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MAP OF CALIFORNIA
(by county)
Del
Norte Siskiyou Modoc
Lassen
Trinity Shasta
Humboldt
Tehama
Plumas
Mendocino Glenn Butte Sierra
Nevada
Colusa Yuba
Placer
Lake Sutter
El Dorado
Sonoma Yolo
Napa Sacra- AmadorAlpine
mento
Marin Solano Calaveras
Contra San Tuolumne Mono
San Francisco Costa Joaquin
Alameda Mariposa
San Mateo Stanislaus
Santa
Clara MercedMadera
Santa Cruz Fresno Inyo
San Benito
Tulare
Monterey
Kings
San Luis
Obispo Kern
Santa San Bernardino

Barbara Los
Ventura
Angeles
Orange Riverside
San Imperial
Diego
✵
California Politics &
Government
✵
California Politics &
Government
A Practical Approach
FOURTEENTH EDITION
LARRY N. GERSTON
San Jose State University
TERRY CHRISTENSEN
San Jose State University
Australia • Brazil • Japan • Korea • Mexico • Singapore • Spain • United Kingdom • United States
California Politics & © 2018, 2016, 2014 Cengage Learning
Government: A Practical
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED. No part of this work covered by the
Approach, Fourteenth Edition
copyright herein may be reproduced or distributed in any form or
Larry N. Gerston and
by any means, except as permitted by U.S. copyright law, without
Terry Christensen
the prior written permission of the copyright owner.
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Printed in the United States of America

Print Number: 01 Print Year: 2016
✵
To the future of Gia Gabriella Gerston and the memories
of Anna and Teter Christensen and Tillie and Chester Welliever
✵
Contents
PREFACE xi
ABOUT THE AUTHORS xiii
1 California’s People, Economy, and Politics: Yesterday,

Today, and Tomorrow 1
From the First Californians to Statehood 2
Railroads, Machines, and Reform 3
The Depression and World War II 5
Growth, Change, and Political Turmoil 7
California Today 9
California’s People, Economy, and Politics 14
Notes 14
Learn More on the Web 15
Get Involved 15
2 California’s Political Parties and Direct Democracy 17

The Progressive Legacy 18
California’s Political Parties: System and Supporters 19
The Party System 19
Party Supporters 22
Direct Democracy 23
The Recall 24
The Referendum 25
vi
CONTENTS vii
The Initiative 25
Legislative Initiatives, Constitutional Amendments, and Bonds 26
The Politics of Ballot Propositions 27
Political Parties and Direct Democracy 29
Notes 30
Get Involved 31
3 California Elections, Campaigns, and the Media 33

The Voters 34
The Candidates 36
The Money 38
Campaigning California Style 40
The News Media and California Politics 43
Paper Politics 43
Television Politics 44
New Media 45
Elections, Campaigns, and the Media 45
Notes 46
Get Involved 47
4 Interest Groups: The Power behind the Dome 49

The Evolution of Group Power in California 50
Types of Groups 51
Economic Groups 51
Professional Associations and Unions 52
Demographic Groups 53
Single-Issue Groups 53
Public Interest Groups 54
Techniques and Targets: Interest Groups at Work 55
Lobbying 55
Campaign Support 57
Litigation 58
Direct Democracy 59
Regulating Groups 60
Measuring Group Clout: Money, Numbers, and Credibility 60
Notes 61
viii CONTENTS

Get Involved 62
5 The Legislature: The Perils of Policy Making 63

The Making and Unmaking of a Model Legislature 64
Term Limits 65
Redistricting 66
Leaders 67
Staffing the Professional Legislature 71
How a Bill Becomes a Law 72
The Formal Process 73
The Informal Process 76
Other Factors 77
Unfinished Business 77
Notes 77
Get Involved 79
6 California Law: Politics and the Courts 81

The California Court System 82
A Hierarchy of Courts 82
Judicial Election and Selection 82
Appointments and the Higher Courts 84
Firing Judges 84
The Courts at Work 85
Appeals 86
Managing the Courts 88
The High Court as a Political Battleground 88
Governors, Voters, and the Courts 89
Courts and the Politics of Crime 91
California Law 93
Notes 93
Get Involved 94
7 The Executive Branch: Coping with Fragmented

Authority 95
The Governor: First Among Equals 96
Formal Powers 96
CONTENTS ix
Informal Powers 102

Ever-Changing Relationships 103
The Supporting Cast 104
The Lieutenant Governor 104
The Attorney General 105
The Secretary of State 105
The Superintendent of Public Instruction 106
The Money Officers 106
The Insurance Commissioner 107
The Supporting Cast—Snow White’s Seven Dwarfs? 107
The Bureaucracy 107
Making the Pieces Fit 108
Notes 109
Get Involved 110
8 Taxing and Spending: Budgetary Politics and

Policies 111
California’s Budget Environment 112
The Budgetary Process 113
The Governor and Other Executive Officers 113
Legislative Participants 113
The Courts 114
The Public 114
Revenue Sources 115
The Sales Tax 116
The Personal Income Tax 116
Corporation Taxes 117
Taxes in Perspective 117
Spending 118
Public Education: Grades K through 12 118
Higher Education: Colleges and Universities 120
Health and Human Services 121
Prisons 122
Other Budget Obligations 123
California’s Budget: Too Little, Too Much, or Just Right? 124
Notes 124
x CONTENTS

