State Regulation in India - The Art of Rolling Over Rather Than Rolling Back
State Regulation in India - The Art of Rolling Over Rather Than Rolling Back
State Regulation in India - The Art of Rolling Over Rather Than Rolling Back
Representational image | The North Block of the Central Secretariat buildings| Anindito Mukherjee/Bloomberg
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R
ecent controversies ranging from the independence of the Reserve Bank
of India to the reach of the Aadhaar programme have raised important
questions about regulation in India.
Since economic liberalisation, India’s political and legal landscape has changed
significantly, and questions are increasingly being asked about the principles of
regulation, the authority of independent and quasi-independent agencies, and
the place of expertise in a democracy. Yet, despite its importance and much
public commentary, the regulatory state in India remains poorly understood.
Also read: Year after historic circular, debate over RBI’s regulation making powers
still mired in confusion
The liberalisation of the Indian economy in the early 1990s was expected to
reduce the overbearing hand of the state on the Indian economy. The state would,
it was anticipated, play a more managerial role. But the rise of the regulatory state
in India has far from limited state power. Rather than rolling back, the state has
in fact rolled over. The one change that has, however, emerged is a change in the
character of the state. The creation of regulatory authorities, with varying degrees
of autonomy and power, has contributed to a more diffused state apparatus.
There are five features of the regulatory state in India that are striking and, in
some ways, distinctive. The first is a considerable legal incoherence and
uncertainty. Unlike the United States, which has the Administrative Procedure
Act, 1946, there is no overarching administrative law statute in India. This has
meant that traditional constitutional doctrines and structures have been used to
judicially develop rules and principles for an entirely new apparatus,
encompassing regulators, tribunals etc., often in ways that have come at the cost
of coherence and clarity. Indeed, core features of India’s constitutional
framework, such as the principle of collective responsibility, are yet to be fully
reconciled with the presence of regulatory bodies.
Also read: Draft data protection bill pays little attention to the dangers of state
power
An investment in state capacity is likely to provide returns only over the long-
term, and this might discourage political spending or interest in building
capacity. More insidiously, deliberate understaffing, and the general perpetuation
of weak capacity, might be a way for government ministries to disempower
regulatory bodies and see that control remains with ministries rather than the
regulators. After all, a body with less capacity is a body that will be weaker – and
hence easier to control.
The design of regulatory bodies more generally is a third and crucial feature of the
Indian regulatory state. To return to the example of SEBI, the institution has had
to fight major turf battles with the Ministry of Corporate Affairs even though it
falls within the oversight of the Ministry of Finance. Questions over who can set
corporate governance norms have had major ramifications for the possibility of
effective regulation.
There are also concerns regarding the vertical division of power, as seen in India’s
power sector. Akshay Jaitly’s work on the power sector has shown how the
implementation of the Electricity Act, 2003, has been severely affected by the
interaction and misalignment between the state and central governments.
The presence of different objectives and incentives has undermined the ambition
of the statute. The problem of regulatory design has, of course, been most visible
in India’s banking sector. Even though public sector banks hold two-thirds of the
deposits in the formal banking sector, the RBI’s powers are limited, and its
ultimate authority is confined to the regulation of private and cooperative banks.
When the government is both owner and regulator, a conflict of interest is
inevitable and a level playing field unlikely.
A fourth issue that defines India’s regulatory state is the presence of old and
dated laws, a matter that has become all the more significant with new
technological changes. The telecom sector is, for example, still governed by the
Indian Telegraph Act, 1885, despite radical changes in technology and in the
character of the sector. There is a crying need to update such dated laws, but why
that does not occur is unclear.
Also read: Both BJP and Congress are complicit in expanding state surveillance
without legal basis
Indeed, the mismatch between the rapid pace of technological change and the
lethargic crawl of laws and regulatory frameworks is increasingly evident. The
case of the regulation of data is another good example. The Information
Technology Act, 2000, was enacted at a time when data storage was the main
concern, although over time a key worry has been not only data gathering but also
data processing. The Aadhaar project, for all its strengths and weaknesses,
highlights the concerns of regulatory design, with the UIDAI being both the data
custodian and regulator, leading to a misalignment of incentives.
But then how does one ensure their accountability? Any long-term solution must
incorporate greater accountability to Parliament, both to preserve the democratic
framework and to strengthen India’s representative institutions.
Devesh Kapur is the Starr Foundation South Asia Studies Professor and Asia
Programs Director at the Paul H Nitze School of Advanced International Studies
(SAIS) at Johns Hopkins University, Washington, DC. Madhav Khosla is a Junior
Fellow at the Harvard Society of Fellows. Their book, Regulation in India: Design,
Capacity, Performance, has recently been published by Hart Publishing /
Bloomsbury. An Indian edition will be available in April.
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