A Brief Introduction To Quranic Exegesis - Red 2022
A Brief Introduction To Quranic Exegesis - Red 2022
A Brief Introduction To Quranic Exegesis - Red 2022
’ and
QUR’ANIC
been a wealth of historical Muslim literature on the subject which has come to
be known as ¢Ul‰m al-TafsÏr or the sciences of tafsÏr, a systematic exegesis of the
Qur’an following several methodologies. This work traces the evolution of
Qur’anic exegesis, from the time of the Prophet, the Companions, the
EXEGESIS
Successors, the early mufassir‰n (exegetes) with independent tafsÏr works, to the
present day. In doing so, it addresses some major issues including to what
extent has tafsÏr been influenced by differing theological traditions (classical,
mystical sufi, persian), political and sectarian interests etc. and how interpreta-
tion has differed in some cases, mainly pertaining to juridical, theological,
historical, and linguistic issues. Certain scholars and Qur’anic commentaries
have stood the test of time and stand in greater prominence to others. Their
works are introduced, and different methodologies compared and critiqued.
What we are left with is a broad yet important overview of a subject which
otherwise can be too complex and extensive for the ordinary reader to grasp
acting as a valuable addition to his/her understanding and study of the Qur’anic
Dr. Ali Suleiman Ali is the Imam of the Muslim Community of Western Suburbs (MCWS) and
the Director of Muslim Family Services (ICNARELIEF USA). Born in Ghana he graduated in
1979 with a degree in Arabic and Islamic Studies from the Islamic University in Madinah. He Ali Suleiman Ali
pursued further scholarship at the University of Michigan (Ann Arbor) where he received an MA
and PhD in Islamic Studies. Dr. Ali’s dissertation on TafsÏr bil Ma’th‰r dealing with the question
of ¤ujjah (binding proof) was a seminal study in an important field. He has taught Islamic
Studies, Muslim World Studies, Arabic and the Science of Qur’an at the University of Detroit-
Mercy, Oakland University, Auburn Hills, MI and Wayne County Community, Detroit MI, USA.
i s b n ----
a brief introduction to
qur’ a n i c e x e g e s i s
A BRIEF
Introduction to
QUR’ANIC
EXEGESIS
Ali Suleiman Ali
london office
p.o. box 126, richmond, surrey tw9 2ud, uk
www.iiituk.com
The views and opinions expressed in this book are those of the author and is
not necessarily those of the publisher. The publisher is not responsible
for the accuracy of URLs for external or third-party internet websites
referred to in this publication, and does not guarantee
that any content on such websites is, or will remain,
accurate or appropriate.
Foreword vii
1. Historical Overview 1
2. TafsÏr in the Third and Fourth Centuries (ah) 15
3. TafsÏr Based on Tradition: Al-TafsÏr bi al-Ma’th‰r 40
4. TafsÏr and Fatwas of the Prophet’s Companions (ßa^¥bah) 50
5. TafsÏr and Fatwas of the Successors (T¥bi¢‰n) 88
6. TafsÏr Based on Opinion: Al-TafsÏr bi al-Ra’y 110
7. Trends in Modern Qur’anic Interpretation 137
Conclusion 148
Glossary 151
Endnotes 154
Bibliography 172
FOREWORD
* ßAAS – ßalla All¥hu ¢Alayhi wa Sallam: May the peace and blessings of Allah be upon him; said when-
ever the name of Prophet Muhammad is mentioned or whenever he is referred to as the Prophet of
vii
Foreword
viii
Foreword
January, 2017
ix
chapter 1
Historical Overview
s u m m a ry
These and other questions integral to Qur’anic exegesis have followed Muslims
down the centuries. It has led to exegetes praising each other, criticizing each other,
and even opposing each other. This chapter gives a brief overview of the issues
involved.
1
a brief introduction to qur , anic exegesis
When comes the help of God, and victory, and thou dost see the
people enter God’s Religion in crowds, celebrate the praises of thy
2
Historical Overview
Lord and pray for His forgiveness: For, He is Oft-returning (in Grace
and Mercy).6
3
a brief introduction to qur , anic exegesis
promulgated it, follow thou its recital (as promulgated): Nay more,
it is for Us to explain it (and make it clear) “bayanahu.” (Qur’an
75:17-19)
and We have sent down unto you (also) the Message; that you may
explain clearly “litubayyina” to men what is sent for them... (Qur’an
16:44)
4
Historical Overview
5
a brief introduction to qur , anic exegesis
thread specifically to see when the early light of dawn would allow
him to differentiate the threads in order for him to begin fasting for
the day. The Prophet Muhammad explained to him that the white
and black thread mentioned in the Qur’anic verse referred to the
early morning light of the horizon contrasting with the darkness of
the sky.12
6
Historical Overview
After the death of the Prophet and with the spread of Islam,
Muslims settled in the formerly non-Muslim lands and took upon
themselves the responsibility of propagating the faith and teaching
Qur’anic recitation and interpretation. Subsequently, four distinct
schools of Qur’anic interpretation and recitation (qir¥’ah) emerged
and were identified by the areas in which they became prominent:
Makkah, Madinah, Kufah (in the area of present day Iraq), and al-
Sh¥m (present day Palestine, Syria and Lebanon).
7
a brief introduction to qur , anic exegesis
ah), and Muj¥hid ibn Jabr (d. 104 ah). Muj¥hid has received the
greatest acclaim, for it is reported that he went through the Qur’an
verse by verse three times with Ibn ¢Abb¥s,18 although this does not
mean that he did not disagree with his teacher’s interpretation and so
have his own opinion regarding interpretation of some verses.
8
Historical Overview
born in Madinah and died there. Ubay was one of the first people of
Madinah to accept Islam before the migration of the Prophet to
Madinah. He participated in all the Prophet’s wars. Ubay was one of
the four Companions whose recitation of the Qur’an was praised by
the Prophet. He recommended to the Companions to learn the
Qur’an from him. He also memorized the whole Qur’an and gave
fatwas during the Prophet’s life time. According to Ibn Sa¢d, the
Prophet said that Ubay was the best reciter of the Qur’an in the
Prophet’s community.”22
Ubay’s contemporaries, such as Ab‰ Bakr al-ßiddÏq, ¢Umar ibn
al-Kha~~¥b, and ¢Uthm¥n ibn ¢Aff¥n, acknowledged his Qur’anic
knowledge. Both Ab‰ Bakr and ¢Uthm¥n appointed Ubay to the
committee that codified the Qur’an.23 It is recorded that ¢Umar ibn
al-Kha~~¥b announced: “Whoever wants to learn the Qur’an, let
him go to Ubay.”24
After the death of the Prophet Muhammad, Ubay dedicated
himself to teaching the Qur’an and its interpretation in Madinah.
Students from al-Sh¥m and other cities came to Madinah specifically
to learn from him.25 Ubay continued to teach the Qur’an and tafsÏr
till his death. Among the prominent students who transmitted
Ubay’s knowledge was his son, >ufayl ibn Ubay (d. 85 ah).
9
a brief introduction to qur , anic exegesis
ra’y is a verbal noun which means opinion, belief, analogy, and exer-
tion. Technically, it is independent opinion, that is used to denote
the interpretation of the Qur’ an by exerting the mind in under-
standing the word of God based on the sound knowledge of the
Arabic language and the implementation of the principles of al-
tafs Ïr. This type of al-tafs Ïr, however, is divided into two parts:
al-Ra’y al-Ma ^m‰ d or al-Mamd‰^ (praiseworthy), and al-Ra’y
al-Madhdm‰ m (blameworthy). The subject of al-ra’y (both praise-
worthy and blameworthy) as well as that of isr¥’iliyy¥t (body of
narratives originating from Jewish and Christian traditions) will be
discussed in more detail in following chapters.
Blameworthy al-ra’y was also used to interpret the meanings of
the Qur’an in such a way that later on it was termed ‘sectarian tafsÏr’.
Furthermore, story tellers (qu||¥|) became more involved in this
period of Qur’anic interpretation using incredible imagination and
drawing from legendary sources, with perhaps, Muj¥hid ibn Jabr
being the best example to cite here. For example, his interpretation
of Qur’anic verses 75:22-23: “wuj‰hn yawma’idhin n¥·iratun il¥
Rabbih¥ n¥·iratun” (“Some faces, that Day, will beam (in brightness
and beauty); looking towards their Lord”) contradicted that of the
Prophet. Whilst according to the authentic Hadith of the Prophet
and his Companions’s tafsÏr, these verses refer to the face of Allah that
Muslims will see with the naked eye on the Day of Judgement,
Muj¥hid explains the word (n¥·irah) as Muslims will be expecting a
reward from God, meaning ergo that Muslims will not see Allah on
the Day of Judgement. Despite this Muj¥hid’s interpretation was
later adopted by the Mu¢tazilites and became identified with them
instead of being linked to Muj¥hid, its author.40
Other prominent scholars, notably, al-¤asan al-Ba|rÏ (d. 110 ah)
and Qat¥dah ibn Du¢¥mah were accused of using sectarian argu-
ments in their tafsÏr.41 With the aforementioned trends mainly using
Isr¥’iliyy¥t sources (both Jewish and Christian) and relying on subjec-
tive opinion (al-ra’y) without referring to the Prophetic tradition or
11
a brief introduction to qur , anic exegesis
12
Historical Overview
14
chapter 2
15
a brief introduction to qur , anic exegesis
16
TafsÏr in the Third and Fourth Centuries
17
a brief introduction to qur , anic exegesis
18
TafsÏr in the Third and Fourth Centuries
19
a brief introduction to qur , anic exegesis
20
TafsÏr in the Third and Fourth Centuries
(d. 606 ah), who was a legal theorist, theologian and exegete. The
work consists of 32 volumes. Al-R¥zÏ gives a detailed account of the
existing theological arguments, including discussions on the issues of
the relationships or coherence (mun¥sab¥t) between Qur’anic verses
as well as between the Qur’anic chapters (suwar). The author discusses
at length the theological propositions and arguments that criticize
the Mu¢tazilites’ doctrine. When he comes to the verses dealing with
juristic matters, his interpretation inclines toward the al-Sh¥fi¢Ï
madhhab which was his own school of thought
Al-R¥zÏ also touched upon grammatical and philological issues,
Hadith, and the traditions from the Companions and T¥bi¢‰n. It is
generally believed that al-R¥zÏ died before completing his book and
that it was completed by his student A^med ibn Mu^ammad ibn AbÏ
al-¤¥zm al-MakkÏ Najm al-DÏn al-Makhz‰mÏ al-QummÏ (d. 672
ah). He followed his master’s methodology and style so faithfully
that it is impossible to distinguish between the two.19 A third person
may have been involved in completing the tafsÏr. His name was
Shih¥b al-DÏn KhalÏl al-Khawli al-DimashqÏ (d. 639 ah). Although
the work has been praised for its importance in the field of Qur’anic
interpretation, Ab‰ ¤ayy¥n, al-Suy‰~Ï and others on the other hand
have criticized al-R¥zÏ’s commentary. They believed it contained
too many theological arguments and other elements, to the extent
that a reader could possibly find everything but interpretation.20
This view, in my and others’ opinion, is an exaggeration. One finds
in al-R¥zÏ’s tafsÏr all the elements of tafsÏr that al->abarÏ’s J¥mi¢al-
Bay¥n, as well as Ibn ¢A~iyyah’s, Ibn KathÏr’s, and all major tafsÏr
literature’s work contain.
21
a brief introduction to qur , anic exegesis
22
TafsÏr in the Third and Fourth Centuries
23
a brief introduction to qur , anic exegesis
24
TafsÏr in the Third and Fourth Centuries
25
a brief introduction to qur , anic exegesis
contrast as being very simple and brief, without giving full lines of
transmission, and lacking detailed discussion. The only exception
being Mu^ammad ibn al-¤asan al->‰sÏ’s (d. 460 ah) who produced
Al-Tiby¥n al-J¥mi¢ li Kull ¢Ul‰m al-Qur’¥n. But nevertheless this work
according to al->abarsÏ, suffered from linguistic and grammatical
errors, a lack of reliable information and was poorly structured, it did
not contribute to a better understanding of the Qur’an and, accord-
ing to al->abarsÏ, failed to win the intellectuals’ appreciation.26
Al->abarsÏ’s approach consists in explaining the whole Qur’an
word by word, in the chronological order of the Qur’anic revela-
tions over the 23 years in which it was revealed. Before explaining
each surah, he clearly states to which of the two Qur’anic revelation
phases (Makkan or Madinan) the surah belongs, and also indicates if
the whole or part of the surah was revealed in Makkah or Madinah.
Then he follows up with the traditions of the Prophet, and those of
the Companions and T¥bi¢‰n, while mentioning the virtue of the
surah in general. Afterwards, he proceeds to present the various
qir¥’¥t (variant readings of the Qur’an) and begins to interpret verses
applying his linguistic skills, and pointing out the grammatical impact
on the meaning. He then goes on to mention the circumstances in
which the verse was revealed as well as the tan¥sub (relationship)
between the preceding and the following verses.
When he comes across a verse pertaining to judicial matters, he
frequently mentions the opinion of the ShÏ¢ah im¥miyyah (the major
Shia sect), trying to support their viewpoints. Sometimes he quotes
the Sunni perspective too.
26
TafsÏr in the Third and Fourth Centuries
27
a brief introduction to qur , anic exegesis
Verily, there are countless works of tafsÏr in this world; but you can-
not find one like Al-Kashsh¥f. If you are looking for guidance you
have to persist in reading it. Ignorance is just like sickness, and Al-
Kashsh¥f is like a cure.30
28
TafsÏr in the Third and Fourth Centuries
and will not be seen. So, al-ZamaksharÏ interprets the words “il¥
Rabbih¥ n¥·irah” as “expecting and hoping in Allah’s mercy”34
because, acc-ording to him, it is impossible, physically speaking, to
ever see God. Because of such an interpretation, Goldziher and oth-
ers went along with the traditionalists’ opinion and considered
al-ZamaksharÏ’s tafsÏr as both bid¢ah and one of the best representa-
tions of the Mu¢tazilite point of view.35
Despite being a Mu¢tazilite representative al-ZamaksharÏ’s analysis
of the Qur’an from a grammatical, linguistic and rhetorical perspec-
tive is so well done that Ibn Khald‰n, Ab‰ ¤ayy¥n and others declare
Al-Kashsh¥f to be one of the best tafsÏrs for philological, rhetorical, and
grammatical interpretation. Finally, among the dominant features of
al-ZamaksharÏ’s methodology is “fa in q¥la.” This refers to his style in
raising assumptive questions where he often says “idh¥ qulta, qultu” (if
you say so and so, I say).
29
a brief introduction to qur , anic exegesis
30
TafsÏr in the Third and Fourth Centuries
that the work was by al-Qash¥nÏ. Certain scholars have also stated
that it is now proven beyond doubt that the tafsÏr was not written by
Ibn ¢ArabÏ.42
Ibn Taymiyyah, DhahabÏ and other scholars bitterly criticized Ibn
¢ArabÏ because of this tafsÏr work, while scholars like Mu^ammad ibn
Ya¢q‰b al-Shir¥zÏ al-FaÏroz¥b¥dÏ (d. 812 ah) and al-Suy‰~Ï were
among the scholars who defended him.
Although the real tafsÏr of Ibn ¢ArabÏ has not reached us, we do
have some of his Qur’anic interpretations contained in certain of his
published works, such as Al-Fut‰^¥t al-Makkiyyah and Fu|‰| al-
¤ikam. For example, consider verse 71:28: “O my Lord! Forgive me,
my parents, all who enter my house in Faith, and (all) believing men
and believing women.” Ibn ¢ArabÏ interprets “parents” as intellect
and nature, “house” as heart, “believing men” as intellect, and
“believing women” as soul.43
When comes the Help of God, and Victory, And thou dost see the
people enter God’s Religion in crowds, Celebrate the praises of thy
Lord, and pray for His Forgiveness: For He is Oft-Returning (in
Grace and Mercy).
31
a brief introduction to qur , anic exegesis
32
TafsÏr in the Third and Fourth Centuries
33
a brief introduction to qur , anic exegesis
Say: the things that my Lord hath indeed forbidden are: shameful
deeds, whether open or secret; sins and trespasses against truth or
reason; assigning of partners to Allah, for which He hath given
no authority; and saying things about Allah of which ye have no
knowledge.
34
TafsÏr in the Third and Fourth Centuries
35
a brief introduction to qur , anic exegesis
16:44, Ibn ¢A~iyyah argued that although the Prophet was given
responsibility to explain the Qur’an, his interpretation was given
according to the necessities of his time and for the people of that
particular period. Following his death, the time-space factor might
require further intellectual exertion to clarify generalities in the
Prophet’s interpretation. This, the argument proceeded, would
necessitate resort to scholastic reasoning (ra’y) and is permissible pro-
vided the basic rules of tafsÏr are applied. 56
Al-BayhaqÏ (d. 458 ah) questioned the authenticity of the hadith
“Whoever explains the Qur’an according to his personal opinion,
shall take his place in Hell,” adding if the hadith were authentic it
could be a prohibition only on opinions that do not adhere to the
basic rules of tafsÏr.57
According to al-Ghaz¥lÏ the hadith had two probable meanings or
indications, either that it limited tafsÏr to the Prophet only, which he
believed was not the case because the Prophet did not explain the
whole of the Qur’an, or that it might mean something else. He added
that if the first assumption were correct, then verse 4:83 should be
taken into account as well: “When there comes to them some matter
touching (Public) safety or fear, they divulge it. If they had only
referred it to the Messenger, or to those charged with authority
among them, the proper investigators would have Tested it from
them (direct). Were it not for the Grace and Mercy of Allah unto
you, all but a few of you would have fallen into the clutches of
Satan”. Al-Ghaz¥lÏ contended in reference to the verse that proper
investigation cannot be done without using ra’y.
As for Ab‰ Bakr al-ßiddÏq’s statement “What earth will bear me
and what sky will shadow me if I say anything based on my own
opinion when explaining the Qur’an?”58 Ibn ¢A~iyyah allowed for
two possibilities, either that Ab‰ Bakr had said this at the very begin-
ning of his khil¥fah to prevent Muslims from engaging in tafsÏr
haphazardly; or that when he first became Caliph, this was his initial
opinion (that tafsÏr should not be made on the basis of reasoned
36
TafsÏr in the Third and Fourth Centuries
opinion, al-ra’y, alone), but, as time passed, he realized that the use of
ra’y was unavoidable in tafsÏr. Thus, when he was asked about the
meaning of “kal¥lah,” mentioned in Qur’anic verse 4:12, he said, “I
answer on the basis of my own view (al-ra’y). If it is correct, thanks be
to God. If it is wrong, however, it is from me and the devil, and God
is innocent of it.”59
As for some of the T¥bi¢‰n’s refraining from engaging in tafsÏr, al-
ZarkashÏ compared their attitudes to that of the Prophet’s Compan-
ions. He pointed out that certain eminent Companions, such as al-
Zubayr ibn al-¢Aww¥m, ¢Uthm¥n ibn ¢Aff¥n, and >al^ah ibn
¢Ubayd All¥h avoided narrating hadith or ascribing sayings to the
Prophet not to avoid giving independent opinion, but out of piety
only. Therefore, the same could be said of the T¥bi¢‰n’s stands vis-à-
vis tafsÏr.60
The defenders of the use of ra’y in tafsÏr also used the Qur’an to
substantiate their position. Among the frequent examples quoted
was verse 38:29 whereby Allah invites men to ponder over and draw
meanings from His words: “(Here is) a Book which We have sent
down unto thee, full of blessings, that they may mediate on its Signs,
and that men of understanding may receive admonition” (38:29).
They also quote verse 47:24 which states: “Do they not then earnestly
seek to understand the Qur'an...?” The point made here is that, if
using opinion in understanding the Qur’an was prohibited, there
would be no purpose for the revelation of these verses.
The proponents of ra’y cite the famous hadith in which the
Prophet clearly encouraged his followers to engage in ijtihad: “who-
ever makes ijtihad and he is right, will earn two rewards. If, however,
he is wrong, he will earn only one reward.”61
As a result of these arguments between traditionalists and theolo-
gian-jurists, the classical tafsÏr was divided into two major categories:
al-tafsÏr bi al-ma’th‰r and al-tafsÏr bi al-ra’y. Naturally, the tafsÏr litera-
ture was also divided into two.
37
a brief introduction to qur , anic exegesis
Al-TafsÏr bi al-Ma’th‰r
The word ma’th‰r is a passive participle derived from the root verb
athara, meaning ‘to trace’, to mark. The verb athara also means to
transmit, to report, to pass along, etc. Thus, ma’th‰r means that
which is transmitted, handed down. Al-TafsÏr bi al-ma’th‰r is, gener-
ally speaking, understood to be the Qur’anic interpretations derived
by the Prophet, by the Companions and by the Successors. The
major tafsÏr works considered as representatives of al-tafsÏr bi al-
ma’th‰r are:
Al-TafsÏr bi al-Ra’y
The word ra’y is a verbal noun which means opinion, view, belief,
and usually involves analogy and intellectual exertion. Technically, it
refers to independent opinion that is used to derive Qur’anic inter-
pretation by exerting the mind in understanding the word of God. It
is usually based on the sound knowledge of the Arabic language and
the implementation of the agreed principles of tafsÏr. This type of
tafsÏr, however, is divided into two parts:
38
TafsÏr in the Third and Fourth Centuries
39
chapter 3
s u m m a ry
This issue and the debate on whether the Prophet explained the entire Qur’an is
explored.
40
TafsÏr Based on Tradition
Ibn ¢Abb¥s advises the Muslims to, “Stick with the right path and
athar.”4 In the time of the T¥bi¢‰n, the hadith narrators (mu^addith‰n)
and jurists employed the term to mean two things: that which is relat-
ed to the Prophet and his Companions, and whatever is ascribed only
to the Companions.5 In the science of tafsÏr, however, the term athar
is technically understood in four different ways:
1. The Qur’anic interpretation that has been handed down from the
Prophet and the Companions.6
2. The Qur’anic interpretation that can be traced back to the
Prophet, and also to some degree which pertains to the occasions
of the revelation (asb¥b al-nuz‰l).7
3. The explanations of the Qur’an given in the Qur’an itself, by the
Prophet, and by his Companions.8
4. The explanations of the Qur’an by other Qur’anic verses, by the
Prophet, his Companions, and Successors.9
42
TafsÏr Based on Tradition
43
a brief introduction to qur , anic exegesis
45
a brief introduction to qur , anic exegesis
46
TafsÏr Based on Tradition
47
a brief introduction to qur , anic exegesis
Sunnah (for example, how to perform salah). The same also can be
said of the report regarding the Companions’ way of learning the
Qur’an. Even though they were careful to comprehend the meaning
of the portion they memorized, such comprehension could come
through private discussion among themselves or through individual
meditation and reflection on the Qur’an. In fact, Muslims are urged
more than once in the Qur’an and Hadith to reflect on the Qur’an as
a way of understanding it. For example verse 38:29: “[All this have
We expounded in this] blessed divine writ which We have revealed
unto thee, [O Muhammad,] so that men may ponder over its mes-
sages, and that those who are endowed with insight may take them to
heart.”
