Theoretical Nursing Development and Progress Sixth Edition
Theoretical Nursing Development and Progress Sixth Edition
Theoretical Nursing Development and Progress Sixth Edition
Linda Carmen Copel, PhD, RN, CNS, BC, CNE, NCC, FAPA
Professor of Nursing
Villanova University
Villanova, Pennsylvania
Part One
OUR THEORETICAL JOURNEY
1 Positioning for the Journey
Beginning the Journey
Assumption, Goals, and Organizations
Organization of the Book
On a Personal Note
Reflective Questions
Part Two
OUR THEORETICAL HERITAGE
4 From Can’t to Kant: Barriers and Forces Toward Theoretical Thinking
Barriers to Theory Development
Resources to Theory Development
Conclusion
Reflective Questions
Part Four
REVIEWING AND EVALUATING: PIONEERING THEORIES
9 Nursing Theories Through Mirrors, Microscopes, or Telescopes
Images of Nursing, 1950–1970
Theories’ Primary Focus
Images, Metaphors, and Roles
Areas of Agreement Among and Between Theorists and Schools of Thought
Conclusion
Reflective Questions
10 A Model for Evaluation of Theories: Description, Analysis, Critique, Testing, and Support
Selecting Theories for Utilization
Framework for Evaluating Theories
Conclusion
Reflective Questions
12 On Interactions
Imogene King—A Theory of Goal Attainment
Ida Orlando
Josephine Paterson and Loretta Zderad
Joyce Travelbee
Ernestine Wiedenbach
Conclusion
Reflective Questions
13 On Outcomes
Dorothy Johnson
Myra Levine
Betty Neuman
Martha Rogers
Sister Callista Roy
Conclusion
Reflective Questions
Part Five
ON DEVELOPING THEORIES OF DIFFERENT LEVELS
14 Developing Concepts
Concept Exploration
Concept Clarification
Concept Analysis
An Integrative Strategy to Concept Development
Conclusion
Reflective Questions
15 Developing Theories
Theory Development: Existing Strategies
Conclusion
Reflective Questions
Part Six
OUR THEORETICAL FUTURE
18 Measuring Progress in a Discipline
A Theory of Revolution
A Theory of Evolution
A Theory of Integration
Conclusion
Reflective Questions
Part Seven
OUR HISTORICAL AND CURRENT LITERATURE
20 Historical Writings in Theory
SECTION I Abstracts of Writings in Metatheory, 1960–1984
SECTION II Abstracts of Writings in Nursing Theory, 1960–1984
Dorothy Johnson
Myra Levine
Dorothea Orem
Martha Rogers
Sister Callista Roy
Joyce Travelbee
Author Index
Subject Index
Part One
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nvite you, in this first part of the book, to embark on a journey that will
I introduce you to the rich theoretical underpinnings of our discipline.
Uncovering the role that theory plays in our daily experiences as nurses is the
first step in the theoretical journey proposed in this book. In the three
chapters in Part One, the theoretical journey, along with its symbols and
scholarly destinations, is described. In Chapter 1, you will find assumptions
on which the journey is planned, the organizational plan for the journey, and
some of the supporting material. Chapter 2 includes scholarly goals and the
different possible destinations for the journey. The context for the journey is
then set in Chapter 3, where the key definitions of theoretical symbols and
terms are provided.
As with any long journey, planning is essential, but it is equally important
to allow flexibility for personal goals to emerge from the experience, side
trips that may distract or enrich you, and serendipitous opportunities that may
attract you. It is the totality of these experiences that will lead to immersion,
understanding, and innovation.
1
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ON A PERSONAL NOTE
Writing and reading books are both existential experiences and ongoing,
evolving processes. Neither the reader nor the writer is the same person after
reading or writing a book, nor are their ideas and viewpoints the same. A
book is never complete because ideas are never complete. Yet, at some point,
a project needs to be abandoned so that others can explore its ideas to modify,
extend, affirm, refine, or refute their own—all of which, if shared with the
author, will allow her to do the same. Sometime ago, I decided to abandon
the notion that this book is an individual endeavor. It is our book, a dynamic
project; it belongs to the readers as much as it belongs to me, and as much as
it reflects my thinking, engagement of the readers’ ideas and their constant
discourse is the ultimate goal. These assumptions continued to guide the
current edition.
