from their homes under conditions
of multiple deprivation.
Figure 2: Number of Children in Schools for the Physically or Mentally Handicapped per 10,000
Children Enrolled in Classes I-IV: USSR and Regions, 195{)-1982. Source: Anderson, B., Silver,
B. & Velkoff, A. (1987). Education of the Handikapped in the USSR: exploration of the Statistics
Picture, Soviet Studies, v. XXXIX (3, July): 468-488.
Thanks to the efforts of the community of educators and scientists, at the end of
1990’s there was found structural, didactical and methodological solutions for adapta-
tion of the special school curriculum to the one required by the state order towards fur-
ther general and professional education of students. The structure of special educational
institutions as a system was basically formed, but not finalized. The special educational
infrastructure was still fragmented on the regional level (horizontally) and on the scale
of life long-learning (vertically), missing forms and programs for an early age support for
children (Malofeev, 2000).

doi:10.5944/reec.39.2021.30829
3.1.3. Scientific platform for experimentation
The formation of the pedagogical science for children with disabilities in Russia was an
integral part of the post-revolutionary structural challenges in special education since
1918. The vision of a new science for these children was experienced through general
political debates around desired contours of the future, which were seen through social-
cultural class based societal transformation, new progressive school and pedagogy pro-
moting the development of educational models for upbringing a new generation of ‘mass
mankind’. The Marxist-Leninist frame of the state policy took an ideological control look-
ing for paradigmatic assumptions that would convey this socialist commitment through
education. Responsible governmental leaders, involving intelligentsia and political activ-
ists, organized several important events for that purpose. Between 1919-1924 the issues
of a primary pedagogical agenda, were addressed to the solutions of the disaster around
child defectiveness, homelessness, orphanage, etc. Central outlines of these events raised
the necessity of a deep analysis of the situation in understanding the causality of defec-
tiveness; to define the structure of special institutions for different groups of children; to
determine the ways of training new pedagogical staff –defectologists, etc. (Zamsky, 1974;
Diyachkov, 1958). In the scientific discourse of the response to the child defectiveness
two significant disciplines emerged: pedology and defectology. Both of these sciences
had their roots in the pre-revolutionary reformistic movement in pedagogy on the border
between the XIXth and XXth centuries.
Pedology in its methodology, was a scientific phenomenon, originated in the USA by
G. Stanly Hall. It got its intensive implementation in Russia during the first decade after
the revolution. Pedology offered a holistic pedo-centric approach to child development
in the interaction/interrelationship of all mental and physical manifestations under the
influence of biological and social factors. Pedologists themselves realized the complica-
tion of the purposes they applied and experienced difficulties to define the subject of their
science (Zamsky, 1974). The most clear definition was given by the professor Blonsky,
the founder of the Soviet pedology: “Pedology studies symptom-complexes of different
epochs, phases and stages of childhood in its temporal sequence and its dependence on
different conditions” (Blonsky, 1925, p. 8). Pedology was interested in defining the psy-
chological, physical and social content of child development within the child age, looking
for the interconnectedness between these characteristics and coordinating them with the
biological and social factors. In that way, pedologists aimed to create an organic synthe-
sis between different child development data and saw dialectics in this approach. During
the 1920’s pedological movement got wide support and permission by the People’s
Commissariat of Education to deal with the issues of child development and improve-
ment of the organizational process in labour, political and moral education of students
(Vygotsky, 1993; Zamsky, 1974). Pedological institutes, experimental laboratories, staff
of pedologists in schools – were established through the country. In practice principles
of synthesis and dialectics were implemented controversially and, finally, failed. IQ tests
became the dominant method in pedological studies and the number of children, identi-
fied as retarded, as well the number of special schools for mentally defective children,
grew. In 1936, by the State Decree ‘About Pedological perversions in the system of the
People’s Commissariat for Education’ Pedology was accused being pseudoscience, and
that theory and practice of this science stood on anti-Marxists statements (Postanovlenie,
1936; Pedology, 1959, p. 1266). “It became clear that pedology failed to satisfy Party
expectations for improving the situation of children.” (Sirotkina & Smith 2012, p. 425).