In his Matn al-Arba¢‰n al-Nawawiyyah, Imam al-NawawÏ reports
that the Prophet said:
48
TafsÏr Based on Tradition
49
chapter 4
The Companions of the Prophet are an important source in tafsÏr and following the
Prophet’s death became in effect the first mufassirs. They did not explain the whole
Qur’an, but more difficult parts, and their exegesis constitutes a first step in the science
of tafsÏr. Whilst this would seem to be an obvious statement, in scholastic terms there
are various opinions as to:
a) what constitutes a Companion as opposed to anyone who lived during
this time and witnessed Prophet Muhammad, and
b) to what extent the Companions’s tafsÏr has definitive authority, that is, in other
words, it is considered binding.
The methodology the Companions used was first to consult the Qur’an, then the
Sunnah, and if no explanation could be gained from this, to use personal interpretation
based on the occasions of revelation of verses, and their knowledge of Arabic grammar.
We begin by a discussion of the word ßa^¥bÏ or ߥ^ib (Companion), then deal with the
arguments concerning the authority of the ßa^¥bah’s tafsÏr before proceeding to present
some examples of this.
Introduction
the companions became the most important interpreters of the
Qur’an following the Prophet’s death. They used a number of
sources in their tafsÏr including the statements of the Prophet and
their own reasoning or understanding (ijtihad), as well as Arabic
grammar. They were also aware of the circumstances in which the
Qur’an was revealed, as well as the reasons of revelation and its place.
Some of the most prominet in the field are the Four Caliphs, (Ab‰
Bakr, ¢Umar, ¢Uthm¥n and ¢AlÏ), as well as ¢Abd All¥h ibn Mas¢‰d,
50
TafsÏr and Fatwas of the Prophet’s Companions
¢Abd All¥h ibn ¢Abb¥s, Ubay ibn Ka¢b, Zayd ibn Th¥bit, Ab‰ Mus¥
al-Ash¢arÏ and ¢Abd All¥h ibn al-Zubayr. ¢Abdull¥h ibn ¢Abb¥s is
considered the most knowledgeable of the Companions.
51
a brief introduction to qur , anic exegesis
their definition of the term more than the traditionists because the
former were more concerned with the legal ramifications of the term
whilst the latter were concerned principally with Hadith transmis-
sion. Second, the traditionists did not go beyond the literal sense of
the word, whilst the jurists went deeper to examine its application in
¢urf (usage/custom).
52
TafsÏr and Fatwas of the Prophet’s Companions
53
a brief introduction to qur , anic exegesis
54
TafsÏr and Fatwas of the Prophet’s Companions
And among them are men who listen to thee, but in the end, when
they go out from thee, they say to those who have received Knowl-
edge (al-¢ilm), “What is it he said just then?” Such are men whose
hearts Allah has sealed, and who follow their own lusts. (47:16)
God will rise up, to (suitable) ranks (and degrees), those of you who
believe and who have been granted [true] Knowledge (al-¢ilm).
(58:11)
Ibn Qayyim claims that the definite article “al” in the word al-¢ilm
in these verses stands for al-¢ahd, which indicates that it was some-
thing specifically known to the audience. Ibn Qayyim interprets this
term as referring to the Qur’an. Thus, he concludes that if the
Companions were given such knowledge, they must be followed in
all what they said or decided.15
A third piece of Qur’anic evidence Ibn Qayyim quotes in support
of this view is verse 2:143: “Thus, have We made of you an Ummah
justly balanced, that ye might be witnesses over the nations.” The
point that Ibn Qayyim makes here is that, Allah has made the
Companions the chosen and upright people by granting them the
status of witnesses over people on the Day of Judgment. The testi-
mony that Allah accepts is one which is based on knowledge and thus
confirms the soundness of the knowledge of the Companions.
Therefore, the truth or real understanding never escapes the latter’s
circle. Hence, he concludes: “We say to whoever disagrees with the
Companions that the Componions’ opinion is better than yours.”16
55
a brief introduction to qur , anic exegesis
Oh you group of Qur’an reciters, follow the path of those who were
before you. I swear by Allah that if you stand straight (stick to Islam),
56
TafsÏr and Fatwas of the Prophet’s Companions
you will be guided, and if you abandon the path of your predeces-
sors, you will go far astray.19
1. He might have heard a statement from the Prophet, but did not
ascribe anything to him for fear of misquoting him;
2. He might have heard it from a Companion who had heard it from
the Prophet;
3. He might have understood it from the Qur’an, although it was
unclear to others;
4. He might have said something which the majority of the
Companions agreed upon, although it was not narrated to us
57
a brief introduction to qur , anic exegesis
Group 3: The view that maintains that only the first two Caliphs’s
statements are absolutely binding.
The third group based their argument on the hadith which com-
mands: “stick to my Sunnah and the Sunnah of the four guided
Caliphs.” A similar hadith also enjoins: “Imitate these two persons
after me; Ab‰ Bakr and ¢Umar.”23
58
TafsÏr and Fatwas of the Prophet’s Companions
59
a brief introduction to qur , anic exegesis
60
TafsÏr and Fatwas of the Prophet’s Companions
61
a brief introduction to qur , anic exegesis
they died earlier than ¢AlÏ and other mufassir‰n. He also noted that
even though Ab‰ Bakr was the closest Companion to the Prophet
and the first man to accept Islam, he narrated very little tafsÏr from the
Prophet,35 perhaps for reasons associated with piety (out of fear to
misquote the Prophet). It is also possible, but unlikely, that his tafsÏr
became lost; he died shortly after the Prophet. However, Ab‰ Bakr’s
well-known statement “What heavens shall shade me and what earth
shall shelter me, if I say anything concerning the Qur’an of which I
have no knowledge,” suggests that the first assumption is the most
likely reason. In spite of the fact that the three Caliphs’ tafsÏr is mini-
mal, they are still considered by Muslim scholars to be among the
most prominent exegetes, if not the first and foremost. This is
because Muslims hold in high esteem the Companions in general and
the four Caliphs in particular for they were extolled in the Qur’an
and by the Prophet.
We examine next the tafsÏr of some of the Companions. These
include the four Caliphs (Ab‰ Bakr, ¢Umar, ¢Uthm¥n, and ¢AlÏ) as
well as four other prominent Companions who are highly acclaimed
for their Qur’anic commentary: Ibn Mas¢‰d, Ubay ibn Ka¢b,
¢®’ishah Bint Ab‰ Bakr al-ßiddÏq and Ibn ¢Abb¥s.
62
TafsÏr and Fatwas of the Prophet’s Companions
64
TafsÏr and Fatwas of the Prophet’s Companions
for those who say, ‘Our Lord is Allah’, and, further, stand straight and
steadfast, ....” explaining it as: “I swear by Allah, they follow the
straight path to Allah by obedience to Him and they do not swerve
the way foxes do,”42 meaning they do not take advantage of any
loopholes.
In light of this presentation, we conclude that ¢Umar had been
studying the Qur’an and using his reasoning to understand it, and
seems not to have depended on the obvious meaning of the text.
Ask me! I swear by Allah, you ask me nothing but I answer you. Ask
me about the book of Allah, I swear by Allah, no verse was revealed
but I know whether it was revealed during the night or during the
day, on level ground or on a mountain.”43
66
TafsÏr and Fatwas of the Prophet’s Companions
Mas¢‰d responded by reciting verse 5:44, which warns that “If any
do fail to judge by (the light of) what Allah hath revealed, they are (no
better than) Unbelievers.”
It appears that by referring to this verse, Ibn Mas¢‰d interpreted
the failure to judge by what Allah has revealed to be injustice, and
injustice itself to be that is to say, disbelief, and a rebellion against
Allah’s commandment.
Concerning verse 44:10, “Wait, then, for the Day when the skies
shall bring forth a pall of smoke which will make obvious [the
approach of the Last Hour]” Ibn Mas¢‰d uses the historical circum-
stance of the verse’s revelation to derive it’s meaning. He states:
When the Quraysh agitated and rebelled against the Prophet, the
latter invoked God, saying: “O Allah! Help me against them by
afflicting them with seven years of famine like the seven years of
Y‰suf.” So the Quraysh were stricken by a year of famine during
which they ate bones and dead animals. When the tribe pleaded with
God, saying: “Our Lord remove the torment from us, really we are
believers,” Allah told the Prophet that if He put an end to their tor-
ment, they would revert to their ways. But the Prophet pleaded in
their favor with his Lord who ceased their punishment. Later they
reverted to their initial habits, where upon Allah punished them at
the battle of Badr, which is what Allah’s statement indicates.
67
a brief introduction to qur , anic exegesis
Ubay ibn Ka¢b was one of the best reciters of the Qur’an and the
principal teacher of the Madinah school of tafsÏr. He was also of
Jewish background and thus it was expected that his Jewish educa-
tion would be reflected in his exegesis as noted by scholars in the
Islamic interpretations of Ka¢b al-A^b¥r and ¢Abd All¥h ibn Sall¥m.
One of Ubay’s interpretation concerns verse 2:213: “Mankind was
one single nation...”. Scholars have understood this verse in so many
different ways, with some interpreting “one single nation” to mean
Adam and Eve, and others as referring to the prophet N‰^ and the
people who were in the Ark with him. Still others have assumed that
reference is being made to mankind in general by virtue of the verse
connoting disbelievers,49 etc. Ubay, however, interpreted the verse
as referring to mankind being one single nation or community “only
once.” By this he meant that Allah had brought the souls of the chil-
dren of Adam together before dispersing them on the earth. That is
to say, mankind was one community when it was in the loins of
Adam. He supports his view by reference to verse 7:172 which states:
When thy Lord drew forth from the Children of Adam - from their
loins - their descendants, and made them testify concerning them-
selves, (saying): “Am I not your Lord (who cherishes and sustains
you)?”- They said: “Yea! We do testify!”50
68
TafsÏr and Fatwas of the Prophet’s Companions
Behold! Safa and Marwa are among the Symbols of Allah. So if those
who visit the House in the Season or at other times, should compass
them round, it is no sin on them (fa l¥ jun¥^a ¢alayhi an ya~~awafa
bihim¥). And if any one obeyeth his own impulse to good, – be sure
that Allah is He Who recogniseth and knoweth.
69
a brief introduction to qur , anic exegesis
And they will ask thee to enlighten them about the laws concerning
women. Say: God doth instruct you about them: And (remember)
what hath been rehearsed unto you in the Book, concerning the
orphans of women to whom ye give not the portions prescribed, and
yet whom ye desire to marry...
¢®’ishah replies:
These verses have been revealed regarding the case of a man who has
an orphan girl under his care, who shares with him all his property,
even a date palm (garden), but he dislikes to marry her and dislikes to
give her in marriage to somebody else, who would share with her
the portion of the property due to her. For this reason, that guardian
70
TafsÏr and Fatwas of the Prophet’s Companions
71
a brief introduction to qur , anic exegesis
72
TafsÏr and Fatwas of the Prophet’s Companions
73
a brief introduction to qur , anic exegesis
poetry.
This story has been generally accepted by scholars such as Abu al-
¢Abb¥s Mu^ammad ibn YazÏd al-Mubarrid (d. 285), Ibn ¤ajar
al-¢Asqal¥nÏ, al-Suy‰~Ï, Fuad Sezgin, and modern Egyptian scholar
Aishah Abd al-Rahman bint al-Shati. The latter read the different
manuscripts of Mas¥’il and compared them. While recognizing the
problems involved in the text and its isn¥d (chain of transmission), she
nevertheless seems to be convinced that the text is genuinely from
Ibn ¢Abb¥s. According to al-Shati: “ Ibn ¢Abb¥s’s answers (to Ibn al-
Azraq) were presented in the linguistic exegetical literature and in
the comprehensive works on the Qur’anic sciences.” She concluded
her studies with the following note: “The purpose of presenting
Mas¥’il ibn al-Azraq [Mas¥’il N¥fi¢] here, as I mentioned previously, is
to address the issue of the Qur’anic miraculous inimitability through
the narration of Ibn ¢Abb¥s’s interpretation of the Qur’anic words in
Mas¥’il ibn al-Azraq.67
On the other hand, Western scholars such as Goldziher,
Wansbrough and Andrew Rippin considered the Mas¥’il to be leg-
end or fabrication. Goldziher, who does not present critical analysis
to support his rejection, nevertheless describes the Mas¥’il as “ein
lehrreiche legende angesetzt” (a scholarly legend).68 Wansbrough
believed the Mas¥’il to be a skilful forgery attributed to Ibn ¢Abb¥s. In
support of this contention he consulted certain Islamic sources, such
as al-J¥mi¢ al-ßa^Ï^, ßa^Ï^ Muslim, Sunan al-TirmidhÏ, and al-Itq¥n,
finding in doing so that poetry was only occasionally cited for lexical
explanation. In al-Bukh¥rÏ’s Mas¥’il only one line of poetry was cited
in connection with the Qur’anic description (9:114) of Prophet
IbrahÏm as “la-aww¥h” (tender-hearted). In ßa^Ï^ Muslim, a single
verse was adduced, Qur’anic verse 7:31, and in al-TirmidhÏ, none in
an exegetical sense. He concluded that Mas¥’il exhibits an exegetical
method considerably inferior to Ibn ¢Abb¥s’s standard.69 As for
Rippin, he relied on Wansbrough’s conclusion and declared Mas¥’il
a fiction designed to lend the so-called Ibn ¢Abb¥s tafsÏr more
74
TafsÏr and Fatwas of the Prophet’s Companions
credence.70
And he is not alone. In his GharÏb al-Qur’¥n li Ibn ¢Abb¥s: Dir¥sah
Ijtim¥¢iyyah lughawiyyah, Tahir al-Mannai Muhammad Rashad al-
Hamzawi also declared Mas¥’il to be a fabrication and even doubted
that Ibn ¢Abb¥s and N¥fi¢ had ever met.
There is further argument to support the issue of fabrication. Al-
Mubarrid notes that N¥fi¢ allegedly questioned Ibn ¢Abb¥s at length,
until his patience ran out. At this point, the famous poet ¢Umar ibn
AbÏ RabÏ¢ah arrives, greets Ibn ¢Abb¥s and sits down. Ibn ¢Abb¥s asks
Ibn AbÏ RabÏ¢ah to recite some of his poems. He recites about eighty
verses. N¥fi¢ listening angrily suddenly exclaims: “Oh God. O, Ibn
¢Abb¥s, we came from a distance to ask you about Islam and you turn
your face away listening to foolishness from this young QurayshÏ?”
Ibn ¢Abb¥s replies “By God, I have not listened to foolishness.” N¥fi¢
responds: “Did he (¢Umar) not say: ‘ra’at rajulan amma idh¥ al-shams
¢¥ra\at fa ya\^¥ wa amma bi al-¢ashiy fa yakh|ar’ (she saw a man, when
the sun appears he becomes ignominious and as for at night he suffers
from the cold and it pains)?” Ibn ¢Abb¥s replies: “No he did not say
fa-yakhz¥ (to abash), but he said, fa yad-h¥ wa bi al-¢ashiy fa yakhsar”.
At this point N¥fi¢ asks in amazement: “Did you memorize all of the
verses?” “Yes,” answers Ibn ¢Abb¥s adding, and “If you would like to
hear all of them I will recite them.” When N¥fi¢ replies he would Ibn
¢Abb¥s recites all the eighty verses.71
One has a right to be sceptical, for the number of the questions
involved, two hundred, and the manner in which N¥fi¢ is asked
throws into question the entire credibility of the story. We could
only take it seriously if: a) N¥fi¢ had been well versed in tafsÏr and the
Arabic language; b) had memorized the whole Qur’an or a large por-
tion of it; c) had in advance prepared for the two hundred questions;
and d) had a strong memory, which he did not because he misquoted
¢Umar ibn AbÏ RabÏ¢ah’s last verses mentioned above.
Furthermore, al-Mubarrid mentions that N¥fi¢ plagiarized the
two hundred verses of Ibn ¢Abb¥s’s istishh¥d¥t (to quote a word or a
75
a brief introduction to qur , anic exegesis
76
TafsÏr and Fatwas of the Prophet’s Companions
b e s t o w e d
blessings on the earth, and measure therein all things to give them
nourishment in due proportion, in four Days, in accordance with
(the needs of) those who seek (Sustenance).’ He mentions in this
verse the creation of the earth before the sky. Meanwhile, He says in
verse 4:56: ‘Verily, God is Almighty, All-Wise,’ while in verse 4:23,
He says, ‘for Allah is Oft-forgiving, Most Merciful,’ and in verse
4:58, ‘verily, God is All-Hearing, All-Seeing.’ It seems to me that the
meaning is Allah was Oft-Forgiving and not any more.”
The man then asks Ibn ¢Abb¥s to clarify his confusion. Ibn ¢Abb¥s
answers him thus: “As for verse 23:101 (‘Then, when the trumpet [of
resurrection] is blown, no ties of kinship will on that Day prevail
among them...’), this will occur on the first blowing of the trumpet.
The trumpet will be blown where upon all that is in the heavens and
in the earth will swoon except those whom Allah will exempt. Then
there will be no relationship between them, and at that time no one
will ask one another questions. Then, when the trumpet is blown for
the second time, they will turn to one another and ask questions.
Concerning the statement that they never worshipped other deities
besides Allah, and that they can hide no facts from Allah, Allah will
forgive the sins of those who were sincere in their worship. As for the
pagans, they will say (to each other) ‘come, let’s say we never wor-
shipped other deities besides Allah,’ but their mouths will be sealed
and their hands will speak (the truth). At that time, it will be evident
that no speech can be concealed from Allah and those who disbe-
lieved (and disobeyed the Apostle) will wish that they were level to
the ground, for they will not be able to hide facts from Allah.
Concerning the idea that Allah created the earth in two days, and that
He spread it (the earth), the spreading here means the bringing of
water and pasture out of it. (Note this refers to verse 79:30: “And after
that, the earth: wide has He spread its expanse”). He then created the
mountains, the camels and the hills, and whatever is between them.
Hence, (the earth and the heaven) came in two (other) days. Ibn
77
a brief introduction to qur , anic exegesis
¢Abb¥ s states that the meaning of Alla h’s saying “He spread its
expanse” and His saying “And He created the earth in two days” is
that, earth and whatever is in it was created in two days. As regards
His saying All ah was Oft-Forgiving, this is how Allah refers to
Himself, but the contents of His saying is still valid; for if All ah ever
wants to do something, He surely fulfills what He wants. So you
should not see any contradiction in the Qur’a n for all of it is from
Alla h.”73
Furthermore, according to al->abarÏ, Ibn ¢Abb¥s once wrote to a
Jewish convert to Islam known as Ab‰ Jall¥d, asking him about the
tree mentioned in verse 2:35: “And We said: ‘O Adam, dwell thou
and thy wife in this garden, and eat freely thereof, both of you, what-
ever you may wish; but do not approach this one tree, lest you
become wrongdoers’.” Ab‰ Jall¥d wrote back to Ibn ¢Abb¥s claim-
ing the tree is an ear of corn “sunbulah.” Ibn ¢Abb¥s also used to ask
Ka¢b al-A^b¥r, a Jewish convert, about some meanings of the
Qur’an, for example he asked him concerning the meaning of Umm
al-Kit¥b (The Mother of the Book) and al-Marj¥n (Coral).74
Using the sources of the People of the Book in explaining some
Islamic concepts in general and tafsÏr in particular is allowed in Islam.
Indeed, reference to Jewish and Christian sources can be made based
on the following hadith: “ballig‰ ¢annÏ wa law ¥yah, wa ^addith‰ ¢an
banÏ Isr¥’Ïl wa la ^araj”75 (Transmit to others what you know or hear
from me, even though it is only a word, and there is no harm in quot-
ing from banÏ Isr¥’Ïl). BanÏ Isr¥’Ïl in the hadith refers to both Jews and
Christians who are Qur’anically speaking called Ahl al-Kit¥b (the
People of Book). It is obvious that the hadith allows Muslims to
quote from the People of the Book.
This permission is believed to be given for two reasons. The first is
that Judaism, Christianity, and Islam share some fundamental beliefs
such as belief in God, the prophets and the day of judgment Heaven
as well as other things. The second is that during his lifetime, the
Prophet did agree with some of what the people of the book quoted
78
TafsÏr and Fatwas of the Prophet’s Companions
79
a brief introduction to qur , anic exegesis
the one who pays zakah and who refrains from taking usury, and so
on.79
We next examine the Companions’ differences in four areas: fiqh,
theology, Qur’anic historical personalities, and linguistics, to see
whether Ibn Taymiyyah’s claim holds.
Fiqh
This refers to those verses in which the Companions differed in
interpretation due to either their individual understanding of a given
verse or to lack of knowledge of the Prophet’s hadith on a particular
issue. For instance, God states in verse 5:5:
Today, all the good things of life have been made lawful to you. And
the food of those who have been vouchsafed revelation aforetime is
lawful to you, [14] and your food is lawful to them. And [lawful to
you are], in wedlock, women from among those who believe [in this
divine writ], and, in wedlock, women from among those who have
been vouchsafed revelation before your time...
Based on this verse almost all the Companions declared the per-
missibility of marriage between Muslim men and Jewish or Christian
women. ¢Abd All¥h ibn ¢Umar, however, held a different opinion.
Quoting verse 2:221, “Do not marry unbelieving women (idolaters),
until they believe” (become Muslim), he pointed out that, “God has
forbidden Muslims to marry idolaters, I do not know anything
greater than shirk and there is no sin greater than to say Jesus is my
Lord.”80
Another example concerns the prescribed waiting period of a
pregnant widow or a divorcee before she is allowed to re-marry. This
is known as ¢iddah in respect of which verse 65:4 stipulates: “and as for
those who are with child, the end of their waiting-term (¢iddah) [in
case of divorce] shall come when they deliver their burden.”
¢Abd All¥h ibn Mas¢‰d understood the verse in its general sense,
81
a brief introduction to qur , anic exegesis
Now as for such of your women as are beyond, the age of monthly
courses, as well as for such as do not have any courses, their waiting-
period - if you have any doubt [about it] - shall be three [calendar]
months; and as for those who are with child, the end of their wait-
ing-term shall come when they deliver their burden.
¢AlÏ ibn AbÏ >¥lib and Ibn ¢Abb¥s inferred from both verses that
the ¢iddah of an eight-month pregnant widow is four months and ten
days. If a widow is two months pregnant, the ¢iddah is seven months.
This is what ¢AlÏ and Ibn ¢Abb¥s referred to as ab¢ad al-ajalayn (the
longest period of the ¢iddahs).
82
TafsÏr and Fatwas of the Prophet’s Companions
Then, when (the son) reached (the age of) (serious) work with him,
he (prophet Abraham) said: “O my son! I see in vision that I offer
thee in sacrifice: Now see what is thy view!” (The son) said: “O my
father! Do as thou art commanded: thou will find me, if Allah so wills
one practising Patience and Constancy!”
Theology
The Companions held varying theological views on certain subjects
when not aware of a particular or explicit Prophetic hadith relating
to it. Thus, each one would depend on his own understanding of a
verse in question. For example, verse 17:1 states: “Glory to Him
(Allah) Who did take His servant for a Journey by night from the
Sacred Mosque to the farthest Mosque, whose precincts We did
bless.”