I urge you to consider this book complete as well as incomplete, a
temporarily abandoned project that represents my own thinking and analysis
at a particular juncture. It incorporates my past, present, and future,
intermingled with the past, present, and future of nursing, of nurse theorists,
and of the historical and most recent literature. It is from all of this that my
present interpretation of theoretical nursing has evolved, but this continuous,
dynamic, and evolving process is presented here with temporal boundaries.
Therefore, if I misinterpreted any theorists’ or metatheorists’ admonitions, it
was unintentional, and my critique should be viewed as an honest
epistemological interpretation bounded by cognitive, historical, and
sociocultural meanings of the time.
I firmly believe that without the theorists and metatheorists and their
writings, this book would not have been written, and it would not have been
necessary. Interpretations and selections of theorists and metatheorists and
their ideas were not guided by a desire for omission, but rather by limitations
imposed by time and space. The conceptualizations of all theorists and all the
analyses of the metatheorists, whether included in this text or not, provide the
tapestry that depicts the future of theoretical nursing.
Finally, I have tried to avoid language that suggests stereotypical views of
the nurse, patient, and physician, but at times comprehension, clarity, and
simplicity have taken precedence. Because the majority of nurses are women,
I have used “she” to encompass both “she” and “he.”
REFLECTIVE QUESTIONS
The following are some questions to guide a reflective approach to your
journey:
1. Comment on this statement that is often heard: “I have practiced (or
taught) nursing for many years without the need to use theory, so
why do I need theory in a practice discipline?”
2. How did you come to define theory, nursing, human beings, and
health? What values and assumptions do these definitions hold, and
what courses of action are dictated by those values?
3. What theories guided you in your assessment of your patients, in
your research projects, and in your teaching methods? Why did you
select these theories? How congruent are the ontological beliefs of
these theories with your own and with those of the discipline of
nursing?
4. What criteria do you use in selecting or rejecting theories developed
in other disciplines to guide your actions? Compare and contrast
these criteria with those used in selecting or rejecting nursing
theories.
5. How do you measure progress in theoretical and scientific nursing?
Are these measures illuminated by an understanding of the daily
experiences of nurses caring for people? Are they guided by a
nursing perspective? Define that perspective. (Then respond to this
question again after reading Chapter 18.)
6. In what ways does your conception of the nursing perspective match
or not with your practice environment? With a curricular framework?
With a research framework?
2
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I see increasing reason to believe that the view formed some time
back as to the origin of the Makonde bush is the correct one. I have
no doubt that it is not a natural product, but the result of human
occupation. Those parts of the high country where man—as a very
slight amount of practice enables the eye to perceive at once—has not
yet penetrated with axe and hoe, are still occupied by a splendid
timber forest quite able to sustain a comparison with our mixed
forests in Germany. But wherever man has once built his hut or tilled
his field, this horrible bush springs up. Every phase of this process
may be seen in the course of a couple of hours’ walk along the main
road. From the bush to right or left, one hears the sound of the axe—
not from one spot only, but from several directions at once. A few
steps further on, we can see what is taking place. The brush has been
cut down and piled up in heaps to the height of a yard or more,
between which the trunks of the large trees stand up like the last
pillars of a magnificent ruined building. These, too, present a
melancholy spectacle: the destructive Makonde have ringed them—
cut a broad strip of bark all round to ensure their dying off—and also
piled up pyramids of brush round them. Father and son, mother and
son-in-law, are chopping away perseveringly in the background—too
busy, almost, to look round at the white stranger, who usually excites
so much interest. If you pass by the same place a week later, the piles
of brushwood have disappeared and a thick layer of ashes has taken
the place of the green forest. The large trees stretch their
smouldering trunks and branches in dumb accusation to heaven—if
they have not already fallen and been more or less reduced to ashes,
perhaps only showing as a white stripe on the dark ground.