doi: 10.5944/reec.39.2021.30829
After the ban of pedology, tests as a method were no longer in use. The division between
educable/non-educable children was developed in defectology by the use of different
psychological, pedagogical and medical methods in more qualitatively performed pro-
cedures (Pevzner, 1966; Dulnev & Luriya, 1973; Lubovsky, 1989). The data, collected by
pedological experimentation and observation about children’s life in such a complicated
political period, represent a unique and very original social-cultural heritage, which was
left behind for taking care of by the next generations of scientists.
Defectology as an emerging theory and practice, addressed to children with physical
and mental ‘defects’, at the beginning of the XXth century, had a much smaller scale of
its distribution on the territory of Russia, in comparison with the emergence of pedology.
The term defectology has German origins and was imported from Germany (Knox &
Stevens, 1993). The history of theorization in defectology closely connects to private ini-
tiatives of doctor-teachers to educate children with ‘…neuropathic, hysterical, mentally
retarded, spoiled by improper upbringing in the family, prone to vagrancy and with other
developmental disabilities” (Kashenko, 1912) makes a reference, to a scientific philan-
thropy with its much longer tradition to take care of ‘defective’ children (‘feeble minded’,
‘idiotiki’) in Russia (Kalinnikova & Trygged, 2014, p. 231). The emergence of the defec-
tology as a science after the Revolution is considered as a state request to strengthen
a slow growing net of special schools, responding to the state needs in over-taking the
control of child defectiveness.
The theory formation of the Soviet defectology began, as historians in the field of spe-
cial education agree, in the 1924, at the second Congress of social and legal protection of
minors, where Lev Vygotsky, working at that time as a state servant of the department of
social and legal protection of minors, took on of the leading part in its preparation (Zamsky,
1974). Here Vygotsky, symbolically saying, introduced himself to the research community,
it was a year when he entered the door to the social and psychological sciences, keeping
his loyalty to the defectology till the end of his life in 1934. At the Congress and in his fol-
lowing scientific texts, he formulated the basic provisions for understanding the essence of
abnormal development, based on the social-cultural theory of the development of higher
mental functions and substantiated general statements for all sections of defectology
(surdo-, typhlo-, etc.) (Vygotsky, 1924). The scientific institutionalization of the defectol-
ogy started in the 1920’s from the establishment of small representative departments in the
Psychoneurological academy in Leningrad and in the Second state university in Moscow
(Zamsky, 1974). In 1929, the People’s Commissariat for Education of the RSFSR trans-
formed the existing departments into a single structure - the Experimental Defectological
Institute. During Soviet time, since 1943, the Research Institute of Defectology (RID) was
embedded in the Academy of Pedagogical Sciences of the USSR, and worked with the issues
to fulfill the state order of scientific support of the school education system for children
with mental and physical disabilities (Ob institute, 2021).
Finally, defectology was formatted as an interdisciplinary science ‘about laws of devel-
opment, upbringing and educating children with physical and psychological disabilities
(nedostatkami)’ (Defectologiya, 1964). Interdisciplinarity of defectology was constituted
out of special pedagogy and special psychology. Each of these sciences has its marker in
the state Classifier of the sciences in both periods: Soviet and post-Soviet. Defectology
never got its formal statement as a science in this Classifier; it was a study discipline for
professional special teacher education curriculum and a branch of pedagogical science,
but not a science in its own right (Nazarova, 2008).