The Companions differed as to how this journey took place. Did
the Prophet travel physically or was it only his soul (r‰^)? Ibn ¢Abb¥s,
Anas ibn M¥lik and others, who had knowledge of the hadith in this
regard, believed the Prophet to have travelled physically, whilst
¢®’ishah, the wife of the Prophet and Mu¢¥wiyah ibn AbÏ Sufy¥n
83
a brief introduction to qur , anic exegesis
Linguistics
Another factor that influenced the way the Companions interpreted
certain Qur’anic passages was the respective dialects of their Arabic
language. It is interesting to note the different interpretations
ascribed. For instance, in verse 77:1, the term al-murasal¥t (the ones
sent forth) is explained by Ab‰ Hurayrah to mean angels, while Ibn
Mas¢‰d interprets it as referring to the winds.85 Furthermore, in
verse 85:3, the words sh¥hid and mashh‰d (the witness and the subject
of the witness), were interpreted by Ab‰ Hurayrah to mean respec-
tively ‘Friday’ and ‘the day of ‘¢Araf¥t’ during Hajj,86 whilst Ibn
¢Abb¥s interpreted sh¥hid to mean the Prophet Muhammad and
mashh‰d as the day of judgment. In this respect, al-¤asan ibn ¢AlÏ, the
grandson of the Prophet, supported his uncle Ibn ¢Abb¥s’s view,
backing his opinion with verse 4:41 which reads: “How, then, [will
the sinners fare on Judgment Day,] when We shall bring forward
witnesses from within every community, and bring thee [O Prophet]
as witness against them?” The point made by al-¤asan ibn ¢AlÏ was
that in this verse, the Qur’an clearly describes the Prophet as a sh¥hid
(a witness), thus, sh¥hid in the aforementioned verse refers to the
Prophet.87
Again with regard to the term al-¢¥diy¥t in verse 100:1, ¢AlÏ ibn
84
TafsÏr and Fatwas of the Prophet’s Companions
85
a brief introduction to qur , anic exegesis
Conclusion
Scholars are divided into two groups concerning the binding author-
ity of the Companions’ interpretation. Those who consider the
ßa^¥bah’s exegesis to be binding include Imam M¥lik, A^mad ibn
¤anbal, Ibn Taymiyyah and his student Ibn Qayyim. They based
their argument mainly on the fact of the Companions’ virtues and
merits, for they were praised both in the Qur’an and in the hadith,
and were witnesses of the Revelation. In addition, they had mastered
the language of the Qur’an.
Among those who believed otherwise, that is the Companions’
tafsÏr is not binding, included al-Ghaz¥lÏ, Ibn ¤azm and Ab‰
¤ayy¥n. The focus of their argument rests on the practicality of the
Companions’ interpretation which contains irreconcilable contra-
dictions in places. By this is meant that practically speaking, to accept
as binding the tafsÏr of the Companions, with their irreconcilable dif-
ferences, would place the Muslims in a state of perplexity and
confusion as such contradictions would necessarily have binding
practical application in the various fields of the Muslims’ life. Which
binding proof should the Muslims accept? How can two binding
proofs contradict one another?
See for example the issue of the ¢iddah of a pregnant widow dis-
cussed earlier. Consider also the example discussed of Qur’anic verse
86
TafsÏr and Fatwas of the Prophet’s Companions
87
chapter 5
s u m m a ry
The Successors (the generation after the Companions) also exercised tafsÏr. The
method they employed to interpret the Qur’an involved:
a) using the Qur’an to explain the Qur’an
b) referring to the Sunnah of the Prophet
c) referring to the Hadith
d) their knowledge of Arabic (whether grammar, linguistics, poetry)
e) Personal opinion / ijtihad.
To what extent does their tafsÏr have definitive authority, that is, is considered binding?
This and their differing exegesis on Qur’anic verses and other issues is explored.
88
TafsÏr and Fatwas of the Successors
89
a brief introduction to qur , anic exegesis
With all this, it is not desirable that all of the believers take the field
[in time of war]. From within every group in their midst, some shall
refrain from going forth to war, and shall devote themselves [instead]
to acquiring a deeper knowledge of the Faith and [thus be able to]
teach their home-coming brethren, so that these [too] might guard
themselves against evil.
90
TafsÏr and Fatwas of the Successors
you are those who have learned the Qur’an and teach it (to others)).
From this perspective, the T¥bi¢‰n’s commitment is clear.
Having stated a possible reason for the involvement of the T¥bi¢‰n
in interpretation, it is appropriate at this point to present examples of
the tafsÏr of some of the most prominent among them.
And Lo! Thy Sustainer said unto the angels: “Behold, I am about to
establish upon earth a vicegerent.” They said: “Wilt Thou place on
it such as will spread corruption thereon and shed blood -whereas it
is we who extol Thy limitless glory, and praise Thee, and hallow
Thy name?” [God] answered: “Verily, I know that which you do
not know.”
Muj¥hid explained “we who extol Thy limitless glory, and praise
Thee, and hallow Thy name?” as nu¢a··imuk wa nukabbiruk (we
aggrandize and magnify You).12 Similar was his explanation of verses
75:22-23: “Some faces, that Day, will beam (in brightness and beau-
ty); Looking towards their Lord.” According to Ibn KathÏr, the
Companions and T¥bi¢‰n were unanimously agreed that those
dwelling in Jannah (Paradise) will see God with their own eyes, using
75:22-23 among the verses referenced to support this opinion.13
91
a brief introduction to qur , anic exegesis
92
TafsÏr and Fatwas of the Successors
93
a brief introduction to qur , anic exegesis
Art thou not aware of those who forsook their homelands in their
thousands for fear of death-whereupon God said unto them, “Die,”
and later brought them back to life? Behold, God is indeed limitless
in His bounty unto man - but most people are ungrateful.
O you who have attained to faith! Just retribution is ordained for you
in cases of killing: the free for the free, and the slave for the slave, and
the woman for the woman.
94
TafsÏr and Fatwas of the Successors
95
a brief introduction to qur , anic exegesis
96
TafsÏr and Fatwas of the Successors
The Prophet went to the Mosque where he read the verse to his
Companions. Then, he forbade the selling of alcohol.
Other examples: One day al-¤asan was asked about the meaning
of verse 78:22-23: “For the transgressors a place of destination: They
98
TafsÏr and Fatwas of the Successors
99
a brief introduction to qur , anic exegesis
exegeses were lost? Or was it that they were very brief? Or was it that
his students did not quote extensively from his tafsÏr? Perhaps the last
assumption is the most likely.
Nevertheless, Zayd was considered as one of the leading exegetes
of the T¥bi¢‰n. In one of his interpretations, Zayd states in regard to
the meaning of verse 2:195: “And spend of your substance in the
cause of Allah, and make not your own hands contribute to (your)
destruction; but do good; for Allah loveth those who do goods,” that
there existed a group of men in the Prophet’s army who did not
spend anything from their own wealth. Hence, God commanded
them to spend their money for the Jihad.35 To note is that Zayd
mentions here the background of the verse, without mentioning his
source. In relation to the meaning of verse 6:65: “Say: ‘He hath
power to send calamities on you..’.” Zayd quotes the Prophet
Muhammad to have explained it saying: “l¥ tarji¢‰ ba¢dÏ kuff¥r ya\rib
ba¢\ukum riq¥b ba¢\ bi al-sayf” (Do not become after my death
ungrateful, some of you killing others with swords).36
Needless to say, Zayd never met the Prophet; therefore, he should
have mentioned his source of information. This type of transmission
is technically called hadith mursal.37 More light on Zayd’s interpreta-
tions will be shed along with those of other T¥bi¢‰n to the Prophet
when their different opinions in exegeses is discussed.
When thy Lord drew forth from the Children of Adam - from their
loins - their descendants, and made them testify concerning them-
selves, (saying): “Am I not your Lord (who cherishes and sustains
you)?” - They said: “Yea! We do testify!”
100
TafsÏr and Fatwas of the Successors
According to Ubay, “[Before this life] God gathered all the chil-
dren of Adam that will be on earth until the Day of Judgment and
created them in their physical nature [and asked them the question as
in the verse].”
Concerning the meaning of calamities in verse 6:65: “Say: ‘He
hath power to send calamities on you..’” Ab‰ al-¢®liyah quotes
Ubay to have said:
There are four calamities. Two of them have already occurred after
twenty-five years of the death of the Prophet and others will
undoubtedly happen. The two that have not yet occurred are al-rajm
(stoning from the heaven) and al-khasf (swallowing up by the
earth).39
101
a brief introduction to qur , anic exegesis
Fiqh
Differences among the issues in the legal implications of verses may
have been caused by differing understandings of the implication of
those verses, a lack of knowledge of the Prophet’s sayings concerning
related issues, or dependence on weak hadith.
One example illustrating lack of knowledge of the Prophet’s say-
ing on a specific issue can be seen in relation to verse 2:196: “And
complete the Hajj and ¢umrah in the service of Allah. But if ye are pre-
vented (from completing it), send an offering for sacrifice, such as ye
may find, and do not shave your heads until the offering reaches the
place of sacrifice.”40
The Prophet has specified in hadith (agreed upon by al-Bukh¥rÏ
and Muslim) how many days one should fast and how many poor
people one should feed when one is prevented from performing Hajj
or ¢umrah. However, we find the T¥bi¢‰n differing concerning the
number of days one should fast and the number of poor people one
should feed. Muj¥hid adhered to the saying of the Prophet which
was to fast three days and feed six poor people, while al-¤asan al-
Ba|rÏ and ¢Ikrimah stated that one should fast ten days and feed ten
poor people.41 Perhaps both al-¤asan and ¢Ikrimah did not have the
knowledge of the Prophet’s hadith in this regard or they were con-
fused with the case of one who is performing the Hajj but cannot
afford to offer a sacrifice. In such a situation one must fast ten days.
Another example involving lack of knowledge of certain hadith
concerns Qur’anic verse 2:158: “Behold! Safa and Marwa are among
the Symbols of Allah. So if those who visit the House in the Season or
at other times, should compass them round, it is no sin in them.”
The majority of the T¥bi¢‰n believed compassing al-ßaf¥ and al-
Marwah to be one of the principles of the Hajj, with failure to
circumambulate them rendering the pilgrimage invalid, supporting
their understanding of the verse with many hadith, including: “is¢aw
102
TafsÏr and Fatwas of the Successors
fa inna All¥h kataba ¢alaykum al-sa¢y” (Walk between al-ßaf¥ and al-
Marwah because the sa¢y [special running movement] is prescribed
for you by Allah).42 Muj¥hid, al-¤asan, and Qat¥dah held al-sa¢y to
be not obligatory in support of which opinion they quote verse 2:158
stressing that God did not say one must circumambulate them, but
that He stated there is no blame on someone if he does so.43
Hast thou not Turned thy vision to the Chiefs of the Children of
Israel after (the time of) Moses? They said to a prophet (That was)
among them: “Appoint for us a king,...”
The Qur’an does not mention the name of this prophet of Israel,
but some of the T¥bi¢‰n, i.e. Muj¥hid, Qat¥dah, al-SuddÏ and others,
tried to do so, with Muj¥hid stating it was ߥmwÏl ibn B¥lÏ, Qatadah
that it was Y‰sha¢ ibn N‰n, and al-SuddÏ naming him as Sh¥m¢‰n.44
Another example is verse 27:40: “Said one who had knowledge of
the Book: ‘I will bring it to thee within the twinkling of an eye!’”
meaning the throne of the Queen of Sheba. Who offered to bring the
throne? Although the Qur’an does not mention a name Qat¥dah
nevertheless indicates that it was ®|if or Balkh, while according to
Muj¥hid it was As~‰m.45
Theology
This aspect of exegetical variance refers to the T¥bi¢‰ns’ own under-
standing of a Qur’anic verse and its interpretation without depending
103
a brief introduction to qur , anic exegesis
104
TafsÏr and Fatwas of the Successors
Linguistics
This concerns individual words or terms which the T¥bi¢‰n under-
stood differently according to their own varying linguistic back-
grounds. More interestingly, they also differed in terms of the origin
of some Qur’anic words allegedly derived from foreign languages.
For example, the word “al-ßamad” in verse 112:2 has been interpreted
in a variety of ways: Zayd ibn Aslam sees it as al-Sayyid (the master),
Qat¥dah understands it as al-B¥qÏ ba¢d khalqih (one who outlasts His
creation), ¢Ikrimah explains it as alladhÏ lam yakhruj minhu shay’ wa l¥
yu~¢am (one who does not expel waste or needs to be fed),49 al-RabÏ¢
ibn Anas states it to mean alladhÏ lam yalid wa lam y‰lad (He who
begets not, nor has been begotten),50 and finally according to
Muj¥hid, Sa¢Ïd ibn Jubayr, al-SuddÏ, and al-Dahh¥k al-ßamad is n‰r
yatala’la’ (a light that shines).51
Another example of linguistic difference in understanding is verse
36:1: “Y¥|Ïn.” What does this word mean? ¢Ikrimah, al-Da^^h¥k
and al-¤asan explained it as Y¥ ins¥n (O man), with Sa¢Ïd ibn Jubayr
(who was of Abyssinian background) confirming this meaning stat-
ing hu wa kadh¥lika fÏ lughat al-^abashiyyah (it is so in the language of
Abyssinia). Zayd ibn Aslam on the other hand indicates that it is ism
min asm¥’ All¥h Ta¢al¥ (it is one of Allah’s names).52
Then there is the word al-zayt‰n in Qur’anic verse 95:1. Ka¢b al-
A^b¥r and Qatadah believe it to refer to the sacred Mosque in
Jerusalem, while Muj¥hid and ¢Ikrimah indicate that it is the olive
that is known.53
Finally we look at the meaning and linguistic origin of the
Qur’anic phrase “hayt lak” in verse 12:23. According to Muj¥hid and
others it means seduction, whilst ¢Ikrimah, al-¤asan, and Qat¥dah
state it is of the Syrian dialect or language and means ¢alayka (come
105
a brief introduction to qur , anic exegesis
Qur’anic Phrases
This category relates to terms in the Qur’an which the T¥bi¢‰n have
interpreted differently due to a lack of knowledge of hadith that
mentions the meaning of these phrases or because there were no
hadith concerning difficult phrases, leading to each individual using
his own opinion or knowledge in explaining the meaning. Thus the
phrase in verse 15:87: “And, indeed, We have bestowed upon thee
seven of the oft repeated [verses], and [have, thus, laid open before
thee] this sublime Qur’an,” has been interpreted differently. For stu-
dents of Ibn ¢Abb¥s, mainly Muj¥hid, Sa¢Ïd ibn Jubayr and
al-Da^^¥k, along with their teacher Ibn ¢Abb¥s, it meant the seven
longest chapters of the Qur’an. On the other hand, for al-¤asan al-
Ba|rÏ and Qat¥dah, and eventually also Muj¥hid (as he once held the
former opinion), al-sab¢ al-math¥nÏ meant al-f¥ti^ah (the first s‰rah of
the Qur’an) only. They quote a hadith found in al-Bukh¥rÏ to support
this interpretation, whilst those holding the former opinion did not
refer to any hadith.56
Ibn KathÏr supported the latter interpretation, referring also to the
hadith in al-Bukh¥rÏ, and stating in regards to the meaning of al-sab¢
al-math¥nÏ that “h¥dha na|| fÏ anna al-f¥ti^ah, (huwa) al-sab¢ al-math¥nÏ
wa al-Qur’¥n al-¢a·Ïm” (this is a clear statement that al-f¥ti^ah is the al-
sab¢ al-math¥nÏ and the sublime Qur’an).57
Al-Da^^¥k explains the meaning of verse 75:29: “And one leg
will be joined with another” as two things that come together for
someone who has died, these two things being the people who pre-
pare the body for burial and the angels preparing his soul. Al-¤asan
al-Ba|rÏ, on the other hand, interprets it literally stating “hum¥ s¥q¥ka
idh¥ iltaffat¥” (they are your legs when they are joined). In other
106
TafsÏr and Fatwas of the Successors
narrations, al-¤asan al-Ba|rÏ states: “They are your two legs when
they are wrapped in the sheet.” ¢Ikrimah understands the meaning of
verse 75:29 as al-amr al-¢a·Ïm bi al-amr al-¢a·Ïm (“a significant matter is
joined with another significant matter”), and as for Muj¥hid, the
verse means calamity joined with another calamity.58
Having introduced some of the interpretations and exegesis of the
T¥bi¢‰n, including their differences, we now turn to the characteris-
tics, sources, and methodology of their exegesis.
107
a brief introduction to qur , anic exegesis
Conclusion
Realistically speaking, it is not easy to give a true concept or picture
of the exegetical works of the T¥bi¢‰n. The existing works of some
individuals, like that of the tafsÏr of Muj¥hid, are still questionable.
Thus, the exegeses of the T¥bi¢‰n found in classical works of tafsÏr,
such as al->abarÏ’s J¥mi¢ al-Bay¥n and Ibn KathÏr’s TafsÏr al-Qur’¥n al-
¢A·Ïm, were never critically analyzed to determine their authen-
ticity. Such is the case with the tafsÏr of the ßa^¥bah. This is why one
finds two or sometimes more than two contradictory reports or
interpretations ascribed to the same exegete.
Muslim scholars are divided into two groups in terms of the bind-
ing authority of the T¥bi¢‰n exegesis. Most believe their exegesis to
108
TafsÏr and Fatwas of the Successors
be not ^ujjah as they did not meet the Prophet in person or witness
the circumstances surrounding the revelation.
Others hold that as the exegetical works of the T¥bi¢‰n are based
on the knowledge they acquired from the ßa^¥bah they thus have
equal standing with the work of the ßa^¥bah as binding proof,
because whatever knowledge the T¥bi¢‰n acquired would have been
the same as that of their teachers.
Ultimately, it seems that the justifications and reasons provided by
both sides hardly rest on scholastic credentials, but rather are based
solely on the fact or merit of having lived at the time of the Prophet
and having had contact with him.
109
chapter 6
s u m m a ry
This is Qur’anic exegesis based on hadith and reasoning (ijtihad) and is a highly contro-
versial area of tafsÏr. Arguments put forward by proponents and opponents of al-TafsÏr bi
al-Ra’y are examined as well as to what extent it is permissible, and under what condi-
tions it is acceptable, as a form of interpretation. Al-TafsÏr bi al-Ra’y is divided into two
categories each of which is closely analysed:
110
TafsÏr Based on Opinion
In the Qur’an, we find the term ra’y used in different forms (past,
present, and as verbal noun) to denote the same lexical sense. For
example, in verse 6:76, “When the night covered him over, he saw a
star,” the term ra’¥ (he saw) is used to mean sighting with the eye.3
Elsewhere in verse 8:48 we read, “Lo! I see what ye see not,” with ra’y
used here to mean seen through the eyes. In the Prophetic hadith we
find that ra’y is used in two senses; one as personal opinion, and two,
as an equivalent to ijtihad (self exertion). With reference to the for-
mer we have a report from Ibn Is^¥q (d. 213 or 218) in which he states
concerning the battle of Badr4 that the Prophet assigned the
Companions to camp at a specific place before the battle. ¤abb¥b ibn
al-Mundhir asks the Prophet whether Allah inspired him to camp
there or was it “just ra’y and a war stratagem and matter of consulta-
tion?” The Prophet replies that it was ra’y and a war strategem.5
With reference to ra’y used in hadith in the second sense we have
the well-known narration of Mu¢¥dh ibn Jabal. This being that when
the Prophet delegated him to Yemen to invite people to Islam he
asked Mu¢adh, “By what would you judge people?” Mu¢adh replies,
“By the book of God.” And if he found no answer therein questions
the Prophet? “I will consult the Prophet’s tradition” And if he still
found no answer, then? “I will exert my mind (ajtahid bi ra’yi)”
Mu¢adh responds.6 Using personal opinion is used here in conjunc-
tion with ijtihad.
At the time of the Companions, the term ra’y was also used with
reference to two different meanings. First, as an independent personal
opinion in the absence of a clear indication from the Qur’an or the
Prophet’s tradition. Second, as an equivalent to qiy¥s (analogical
deduction). In his I¢l¥m al-Muwaqqi¢Ïn, Ibn Qayyim reports ¢Abd
All¥h ibn Mas¢‰d as stating: “If a legal issue is brought before you, and
you do not find answers for it in the book of God, in the tradition of
the Prophet, or in the statements of his Companions, then use your
own personal opinion.”7
111
a brief introduction to qur , anic exegesis
112
TafsÏr Based on Opinion
term ra’y had been used to mean ijtihad, personal opinion, qiy¥s and
belief (I¢tiq¥d). Having stated the meanings of ra’y, literally and
rationally, we next define the term al-tafsÏr bi al-ra’y technically.
Al-tafsÏr bi al-ra’y is used to denote exegesis of the Qur’anic text
which does not depend on a Hadith, but uses the intellect (exerting
the mind) to understand the word of God based on sound knowledge
of the Arabic language and implementation of the principles of
tafsÏr.14 Any Qur’anic exegesis that conforms to this definition is said
to be al-tafsÏr bi al-ra’y al-Ma^m‰d or al-Mamd‰^, i.e., ‘praiseworthy
exegesis’. However, any Qur’anic exegesis that does not conform to
this definition is technically called al-tafsÏr bi al-ra’y al-Madhm‰m
’blameworthy exegesis’.15 Thus, al-tafsÏr bi al-ra’y al-Madhm‰m, is
defined as exegesis undertaken without proper knowledge of the
sources of tafsÏr, the Shari¢ah, and sound knowledge of Arabic. Thus,
Islamically speaking, al-tafsÏr bi al-ra’y is divided into two categories:
al-tafsÏr bi al-ra’y al-Ma^m‰d and al-tafsÏr bi al-ra’y al-Madhm‰m.
Generally speaking, the former is accepted by the majority of the
Sunni traditionalists, jurists, prominent theologians and Sufis, whilst
the latter is rejected by all those Sunni traditionalists, jurists and the-
ologians.16 Before discussing the principles upon which the Sunni
scholars base their rejection of al-tafsÏr bi al-ra’y al-Madhm‰m, it might
be useful to examine the view of three prominent scholars who have
elaborated on the issue: al->abarÏ, al-Ghaz¥lÏ, and Ibn Taymiyyah.
113
a brief introduction to qur , anic exegesis
such as the hour of resurrection, when Jesus will return etc. Third,
understanding verses for which ignorance is not allowed or excused.
This applies to very clear verses, such as for example, Qur’anic verse
2:11 which states: “When it is said to them: ‘Make not mischief on
the earth,’ they say: ‘Why, we only Want to make peace!’” For al-
>abarÏ the meaning of this verse is crystal clear, since everyone knows
what making mischief means.
The fourth is interpretation of some verses which only require
scholarly knowledge.17 In the light of this it is obvious that al->abarÏ
held that only two types of Qur’anic interpretation can be used by
one who speaks or understands Arabic (that is the linguistic meaning
of Qur’anic words). Another type to interpret is comprehended by
scholars only. Thus, al->abarÏ concluded that any attempt to inter-
pret the meaning of verses that are the sole prerogative of Allah is
wrong and censurable, because such interpretation would be noth-
ing more than guess and surmise. Hence, Allah forbade His servants
to do such a thing (allege things without supporting evidence), as we
see in verse 7:33:
114
TafsÏr Based on Opinion
115
a brief introduction to qur , anic exegesis
116
TafsÏr Based on Opinion
118
TafsÏr Based on Opinion
119
a brief introduction to qur , anic exegesis
120
TafsÏr Based on Opinion
opposed this view arguing that the phrase “from thy (own) soul”
actually referred to a hidden interrogative sentence that implied a
negation of this apparent meaning, further claiming the phrase
should be read as “Is that from your self?” In which case the meaning
then would be that both good and evil actions are from God.41 In
other words, man was not responsible for his actions, corroborating
the Jabarite belief. Upon hearing this, the Sunni declared both
notions wrong, citing the previous verse (4:78): “If some good befalls
them, they say, ‘This is from Allah’; but if evil, they say, ‘This is from
thee’ (O Prophet). Say: ‘All things are from Allah.’”