This work of destruction is carried out by the Makonde alike on the
virgin forest and on the bush which has sprung up on sites already
cultivated and deserted. In the second case they are saved the trouble
of burning the large trees, these being entirely absent in the
secondary bush.
After burning this piece of forest ground and loosening it with the
hoe, the native sows his corn and plants his vegetables. All over the
country, he goes in for bed-culture, which requires, and, in fact,
receives, the most careful attention. Weeds are nowhere tolerated in
the south of German East Africa. The crops may fail on the plains,
where droughts are frequent, but never on the plateau with its
abundant rains and heavy dews. Its fortunate inhabitants even have
the satisfaction of seeing the proud Wayao and Wamakua working
for them as labourers, driven by hunger to serve where they were
accustomed to rule.
But the light, sandy soil is soon exhausted, and would yield no
harvest the second year if cultivated twice running. This fact has
been familiar to the native for ages; consequently he provides in
time, and, while his crop is growing, prepares the next plot with axe
and firebrand. Next year he plants this with his various crops and
lets the first piece lie fallow. For a short time it remains waste and
desolate; then nature steps in to repair the destruction wrought by
man; a thousand new growths spring out of the exhausted soil, and
even the old stumps put forth fresh shoots. Next year the new growth
is up to one’s knees, and in a few years more it is that terrible,
impenetrable bush, which maintains its position till the black
occupier of the land has made the round of all the available sites and
come back to his starting point.
The Makonde are, body and soul, so to speak, one with this bush.
According to my Yao informants, indeed, their name means nothing
else but “bush people.” Their own tradition says that they have been
settled up here for a very long time, but to my surprise they laid great
stress on an original immigration. Their old homes were in the
south-east, near Mikindani and the mouth of the Rovuma, whence
their peaceful forefathers were driven by the continual raids of the
Sakalavas from Madagascar and the warlike Shirazis[47] of the coast,
to take refuge on the almost inaccessible plateau. I have studied
African ethnology for twenty years, but the fact that changes of
population in this apparently quiet and peaceable corner of the earth
could have been occasioned by outside enterprises taking place on
the high seas, was completely new to me. It is, no doubt, however,
correct.
The charming tribal legend of the Makonde—besides informing us
of other interesting matters—explains why they have to live in the
thickest of the bush and a long way from the edge of the plateau,
instead of making their permanent homes beside the purling brooks
and springs of the low country.
“The place where the tribe originated is Mahuta, on the southern
side of the plateau towards the Rovuma, where of old time there was
nothing but thick bush. Out of this bush came a man who never
washed himself or shaved his head, and who ate and drank but little.
He went out and made a human figure from the wood of a tree
growing in the open country, which he took home to his abode in the
bush and there set it upright. In the night this image came to life and
was a woman. The man and woman went down together to the
Rovuma to wash themselves. Here the woman gave birth to a still-
born child. They left that place and passed over the high land into the
valley of the Mbemkuru, where the woman had another child, which
was also born dead. Then they returned to the high bush country of
Mahuta, where the third child was born, which lived and grew up. In
course of time, the couple had many more children, and called
themselves Wamatanda. These were the ancestral stock of the
Makonde, also called Wamakonde,[48] i.e., aborigines. Their
forefather, the man from the bush, gave his children the command to
bury their dead upright, in memory of the mother of their race who
was cut out of wood and awoke to life when standing upright. He also
warned them against settling in the valleys and near large streams,
for sickness and death dwelt there. They were to make it a rule to
have their huts at least an hour’s walk from the nearest watering-
place; then their children would thrive and escape illness.”
The explanation of the name Makonde given by my informants is
somewhat different from that contained in the above legend, which I
extract from a little book (small, but packed with information), by
Pater Adams, entitled Lindi und sein Hinterland. Otherwise, my
results agree exactly with the statements of the legend. Washing?