doi:10.5944/reec.39.2021.30829
3.1.4. Unfinished experimentation: a transition to a new experimentation
Researchers, focusing on issues of reforms in education for all after the dissolution of
the USSR (1991), make a reference to variable aspects of complications of this process,
emphasizing the evidence of the incompleteness of the historical action challenging
the transition from a totalitarian/authoritative regime to liberalization in education
(Dneprov, 2011). The incompleteness of the developmental process in special education
after 1991 is seen as a multifaceted force to re-orient experimentation by changing a
research focus and research questions towards new principles how to respond to the edu-
cational needs of children with disabilities (Malofeev, 2000), when the previous system
didn’t finalize its formation in both directions: vertically (life-long learning perspective)
and horizontally (unevenness of special education infrastructure across the country).
Special educational resources were predominantly concentrated in the European part of
Soviet Russia and other big cities (ibid). Consequently, inequality within the delivering/
receiving special educational resources was rather high. At the beginning of the 1990s,
about 1.5% of the total number of school-age children in Russia received special educa-
tion support (ibid, 112). The existing special educational resources met no more than 15%
of the identified needs (Nazarova, 2020), witnessing the lack, and unequal distribution
across the country of special teachers, special education training and special education
institutions (Nazarova, 2020).
Incompleteness of the special education formation in the 1990’s and liberal reforms
in education in 1992, launched opposite tendencies, challenging epistemological ten-
sions and needs to unite educational and research communities internationally. During
this time, the right to education for children with disabilities, was influenced by inter-
national documents including the World Declaration on Education for All (in Jomtien,
1990; Dakar, 2000) and The Salamanca Statement (UNESCO, 1994). In 1993,- the new
Constitution of the Russian Federation, declared equality as a foundational platform for
each (Kontstitutsiya, 1993). Article 43 recognized every individual’s right to free and
accessible education. It took about 20 years more before inclusive settings, provision of
accessible and quality of education for students with disabilities, adapting to individual
needs, were formally legalized in the Federal Law of Education (The Law of Education,
2012). Students with disabilities were considered inside the larger group of students:
“students with limited health conditions”, (The Law of Education, 2012, art. 79). The new
Educational Law had its federal nature of the Russian State and so delegated executive
actions of its implementation to the regions, where in a number of them the inequality in
education among children with disabilities was rather steady (Kulagina, 2012).
Making reference to defectology, in the 1990s, the defectological approach to child
disability research and practice transformed itself into ‘correctional pedagogy’ as a ‘new’
science concerning these children. The subject of defectology was moved from identifying
‘defect’ to the action of corrective pedagogy or correction of the defect (Nazarova, 2008).
The Research Institute of Defectology took full responsibility for this renaming, while
neglecting to consider contrary opinions from the contemporary Russian research com-
munity. This demonstrated the power of the RID and its continuing ‘non-conventional’
hegemony in Russian science (Nazarova, 2008; Kalinnikova Magnusson & Walton, 2021).

doi: 10.5944/reec.39.2021.30829
4. Discussion and conclusions

The undertaken research paid its attention to the history of the formation of education for
all within two periods of fundamental societal changes, focusing on educational reforms
for children with disabilities, science provision and school curriculum during the Soviet
(1917-1991) and Post-Soviet periods (1991-2012). The main assumption was based on the
debates that special education, within the periods of fundamental challenges, re-activates
its origins, interconnects wider political context towards solutions for making education
for all possible. Research questions were addressed to the three main features: legisla-
tion, science and school curriculum. All three - interplay with each other, contributing to
a deeper understanding of special education formation within a provision of education
for all. Examining the results of the study, it was found that revolutionary formation of
special education emerged from the discourse of child defectiveness and class radicalism
discourse, addressed to the formation of a new school as a place for social engineering
of a new mankind. In practice, class radicalism stratified and institutionalized inequality
in education by recognizing, categorizing/randomizing and alienating those who didn’t
fit desirable contours of the future. Educational reforms were regulated by the State,
requiring similar achievements from all students, those who couldn’t follow were mar-
ginalized. Even though, later the discourse of child defectiveness became more differen-
tiated and the class radicalism discourse was soften by the Soviet origins of the ‘socialist
humanism’ (Sherrer, 2020). Special education was ordered to educate ‘educable’, those
who would be productive workers. Those who couldn’t – were ‘non-educable’ and by that
were deprived their rights on education till the end of the Soviet era. A full recognition of
rights of these children to education was formulated in the educational law of 2012, but
its implementation still needs further monitoring and analysis.
Analyzing a school curriculum issues, this research was interested in what the spe-
cial education curriculum was creating and in what it was resulting? School curriculum
is a state order in the form of educational standards. Special schools were instructed
by the formal regulations how to adapt a curriculum and were extra resourced for that
purpose: less number of students in the classroom, providing longer period of compul-
sory education, full time control from the school staff, free basic needs satisfaction, etc.
Since late 1930s adaptation of the curriculum gradually raised differentiation among
students, diversified typological variations of special schools and further individualiza-
tion of a learning instruction. The growing educational diversification unfolded in segre-
gated contexts, where children with disabilities experienced learning and socialization.
The science perspective of challenging special education was originated by pedology and
defectology. Pedology failed. This science controversially applied its methods in practice,
mostly developing test approach to understanding child development and by that con-
tradicted dialectics. Defectology took over the special educational issues and developed
itself in a program science, serving a state order for further formation of special educa-
tion, manifesting its scientific hegemony across the Soviet space. RID monopolised the
right to deconstruct defectology into correctional pedagogy, setting the track and keep-
ing control for the future development in the field.

doi:10.5944/reec.39.2021.30829
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MONOGRÁFICO / MONOGRAPHIC