The difference between the Jabarites and the Sunnis on this issue
is that Jabarites believe that man is not responsible for his actions, and
therefore God will not punish someone who does not have a choice
between doing good or bad.42 The Sunnis believe that man has been
given the choice to do both good and bad, but his choice is not
absolute; if his choice were absolute, that would mean that God does
not have absolute power.43 The Sunnis, at other times, attributed all
good – but not evil – to God, in order to preserve the idea of the
goodness of God and on the other hand to make man a responsible
being, particularly for his evil deeds.
Another instance of difference lies in the question of whether we
can see God. According to the Mu¢tazilite doctrine, God can never
been seen with physical eyes, and they base this view on verse 6:103:
“No vision can grasp Him, but His grasp is over all vision: He is
above all comprehension, yet is acquainted with all things.” Sunnis,
on the other hand, believe that God will eventually be seen, basing
their view on verse 83:15 which affirms: “Verily, from (the Light of)
their Lord, that Day, will they be veiled” referring to the evil doers.
The Sunnis deduced from this that since evil doers will be veiled
from seeing God, Muslims will not be veiled from seeing God. They
further support this assumption with a hadith in which the Prophet
clearly states that Muslims will see God as clearly as they see the full
moon.44
121
a brief introduction to qur , anic exegesis
122
TafsÏr Based on Opinion
Qur’an
Reference is mainly made to three Qur’anic verses. The first is verse
4:59: “and if you are at variance over any matter, refer it unto God
and the Apostle.” Extrapolating from this to al-Ra’y, the implication
is as there is difference of opinion the final judgment should be
referred to God and His Prophet, which action, if not carried
through, constitutes disobedience of a divine command. Thus, any-
one else’s opinion is rejected.46
The second is verse 16:44: “and We have sent down unto you
(Muhammad) (also) the Message; that you may explain clearly to
men what is sent for them...” The point being that God has stated
clearly that He has entrusted the Prophet only with the mission of
explaining the Qur’anic text to mankind; thus, any attempt by any-
one else to elucidate the Qur’an using his own opinion is unnecessary
at best.
The third is verse 7:33 which addresses the Prophet: “Say: ‘Verily,
my Sustainer has forbidden only shameful deeds, be they open or
secret, and [every kind of] sinning, and unjustified envy, and the
ascribing of divinity to aught beside Him - since He has never
bestowed any warrant therefor from on high and the attributing unto
God of aught of which you have no knowledge.” The verse makes
clear that the stating of things concerning Allah without correct and
necessary knowledge is a great a sin as the sins mentioned at the
beginning of the verse. Any interpretation, therefore, without infor-
mation from the Prophet is prohibited.47
Hadith
Three main hadiths are quoted. The first is the well-known hadith
123
a brief introduction to qur , anic exegesis
124
TafsÏr Based on Opinion
125
a brief introduction to qur , anic exegesis
126
TafsÏr Based on Opinion
127
a brief introduction to qur , anic exegesis
The attitudes or actions of those who did not abstain from interpre-
tation was similar to the actions of those of them who refrained from
giving legal opinions concerning particular events and occurrences,
that is to say, they [all] believed that God did not cause His Prophet
to die until after he had perfected His religion to His servants, and
they knew that God had a judgment in a text or through an indica-
tion for every event, but [the former believed] perhaps, that they had
to search it out, otherwise, they would be denying that God’s judg-
ment on these events existed among them. Finally, [regarding those
who refrained from engaging in interpretation,] they could have
feared that by their own effort (ijtihad) they were not able to carry
out the charge God had entrusted to the learned among His servants.
It was the same with the learned among the pious predecessors who
refrained from speaking about the interpretation and exegesis of the
Qur’an. They did so out of caution, lest they should fail to accom-
plish the objective of speaking correctly, – not because the
interpretation of (this verse) was veiled from the men of knowledge
in the community and that it did not exist among them.61
128
TafsÏr Based on Opinion
(Here is) a Book which We have sent down unto thee, full of
blessings, that they may mediate (ponder) on its Signs, and that men
of understanding may receive admonition.
If they would but refer it unto the Apostle and unto those from
among the believers who have been entrusted with authority, such
of them as are engaged in obtaining intelligence would indeed know
[what to do with] it.
129
a brief introduction to qur , anic exegesis
130
TafsÏr Based on Opinion
Al->abarÏ reports that both Ibn Mas¢‰d and Ibn ¢Abb¥s used to
give comprehensive interpretations of the Qur’an with Ibn Mas¢‰d’s
exegesis of one surah alone taking an entire day to explain.68 Worth
noting here is that the Prophet never gave such a long interpretation
of any surah, thus, it can only be concluded that detailed interpre-
tation of this nature could have only come from opinions or
commentaries. As for the respect given to the Successors’ statements,
again al->abarÏ quotes Sa¢Ïd ibn Jubayr who was reported to have
said: “Whoever reads the Qur’an and cannot explain it, (that is to say,
did not understand it), is just like a blind person or a bedouin”69 (the
latter generally speaking considered not intelligent).
Nonetheless, Ab‰ Mu^ammad ibn ¤azm rejects the use of all
kinds of personal opinion in Islam in general and in the Qur’an in
particular. To him, no one, including the Companions, has any right
or authority to utilize his own opinion in this regard, and whoever
does use his opinion in either deducing the law, or the meaning of
the Qur’an, and assumes that such is the meaning meant by God of a
particular verse, or ascribes that to God, is a liar.70 Ibn ¤azm based
his rejection of personal opinion on the following Qur’anic verses:
“We have neglected nothing in the book” (6:38), and “Follow what
has been sent down unto you by your Sustainer” (7:3). Ibn ¤azm
reasons that as God has stated clearly in verse 6:38 that He did not
leave anything out the Qur’an thus contains all that needs to be
known in Islam and there is no need therefore for anyone to add his
opinion. Further, the second verse commands mankind to follow the
revelation, not someone else’s opinion.71
As already mentioned, the first of the two strongest arguments of
the proponents of ra’y is verse 4:83 and the other is the popular hadith
of Mu¢¥dh ibn Jabal in which the Prophet approved of using ijtihad.
As regards the hadith reported by Mu¢¥dh, Ibn ¤azm considered
it invalid because of al-¤¥rith ibn ¢Umar who is historically consid-
ered to be majh‰l (unknown narrator). Furthermore, according to
Ibn ¤azm, al-Bukh¥rÏ also reportedly rejected this hadith.72
131
a brief introduction to qur , anic exegesis
133
a brief introduction to qur , anic exegesis
Those who gave the loyalty pledge under the tree in the sacred terri-
tory of Makkah, were the embodiment of bay¢ah al-Ri\w¥n and the
number of the Muslims that day was one thousand and four hundred.
134
TafsÏr Based on Opinion
135
a brief introduction to qur , anic exegesis
beauty); looking towards their Lord”, differs not only from that of
the explanation given by the Prophet and that of his Companions,
but also in such a way that it actually contradicts them. Worth noting
also is that whilst Muj¥hid’s tafsÏr is not labeled as bid¢ah, that of the
Mu¢tazilites, who interpreted in the same way as Muj¥hid, is labeled
as such, meaning they were accused of bid¢ah whilst Muj¥hid was not.
A critical look at the arguments of both the opponents and the
proponents of al-ra’y in defense of their position reveals that some
arguments needed more support while others are deemed irrelevant.
For example, the opponents of ra’y would quote verse 16:44 (“and
We have sent down unto you (Muhammad) (also) the Message; that
you may explain clearly to men what is sent for them”) to back their
prohibition of ra’y. In my opinion this argument is a weak one, prac-
tically speaking, for the Prophet did not explain the whole Qur’an,
not even most of it, and his Companions consequently used their
own opinion in explaining some of its verses.
But whatever the case, the majority position of scholars is that al-
tafsÏr bi al-ra’y (under the grouping al-tafsÏr bi al-ra’y al-ma^m‰d) is
permissible subject to certain conditions, for men endowed with
sound knowledge and based on sound sources.
136
chapter 7
Trends in Modern
Qur’anic Interpretation
FROM 1750 UNTIL the middle of the 20th century, the occupation
and decline of the Muslim world became increasingly pronounced,
with the civilisation eroding under the cultural and political influ-
ence of the West penetrating ever deeper all aspects of Muslim life,
socially, politically, educationally, culturally, and economically.
In an effort to stem the tide, various revivalist ideas and reform
movements emerged seeking to re-establish and strengthen Islamic
identity, India and Egypt being a case in point. Some of these move-
ments sought to achieve their goals by adopting rational, intellectual
and scientific approaches to interpreting Islam as a way of life. Thus
new trends appeared in Islamic literature in general and tafsÏr in
particular. Examined next are aspects relating to six of these trends:
1. Intellectual
2. Scientific
3. Rhetorical
4. Philological
5. Traditional
6. Natural History
137
a brief introduction to qur , anic exegesis
138
Trends in Modern Qur’anic Interpretation
death of his teacher from surah 4:125 to 12:107. Rida faithfully indi-
cated the parts for which he and his teacher were jointly responsible,
marking where Abduh’s words ended and his own additions began.3
The work was published in Beirut by D¥r al-Fikr, in twelve
volumes.4
Shaykh Abduh’s purpose for producing the interpretation was to
impress on the Muslims that the Qur’an was a religious book that
essentially was revealed to guide mankind to that which would lead
to success in this life and the hereafter.5
Furthermore, Rashid Rida explained in detail the wishes that his
teacher desired to accomplish through his teaching and exegesis. He
stated that there is nothing in our religion that is in conflict with pres-
ent modernization – except some issues concerning usury.
Rashid Rida quotes Abduh to have stated: “I am ready to establish
harmony between true Islam and whatever the Ottoman Empire
might need to reach the standard of civilization achieved by the
West, through the process followed by the West. I will do this
through the instruction of the Qur’an and the authentic tradition of
the Prophet, not through a particular school of thought in Islam.”6
139
a brief introduction to qur , anic exegesis
140
Trends in Modern Qur’anic Interpretation
141
a brief introduction to qur , anic exegesis
142
Trends in Modern Qur’anic Interpretation
143
a brief introduction to qur , anic exegesis
144
Trends in Modern Qur’anic Interpretation
and rhetoricians are judged, not vice versa, since most of these
were people for whom Arabic was not their mother tongue.19
145
a brief introduction to qur , anic exegesis
of tafsÏr, and also in his book one finds the best information among all
other books of tafsÏr).
Ibn Ashur in his words had long dreamt of producing a tafsÏr of the
Qur’an with a view to elucidating its subtlety and general legislation
(al-TashrϢ), but given the enormous difficulty of the task at hand hes-
itated, remaining undecided, until one day when given the position
of a judge, and its attendant responsibilities, he gave up all hope. After
serving the court for a while, he became muftÏ of Tunisia which
meant that he now had the authority to issue fatwas (Islamic legal
opinion). This meant that at long last he could actually start working
on his own Qur’anic commentary and realize the dream he had cher-
ished for so long. In the now famous tafsÏr which resulted Ibn Ashur
claims to have included subtleties which no one before him had
mentioned. In this respect, he further indicates that he conducted
ground-breaking research, on the basis of new sources, resulting in
the recording of new findings, which Allah had blessed him with,
and which no exegete prior to him had ever mentioned, based that is
on the sources available to him. By this he means that others may also
have discovered them but not according to the sources available.
In regard to the tafsÏr itself, according to Ibn Ashur he focused on
aspects of Qur’anic miracles, rhetorical subtlety, and As¥lÏb al-Isti¢m¥l
(literally, ‘usage styles’), an Arabic phrase used to refer to the various
Qur’anic styles, the coherence or relationship between Qur’anic
verses, and elaboration on the meaning of Qur’anic terms and their
exact dialectical usage not mentioned by many Arabic lexicons.
In terms of the tafsÏr’s methodology before discussing any surah
Ibn Ashur begins by mentioning its name. If the Prophet named the
surah, he mentions the corresponding hadith. If a Companion, then
he mentions both the corresponding hadith and the names of the
ßah¥bÏ, or ßa^¥bah. If the surah has other names, he mentions these
and explains why this particular name was chosen. Secondly, he
states to which of the two phases (Makkan or Madinan) the surah
belongs. Thirdly, he indicates the position of the surah in terms of the
146
Trends in Modern Qur’anic Interpretation
6. Natural History
This trend is described by Muhammad al-Dhahabi (1915-1977) as
one that is preferred or used by renegades, while Jansen terms it a nat-
ural history approach. Al-Dhahabi, as a Muslim, was concerned with
the contents of tafsÏr works, while Jansen rather looked at them from
a Western scholar’s viewpoint.22 The trend contends that all tafsÏr lit-
erature is useless. It even rejects some of the established principles of
the Qur’an and Hadith as well as the miracles of the prophets
Abraham, Moses, Jesus, Solomon and so on, claiming to be a new
method of understanding the Qur’an. One of its outstanding expo-
nents is Muhammad Abu Zayd, who penned the controversial
Al-Hid¥yah wa al-¢Irf¥n, a work confiscated by al-Azhar University
who declared its author an apostate and issued a fatwa rejecting its
contents.23
147
Conclusion
148
Conclusion
A^mad ibn ¤anbal, Ibn Taymiyyah and Ibn Qayyim. Among its
opponents were Imam Ab‰ ¤anÏfah, Imam al-Sh¥fi¢Ï, al-Ghaz¥lÏ,
Ab‰ ¤ayy¥n and ibn ¢A~iyyah. The arguments of those who held
that the Companions’ tafsÏr was a binding proof, were mostly based
on the merits of the Companions, whereas the arguments of those
who believed otherwise were based on textual evidence and intellec-
tual analysis.
As for the authoritative nature of the tafsÏr of the T¥bi¢‰n, little
concern was given to it. Ibn Qayyim was one of, if not the strongest,
believers in the binding character of their tafsÏr.
During the first century of Islam no exhaustive tafsÏr work existed
that covered the entire text of the Qur’an. The only known extant
commentary of this type is al->abarÏ’s J¥mi¢ al-Bay¥n ¢an Ta’wÏl ®y al-
Qur’¥n. This work covers the whole Qur’an, surah by surah and
verse by verse. Yet, both Ibn ¤azm and al-Tahar ibn Ashur make
two claims: first, that a comprehensive tafsÏr did exist prior to al-
>abarÏ’s, written by Abu ¢Abd al-Ra^man BaqÏ¢ ibn Makhlad ibn
YazÏd (d. 273/889), but that it was subsequently lost; secondly, that
this commentary was more comprehensive than al->abarÏ’s. This
view is supported by Tahir ibn Ashur who simply stated that he
found some volumes of this work in Tunisia without giving further
details, and by Ibn ¤azm who commented that there was no tafsÏr
commentary comparable to BaqÏ¢’s interpretation.
After the fourth century ah three main developments occurred in
the field of Qur’anic exegesis, these being: the use of unverified state-
ments, the age of specialization, and the emergence of reprehensible
interpretation or tafsÏr al-bid¢ah. Al-Suy‰~Ï described the new trend as
the age of the shortening of the chains of narration (ikhti|¥r al-as¥nÏd).
The emergence of these three developments subsequently led to
two further important developments in the field of Qur’anic inter-
pretation. These were: al-tafsÏr bi al-ma’th‰r and its natural counter-
part al-tafsÏr bi al-ra’y as two distinctive fields. Various scholars further
divided the latter into two categories: al-tafsÏr bi al-ra’y al-ma^m‰d and
149
a brief introduction to qur , anic exegesis
150
GLOSSARY
Ab¢ad al-ajalayn the longest period ¤abr h¥dhihi al-ummah scholar of the
of the(¢iddahs) Muslim community
¢Ad¥lah justice Hadith the Prophet Muhammad’s
¢®dil a just person sayings, actions and his tacit approval
Ahl al-^aqÏqhah the people of truth, ¤asanah good
reality Hijrah immigration of the Prophet
Ahl al-Sunnah wa al-Jam¥¢ah Muhammad and his Companions from
people who adhere to the tradition of the Makkah to Madinah
Prophet, Companions, and Successors al-¤ur‰f al-muqa~a¢ah the abbreviated
As¥lÏb al-isti¢m¥l a literary style, stylistic letter of the Qur’an
peculiarity, rhetorical subtlety ¢Iddah prohibited period for a widow or
Athar trace a divorcee to get married; four months
Athar khuffa al-ba¢Ïr incision made in and ten days for a widow and three cycles
the foot of the camel in order to deter- for a woman who experiences monthly
mine and trace the foot print periods and three months for a woman
Awwala to return, to arrive at the final who does not have a monthly period
end, to interpret I^r¥m to profess intention, and wear the
®y¥t (plur. of ¥yah) verses of the Qur’an statutory clothing, for performing
Bal¥gah Arabic rehtoric pilgrimage
Bay¥n explanation Ijtih¥d lit. exertion, and technically is
Bid¢ah innovation excessive effort a jurist makes to deduce
Bismi All¥h In the name of Allah the law
Bushr¥ good tiding Ikht¥ranÏ he chose me
Faqad kafar indeed, he has disblieved Ikhti|¥r shortening, abreviating
Fassar explanation Isr¥’iliyy¥t hadith reports originating
Fat¥w¥ (sing. fatwa) legal verdicts, legal from Jewish and Christian sources
opinion Is~if¥’ choosing, selection
al-F¥ti^ah lit. the opening, the first Istinb¥~ inference
chapter of the Qur’an Istishh¥d¥t citation of a verse to prove
Ful¥n min ahl al-ra’y so and so is of the and support a claim or an opinion
people of opinion I¢tiq¥d belief
Fuqah¥’ (sing. faqÏh) Muslim jurists, Ittaq‰ al-tafsÏr refrain from Qur’anic
those who are learned in fiqh exgesis
GharÏb strange words Iy¥la arrangement, regency
151
Glossary
152
Glossary
153
NOTES
CHAPTER 1
1 Al-Suy‰~Ï, Jal¥l-DÏn ¢Abd al-Ra^m¥n ibn Ab‰ Bakr, Al-Itq¥n fÏ ¢Ul‰m al-Qur’¥n, 1st
edn., (Beirut: D¥r al-Kutub al-¢Imiyyah, 1987/1407).
2 Ibn Ashur, Muhammad, al-Tahir, Al-TahrÏr wa al-TanwÏr (Tunis: Al-D¥r al-Tunisiyyah
li al->ib¥¢ah wa al-Nashr, n.d.), vol. 1, p. 5.
3 Al-Suy‰~Ï, Al-Itq¥n, vol. 2, p. 382.
4 Ibid., vol. 2, p. 381.
5 Ibid., vol. 2, p. 439.
6 Ibn KathÏr, al-Im¥m al-H¥fi· al-QurashÏ, al-DimashqÏ, Mukhta|ar TafsÏr Ibn KathÏr, ed.,
Muhammad Ali al-Sabuni, new edn., (D¥r al-Ma¢rifah, 1994), vol. 2, p. 438.
7 Ab‰ Ja¢far Mu^ammad ibn JarÏr al->abarÏ, J¥mi¢ al-Bay¥n ¢an Ta’wÏl ®y al-Qur’¥n, eds.,
Mahmud Muhammad Shakir and Ahmed Muhammad Shakir, (Cairo: D¥r al-Ma¢¥rif,
n.d), vol. 1, p. 204.
8 Al-Suy‰~Ï, Al-Itq¥n, vol. 2, p. 413.
9 Ibn ¤ajar al-¢Asqal¥nÏ, Fat^ al-B¥rÏ fÏ Shar^ ßa^Ï^ al-Bukh¥rÏ (Cairo: al-Ma~ba¢ah al-
Salafiyyah, n.d.), vol. 8, p. 265.
10 Al-TirmidhÏ, Ab‰ ¢¬s¥ Mu^ammad ibn S‰rah, Sunan al-TirmidhÏ, ed., Abd al-Rahman
Muhammad Uthman, 1st edn., (Cairo: D¥r al-Fikr, 1964/1384,), vol. 2, p. 397.
11 A^mad ibn ¤anbal , Al-Fat^ al-Rabb¥nÏ li TartÏb Musnad al-Im¥m A^mad ibn ¤anbal Al-
Shayb¥nÏ, ed., Abd al-Rahman al-Banna (Cairo: D¥r al-Shih¥b), vol. 18, pp. 175-176.
12 Al->abarÏ, J¥mi¢ al-Bay¥n, vol. 1, p. 204.
13 Mu|¢ab ibn ¢Umayr was the first ambassador in Islam. He was sent by the Prophet to
Madinah to teach the people of Madinah the Qur’an. He died in the battle of Uhud.
14 ¢AlÏ ibn AbÏ >¥lib was a cousin and a son-in law to the Prophet Muhammad. He was
also the fourth Caliph.
15 Ibn Sa¢d, Mu^ammad ibn Sa¢d ibn ManÏ¢ al-ZuhrÏ, Al->abaq¥t al-Kubr¥ (Beirut: D¥r
ߥdir, 1957), vol. 2, pp. 107-110.
16 Ibid., vol. 2, pp. 98-99.
17 Ibn Taymiyyah, Taqiy al-DÏn A^mad ibn ¢Abd al-¤alÏm, Muqaddimah fÏ U|‰l al-TafsÏr,
ed., Adnan Zorzo, (Beirut: D¥r al-Qur’¥n al-KarÏm, 1979/1399), p. 61.
18 Al-Suy‰~Ï, Al-Itq¥n, vol. 2, p. 413.
19 Ibn Taymiyyah, Muqaddimah fÏ U|‰l al-TafsÏr, p. 61.
20 Ibn Sa¢d, Al->abaq¥t al-Kubr¥, vol.2, p. 164.
21 Al-Suy‰~Ï, Al-Itq¥n, vol. 2, p. 413.
154
Notes
22 Ibn Sa¢d, Al->abaq¥t al-Kubr¥, vol. 2, p. 164.
23 Zaglul, Shahatah al-Sayyid, Ubay ibn Ka¢b: Al-Rajul wa al-Mu|^af. 1st edn., (Cairo: Al-
Haya’ah al-Mi|riyyah al-¢®mmah li al-Kit¥b, 1978), pp. 33-6.
24 Ibid., p. 28.
25 Ibn ¢As¥kir, T¥rÏkh Dimashq, vol. 1, p. 102.
26 Ibn Sa¢d, Al->abaq¥t al-Kubr¥, vol. 2, p. 125.
27 Khayr al-DÏn al-Zirikli, Al-A¢l¥m: Q¥m‰s Tarajim li Ashhar al-Rij¥l wa al-Nis¥’ min al-
¢Arab wa al-Musta¢ribÏn wa al-MustashriqÏn (Beirut: D¥r al-¢Ilm li al-MalayÏn, 1980),
vol. 3, p. 322. Ibn ¤ajar al-¢Asqal¥nÏ, TahdhÏb al-TahdhÏb, vol. 3, p. 265.
28 Ibn Sa¢d, Al->abaq¥t al-Kubr¥, vol. 2, p. 161.
29 Al-Zirikli, Al-A¢l¥m, vol. 4, p. 96; Ab‰ ¢Abd All¥h Shams al-DÏn Mu^ammad ibn
A^mad ibn ¢Uthm¥n al-DhahabÏ, Tadhkirat al-¤uff¥·, vol. 1, p. 48.