Hapana—there is no such thing. Why should they do so? As it is, the
supply of water scarcely suffices for cooking and drinking; other
people do not wash, so why should the Makonde distinguish himself
by such needless eccentricity? As for shaving the head, the short,
woolly crop scarcely needs it,[49] so the second ancestral precept is
likewise easy enough to follow. Beyond this, however, there is
nothing ridiculous in the ancestor’s advice. I have obtained from
various local artists a fairly large number of figures carved in wood,
ranging from fifteen to twenty-three inches in height, and
representing women belonging to the great group of the Mavia,
Makonde, and Matambwe tribes. The carving is remarkably well
done and renders the female type with great accuracy, especially the
keloid ornamentation, to be described later on. As to the object and
meaning of their works the sculptors either could or (more probably)
would tell me nothing, and I was forced to content myself with the
scanty information vouchsafed by one man, who said that the figures
were merely intended to represent the nembo—the artificial
deformations of pelele, ear-discs, and keloids. The legend recorded
by Pater Adams places these figures in a new light. They must surely
be more than mere dolls; and we may even venture to assume that
they are—though the majority of present-day Makonde are probably
unaware of the fact—representations of the tribal ancestress.
The references in the legend to the descent from Mahuta to the
Rovuma, and to a journey across the highlands into the Mbekuru
valley, undoubtedly indicate the previous history of the tribe, the
travels of the ancestral pair typifying the migrations of their
descendants. The descent to the neighbouring Rovuma valley, with
its extraordinary fertility and great abundance of game, is intelligible
at a glance—but the crossing of the Lukuledi depression, the ascent
to the Rondo Plateau and the descent to the Mbemkuru, also lie
within the bounds of probability, for all these districts have exactly
the same character as the extreme south. Now, however, comes a
point of especial interest for our bacteriological age. The primitive
Makonde did not enjoy their lives in the marshy river-valleys.
Disease raged among them, and many died. It was only after they
had returned to their original home near Mahuta, that the health
conditions of these people improved. We are very apt to think of the
African as a stupid person whose ignorance of nature is only equalled
by his fear of it, and who looks on all mishaps as caused by evil
spirits and malignant natural powers. It is much more correct to
assume in this case that the people very early learnt to distinguish
districts infested with malaria from those where it is absent.
This knowledge is crystallized in the
ancestral warning against settling in the
valleys and near the great waters, the
dwelling-places of disease and death. At the
same time, for security against the hostile
Mavia south of the Rovuma, it was enacted
that every settlement must be not less than a
certain distance from the southern edge of the
plateau. Such in fact is their mode of life at the
present day. It is not such a bad one, and
certainly they are both safer and more
comfortable than the Makua, the recent
intruders from the south, who have made USUAL METHOD OF
good their footing on the western edge of the CLOSING HUT-DOOR
plateau, extending over a fairly wide belt of
country. Neither Makua nor Makonde show in their dwellings
anything of the size and comeliness of the Yao houses in the plain,
especially at Masasi, Chingulungulu and Zuza’s. Jumbe Chauro, a
Makonde hamlet not far from Newala, on the road to Mahuta, is the
most important settlement of the tribe I have yet seen, and has fairly
spacious huts. But how slovenly is their construction compared with
the palatial residences of the elephant-hunters living in the plain.
The roofs are still more untidy than in the general run of huts during
the dry season, the walls show here and there the scanty beginnings
or the lamentable remains of the mud plastering, and the interior is a
veritable dog-kennel; dirt, dust and disorder everywhere. A few huts
only show any attempt at division into rooms, and this consists
merely of very roughly-made bamboo partitions. In one point alone
have I noticed any indication of progress—in the method of fastening
the door. Houses all over the south are secured in a simple but
ingenious manner. The door consists of a set of stout pieces of wood
or bamboo, tied with bark-string to two cross-pieces, and moving in
two grooves round one of the door-posts, so as to open inwards. If
the owner wishes to leave home, he takes two logs as thick as a man’s
upper arm and about a yard long. One of these is placed obliquely
against the middle of the door from the inside, so as to form an angle
of from 60° to 75° with the ground. He then places the second piece
horizontally across the first, pressing it downward with all his might.
It is kept in place by two strong posts planted in the ground a few
inches inside the door. This fastening is absolutely safe, but of course
cannot be applied to both doors at once, otherwise how could the
owner leave or enter his house? I have not yet succeeded in finding
out how the back door is fastened.