Laboratorios educativos en la «educación

Liya Kalinnikova Magnusson*

Recibido: 11 de mayo de 2021

Revista Española de Educación Comparada | núm. 39 (julio-diciembre 2021), pp. 81-102

Revista Española de Educación Comparada. ISSN 2174-5382

Revista Española de Educación Comparada. ISSN 2174-5382

Revista Española de Educación Comparada. ISSN 2174-5382

Revista Española de Educación Comparada. ISSN 2174-5382

inquiries. The comprehension of former and present documents was inspired by

Ideological statements were formulated in the first Constitutions of RSFSR of 1918/1925

Revista Española de Educación Comparada. ISSN 2174-5382

Revista Española de Educación Comparada. ISSN 2174-5382

3.1.2. Experimenting and disseminating a new structure of laboratories:

Revista Española de Educación Comparada. ISSN 2174-5382

Revista Española de Educación Comparada. ISSN 2174-5382

in particular conditions of upbringing, special regular schools and schools-internats

Revista Española de Educación Comparada. ISSN 2174-5382

III. SPECIAL SECONDARY AND PROFESSIONAL INSTITUTIONS

General secondary Professional

II. SPECIAL SCHOOLS OF COMPULSORY EDUCATION

Schools for Schools for Schools for Schools for

I. PRESCOOL INSTITUTIONS FOR ABNORMAL CHILDREN

Network of the educational institutions:

Revista Española de Educación Comparada. ISSN 2174-5382

The intellectual platform of special education created by defectologists, theoretical

Revista Española de Educación Comparada. ISSN 2174-5382

3.1.3. Scientific platform for experimentation

Revista Española de Educación Comparada. ISSN 2174-5382

Revista Española de Educación Comparada. ISSN 2174-5382

3.1.4. Unfinished experimentation: a transition to a new experimentation

Revista Española de Educación Comparada. ISSN 2174-5382

4. Discussion and conclusions

Revista Española de Educación Comparada. ISSN 2174-5382

Revista Española de Educación Comparada. ISSN 2174-5382

Revista Española de Educación Comparada. ISSN 2174-5382

Kisova, V. (2017). Istoriya i sovremennoe sostoyanie Rossiiskoi sistemi obrazovaniya

Revista Española de Educación Comparada. ISSN 2174-5382

Sbornik rukovodyashih i instruktivnih materialov. V pomosh direcktoru spetsialnoi

Lubovsky, V. (1989). Psihologicheskie problemi diagnostiki anomalnogo razvitiya

Malofeev, N. (2000). Istoriya stanovleniya i razvitiya natsionalnih sistem spetsialnogo

May, T. (2001). Samhällsvetenskaplig forskning. [Research in social sciences].

Merriam, S. B. (1988). Case study research in education: A qualitative approach.

Mazurek, K. & Winzer, M. (1994). Introduction. In K. Mazurek K. & M Winzer (Eds.).

Naumov, N. (2005). Filosofskie osnovaniya pedagogicheskih teorii v Rossii v XX v.

Nazarova N. (2020). Comparative analysis of the inclusive education paradigm

Nazarova, N. (2008). Korrektsiya Defektologii”[Correction of Defectology], Spetsialnoe

Nazarova, N. (Ed.) (2000). Spetsialnaya Pedagogika [Special Pedagogy]. Moskva:

Ob institute [About Institution]. (2021). Institute of Correctional Pedagogy of the Academy

Popkewitz, (1984). Soviet Pedagogical Science: Visions and Contradictions. Curriculum

Proekt zakona RF o spetsialnom obrazovanii. (1995). [Project of the law of RF of special

Revista Española de Educación Comparada. ISSN 2174-5382

Pedology (1959). In (Eds.) B. Vvedenskii, N. Anichlov, A. Baranov, N. Baranov, I. Bardin,

Pevzner, M. (1966). Deti s otkloneniyami v razvitii (otgranichenie ot shodnih

Postanovlenie Verhovnogo Soveta SSSR (1984). Ob osnovnih napravleniyah reformi

Postanovlenie TsK VKPb (1936). O Pedologicheskih izvrasheniyah v systeme

Postanovlenie TsIK SSSR (1930). ‘O vseobshem obyazatelnom nachalnom obrazovanii’

Sherrer, U. (2020). Sovetskii i rossiiskii gumanism. Istoriya ponyatiya [Soviet and

Tsikoto, G. (1979). Ob intellektualnom razvitii detei-imbetsilov [About intellectual