30 Muj¥hid ibn Jabr was a famous student of Ibn ¢Abb¥s. He narrated tafsÏr and hadith from
more than 12 ßa^¥bah and was the source of narration for more than 28 immediate
T¥bi¢‰n (followers) and later narrators of tafsÏr, hadith and fiqh jurisprudence. He
claimed to have studied the whole Qur’an with Ibn ¢Abb¥s three times. During each
session, he would stop at the end of each verse and ask Ibn ¢Abb¥s about the place and
context of its revelation. Muj¥hid was described as the head of mufassir‰n and was
known as a thiqah (trustworthy). See Al-DhahabÏ, Siyar A¢l¥m al-Nubal¥’ (Cairo:
Ma¢had al-Makh~‰~¥t al-¢Arabiyyah, 1952-1956), vol. 4, p. 449.
31 Sa¢Ïd ibn Jubayr is one of Ibn ¢Abb¥s’ students. He narrated tafsÏr and hadith from about
110 ßa^¥bah, and was the source of narration for more than 86 students of him. Ibn
¢Abb¥s appreciated greatly his knowledge. When the people of Iraq came to Ibn ¢Abb¥s
asking religious questions, he told them: “Why are you asking me when you have
someone among you in Iraq like Sa¢Ïd ibn Jubayr?” Sa¢Ïd ibn Jubayr was recognized as
thiqah. See Al-DhahabÏ, Siyar a¢l¥m al-Nubal¥’, vol. 4, p. 328 and Ibn Sa¢d, Al->abaq¥t,
vol. 6, p. 179.
32 ¢Ikrimah al-BarbarÏ was an outstanding student of Ibn ¢Abb¥s and lived with him at his
home. ¢Ikrimah learnt and narrated from more than 10 ßa^¥bah and was the source of
narration for more than 20 Successors and later narrators. Ibn ¢Abb¥s recognized
publically his knowledge and encouraged him to give fatwas in his presence. ¢Ikrimah
claimed that there was no verse in the Qur’an about which he had not heard some
information. Some of his contemporaries described him as al-Ba^r (the ocean) and as
thiqah. See Al-DhahabÏ, Tadhkirat al-¤uff¥·, vol. 1, p. 96.
33 ¢Alqamah is one of the outstanding students of Ibn Mas¢‰d. Ibn ¤ajar, TahdhÏb al-
TahdhÏb, vol. 7, pp. 276-279.
34 Also one of the outstanding students of Ibn Mas¢‰d. Ibid., vol. 7, p. 149.
35 One of the students of Ubay ibn Ka¢ab. Ibid., vol. 9, p. 421.
36 Ab‰ al-¢®liyah was one of the students of the Madinah School. Al-DhahabÏ, Siyar
A¢l¥m al-Nubal¥’, vol. 4, pp. 207-212.
155
Notes
37 Outstanding exegete of the Madinan school of tafsÏr. Al-DhahabÏ, Tadhkirat al-¤uff¥·,
vol. 1, p. 132.
38 One of the students of the Sh¥m School of TafsÏr. Ibn Sa¢d, Al->abaq¥t al-Kubr¥, vol. 2,
p. 161.
39 One of the students of the Sh¥m School of TafsÏr. Ibn ¤ajar, TahdhÏb al-TahdhÏb, vol. 3,
p. 265.
40 Al-Shawk¥nÏ, Mu^ammad ibn ¢AlÏ, Fat^ al-QadÏr al-J¥mi¢ bayn fannay al-Riw¥yah wa al-
Dir¥yah min ¢Ilm al-TafsÏr (Beirut: Ma^f‰· al-¢AlÏ, n.d.), vol. 5, p. 338.
41 Ibn ¤ajar, TahdhÏb al-TahdhÏb, vol. 1, p. 263.
42 Ibn Sa¢d, Al->abaq¥t al-Kubr¥, vol. 5, p. 467. See Al-DhahabÏ, Siyar A¢l¥m al-Nubal¥’,
vol. 4, p. 45.
43 Goldziher, Ignaz, Muslim Studies. Translated from German by C.R. Berber and S.M.
Stern, 2nd edn., (Chicago: Aldine, New York, Altherton, n.d.), vol. 2.
44 Nabia Abbott, Studies in Arabic Literary Papyri II: Qur’anic Commentary and Tradition
(Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1967), p. 112.
45 Shu¢bah ibn al-¢Ajj¥j was given the title “AmÏr al-Mu’minÏn fÏ al-¤adÏth” (the
Commander of the Faithful in Hadith). He was the first scholar to do a critical study of
Hadith. He was described as a thiqah. Al-DhahabÏ, Tadhkirat al-¤uff¥·,vol. 1, p. 19. Ibn
Taymiyyah, Muqaddimah fÏ U|‰l al-TafsÏr, p.105.
46 WakÏ¢ ibn al-Jarr¥^ was known for his extraordinary memory. One of his contempo-
raries said he heard him narrating 700 hadith by heart. He is considered as one of the
outstanding scholars of Hadith. See. ¢Abd al-Ra^man ibn Mu^ammad ibn Ab‰ ¤atim
al-TamÏmÏ al-R¥zÏ, Kit¥b al-Jar^ wa al-Ta¢dÏl (India: Mab~a¢ah al-Majlis D¥’irat al-
Ma¢arifah al-¢Uthm¥niyyah, 1952/1371), vol. 1, pp. 219-20.
47 Sufy¥n ibn ¢Uyaynah held the reputation of being the most knowledgeable and expert
in Hadith in the Hijaz (Makkah and Madinah). He was one of the outstanding scholars
of Hadith. He has been described as a thiqah. See, Al-R¥zÏ, Kit¥b al-Jar^ wa al-Ta¢dÏl,
vol. 1, pp. 32-5
48 Ab‰ ¢Ubaydah al-Muthann¥ al-TaymÏ was a notable linguistic and man of literacy. Al-
DhahabÏ, Siyar A¢l¥m al-Nubal¥’, vol. 1, p. 369.
49 Published in three volumes by Ahmad Yusuf Najati and Ali Najjar in 1955.
50 A^mad ibn Mu^ammad ibn AbÏ Bakr ibn Khallik¥n, Wafay¥t al-A¢y¥n wa Anb¥’ abn¥’
al-Zam¥n (Cairo: Maktabah al-Nah\ah al-Mi|riyyah, 1948-1950), vol. 1, p. 139. See
also, Nasr Hamid Abu Zayd, Al-Ittij¥h al-¢AqlÏ fÏ al-TafsÏr: Dirasah fÏ Qa\iyyat al-Maj¥z fÏ
al-Qur’¥n ¢Inda al-Mu¢tazilah (Beirut: D¥r al-TanwÏr li al->ib¥¢ah wa al-Nashr, 1982),
p.100.
CHAPTER 2
1 Mu^ammad ibn YazÏd ibn M¥jah was one of the authors of the famous six books
known as Al-Kutub al-Sittah in the science of Hadith. He is considered as an “Imam in
156
Notes
Hadith” (leading master in Hadith). See Al-DhahabÏ, Siyar A¢l¥m al-Nubal¥’, vol. 13,
pp. 277-9.
2 ¢Abd al-Ra^man ibn Mu^ammad ibn Ab‰ ¤atim al-TamÏmÏ al-R¥zÏ was a famous
critic of Hadith. Among his works are Kit¥b al-Jar^ wa al-Ta¢dÏl, ¢Ilal al-¤adÏth. Al-
DhahabÏ, Siyar A¢l¥m al-Nubal¥’, vol. 1, p. 468.
3 Al-¤usayn ibn D¥w‰d al-MasÏsÏ known as Sunayd. He was described as al-^¥fi·, a
man with a strong memory, that is to say he memorized a great number of hadiths. See
Ibn Taymiyyah, Muqaddimah fÏ U|‰l al-TafsÏr, pp. 78-80.
4 Goldziher remarked “Were this book to have reached us we would have not needed
to read any later generation’s work in tafsÏr” (translation mine), Goldziher, Die
Richtungen der Islamischen Koranauslegung (Leiden, Brill. 1920), pp. 85-86.
5 Ibn ¤azm holds that the tafsÏr of BaqÏ¢ ibn Makhlad ibn YazÏd (d. 273/889) exceeded
al->abarÏ’s work. He further stated that no tafsÏr work can be compared with BaqÏ¢’s.
See Ibn Bashkuw¥l, Kit¥b al-ßilah (Cairo: Al-D¥r al-Mi|riyyah li al-Tarjamah, 1996),
p. 116. Also, Ibn Ashur stated that al->abarÏ is indebted in his methology to Ya^y¥ ibn
Sall¥m’s work, the methodology combines athar and ¢aql (narration and ijtih¥d). See
Ibn Ashur, Al-TafsÏr wa al-Rij¥luh, p. 37.
6 Al-Suy‰~Ï, Al-Itq¥n, vol. 2, p. 419. See also, Muhammad Abd al-Adhim Al-Zarqani,
Man¥hil al-¢Irf¥n fÏ ¢Ul‰m al-Qur’¥n, vol. 2, pp. 32-3.
7 Al-Suy‰~Ï, Al-Itq¥n, vol. 2, p. 419.
8 Muhammad Husayn al-Dhahabi, Al-TafsÏr wa al- Muffasir‰n, 1st edn., (Cairo: D¥r al-
Kutub al-HadÏthah, 1961/1381). p. 29.
9 Ibn Taymiyyah, Muqaddimah fÏ U|‰l al-TafsÏr, p. 76; Al-Suy‰~Ï, Al-Itq¥n, vol. 2, p. 419.
10 The Encyclopedia of Islam, vol.ii, E-K (Leiden: E.J. Brill, and London: Luzac and CO,
1927), vol. 7, pp. 735-6; Muhammad Husayn al-Dhahabi, Al-TafsÏr wa al- Muffasir‰n,
vol. 1, p. 228.
11 Ab‰ Is^¥q Ibr¥hÏm ibn al-SarÏ ibn Sahl known as Al-Zajj¥j. See Ibn KathÏr, Al-Bidayah
wa al-Nih¥yah, ed., Muhammad Abd al-Aziz al-Najdi (Riyadh: Mu’assasah al-Kutub,
n.d.), vol. 12, p. 147.
12 Muhammad Husayn al-Dhahabi, Al-TafsÏr wa al- Muffasir‰n, vol.1, pp. 138-9.
13 The book was published in eight volumes by D¥r al-Kutb in Egypt. The work was
considered the first grammatical tafsÏr in the sense of covering the whole Qur’an. See
Muhammad Husayn al-Dhahabi, Al-TafsÏr wa al-Muffasir‰n, vol. 1, pp. 138-9.
14 Ab‰ ¤ayy¥n, Mu^ammad ibn Y‰suf ibn ¢AlÏ al-AndalusÏ, Al-Ba^r al-Mu^Ï~, vol.1,
p.5.
15 Muhammad Hussayn al-Dhahabi, Al-TafsÏr wa al-Muffasir‰n, vol. 2, pp. 416-29.
16 Ibid., vol. 2, pp. 430-5.
17 Mu^ammad ibn ¢AlÏ Shams al-DÏn al-D¥w‰dÏ, >abaq¥t al-MuffasirÏn, vol. 2, p. 66.
18 Ab‰ ¢Abd All¥h Mu^ammad ibn A^mad al An|¥rÏ Al-Qur~ubÏ, Al-J¥mi¢ li A^k¥m al-
Qur’¥n (Cairo: D¥r al-Kutub al-¢Arabiyyah li al->ib¥¢ah wa al-Nashr, 1967-1387),
vol. 1, pp. 2-3.
157
Notes
19 Hasan Diya al-Din Atr, Al-A^ruf al-Sab¢ wa Manzilat al-Qir¥’¥t Minh¥. 1st edn.,
(Beirut: D¥r al-Bash¥’ir al-Isl¥miyyah, 1988/1409), pp. 317-20.
20 Al-Suy‰~Ï, Al-Itq¥n, vol. 2, p. 249. Ab‰ ¤ayy¥n Mu^ammad ibn Y‰sif al-AndalusÏ,
Al-Ba^r al-Mu^Ï~, vol. 1, p. 5.
21 Ahmed Ali al-Salus, Bayn al-ShÏ¢ah wa al-Sunnah: Dir¥sah Muq¥ranah fÏ al-TafsÏr wa
U|‰lih (Cairo: D¥r al-I¢ti|¥m,1989), p. 178.
22 Ayoub, Muhammad M., The Qur’an and Its Interpreters (Albany State University of
New York, 1984), p. 1369.
23 Ibid., p. 178.
24 Al-Salus, Bayn al-ShϢah wa al-Sunnah, p. 178.
25 Ab‰ ¢AlÏ al-Fa\l ibn al-¤asan al->abarsÏ, Majma¢ al-Bay¥n fÏ TafsÏr al-Qur’¥n, 2nd
edn., (Cairo: D¥r al-Fikr, 1954-1957),vol. 1, pp. 112-3.
26 Ibid., vol. 1, pp. 75-7.
27 Ibn Taymiyyah, Majm‰¢ Fat¥w¥ Shaykh al-Isl¥m A^med ibn Taymiyyah, ed., Ahmed
Abd al-Rahman ibn Muhammad ibn Qasim al-Najdi al-Hanbali, (Makkah: Ma~ba¢ah
al-Nah\ah al-HadÏthah 1404 ⁄1983), vol. 3, pp. 384-386.
28 Al-Q¥\Ï ¢Abd al-Jabb¥r ibn A^med Hamad¥nÏ was known as one of the champion
scholars of the Mu¢tazilites. Among his famous works are: TanzÏh al-Qur’¥n ¢an al-
Ma~¥¢in, TathbÏt Dal¥’il Nubuwwat Sayyidina Mu^ammad, Mutash¥bah al-Qur’¥n;
Al-Suy‰~Ï, >abaq¥t al-MufassirÏn, p.234.
29 Al-ZamakhsharÏ, Ab‰ al-Q¥sim Mahm‰d ibn ¢Umar al-KhawarizmÏ was a recog-
nized scholar of the Arabic language and tafsÏr. Of his well known works are: As¥s
al-Bal¥ghah, Al-F¥’iq fÏ GharÏb al-¤adÏth; Ibn Khallik¥n, Wafay¥t al-A¢y¥n, vol. 4,
p. 255.
30 Al-ZamakhsharÏ, Al-Kashsh¥f ¢an ¤aq¥’iq Ghaw¥mi\ al-TanzÏl wa ¢Uy‰n al-Aq¥wÏl fÏ
Wuj‰h al-Ta’wÏl (Cairo: Mu|~af¥ al-B¥bÏ al-¤alabÏ wa Awladuh, 1966), vol. 1, p. 3.
31 Ab‰ ¤ayy¥n, Al-Ba^r al-Mu^Ï~, vol. 1, p. 4.
32 Ibn Khald‰n, ¢Abd al-Ra^m¥n, Muqaddimat Ibn Khald‰n, 4th edn., (Beirut: I^y¥’ al-
Tur¥th al-¢ArabÏ, n.d.), vol. 3, p. 998.
33 Al->abarÏ, J¥mi¢ al-Bay¥n, vol. 30, p. 345.
34 Al-ZamakhsharÏ, Al-Kashsh¥f, vol. 4, p. 192.
35 Musaid ibn Sulayman al-Tayyar, Al-Athar al-LughawÏ fÏ Ikhtil¥f al-MufassirÏn, p. 149;
Goldziher, Kit¥b Madh¥hib al-TafsÏr al-Isl¥mÏ, p. 89.
36 Muhammad Hussayn al-Dhahabi, Al-TafsÏr wa al-Muffasir‰n, vol. 2, p. 240.
37 Ibid., vol. 2, p. 240.
38 Al-DhahabÏ, Tadhkirat al-¤uff¥·, vol. 3, p. 249. Al-Suy‰~Ï, >abaq¥t al-MufassirÏn,
p. 31.
39 Al-SulamÏ was the Shaykh of the Sufis in Khurasan. He was described as a man of
knowledge. Al-Suy‰~Ï, >abaq¥t al-MufassirÏn, p. 31.
40 Al-D¥wa‰dÏ, Mu^ammad ibn ¢AlÏ ibn A^mad, >abaq¥t MuffasirÏn (Cairo: Maktabah
Wahbah, 1972), vol. 2, pp. 138-9.
158
Notes
41 Al-Suy‰~Ï, Al-Itq¥n, vol. 2, p. 249.
42 Muhammad Rashid Rida, TafsÏr al-Qur’¥n al-¤akÏm known as TafsÏr al-Mann¥r
(Beirut: D¥r al-Fikr, n.d.), vol. 2, pp. 400-1.
43 Ibn ¢ArabÏ, Mu^y al-DÏn, Al-Fut‰^¥t al-Makkiyah (Beirut: Mu’assasah al-I¢l¥mÏ li al-
Ma~b䢴t, 1973), vol. 2, p. 432.
44 Al->abarÏ, J¥mi¢ al-Bay¥n, vol. 4, p. 104. Ibn KathÏr, TafsÏr Ibn KathÏr, vol. 1, p. 347.
45 Al-®l‰sÏ, Shih¥b al-DÏn Ma^m‰d ibn ¢Abd All¥h al-¤usaynÏ, R‰^ al-Ma¢¥nÏ fÏ TafsÏr
al-Qur’¥n al-¢A·Ïm wa al-Sab¢ al-Math¥nÏ (Beirut: D¥r al-Tur¥th al-¢ArabÏ, n.d.), vol.
12, p. 168.
46 Al-ZarkashÏ, Ab‰ ¢Abd All¥h Badr al-DÏn Mu^ammad ibn ¢Abd All¥h, Al-Burh¥n fÏ
¢Ul‰m al-Qur’¥n, ed., Muhammad Abu Fadl Ibrahim, (Cairo: D¥r I^y¥’ al-Kutub al-
¢Arabiyyah, 1957), vol. 1, p. 7.
47 Al-Suy‰~Ï, >abaq¥t al-MufassirÏn, p.31.
48 Muhammad Abd al-Azim Al-Zurqani, Man¥hil al-¢Irf¥n fÏ ¢Ul‰m al-Qur’¥n (Cairo:
D¥r I^y¥’ al-Kutub al-¢Arabiyyah, ¢¬s¥ al-B¥bÏ al-¤alabÏ, n.d.), vol. 2, p. 18. See
Ahmad Von Denffer, ¢Ul‰m al-Qur¥n, p. 134.
49 Al-Qushayri, Abd al-Karim ibn Hawazin ibn Abd al-Malik, La~¥’if al-Ish¥r¥t: TafsÏr
߉fÏ K¥zmil li al-Qur’¥n (D¥r al-Kutub al-¢Arabiyyah, 1968), vol. 1, p. 57.
50 Judah Muhammad Muhammad Mahdi, Al-W¥^idÏ wa Manhajuhu fÏ al-TafsÏr (Cairo:
Al-Majlis al-A¢l¥ li al-Shu’‰n al-Isl¥miyyah, 1979), p. 152.
51 Al-Suy~Ï, Al-Itq¥n, vol. 2, p. 395; Ibn Taymiyyah, Muqaddimah fÏ U|‰l al-TafsÏr, p. 105.
52 Shih¥b al-DÏn al-®l‰sÏ, R‰^ al-Ma¢¥nÏ fÏ TafsÏr al-Qur’¥n wa al-Sab¢ al-Math¥nÏ, vol. 1,
p. 1.
53 Ibn Taymiyyah, Muqaddimah fÏ U|‰l al-TafsÏr, pp. 90-1. Al-Suy‰~Ï, >abaq¥t al-
MufassirÏn, p. 30.
54 Sa¢Ïd ibn al-Musayyib was known as the jurist of Madinah. He was one of the most
knowledgable T¥bi¢Ï. See al-DhahabÏ, Tadhkirat al-¤uff¥·, vol.1, p.54-7.
55 Muhammad Ali al-Saboony, Mukhta|ar TafsÏr Ibn KathÏr Ikhti|¥r wa Ta^qÏq, vol. 1, p. 7.
56 Jawdah Muhammad Muhammad al-Mahdi, Al-W¥^idÏ wa Mahajahu fÏ al-TafsÏr,
p. 153; Al-ZarkashÏ, Al-Burh¥n, vol. 2, p. 162.
57 Al-ZarkashÏ, Al-Burh¥n, vol. 2, p. 162.
58 Ab‰ ¤¥mid al-Ghaz¥lÏ, I^y¥’ ¢Ul‰m al-DÏn (Cairo: D¥r Ihy¥’ al-Kutb al-¢Arabiyyah,
n.d.), vol. 1, p. 29.
59 Ibn ¢A~iyyah,¢Abd al-¤aqq ibn Gh¥lib, Muqaddimat¥n fÏ ¢Ul‰m al-Qur’¥n
(Cairo:Ma~ba¢ah al-KhanijÏ, 1972), pp.186-7.
60 Al-ZarkashÏ, Al-Burh¥n, vol. 2, p. 162.
61 Ibn Taymiyyah, Muqaddimah fÏ U|‰l al-TafsÏr, p. 52.
62 Al-Ghaz¥lÏ, I^y¥’ ¢Ul‰m al-DÏn, vol. 1, p. 292. Al-Zurqani, Man¥hil al-¢Irf¥n, vol. 2,
p. 49.
159
Notes
CHAPTER 3
1 Lane, Arabic-English Lexicon, vol.1, p.232; Ibn Man·‰r, Mu^ammad ibn Mukram,
Lis¥n al-¢Arab (Beirut: D¥r ߥdir, n.d.), vol. 1, p. 6.
2 Muhammad Muhsin Khan, Sahih Al-Bukhari, Arabic-English, (Riyadh: D¥r al-Sal¥m,
1994), p. 110.
3 Ibn ¤azm, Ab‰ Mu^ammad ¢AlÏ ibn A^mad ibn Sa¢Ïd al-AndalusÏ, Al-I^k¥m fÏ U|‰l al-
A^k¥m, ed., Ahmad Shakir, 2nd edn., (Beirut: D¥r al-®f¥q al-¤adÏthah, 1983/1403),
vol. 6, p. 47.
4 Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah, I¢l¥m al-Muaqqi¢Ïn ¢an Rabb al-¢AlamÏn, 2nd edn., ed.,
Muhammad Muhyiddin Abd al-Alamin, (Beirut: D¥r al-Fikr, 1977/1397), vol. 1, p. 55.
5 Al-Suy‰~Ï, TadrÏb al-R¥wÏ fÏ Shar^ TaqrÏb al-NawawÏ, ed. Abd al-Wahhab Abd al-Latif,
(Cairo: D¥r al-Kutb al-¤adÏthah, 1966). See also, Al-Shawk¥nÏ, Fat^ al-QadÏr
(Madinah: al-Ma~ba¢ah al-Salafiyyah, n.d.), vol. 1, p. 103.
6 Al-ZarkashÏ, Al-Burh¥n, vol. 2, p. 157. See Goldziher, Die Richtungen, p. 63.
7 Ibn al-ßal¥^, ¢Uthm¥n ibn ¢Abd al-Ra^m¥n TaqÏ al-DÏn, Muqaddimah Ibn al-ßal¥^,
p. 128.
8 Al-Zurqani, Man¥hil al-¢Irf¥n, vol. 2, p. 12.
9 Muhammad Husayn al-Dhahabi, Al-TafsÏr wa al-Muffasir‰n, vol. 1, p. 153.
10 Abd al-Ghani Abd al-Khaliq, ¤ujiyyah al-Sunnah, 1st edn., (Beirut: D¥r al-Qur’an,
1986), p. 413.
11 Ibn Taymiyyah, Muqaddimah fÏ U|‰l al-TafsÏr, p. 105; Ibn Qayyim, I¢l¥m al-Muaqqi¢Ïn,
vol. 4, p. 153.
12 Ibn al-ßal¥^, Muqaddimah Ibn al-ßal¥^, ed., Aisha Bint al-Shati, (Cairo: D¥r al-Kutub,
n.d.), p. 128.
13 Abd Allah ibn Abd al-Muhsin al-Turki, U|‰l Madhhab al-Im¥m A^mad: Dir¥sah
U|‰liyyah Muq¥ranah (Riyadh: Ma~ba¢ah al-Riy¥\, 1397 ⁄ 1977), pp. 179-80.
14 Al-¢Asqal¥nÏ, Fat^ al-B¥rÏ (Cairo: al-Ma~ba¢ah al-Salafiyyah, n.d), vol. 1, p. 45 and
vol. 1, p. 70.
15 Ibn Qayyim, I¢l¥m al-Muaqqi¢Ïn, vol. 1, p. 55.
16 Muhammad Husayn al-Dhahabi, Al-TafsÏr wa al- Muffasir‰n, vol. 1, p. 149.
17 Ibn Taymiyyah, Muqaddimah fÏ U|‰l al-TafsÏr, p. 37.
18 Al->abarÏ, J¥mi¢ al-Bay¥n, vol. 1, p. 38.
19 Al-Suy‰~Ï, Al-Itq¥n, vol. 2, pp. 430-453.
20 Al-ZarkashÏ, Al-Burh¥n, vol. 1, p. 16.
21 Al-NawawÏ, Ab‰ Zakariyy¥ Ya^y¥ ibn Sharaf ibn ¤ussayn, Matn al-Arba¢Ïn al-
Nawawiyyah, Arabic and English, trans., Ezzeddin Ibrahim and Denys Johnson-Davies,
(Damascas, 1977), p. 45.
22 Al-Nas¥’Ï, Ab‰ ¢Abd al-Ra^m¥n A^med ibn Shu¢ayb ibn ¢AlÏ, TafsÏr al-Nas¥’Ï, eds.,
Abd al-Khaliq al-Sharif and Said ibn Abbas al-Julayni, (Cairo: Ma~ba¢ah al-Sunnah,
1990), pp. 422-3.
160
Notes
23 Ibn ¤ajar, Fat^ al-B¥rÏ, vol. 8, p. 743.
24 That is to say a hadith in which the first of the chain of narrators, or all them, are not
mentioned.
25 R. Marston Speight, The Function of Hadith, pp. 72-9.
CHAPTER 4
1 Ibn Man·‰r, Lis¥n al-¢Arab, vol. 1, p. 520.
2 Ibid., vol. 1, p. 520.
3 Ibn ¤ajar, Al-I|¥bah fÏ TamyÏz al-ßa^abah, vol. 2, p. 83.
4 Ibid., vol. 2, p. 83.
5 Al-®midÏ, Sayf al-DÏn, Al-I^k¥m fÏ U|‰l al-A^k¥m, ed., Abd Al-Razzaq Afifi, 2nd edn.,
(Beirut: Al-Maktab al-IslamÏ, 1402 ah),vol. 4, pp. 140-145.
6 Muhammad Hashim Kamali, Principle of Islamic Jurisprudence (Cambridge: Islamic Text
Society, 1991), p. 249. The scholars also unanimously agreed that the opinion of a |ah¥bÏ
is not binding on the other |a^¥bÏ.
7 Badran Abu al-Aynayn, U|‰l al-Fiqh, 1st edn., (Cairo: D¥r al-Fikr, 1976), p. 149.
8 Al-SarkhasÏ, Im¥m Ab‰ Bakr Mu^ammad ibn A^mad ibn abÏ Sahl, U|‰l al-SarkhasÏ,
ed., Abu al-Wafa al-Afghani, (Beirut: D¥r al-Ma¢rifah .n.d.)., vol. 1, p. 110.
9 Al-Ghaz¥lÏ, Al-Musta|f¥ min ¢Ilm U|‰l al-Fiqh, vol. 1, p. 616.
10 Ibn Qayyim, I¢l¥m al-Muaqqi¢Ïn, vol. 4, pp. 126-31.
11 Al-®midÏ, Al-I^k¥m, vol. 4, p. 152.
12 Ibn Qayyim, I¢l¥m al-Muaqqi¢Ïn, vol. 4, p. 151.
13 Ibn Taymiyyah, Majm‰¢ Fat¥w¥, vol. 13, p. 364. See Umar Faruq Abd Allah, Malik’s
Concept of Amal in the Light of Maliki Legal Theory (Chicago: The University of Chicago,
1978-1398), vol. 1, p. 162.
14 Ibn Qayyim, I¢l¥m al-Muaqqi¢Ïn, vol. 4, p. 137.
15 Ibid., vol. 4, p. 131.
16 Ibid., vol. 4, p. 132.
17 Ibid., vol. 4, p. 138.
18 Ibid.
19 Ibid.
20 Ibid.
21 Ibid., vol. 4, p. 139-148.
22 Al-Ans¥rÏ, Ni·¥m al-DÏn, Kit¥b Faw¥ti^ al-Ra^m‰t bi Shar^ Musallam al-Thub‰t wa
ma¢ah‰ Al-Musta|f¥ min ¢Ilm U|‰l al-Fiqh (Beirut: D¥r al-Arqam ibn AbÏ al-Arqam li al-
>ib¥¢ah wa al-Nashr, 1944-1414), vol. 2, pp. 187-8.
23 Al-Shawk¥nÏ, Irsh¥d al-Fu^‰l il¥ Ta^qÏq al-¤aq min ¢Ilm al-U|‰l, p. 83.
24 Al-®midÏ, Al-I^k¥m, vol. 4, p. 149.
25 Ibid., vol. 4, p. 150.
26 Al-Ghaz¥lÏ, Al-Musta|f¥ min ¢Ilm U|‰l al-Fiqh, vol. 1, p. 261.
161
Notes
27 Al- ®midÏ, Al-I^k¥m, vol. 4, p. 151; Al-Ghaz¥lÏ, Al-Musta|f¥ min ¢Ilm U|‰l al-Fiqh,
vol. 1, p. 261.
28 Al-®midÏ, Al-I^k¥m, vol. 4, p. 150.
29 Al-Ghaz¥lÏ, Al-Musta|f¥ min ¢Ilm U|‰l al-Fiqh, vol. 1, p. 621
30 Al-Turki, U|‰l Madhhab al-Im¥m A^mad, p. 401.
31 Al-Ghaz¥lÏ, Al-Musta|f¥ min ¢Ilm U|‰l al-Fiqh, vol. 1, p. 285. See Al-®midÏ, Al-I^k¥m,
vol. 4, p. 154.
32 Ab‰ ¤ayy¥n, Al-Ba^r al-Mu^Ï~, vol. 1, p. 5.
33 Ibn ¤azm, Al-I^k¥m, vol. 5, p. 92.
34 Al-Zurqani, Man¥hil al-¢Irf¥n, vol. 2, p.16.
35 Al-Suy‰~Ï , Al-Itq¥n, vol2, p. 412.
36 Al-Saboony, Muhammad Ali, Mukhta|ar TafsÏr Ibn KathÏr, vol. 1, p. 557.
37 Ibid., vol. 3, p. 262.
38 Al->abarÏ, J¥mi¢ al-Bay¥n, vol. 27, p. 457.
39 Al-Saboony, Mukhta|ar TafsÏr Ibn KathÏr, vol. 1, p. 482.
40 Ibid., vol. 1, p. 557.
41 Ibid., vol. 3, p. 735.
42 Ibid., vol. 3, p. 262.
43 Al-Suy‰~Ï, Al-Itq¥n , vol.2, p. 412.
44 Ab‰ Mu^ammad al-¤usayn ibn Mas¢‰d al-BaghawÏ, Ma¢¥lim al-TanzÏl (Multan: Idarat
Talifat Ishrafiyya, 1988), vol. 1, p. 373.
45 Al-W¥^idÏ, ¢AlÏ ibn A^mad, Al-BasÏ~ fÏ TafsÏr al-Qur’¥n al-MajÏd, eds., a group of
¢Ulam¥’, 1st edn., (Cairo: D¥r al-Kutub al-¢Ilmiyyah, 1992), vol. 1, p. 240.
46 Muhammad Ibrahim Sharif, Bu^‰th fÏ TafsÏr al-Qur’¥n: T¥rÏkhuhu, Ittij¥h¥tuhu, wa
Man¥hijuhu (Cairo: J¥mi¢at al-Q¥hirah, n.d.), p. 163.
47 Al-Saboony, Mukhta|ar TafsÏr Ibn KathÏr, vol. 2, p. 343.
48 Al-Suy‰~Ï, Al-Durr al-Manth‰r fÏ al-TafsÏr bi al-Ma’th‰r, vol. 1, p. 347.
49 Al- Shawk¥nÏ, Fat^ al-QadÏr, vol. 1, p. 213.
50 Al-W¥^idÏ, Al-BasÏ~, vol. 1, p. 129.
51 Muhammad Ibrahim Sharif, Bu^‰th fÏ TafsÏr al-Qur’¥n, p. 110.
52 Ibid.
53 Ibn ¤ajar, Fat^ al-B¥rÏ, vol. 8, p. 175. See Khan, Sahih Al-Bukhari, Arabic-English, vol.
vi, pp. 19-20.
54 Ibn ¤ajar, Fat^ al-B¥rÏ, vol. 8, pp. 367-8; Khan, Sahih Al-Bukhari, vol. vi, pp.179-80.
55 Ibn ¤ajar, Fat^ al-B¥rÏ, vol. 8, p. 265; Khan, Sahih Al-Bukhari, vol. vi, p. 99.
56 Ibn Taymiyyahh, Muqaddimah fÏ U|‰l al-TafsÏr, p. 89; Al-Suy‰~Ï, Al-Itq¥n, vol. 2, p. 413.
57 Al-Suy‰tÏ, Al-Itq¥n, vol. 2, pp. 414-417.
58 The only exception is surah 9, al-Tawbah where the Bismillah is not mentioned. There
are two different opinions given for this. The first concerns the surah being a separate
one, that is when the ßah¥bah were compiling the Qur’an into book form, they were
not certain whether the previous surah, al-Anf¥l, and al-Tawbah were one surah as the
162
Notes
Bismillah was not there. Thus, they separated between the two by drawing a line. The
second reason is that the surah was revealed in connection with dissolving a peace
treaty, and expresses God’s anger with the polytheists. The Bismillah being about peace
and mercy, it was in this instance not revealed. According to Arab custom, when some-
one wants to express his anger or seriousness by speech, he does not follow the formal
procedure of speech by beginning with Bismik Allahumma, “In/With Your Name Our
Lord”. See: Ibn Ashur, Al-TanwÏr wa al-Ta^rÏr, vol. 6, p. 101.
59 Ab‰ >¥hir Mu^ammad ibn Ya¢q‰b Fayr‰z ®b¥dÏ, TanwÏr al-Miqb¥s (TafsÏr ibn ¢Abb¥s),
(Pakistan: Al-Maktaba al-Fur‰qiyya Malkan, n.d.), p.2.
60 Al-Shawk¥nÏ, Fat^ al-QadÏr, vol. 1, p. 18; Ibn KathÏr, TafsÏr Ibn KathÏr, vol. 1, p. 17.
61 Al->abarÏ, J¥mi¢ al-Bay¥n, vol. 1, p. 79; Al-Shawk¥nÏ, Fat^ Al-QadÏr, vol. 1, p. 29.
62 Mu^ammad ibn Marw¥n al-SuddÏ al-ßaghÏr was described by Hadith critics, such as
Ya^y¥ ibn Ma¢Ïn, Ibn ¤ibb¥n, as a liar. Ibn ¤ajar, TahdhÏb al-TahdhÏb, vol. 9, p. 436.
63 Mu^ammad ibn al-S¥’ib al-KalbÏ was criticized by Imam A^med ibn ¤anbal and
others. Imam A^med stated al-KalbÏ’s tafsÏr was worthless. See Ibn Khallik¥n, Wafay¥t
al-A¢y¥n, vol. 4, p. 309.
64 Ab‰ S¥li^ was criticized by scholars of Hadith as unworthy. Ibn Khallik¥n, Wafay¥t,
vol. 4, p. 309.
65 Al-Suy‰tÏ, Al-Itq¥n, vol.2, p. 435.
66 N¥fi¢ ibn Al-Azraq was one of the head of the Kharijites who terrified the Umayyad
Dynasty. See Al-DhahabÏ, Lis¥n al-Miz¥n, vol. 6, pp. 114-5
67 Aishah Abd al-Rahman Bint al-Shati, Al-I¢j¥z al-Bay¥nÏ li al-Qur’¥n wa Mas¥’il ibn al-
Azraq: Dir¥sah Muq¥ranah Lughawiyyah wa Bay¥niyyah, 2nd edn, (Cairo: D¥r
al-Ma¢rifah, 1987), pp. 289-305.
68 Goldziher, Die Richtungen, p. 372.
69 John Wansbrough, Qur’anic Studies: Sources and Methods of Scriptual Interpretation
(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1977), pp. 216-17.
70 Andrew Rippin, “Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies,” vol. xlv,
part. 1184, pp. 24-5.
71 Ab‰ al-¢Abb¥s Mu^ammad ibn YazÏd al-Mubarrid, Al-K¥mil fÏ al-Lughah wa al-Adab,
1st edn., (Beirut: Mu ’assat Al-Ris¥lah, 1986), vol. 3, pp. 1144-55. Al-Suy‰~Ï , Al-Itq¥n,
vol. 1, p. 225. Sezgin, Fuat, T¥rÏkh al-Tur¥th al-¢ArabÏ: FÏ ¢Ul‰m al-Qur’¥n wa al-¤adÏth,
trans., Mahmud Fahmi Hijazi, (Riyadh: J¥mi¢at Mu^ammad ibn Su¢‰d al-Isl¥miyyah,
1981), vol. 1, part 1, p. 65.
72 Ibn ¤ajar stated that N¥fi¢ had written his questions on two pages and read the
questions from the two pages. Ibn ¤ajar, Fat^ al-B¥rÏ, vol. 8, p. 557.
73 Khan, Sahih Al-Bukhari, vol. vi, pp. 321-324.
74 Ibn ¢Abbas was not the only |a^¥bÏ who used the sources of the People of the Book in
explaining some Qur’anic verse, among the few names to be mentioned in this regard,
¢Abd All¥h ibn ¢Umar, and ¢Abd All¥h ibn ¢Umr‰ ibn al-¢®|. See, Nana, Ramzi, Al-
Isr¥’Ïliyy¥t wa ®th¥ruh¥ fÏ Kutub al-TafsÏr, 1st edn., (Damascus: D¥r al-Qalam,
1970-1390), pp. 78-89.
163
Notes
75 Al-Bukh¥rÏ, Ab‰ ¢Abd All¥h Mu^ammad ibn Ism¥¢Ïl, Al-J¥mi¢ al-ßa^Ï^, vol. 1, p. 331.
76 Ibn ¤ajar, Fat^ al-B¥rÏ, vol. 8, pp. 550-1.
77 Al-Shaykh Abd Al-Rahman ibn al-Hasan al-Shaykh, Fat^ Al-MajÏd (Riyadh, D¥r al-
Ift¥’), pp. 379-80.
78 Ibn Taymiyyah, Muqaddimah, pp. 41-3; Ibn KathÏr, TafsÏr Ibn KathÏr, vol. 1, p. 23; Al-
Shawk¥nÏ , Fat^ al-QadÏr, vol. 1, p. 24.
79 Ibn Taymiyyah, Introduction to the Principles of Tafseer, (UK: Al-Hidaayah Publishing &
Distribution, 1993), pp. 20-1.
80 Al-Ja||¥|, Ab‰ Bakar A^mad ¢AlÏ, A^k¥m al-Qur’¥n (Istanbul: Maktabah al-Awqaf al-
Islamiyyah, 1916 ce/1335 ah), vol. 1, p. 332.
81 Ibn KathÏr, TafsÏr Ibn KathÏr, vol. 3, p. 186.
82 Ibid., vol. 2, p. 170.
83 Ibn Qayyim, Z¥d al-Ma¢¥d, vol. 2, p. 48; Al->abarÏ, J¥mi¢ al-Bay¥n, vol. 27, p. 289; Ibn
KathÏr, TafsÏr Ibn KathÏr, vol. 2, pp. 363-4
84 Ibn KathÏr, TafsÏr, vol. 3, p. 398. Al-Shawk¥nÏ , Fat^ al-QadÏr, vol. 5, p. 110.
85 Al-Saboony, Mukhta|ar TafsÏr Ibn KathÏr , vol. 3, pp. 623-4.
86 Day of ¢Araf¥t is the 9th day of Dhul Hijjah, the 12th month of the Islamic calendar. It is
the greatest day of the Hajj (Muslim Pilgrimage).
87 Al-Saboony, Mukhta|ar TafsÏr Ibn KathÏr, vol. 3, pp. 623-4.
88 Ibn KathÏr, TafsÏr Ibn KathÏr, vol. 4, p. 579.
89 Ibid., vol. 4, pp. 540-41.
CHAPTER 5
1 Ibn KathÏr, Al-B¥¢ith al-¤athÏth fÏ Ikhti|¥r ¢Ul‰m al-¤adÏth (Beirut, D¥r al-Fikr, 1967),
p. 78.
2 Al-SarkhasÏ, U|‰l al-SarkhasÏ, vol. 1, p. 114.
3 Shu¢bah ibn al-¢Ajj¥j ibn al-Ward is considered as trustworthy with a strong memory.
He was described as AmÏr al-Mu^addithÏn. He was the first scholar to scrutinize the isn¥d
(chain) of hadith in Iraq. See Ibn ¤ajar al-¢Asqal¥nÏ, TahdhÏb al-TahdhÏb, vol. 1, p. 351.
4 Ibn Taymiyyah, Muqaddimah fÏ U|‰l al-TafsÏr, p. 105.
5 Ibid.
6 Ab‰ ¤ayy¥n, Al-Ba^r al-Mu^Ï~, vol. 1, p. 4.
7 Abu Zahrah, Muhammad, Al-Mu¢jizhah al-Kubr¥: Al-Qur’¥n, p. 513.
8 Al-Turki, U|‰l Madhhab al-Im¥m A^mad, p. 180.
9 Ibn Qayyim, Al-ßaw¥¢iq al-Mursalah (Riyadh: D¥r Al-Hijrah, n.d.), vol. 2, pp. 345-6.
10 Al-ZarkashÏ, Al-Burh¥n, vol. 1, p. 24.
11 Al-Suy‰~Ï , Al-Itq¥n, vol. 2, p. 418.
12 Al->abarÏ, J¥mi¢ al-Bay¥n, vol. 2, p. 490; Ibn KathÏr, TafsÏr Ibn KathÏr, vol. 1, p. 124.
13 Also the popular hadith in both al-Bukh¥rÏ and Muslim, “You will see your Lord as you
see this moon.” Al- Bukh¥rÏ , Al-J¥mi¢ al-ßa^Ï^, vol. 4, p. 146.
164
Notes
14 Al->abarÏ, J¥mi¢ al-Bay¥n, vol. 28, p. 320; Ibn KathÏr, TafsÏr Ibn KathÏr, vol. 7, p. 171.
15 Muhammad Abd al-Salam Abu al-Nil, TafsÏr al-Im¥m Muj¥hid ibn Jubayr, 1st edn.,
(Cairo: D¥r al-Fikr-al-¤adÏthah, 1989), pp. 2-15.
16 Wansbrough, Qur’anic Studies, pp. 120-139.
17 Fred Leemhuis “Origins and Early Development of the TafsÏr Tradition” in A. Rippin,
ed., Approaches to the History of the Interpretation of the Qur’an, pp. 19-21.
18 Ibn KathÏr, TafsÏr Ibn KathÏr, vol. 3, p. 273.
19 Ibid., vol. 1, p. 242.
20 Ibn ¤ajar, TahdhÏb al-TahdhÏb, vol. 1, pp. 42-4; Muhammad Husayn al-Dhahabi, Al-
TafsÏr wa al-Mufassir‰n, vol. 1, p. 111.
21 A sacred place for Muslims in Makkah where they spend the whole day in ¢Araf¥t and a
night in Muzdalifah during the annual pilgrimage (Hajj).
22 Ibn KathÏr, TafsÏr Ibn KathÏr, vol. 1, p. 427.
23 Ibid., vol. 4, p. 378.
24 Al-Suy‰~Ï , Al-Durr al-Manth‰r fÏ al-TafsÏr bi al-Ma’th‰r (Beruit: D¥r al-M¢¥rif, n.d).
25 See for example Abd al-Qahir al-Jurjani, Dal¥’il al-I¢j¥z (Cairo: Mu|~af¥ al-B¥bÏ al-
¤alabÏ, 1967), pp. 42-8.
26 Ibn KathÏr, TafsÏr Ibn KathÏr, vol. 3, p. 267.
27 Al->abarÏ, J¥mi¢ al-Bay¥n, vol. 1, p. 546; Ibn KathÏr, TafsÏr Ibn KathÏr, vol. 7, p. 154.
28 Ibn KathÏr, TafsÏr Ibn KathÏr, vol. 1, p. 141.
29 Ibn ¤ajar, TahdhÏb, vol. 10, pp. 109-111.
30 Ibn KathÏr, TafsÏr Ibn KathÏr, vol. 3, pp. 109-111; Al-Suy‰~Ï, Al-Durr al-Manth‰r fÏ al-
TafsÏr bi al-Ma’th‰r, vol. 1, p. 345.
31 Ibn KathÏr, TafsÏr Ibn KathÏr, vol. 3, p. 258. Bal¢am was one of the Prophet Moses’s
disciples.
32 Ibn ¤ajar, TahdhÏb al-TahdhÏb, vol. 2, pp. 263-270.
33 Ibn KathÏr, TafsÏr Ibn KathÏr, vol. 7, p. 199.
34 See for example, Ibn Sa¢d, >abaq¥t Ibn Sa¢d, vol. 4, p. 412; Al-DhahabÏ, MÏz¥n al-I¢tid¥l
fÏ Naqd al-Rij¥l, vol. 1, p. 313; Ibn ¤ajar, TahdhÏb al-TahdhÏb, vol. 3, pp. 397-95.
35 Al-Shawk¥nÏ, Fat^ al-QadÏr, vol. 1, p. 193.
36 Ibn KathÏr, TafsÏr Ibn KathÏr, vol. 3, p. 42.
37 Hadith Mursal is a hadith that one of the T¥bi¢ ascribed directly to the Prophet without
mentioning any of the Companions’s names. Such hadith is generally classified as weak
hadith. See al-NawawÏ, Shar^ ßa^Ï^ Muslim (Beirut: D¥r al-Fikr, n.d.), vol. 1,
pp. 131-2.
38 Ab‰ al-¢®liyah is one of the outstanding exegetes of the Madinah school of tafsÏr. He has
been described by scholars of Hadith as thiqah (trustworthy). See Ibn ¤ajar, TahdhÏb al-
TahdhÏb, vol. 3, pp. 284-5; Al-DhahabÏ, Miz¥n, p. 249.
39 Ibn KathÏr, TafsÏr Ibn KathÏr, vol. 3, p. 40.
40 Ibid., vol. 1, pp. 412-413.
41 Ibid.
165
Notes
42 Ibid., vol. 1, p. 350.
43 See for detailed discussion on this matter, Muhammad al-Amin ibn Muhammad ibn
Muhammad al-Mukhtar al-Jakani al-Shinghiti, A\w¥’ al-Bay¥n fÏ ¬\¥^ al-Qur’¥n bi al-
Qur’¥n (Beirut: A¢l¥m Al-Kutab, n.d.), vol. 5, pp. 231-247.
44 Ibn KathÏr, TafsÏr Ibn KathÏr, vol. 1, p. 533.
45 Ibid., vol. 4, p. 237.
46 Ibid., vol. 4, p. 249.
47 Ibid., vol. 7, pp. 74-5.
48 Ibid., vol. 4, p. 304.
49 Ibid., vol. 7, p. 412.
50 Ibid.
51 Ibid.
52 Ibid., vol. 5, p. 600.
53 Ibid., vol. 7, p. 476.
54 Ibid., vol. 8, p. 432.
55 Ibn ¤ajar, Fat^ al-B¥rÏ, vol. 8, p. 463.
56 Al- Bukh¥rÏ, ßa^Ï^ al-Bukh¥rÏ, vol. 4, p. 356.
57 Ibn KathÏr, TafsÏr Ibn KathÏr, vol. 4, pp. 173-2. Having realized the contradiction
between the two interpretations, Ibn KathÏr stated: “But this does not mean that other
Qur’anic verses cannot be described as al-sab¢ al-math¥nÏ.” He further stated that the
whole chapters of the Qur’an can be qualified as al-sab¢ al-math¥nÏ.
58 Ibn KathÏr, TafsÏr Ibn KathÏr, vol. 7, p. 173.
59 ßa^Ï^ al-Bukh¥rÏ, vol. 4, pp. 123-170.
60 Amin, Ahmad Fajr al-Isl¥m, p. 205.
61 Muhammad Husayn al-Dhahabi, Al-Isr¥’iliyy¥t fÏ al-TafsÏr wa al-¤adÏth (Cairo: Majma¢
al-Bu^‰th al-Isl¥miyyah, 1963), pp. 76-85, and Ramzi Nana, Al-Isr¥’Ïliyy¥t wa ®th¥ruh¥
fÏ Kutub al-TafsÏr, pp. 78-92.
CHAPTER 6
1 Ibn Man·‰r, Lis¥n al-¢Arab (Beirut: D¥r ߥdir, n.d.), vol. 14, pp. 299-300.
2 Jam¥l al-DÏn Ab‰ Mu^ammad ibn ¢Abd All¥h ibn Y‰suf ibn Hish¥m al-An|¥rÏ, Al-
Ta|rÏ^ ¢al¥ al-Taw\Ï^, eds., Majm‰¢ah min al-¢Ulam¥, (Beirut: D¥r al-Fikr, n.d.), vol. 1,
p. 26.
3 Ab‰ Hayy¥n, Al-Ba^r al-Mu^Ï~, vol. 3, p. 178.
4 Badr was the first war that took place in Islam between Muslims and non-Muslims in
the third year of hijrah.
5 Ab‰ Mu^ammad ¢Abd al-Malik ibn Hish¥m, Sirat al-NabÏ, ed., Muhammad Muhyi al-
Din Abd al-Hamid (Beirut: D¥r al-Fikr, n.d.), vol. 2, p. 259. See Safiyyu al-Rahman
al-Mubarakpuri, Al-Ra^Ïq al-Makht‰m, 1st edn., (Saudi Arabia: Maktabah D¥r al-
Sal¥m, 1915), vol. 1, p. 435.
166
Notes
6 Ibn ¤azm, Al-I^k¥m, vol. 6, p. 26.
7 Ibn Qayyim, I¢l¥m al-Muaqqi¢Ïn, vol. 1, p. 63.
8 Ibn ¤ajar, TahdhÏb al-TahdhÏb, vol. 3, p. 395.
9 Ibid., vol. 8, pp. 351-356.
10 Ibid., vol. 3, p. 397.
11 Al-J¥hiz, ¢Amr‰ ibn Ba^r ibn Ma^b‰b, Kit¥b al-¤ayaw¥n, ed., Abd al-Salam Harun,
(Cairo: Ma~aba¢ah al-Khaniji, n.d.), vol. 1, pp. 168-7. The use of the term ra’y with a
negative connotation was not limited only to the circle of theologians, it was also
extended to include different scholars of jurisprudence. Genereally speaking, the
¤anafÏ school was described as a school of ra’y while the M¥likÏ school was believed to
be a school of athar ‘tradition’.
12 Muhammad Husayn al-Dhahbi, Al-TafsÏr wa al-Muffasir‰n, vol. 1, pp. 347-9; Al-
Ghaz¥lÏ, I^y¥’ ¢Ul‰m al-DÏn, vol. 1, p. 292. See Al-Qur~ubÏ, Al-J¥mi¢ li A^k¥m
al-Qur’¥n, vol. 1, p. 32.
13 Ibn Man·‰r, Lis¥n al-¢Arab, vol. 14, p. 300.
14 Al-Ghaz¥lÏ, I^y¥’ ¢Ul‰m al-DÏn, vol. 1, p. 292.
15 Ibid.
16 Muhammad ibn Abd al-Rahman ibn Abd al-Rahim al-Mubarakpuri, Tu^fat al-
AhwadhÏ bi Shar^ J¥mi¢ al-TirmidhÏ, ed., Abd al-Rahman Uthman, (Beirut: D¥r al-Fikr,
n.d.), vol. 1, pp. 270-80.
17 Ibn Taymiyyah, Majm‰¢ Fat¥w¥, vol. 13, p. 471.
18 Al->abarÏ, J¥mi¢ al-Bay¥n, vol. 1, p. 79.
19 Al-Ghaz¥lÏ, I^y¥’ ¢Ul‰m al-DÏn, vol. 1, pp. 292-5.
20 Ibid., vol. 1, p. 292.
21 Ibid.
22 Ibn Taymiyyah, Muqaddimah fÏ U|‰l al-TafsÏr, p. 89.
23 Ibid., p. 91.
24 Kharijites are followers of ¢AlÏ ibn AbÏ >¥lib who turned against him following the
battle of ßiffÏn when he was forced to agree to arbitration with Mu¢¥wiyah, which
concession angered them. Ibn Taymiyyah, Muqaddimah fÏ U|‰l al-TafsÏr, p. 81.
25 Rafidites are an extremist sect of Shia. They believe that Ab‰ Bakr and ¢Umar have
deprived ¢AlÏ from being khalÏfah (caliph) just after the death of the Prophet. The title
Raw¥fi\ah was given to them by Zayd ibn ¢AlÏ Zayn al-¢®bidÏn (d.122 ah/740 ce) when
he approved the caliphate of Ab‰ Bakr and ¢Umar though he believed in his grand-
father’s right ¢AlÏ ibn AbÏ >¥lib to the caliphate – and his followers rejected that. Hence
he labeled them Raw¥fi\ah (rejecters), Muhammad Abu Zahrah, T¥rÏkh al-Madh¥hib al-
Isl¥miyyah (fÏ al-Siy¥sah wa al-¢Aq¥’id) (Beirut: D¥r al-Fikr, n.d.), p. 245.
26 Jahmites are the followers of Jahm ibn ßafw¥n. Jahm was a faithful student of Ja¢d ibn
Dirham. Ja¢d was executed in 736 ce, by the Umayyad governor Kh¥lid ibn ¢Abd All¥h,
because he preached that people have no free will. Jahmites believed that man has no
free will and is absolutely determined. They interpreted Ïm¥n (faith) as being
167
Notes
knowledge of God only, and involved no action. Abu Zahrah, T¥rÏkh al-Madh¥hib al-
Isl¥miyyah (fÏ al-Siy¥sah wa al-¢Aq¥’id). See Abu Aminah, Bilal Philips, The Fundamentals
of Tawhid (Riyadh: Islamic Monotheism: Tawheed Publication, 1990), p. 4.
27 Mu¢tazilites believed in six principles, and one can never be considered a mu¢tazilÏ (sing
of Mu¢tazilites) without believing in them. They are: taw^Ïd (indivisible oneness of
God), ¢adl (justice), wa¢d (promise of paradise for those who are truly believers), wa¢Ïd
(warning against disobeying God), manzilah bayn manzilatayn (intermediate state), and
al-amr bi al-ma¢r‰f wa al-nahyi ¢an al-munkar, (enjoining what is right and forbidding
what is wrong). The alleged founder of the Mu¢tazilites was W¥|il ibn ¢A~¥’ (d.131 ah).
The reason for branding them Mu¢tazilites goes as follows. One day W¥|il was sitting in
al-¤asan al-Ba|rÏ’s learning circle when the issue of the position of a Muslim who com-
mits a major sin was raised, W¥|il said that he was neither a Muslim nor a non-Muslim
but between belief and disbelief. Al-¤asan the teacher, however, did not welcome
W¥|il’s answer and stated that he was a sinner. Thus, W¥|il i¢tazal (stayed away) from al-
¤asan’s class. See Ab‰ al-¤asan al-Ash¢arÏ, Maq¥l¥t al-Isl¥miyyÏn wa Ikhtil¥f al-Mu|allÏn,
1st edn., (Cairo: Ma~ba¢at al-Nah\ah al-Misriyyah, 1969-1389), pp. 235-45.
28 The Qadarites are a sect that believe that man created his own evil but that good comes
from Allah only.
29 The Murji’ites are the extreme opponents of the Kharijites. They believe that Ïm¥n is
nothing but knowledge and that one does not lose his Ïm¥n regardless of how grave a sin
he might commit. Furthermore, they believed that the questions of punishing a sinner
in hell is left to the will and mercy of God. The extremists among them believed that
given faith, sin will cause no harm in the hereafter. The issue of the evolution of the
theological schools of thought in Islam is not clear cut. A person might have a
combination of tenets from various sects of belief. For example, one might be a shÏ¢Ï
(sing of Shia) at the same time that he is a Mu¢tazilÏ, or one might be a Sunni and a
Murji’Ï at the same time, etc. For detailed accounts on the sects, one can refer to Ab‰ al-
Fat^ T¥j al-DÏn al-Shahrast¥nÏ’s Kit¥b al-Milal wa al-Ni^al; >¥hir al-Baghd¥dÏ’s, Al-Farq
bayn al-Firaq; Ab‰ al-¤asan al-Ash¢arÏ’s, Maq¥l¥t al-Isl¥miyyÏn; M. Geijbel, An
Introduction to Islam: Muslim Beliefs and Practices, part 3; Goldziher’s Introduction to Islamic
Theology and Law, trans., Andras and Ruth Hamori, (Princeton: Princeton University
Press, 1981).
30 Ibn Taymiyyah, Muqaddimah fÏ U|‰l al-TafsÏr, pp. 82-84.
31 Abu Zahrah, T¥rÏkh al-Madh¥hib al-Isl¥miyyah (fÏ al-Siy¥sah wa al-¢Aq¥’id), p. 67.
32 This hadith has no isn¥d, thus, is rejected. See Muhammad Abd Al-Rahman al-
Sakhawi, Al-Maq¥|id al-¤asanah (Cairo: Maktabat Al-KhanijÏ, 1956), p. 85.
33 Ibn Qutaybah, Ab‰ Mu^ammad ¢Abd All¥h ibn Muslim, Ta’wÏl Mukhtalaf al-¤adÏth
(Beirut: D¥r al-Kutb al-¢Arabiyyah, n.d.), p. 4.
34 Ibid., p. 5.
35 Muhammad Ajjaj al-Khatib, Al-Sunnah Qabl al-TadwÏn, 2nd edn., (Cairo: D¥r al-Fikr,
1971), p. 236.
168
Notes
36 Ibid., p. 5.
37 Ab‰ Lahab is one of the Prophet Muhammad’s uncle who became one of his greatest
enemies.
38 Ibn Taymiyyah, Muqaddimah fÏ U|‰l al-TafsÏr, p. 76.
39 Ibid., p. 79
40 Ibid., p. 81
41 Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wÏl Mukhtalaf al-¤adÏth, vol. 1, p. 159.
42 Ibid., p. 137.
43 Ibid.; Ibn ¤azm, Al-Fi|al fÏ al-Milal wa al-Ni^al (Cairo: Maktabah wa Ma~ba¢ah
Muhammad Ali Sabihah, n.d.), vol. 1, p. 56.
44 Muhammad ibn Salih al-Uthaymin, Shar^ al-¢AqÏdah al-W¥si~iyyah li Shaykh al-Isl¥m
ibn Taymiyyah, ed., Muhammad Khalil Harras, 3rd edn., (Riyadh: D¥r al-Hijrah li al-
Nashr wa al-TawzÏ¢, 1955), pp. 107-9; Ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wÏl Mukhtalaf al-¤adÏth,
pp. 13-8.
45 This attitude is against Islamic scholarship. Traditionally speaking, reference should be
given when you quote someone.
46 Al-®midÏ, Al-I^k¥m, vol. 4, p. 149.
47 Ibn Taymiyyah, Muqaddimah fÏ U|‰l al-TafsÏr, pp. 112-113.
48 Al-Qur~ubÏ, Al-J¥mi¢ li A^k¥m al-Qur’¥n, vol. 1, p. 32; Al-TirmidhÏ, Sunan al-TirmidhÏ,
1st edn., (Cairo: D¥r Al-Fikr, 1964-1384), vol. 4, p. 386.
49 Al-Qur~ubÏ, Al-J¥mi¢ li A^k¥m al-Qur’¥n, vol. 1, p. 111.
50 Al->abarÏ, J¥mi¢ al-Bay¥n, vol. 1, p. 183.
51 Al-Qur~ubÏ, Al-J¥mi¢ li A^k¥m al-Qur’¥n, vol. 1, p. 33.
52 Abul Quasem, Muhammad, The Recitation and Interpretation of the Qur’an: Al-Ghazali’s
Theory (London, Boston, and Melbourne: Kegan Paul International, 1982), pp. 90-92.
53 Ibn ¢A~iyyah, Muqaddimat¥n fÏ ¢Ul‰m al-Qur’¥n, p. 187; Al-ZarkashÏ, Al-Burh¥n, vol. 2,
p. 12.
54 Al->abarÏ, J¥mi¢ al-Bay¥n, vol. 1, p. 88.
55 Al-Ghaz¥lÏ, I^y¥’ ¢Ul‰m al-DÏn, vol. 1, p. 292.
56 Ibn ¢A~iyyah, Muqaddimat¥n fÏ ¢Ul‰m al-Qur’¥n, p. 186.
57 Al->abarÏ, J¥mi¢ al-Bay¥n¢, vol. 1, p. 93.
58 Ibid., vol. 1, p. 190.
59 Al-Qur~ubÏ, Al-J¥mi¢ li A^k¥m al-Qur’¥n, vol. 1, p. 32.
60 Ibn ¢A~iyyah, Muqaddimat¥n fÏ ¢Ul‰m al-Qur’¥n, p. 185.
61 Al->abarÏ, J¥mi¢ al-Bay¥n¢, vol. 1, p. 290.
62 Ibid.
63 Ibn ¢A~iyyah, Muqaddimat¥n fÏ ¢Ul‰m al-Qur’¥n, p. 185.
64 Al->abarÏ, J¥mi¢ al-Bay¥n¢, vol. 1, p. 83.
65 Ibid., vol. 1, p. 290.
66 Ibn ¤azm, Al-I^k¥m, vol. 6, p. 35.
67 Ibid., vol. 1, p. 81.
169
Notes
68 For many verses presented by Ibn ¤azm to support his position, see Ibn ¤azm, Al-
I^k¥m, vol. 5, pp. 36-100.
69 Ibn ¤azm, Al-I^k¥m, vol. 5, p. 36.
70 Ibid., pp. 21-22.
71 Ibid., p. 35.
72 Ibid., vol. 2, pp. 400-1.
73 Al-ZarkashÏ, Al-Burh¥n, vol. 1, p. 18.
74 Ibid., vol. 1, p. 129.
75 Al-DhahabÏ, Tadhkirat al-¤uff¥·, vol. 1, p. 174.
76 A. Rippin, Approaches to the History of the Interpretation of the Qur’an, ed., (Oxford:
Oxford University Press, 1988), p. 17.
77 Rippin, Approaches to the History of the Interpretation of the Qur’an, p. 168.
78 Abbott, Studies, pp. 92-3.
79 Ibid.
CHAPTER 7
1 J.G. Jansen, The Interpretation of the Koran in Modern Egypt (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1974),
pp. 7-8.
2 Muhammad Rashid Rida, TafsÏr Al-Man¥r, vol. 1, p. 17, vol. 4, p. 43.
3 Rida, TafsÏr Al-Man¥r, vol. 1, pp. 15-16. See Islamic Studies Presented to Charles J. Adams,
eds., Wael, B. Hallaq and Donald, P. Little, (Leiden; New York: Brill,1990), p. 22.
4 Muhammad Husayn al-Dhahabi, Al-TafsÏr wa al-Mufassir‰n, vol. 2, p. 528.
5 Muhammad Rashid Rida, TafsÏr Al-Man¥r, vol. 1, p. 17.
6 Ibid., vol. 1, p. 239; See Goldziher, Madh¥hib al-TafsÏr al-Isl¥mÏ, p. 353.
7 Charles Adam, Islam and Modernism in Egypt (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1933),
p. 111.
8 Muhammad Rashid Rida, TafsÏr Al-Man¥r, vol. 2, pp. 25-6.
9 Abd al-Majid Abd al-Salam al-Muhtasibi, Ittijah¥t al-TafsÏr fÏ al-¢A|r al-R¥hin, 2nd edn.,
(Jordan: Jam¢iyyah ¢Umm¥l al-Ma~¥bi¢ al-Ta¢¥wuniyyah, 1982 ce/1402 ah), pp. 157,
pp. 183-5. See Muhammad Husayn al-Dhahbi, Al-TafsÏr wa al-Muffasir‰n, vol. 2, p. 543.
10 Fahd Abd al-Rahman al-Rumi, Manhaj al-Madrasah al-¢Aqliyyah al-HadÏthah fÏ al-TafsÏr
(Beirut: Mu’assasah al-Ris¥lah, 1981), vol. 1, pp. 149-54; Subhi al-Salih, Mab¥^ith fÏ
¢Ul‰m al-Q‰r’¥n, 2nd edn., (Beirut: D¥r al-Mal¥yÏn, 1986), p. 297.
11 Al-Shaykh Tantawi Jawhari, Al-Jaw¥hir fÏ TafsÏr al-Qur’¥n (Cairo: Matba¢ah Mu|taf¥ al-
BabÏ al-¤alabÏ wa Awl¥ldih, 1951), vol. 1, p. 2.
12 Ibid., vol. 1, p. 116.
13 Muhammad Husayn al-Dhahabi, Al-TafsÏr wa al-Mufassir‰n, vol. 2, p. 487.
14 Subhi al-Salih, Mab¥hith fÏ ¢Ul‰m al-Qur’¥n, p. 297.
15 Sayyid Qutb, FÏ- <il¥l al-Qur’¥n, 10th edn., (Beirut: D¥r al-Shur‰q, 1982/1400), vol. 1,
pp. 11-16.
170
Notes
16 Ayoub, The Qur’¥n and its Interpreters, vol. 1, p. 39.
17 Jansen, The Interpretation of the Koran in Modern Egypt, p. 65.
18 Muhammad Ibrahim Sharif, Ittijah¥t al-TajdÏd fÏ TafsÏr al-Qur’¥n fÏ Mi|r (Cairo; D¥r al-
Turath, 1982), p. 597. See also Issa, J. Boullata, “Modern Qur’an Exegesis: A Study of
Bint al-Shati’s Method”, The Muslim World, no. 64, 1979, p.104.
19 Boullata, “Modern Qur’an Exegesis”, The Muslim World, no.64, pp.104-105.
20 Muhammad Ibrahim Sharif, Ittijah¥t al-TajdÏd fÏ TafsÏr al-Qur’¥n, pp. 595-610; See also
Boullata, “Modern Qur’an Exegesis”, pp. 104-112.
21 Al-Qattan, Manna ibn Khalil, Mab¥^ith fÏ ¢Ul‰m al-Qur’¥n (Cairo: Maktabat Wahba,
1981), p. 375.
22 Muhammad Husayn al-Dhahabi, Al-TafsÏr wa al-Mufassir‰n, vol. 1, p. 500; The
Interpretation of the Koran in Modern Egypt, p. 35.
23 Muhammad Husayn al-Dhahabi, Al-TafsÏr wa al-Mufassir‰n, vol. 2, pp. 500-9.
171
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Abd Allah ibn Abd al-Muhsin al-Turki, U|‰l Madhhab al-Im¥m A^mad: Dir¥sah U|‰liyyah
Muq¥ranah (Riyadh: Ma~ba¢ah al-Riy¥\, 1397 ⁄ 1977).
¢Abd al-¤aqq ibn Gh¥lib ibn ¢A~iyyah, Muqaddimat¥n fÏ ¢Ul‰m al-Qur’¥n (Cairo:Ma~ba¢ah
al-Khaniji, 1972).
Abd al-Majid Abd al-Salam al-Muhtasibi, Ittijah¥t al-TafsÏr fÏ al-¢A|r al-R¥hin (Jordan:
Jam¢iyyah ¢Umm¥l al-Ma~¥bi¢ al-Ta¢¥wuniyyah, 1982-1402).
Abd al-Qahir Al-Jurjani, Dal¥’il al-I¢j¥z (Cairo: Mu|~af¥ al-B¥bÏ al-¤alabÏ, 1967).
¢Abd al-Ra^m¥n ibn Khald‰n, Muqaddimat ibn Khald‰n, 4th edn., (Beirut: I^y¥ al-Tur¥th
al-¢ArabÏ, n.d.).
Ab‰ al-¢Abb¥s Mu^ammad ibn YazÏd al-Mubarrid, Al-K¥mil fÏ al-Lughah wa al-Adab, 1st
edn., (Beirut: Mu ’assat Al-Ris¥lah, 1986).
Ab‰ ¢Abd al-Ra^m¥n A^med ibn Shu¢ayb ibn ¢AlÏ al-Nas¥’Ï, TafsÏr al-Nas¥’Ï, eds., Abd al-
Kaliq al-Sharif and Said ibn Abbas al-Julayni, (Cairo: Ma~ba¢ah al-Sunnah, 1990).
Ab‰ ¢AlÏ al-Fa\l ibn al-¤asan Al->abarsÏ, Majma¢ al-Bay¥n fÏ TafsÏr al-Qur’¥n, 2nd edn.,
(Cairo: D¥r al-Fikr, 1954-1957).
Ab‰ ¤ayy¥n, Mu^ammad ibn Y‰suf ibn ¢AlÏ al-AndalusÏ, Al-Ba^r al-Mu^it (Riyadh:
Maktabah wa Ma~ba¢ah al-¤ashr al-¤adÏth, 1969).
Ab‰ Ja¢far Mu^ammad ibn JarÏr al->abarÏ, Jami¢ al-Bay¥n ¢an Ta’wÏl ®y al-Qur’¥n, eds.,
Mahmud Muhammad Shakir and Ahmed Muhammad Shakir, (Cairo: Dar al-Ma¢¥rif,
n.d.)
Ab‰ Mu^ammad ¢Abd All¥h ibn Muslim ibn Qutaybah, Ta’wÏl Mukhtalaf al-¤adÏth
(Beirut: D¥r al-Kutb al-¢Arabiyyah, n.d.).
Ab‰ Mu^ammad ¢Abd al-Malik ibn Hish¥m, Sirat al-NabÏ, ed., Muhammad Muhyi al-Din
Abd al-Hamid (Beirut: D¥r al-Fikr, n.d.).
Ab‰ Mu^ammad al-¤usayn ibn Mas¢‰d al-BaghawÏ, Ma¢¥lim al-TanzÏl (Multan: Idarat
Talifat Ishrafiyya, 1988).
Ab‰ al-Q¥sim al-A|fahynÏ, Al-¤usayn ibn Mu^ammad ibn al-Mufa\\il ‘Known as’ al-
R¥ghib al-A|fah¥nÏ, Mufrad¥t Alf¥· al-Qur’¥n (Lahore: Ahl al-¤adÏth Ikadami,1971).
Ab‰ >¥hir Mu^ammad ibn Ya¢q‰b Fayr‰z ®b¥dÏ, TanwÏr al-Miqb¥s (TafsÏr Ibn ¢Abb¥s),
(Pakistan: Al-Maktabah al-Fur‰qiyya Malkan, n.d.)
Abu Zahrah, Muhammad, Ibn ¤azm: ¤ay¥tuh wa ¢A|ruh ®ra’ahu wa Fiqhuh (Beirut: D¥r al-
Fikr al-¢ArabÏ, n.d.).
______, Al-Mu¢jizhah al-Kubr¥: Al-Qur’¥n
Ahmad Ali, A^k¥m al-Qur’¥n (Istanbul: Maktabah al-Awqaf al-Islamiyyah, 1916 ce/
1335 ah).
172
Bibliography
Ahmad Umar Abd Allah Al-Ghani, “Al-TafsÏr bi al-Ma’th‰r”, (MA thesis, al-J¥mi¢ah al-
Isl¥miyyah, Madinah, Suadi Arabia, 1980).
Ahmed Ali al-Salus, Bayn al-ShÏ¢ah wa al-Sunnah: Dir¥sah Muq¥ranah fÏ al-TafsÏr wa Us‰lih
(Cairo: D¥r al-I¢ti|¥m,1989).
Aishah Abd al-Rahman Bint al-Shati, l¢j¥z al-Bay¥nÏ li al-Qur’¥n wa Mas¥’il ibn al-Azraq:
Dir¥sah Muq¥ranah Lughawiyyah wa Bay¥niyyah. 2nd edn., (Cairo: D¥r al-Ma¢rifah,
1987).
Al-®l‰sÏ, Shih¥b al-DÏn Ma^m‰d ibn ¢Abd All¥h al-¤usaynÏ, R‰^ al-Ma¢¥nÏ fÏ TafsÏr al-
Qur’¥n al-¢A·Ïm wa al-Sab¢ al-Math¥nÏ (Beirut: D¥r al-Tur¥th al-¢ArabÏ, n.d.).
Al-®midÏ, ¢Ali ibn Mu^ammad Sayf al-DÏn, Al-I^k¥m fÏ U|‰l al-A^k¥m, ed., Abd Al-
Razzaq Afifi, 2nd edn., (Beirut: Almaktab al-IslamÏ, 1402 ah).
Andrew Rippin, “Tafsir Studies”, The Muslim World, vol. lx11, 1979/1982.
______, Approaches to the History of the Interpretation of the Qur’an, ed., (Oxford:
Clarendon press, N.Y. Oxford University Press, 1988).
______, “Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies”.
Al-An|¥rÏ, Ni·¥m al-DÏn, Kit¥b Faw¥ti^ al-Ra^m‰t bi Shar^ Musallam al-Thub‰t, wa ma¢ah‰
al-Musta|f¥ min ¢Ilm U|‰l al-Fiqh (Beirut: D¥r al-Arqam ibn AbÏ al-Arqam li al->ib¥¢h
wa al-Nashr, 1944-1414).
Atr Hasan Diya al-Din, Al-A^ruf al-Sab¢ wa Manzilat al-Qir¥’at Minh¥, 1st edn., (Beirut: D¥r
al-Bash¥’ir al-Isl¥miyyah, 1988/1409).
Badran Abu al-Aynayn, U|‰l al-Fiqh, 1st edn., (Cairo: D¥r al-Fikr, 1976).
Boullata, Issa J., “Modern Qur’an Exegesis: A Study of Bint al-Shati’s Method”, The
Muslim World, 1974.
Al-Bukh¥rÏ, Ab‰ ¢Abd All¥h Mu^ammad ibn Ism¥¢Ïl Al-J¥mi¢ al-ßa^Ï^ (al-Maktab al-
Isl¥mÏ, n.d.).
Charles Adam, Islam and Modernism In Egypt (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1933).
Al-D¥wa‰dÏ, Mu^ammad ibn ¢AlÏ ibn A^mad, >abaq¥t al-MufassirÏn (Cairo: Maktabah
Wahbah, 1972).
Al-DhahabÏ, Ab‰ ¢Abd All¥h Shams al-DÏn Mu^ammad ibn A^mad ibn ¢Uthm¥n, Siyar
A¢l¥m al-Nubal¥’ (Cairo: Ma¢had al-Makh~‰~¥t al-¢Arabiyyah, 1952-1956).
______, Tadhkirat al-¤uff¥·.
Al-Dhahabi, Muhammad Husayn. Al-TafsÏr wa al-Mufassir‰n, 1st edn., (Cairo: D¥r al-
Kutub al-HadÏthah, 1961/1381).
______, Al-Isr¥‘iliyy¥t fÏ al-TafsÏr wa al-¤adÏth (Cairo: Majma¢ al-Bu^‰th al-
Isl¥miyyah, 1963).
Fahd Abd al-Rahman al-Rumi, Manhaj al-Madrasah al-¢Aqliyyah al-¤adÏthah fÏ al-TafsÏr
(Beirut: Mu’assasah al-Ris¥lah, 1981).
Fred Leemhuis, “Origins and Early Development of the TafsÏr Tradition” in A. Rippin,
ed., Approaches to the History of the Interpretation of the Qur’an.
Al-Ghaz¥lÏ, Ab‰ ¤¥mid, I^y¥’ ¢Ul‰m al-DÏn (Cairo: D¥r Ihy¥’ al-Kutb al-¢Arabiyyah, n.d.).
173
Bibliography
Goldziher, Ignaz, Muslim Studies. Translated from German by C.R. Berber and S.M Stern.
2nd edn., (Chicago: Aldine, New York, Altherton, n.d.).
______, Die Richtungen Der Islamischen Karanauslegung (Leiden, Brill. 1920).
______, Madh¥hib al-TafsÏr al-Isl¥mÏ.
Ibn ¢ArabÏ, Mu^y al-DÏn, Al-Fut‰^¥t al-Makkiyah (Beirut: Mu’assasah al-I¢l¥mÏ li al-
Ma~b䢴t, 1973).
Ibn Ashur, Muhammad al-Tahir, Al-Ta^rÏr wa al-TanwÏr (Tunis: al-D¥r al-Tunisiyyah li
>ib¥¢ah wa al-Nashr, n.d.).
Ibn ¢A~iyyah, ¢Abd al-¤aqq ibn Gh¥lib. Muqaddimat¥n fÏ ¢Ul‰m al-Qur’¥n. (Cairo:
Ma~ba¢ah al-KhanijÏ, 1972).
______, Al-Mu^arrir al-WajÏz fÏ TafsÏr al-¢AzÏz, 1st edn., ed., Abd al-Salam al-Shafi
Muhammad, (Beirut: Al-D¥r al-¢Illmiyyah, 1993).
Ibn ¤ajar al-¢Asqal¥nÏ, Al-Durar al-K¥minah fÏ A¢y¥n al-Ma’ah al-Th¥minah, ed.,
Muhammad sayyed Jad al-Haqq, (Cairo: Ma~ba¢ah al-MadanÏ, n.d.).
______, Al-Is¥bah fÏ TamyÏz al-ßa^¥bah (Cairo:Maktabat al-Kulliyah, 1969).
______, Fat^ al-B¥rÏ fÏ Shar^ ßa^Ï^ al-Bukh¥rÏ (Cairo: al-Ma~ba¢ah al-Salafiyyah,
n.d).
______, TahdhÏb al-TahdhÏb.
Ibn ¤azm, Ab‰ Mu^ammad ¢AlÏ ibn A^mad ibn Sa¢Ïd al-AndalusÏ. Al-I^k¥m fÏ U|‰l al-
A^k¥m, ed., Ahmad Shakir, 2nd edn., (Beirut: D¥r al-®f¥q al-¤adÏthah, 1983/1403).
______, Al-Mu^all¥ bi al-Athar, ed., Abd al-Ghaffar Sulayman al-Bandari, (Beirut:
D¥r al-Kutub al-¢Ilmiyyah, 1988/1408).
______, Al-Fi|al fÏ al-Milal wa al-Ni^al (Cairo: Maktabah wa Ma~ba¢ah Muhammad
Ali Sabihah, n.d).
Ibn KathÏr, al-Im¥m al-¤¥fi· Ab‰ al-Fid¥’ Ism¥¢Ïl.
______, TafsÏr al-Qur’¥n al-¢A·Ïm. New edn. Ed by a group of ¢Ulam¥’, (Beirut:
D¥r al-Andalus, n.d.)
______, Al-Bid¥yah wa al-Nih¥yay, ed., Muhammad Abd al-Aziz al-Najdi, (Riyadh:
Mu’assasah al-Kutub, n.d.).
______, Al-Ba¢ith al-¤athÏth Shar^ Ikhti|¥r ¢Ul‰m al-¤adÏth (Cairo: D¥r al-Kutub,
1982).
Ibn Khald‰n, ¢Abd al-Ra^m¥n. Muqaddimat Ibn Khald‰n, 4th edn., (Beirut: I^y¥’ al-Tur¥th
al-¢ArabÏ, n.d.)
Ibn Man·‰r, Mu^ammad ibn Mukarram, Lis¥n al-¢Arab (Beirut: D¥r ߥdir, n.d.).
Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah, I¢l¥m al-Muaqqi¢Ïn ¢an Rabb al-¢AlamÏn, 2nd edn., ed.,
Muhammad Muhyiddin Abd al-Alamin, (Beirut: D¥r al-Fikr, 1977/1397).
______, Kit¥b Shif¥’ al-¢AlÏl fÏ Mas¥’il al-Qa\¥’ wa al-Qadar wa al-¤ikmah wa al-
Ta¢lÏl, ed., al-Sayyid Muhammad Badr al-Din Abu Firas al-Nasani al-Halabi,
(Riyadh: Maktabat al-Riyadh al-HadÏth, 1323 ah).
Ibn Qutaybah, Ab‰ Mu^ammad ¢Abd All¥h ibn Muslim, Ta’wÏl Mukhtalaf al-¤adÏth
(Beirut: D¥r al-Kutb al-¢Arabiyyah, n.d.).
174
Bibliography
Ibn Sa¢d, Mu^ammad ibn Sa¢d ibn ManÏ¢ al-ZuhrÏ, Al->abaq¥t al-Kubr¥ (Beirut: D¥r ߥdir,
1957).
Ibn al-ßal¥^, ¢Uthm¥n ibn ¢Abd al-Ra^m¥n TaqÏ al-DÏn, Muqaddimah Ibn al-ßal¥^, ed.,
Aisha Bint al-Shati, (Cairo: D¥r al-Kutub, n.d.).
Ibn Taymiyyah, Majm‰¢ Fat¥w¥ Shaykh al-Isl¥m A^med ibn Taymiyyahh, ed., Ahmed Abd al-
Rahman ibn Muhammad ibn Qasim al-Najdi al-Hanbali, (Makkah: Ma~ba¢ah
al-Nah\ah al-HadÏthah, 1404 ⁄ 1983).
______, Muqaddimah fÏ U|‰l al-TafsÏr, ed., Adnan Zorzo, (Beirut: D¥r al-Qur’¥n al-
KarÏm, 1979/1399).
______, Shar^ al-¢AqÏdah al-W¥si~iyyah, ed., Muhammad Khalil Harras, 3rd edn.,
(Riyadh: D¥r al-Hijrah li al-Nashr wa al-TawzÏ¢, 1955).
______, Majm‰¢ Fat¥w¥ Shaykh al-Isl¥m A^med ibn Taymiyyah, ed., Ahmed Abd al-
Rahman ibn Muhammad ibn Qasim al-Najdi al-Hanbali, (Makkah: Ma~ba¢ah
al-Nah\ah al-HadÏthah 1404 ⁄1983).
Al-J¥hiz, ¢Amr‰ ibn Ba^r ibn Ma^b‰b, Kit¥b al-¤ayaw¥n, ed., Abd al-Salam Harun, (Cairo:
Ma~aba¢ah al-KhanijÏ, n.d.).
J.J.G. Jansen, The Interpretation of the Koran in Modern Egypt (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1974).
Jawhari Shaykh Tantawi, Al-Jaw¥hir fÏ TafsÏr al-Qur’¥n (Cairo: Matba¢ah Mu|taf¥ al-BabÏ al-
¤alabÏ wa Awl¥ldih, 1951).
John Wansbrough, Qur’anic Studies: Sources and Methods of Scriptual Interpretation (Oxford:
Oxford University Press, 1977).
Juda, Mohammad Mohammad Mahdi, Al-W¥^idÏ wa Manhajuhu fÏ al-TafsÏr (Cairo: Al-
Majlis al-A¢l¥ li al-Shu’‰n al-Isl¥miyyah, 1979).
Muhammad Abd al-Rahman ibn Abd al-Rahim al-Mubarakpuri, Tu^fat al-AhwadhÏ bi
Shar^ J¥mi¢ al-TirmidhÏ, ed., Abd al-Rahman Uthman, (Beirut: D¥r al-Fikr, n.d.).
Muhammad Ajjaj Al-Khatib, Al-Sunnah Qabl al-TadwÏn, 2nd edn., (Cairo: D¥r al-Fikr,
1971).
Muhammad Ali al-Saboony, Mukhta|ar TafsÏr Ibn KathÏr, new edn., (D¥r al-Ma¢rifah,
1944).
Muhammad Hashim Kamali, Principle of Islamic Jurisprudence (Cambridge: Islamic Texts
Society, 1991).
Muhammad Ibrahim Sharif, Bu^‰th fÏ TafsÏr al-Qur’¥n: T¥rÏkhuhu, Ittij¥h¥tuhu, wa
Man¥hijuhu (Cairo: J¥mi¢at al-Q¥hirah, n.d.).
Muhammad M. Ayoub, The Qur’an and Its Interpreters (Albany State University of New
York, 1984).
Muhammad Rashid Rida, TafsÏr al-Qur’¥n al-¤akÏm known as TafsÏr al-Mann¥r (Beirut:
D¥r al-Fikr, n.d.).
Nabia Abbott Studies in Arabic Literary Papyri II: Qur’anic Commentary and Tradition
(Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1967).
Al-NawawÏ, Abu Zakariyy¥ Ya^y¥ ibn Sharaf ibn ¤usayn, Shar^ ßa^Ï^ Muslim (Beirut: D¥r
al-Fikr, n.d.).
175
Bibliography
Al-Q¥\Ï Mu^ammad ibn ¢Abd All¥h Ab‰ Bakr ibn al-¢ArabÏ al-IshbÏlÏ al-M¥likÏ, A^k¥m al-
Qur’¥n, ed., Ali Muhammad al-Bajawi, 1st edn., (Cairo: D¥r al-Kutub al-¢Arabiyyah,
¢¬s¥ al-B¥bÏ al-¤alabÏ, 1975).
Al-Qattan, Manna ibn Khalil, Mab¥^ith fÏ ¢Ul‰m al-Qur’¥n (Cairo: Maktabat Wahbah, 1981).
Al-Qur~ubÏ, Ab‰ ¢Abd All¥h Mu^ammad ibn A^mad al-An|¥rÏ, Al-J¥mi¢ li A^k¥m al-
Qur’¥n al-Mubayyin li m¥ Tata\ammanaho min al-Sunnah wa ¥y al-Furq¥n (Cairo: D¥r
al-Kutub al-¢Arabiyyah li al->ib¥¢ah wa al-Nashr, 1967/1387).
Al-Qushayri, Abd al-Karim ibn Hawazin ibn Abd al-Malik, La~¥’if al-Ish¥r¥t: TafsÏr ߉fÏ
K¥zmil li al-Qur’¥n (D¥r al-Kutub al-¢Arabiyyah, 1968).
Al-R¥zi, ¢Abd al-Ra^m¥n ibn Mu^ammad ibn Ab‰ ¤¥tim al-TamÏmÏ, Kit¥b al-Jar^ wa al-
Ta¢dÏl (India: Mab~a¢ah al-Majlis D¥’irat al-Ma¢arifah al-¢Uthm¥niyyah).
Safiyyu al-Rahman al-Mubarakpuri, Al-Ra^Ïq al-Makht‰m, 1st edn., (Saudi Arabia:
Maktabah D¥r al-Sal¥m, 1915).
Al-Salih, Subhi, Mab¥^ith fÏ ¢Ul‰m al-Qur’¥n, 2nd edn., (Beirut: D¥r al-MalayÏn, 1986).
Al-SarkhasÏ, Im¥m Ab‰ Bakr Mu^ammad ibn A^mad ibn abÏ Sahl, U|‰l al-SarkhasÏ, ed.,
Abu al-Wafa al-Afghani, ( Beirut: D¥r al-Ma¢rifah .n.d.).
Sayyid Qutb, FÏ-<il¥l al-Qur’¥n, 10th edn., (Beirut: D¥r al-Shur‰q, 1982/1400).
Sezgin, Fuat, T¥rÏkh al-Tur¥th al-¢ArabÏ: FÏ ¢Ul‰m al-Qur’¥n wa al-¤adÏth, trans., Mahmud
Fahmi Hijazi, (Riyadh: J¥mi¢at Mu^ammad ibn Su¢‰d al-Isl¥miyyah, 1981), vol. 1,
part, 1.
Al-Shawk¥nÏ, Mu^ammad ibn ¢AlÏ, Fat^ al-QadÏr al-Jami¢ bayn fannay al-Riw¥yah wa al-
Dir¥yah min ¢Ilm al-TafsÏr (Beirut: Ma^f‰· al-¢AlÏ, n.d.).
______, Irsh¥d al-Fu^‰l il¥ Ta^qÏq al-¤aq min ¢Ilm al-U|‰l.
Subhi al-Salih, Mab¥hith fÏ ¢Ul‰m al-Q‰r’¥n, 2nd edn., (Beirut: D¥r al-Mal¥yÏn, 1986).
Al-Suy‰~Ï, Jal¥l al-DÏn ¢Abd al-Ra^m¥n ibn Ab‰ Bakr, Al-Itq¥n fÏ ¢Ul‰m al-Qur’¥n, 1st edn.,
(Beirut: D¥r al-Kutub al-¢Ilmiyyah, 1987).
______, TadrÏb al-R¥wÏ fÏ Shar^TaqrÏb al-RawÏ. ed., Abd al-Wahhab Abd al-Latif,
(Cairo: D¥r al-Kutb al-¤adÏtha, 1966).
______, >abaq¥t al-MufassirÏn.
______, Al-Durr al-Manth‰r fÏ al-TafsÏr bi al-Ma’th‰r
The Encyclopedia of Islam. vol.ii, E-K (Leiden: E.J. Brill, and London: Luzac and CO, 1927).
Al->abarÏ, Ab‰ Ja¢far Mu^ammad ibn JarÏr YazÏd ibn KathÏr ibn Gh¥lib, J¥mi¢ al-Bay¥n ¢an
Ta’wÏl ¥y al-Qur’¥n, eds., Muhammad Mahmud Shakir and Ahmad Muhammad
Shakir, (Cairo: D¥r al-Ma¢¥rif. n.d.).
Al-TirmidhÏ, Ab‰ ¢¬s¥ Mu^ammad ibn S‰rah, Sunan al-TirmidhÏ. 1st edn., ed., Abd al-
Rahman Muhammad Uthman, (Cairo: D¥r al-Fikr, 1964-1384).
Von Denffer, Ahmad, ¢Ul‰m al-Qur’¥n (Leicester: Islamic Foundation, 1983).
Al-W¥^idÏ, ¢AlÏ ibn A^mad, Al-BasÏ~ fÏ TafsÏr al-Qur’¥n al-MajÏd, eds., a group of ¢Ulam¥’,
1st edn., (Cairo: D¥r al-Kutub al-¢Ilmiyyah, 1992).
Zaglul, Shahatah al-Sayyid, Ubay Ibn Ka¢ab: al-Rajul wa al-Mu|^af, 1st edn., (Cairo: Al-
Haya’ah al-Mi|riyyah al-¢®mmah li al-Kit¥b, 1978).
176
Bibliography
Al-ZamakhsharÏ, Ab‰ al-Q¥sim Ma^m‰d ibn ¢Umar, Al-Kashsh¥f ¢an ¤aq¥’iq Ghaw¥mi\ al-
TanzÏl wa ¢Uy‰n al-Aq¥wÏl fÏ wuj‰h al-Ta’wÏl (Cairo: Mu|~af¥ al-B¥bÏ al-¤alabÏ wa
Awladuh, 1966).
Al-ZarkashÏ, Ab‰ ¢Abd All¥h Badr al-DÏn Mu^ammad ibn ¢Abd All¥h, Al-Burh¥n fÏ ¢Ul‰m
al-Qur’¥n, ed., Muhammad Abu Fadl Ibrahim, (Cairo: D¥r I^y¥’ al-Kutub al-
¢Arabiyyah, 1957).
Al-Zirikli, Khayr al-Din, Al-A¢l¥m: Q¥m‰s Tar¥jim li Ashhar al-Rij¥l wa al-Nis¥’ min al-¢Arab
wa al-Musta¢ribÏn wa al-MustashriqÏn (Beirut: D¥r al-¢Ilm li al-MalayÏn, 1980).
Al-Zurqani, Muhammad Abd Al-Azim Man¥hil al-¢Irf¥n fÏ ¢Ul‰m al-Qur’¥n (Cairo: D¥r
I^y¥’ al-Kutub al-¢Arabiyyah, ¢¬s¥ al-B¥bÏ al-¤alabÏ, n.d.).
177
Exegesis Cover limp_Layout 1 02/03/2017 15:41 Page 1
’ and
QUR’ANIC
been a wealth of historical Muslim literature on the subject which has come to
be known as ¢Ul‰m al-TafsÏr or the sciences of tafsÏr, a systematic exegesis of the
Qur’an following several methodologies. This work traces the evolution of
Qur’anic exegesis, from the time of the Prophet, the Companions, the
EXEGESIS
Successors, the early mufassir‰n (exegetes) with independent tafsÏr works, to the
present day. In doing so, it addresses some major issues including to what
extent has tafsÏr been influenced by differing theological traditions (classical,
mystical sufi, persian), political and sectarian interests etc. and how interpreta-
tion has differed in some cases, mainly pertaining to juridical, theological,
historical, and linguistic issues. Certain scholars and Qur’anic commentaries
have stood the test of time and stand in greater prominence to others. Their
works are introduced, and different methodologies compared and critiqued.
What we are left with is a broad yet important overview of a subject which
otherwise can be too complex and extensive for the ordinary reader to grasp
acting as a valuable addition to his/her understanding and study of the Qur’anic
Dr. Ali Suleiman Ali is the Imam of the Muslim Community of Western Suburbs (MCWS) and
the Director of Muslim Family Services (ICNARELIEF USA). Born in Ghana he graduated in
1979 with a degree in Arabic and Islamic Studies from the Islamic University in Madinah. He Ali Suleiman Ali
pursued further scholarship at the University of Michigan (Ann Arbor) where he received an MA
and PhD in Islamic Studies. Dr. Ali’s dissertation on TafsÏr bil Ma’th‰r dealing with the question
of ¤ujjah (binding proof) was a seminal study in an important field. He has taught Islamic
Studies, Muslim World Studies, Arabic and the Science of Qur’an at the University of Detroit-
Mercy, Oakland University, Auburn Hills, MI and Wayne County Community, Detroit MI, USA.
i s b n ----