Get Involved 126
9 California’s Local Governments: Politics at the

Grassroots 127
Counties and Cities 128
Counties 128
Cities 130
Power in the City: Council Members, Managers, and
Mayors 131
Elections 132
Executive Power 133
More Governments 134
School Districts and Special Districts 135
Coping with So Many Governments 136
Direct Democracy in Local Politics 137
Local Budgets 137
Budget Woes 139
Local Government in Perspective 140
Notes 140
Get Involved 141
10 State–Federal Relations: Conflict, Cooperation, and

Chaos 143
California’s Clout with the President 144
California’s Clout with Congress 145
High-Speed Rail 146
Immigration 147
Climate Change 150
Water 151
Shared Resources 153
California Today: Golden State or Fool’s Gold? 154
Notes 155
Get Involved 157
GLOSSARY 159
INDEX 167
✵
Preface
I magine yourself strapped in on a rollercoaster that soars, dips, and turns at

incredible speeds and gravitational force, leaving you breathless as it comes to
a stop. That physical experience is not so far from the gyrations of California
politics, except that our political rollercoaster never stops. The fast-changing
political setting in California is almost mind boggling in depth and direction.
Here, an endless cast of participants struggle to solve complex issues in an envi-
ronment teeming with forces pushing and pulling for resolution.
People often ask us why we write California Politics & Government every two
years. That’s a fair question, given that few texts are typically written with such a
short publication schedule. But California is hardly a typical place, where politics
meander along a predictably slow-moving political river. Here, politics splash the
state with fits and starts, clashes and confusion, urgency and resistance.
But there is so much more. Along with our bedrock institutions, California
has a kaleidoscopic combination of policy issues that constantly compete for
attention. Some issues, such as educational finance, seem to be resolved one
moment, only to appear again at another. Other issues, such as the state’s massive
prison realignment program and recent sentence restructuring laws, seem to
point the state in a new direction. Predictably, the state’s most troublesome pro-
blems such as water, land use, taxation, and environmental protection, to name a
few, stagger from one year to the next, with little agreement among the major
stakeholders, which leaves the state in knots.
In addition to the panoply of resolved and unresolved issues, California’s
political colors continue to change. Today, California is less white and more
blue. By that, we mean non-whites now form a solid majority of the state’s resi-
dents and have benefited from increasing numbers of election victories. At the
same time, Democrats have grown disproportionately compared to Republicans,
making California virtually a one-party state. As we see it, the first trend is not
likely to change; diversity will march on as a compelling state characteristic. But
xi
xii PREFACE
political party dominance is bit more fickle; only time will tell whether Demo-
crats continue as the prevailing political party in the Golden State.
All of these factors and more provide the rationale for why we write this
book every two years. Much like a public official running for reelection the
day after he or she wins office, the day after we complete one edition, we are
working on the next. It’s the only way we know how to produce an up-to-date
volume about an ever-changing state. In this way, the fourteenth edition of Cali-
fornia Politics & Government is no different than its predecessors. As in the past, we
cover the nuts and bolts of our state’s political machinery, taking care to update
the roles of our institutions at the state and local levels as well as their interaction
with the federal government. Equally important, we focus on the current occu-
pants of the state’s offices, bearing in mind term limits for most. After all, it’s hard
to understand a state government if we don’t know something about the office-
holders, as well as the major players seeking to influence their decisions.
Virtually every election changes the state’s leadership elements, which is yet
another reason why we strive to be current, and why this book contains the results
of the 2016 general election. If the past is any guide to the future, the most recent
election outcomes, including Donald Trump’s ascension to the presidency, will form
the framework of what happens—or fails to happen—over the next two years.
Our goal is to better acquaint you with this place we know as California, for
without understanding how the state works, there is little we can do about it.
We have not embarked on this journey alone. Our colleagues in politics, the
media, and elected office, as well as fellow academics, have offered valuable
counsel, knowledge, and insights. We especially thank the following reviewers,
whose comments have helped us prepare this edition: Paul E. Frank, Ph.D,
Sacramento City College, and Maria Sampanis, California State University,
Sacramento. Most of all, we continue to learn from our students, whose pene-
trating questions and observations inspire us to explore issues we might not have
considered otherwise. Over the years, many have gone on to political careers in
local, state, and federal offices, leaving us with the strong belief that California’s
best days are ahead.
Finally, we are indebted to the attentive team at Cengage, who artfully
managed an incredibly tight production schedule that allowed the publication
of the book within weeks of the November 8, 2016, election. They include
Bradley Potthoff, Product Manager; Andrea Stefanowicz, Vendor Content
Project Manager; and Andrea Wagner, Senior Content Project Manager. All of
these people were instrumental in completing the project. Of course, we alone
assume responsibility for the contents of the final product.
Larry N. Gerston and Terry Christensen
✵
About the Authors
Larry N. Gerston, professor emeritus of political science at San Jose State Uni-
versity, interacts with the political process as both an author and an observer. As
an author, he has written eleven academic books in addition to California Politics
and Government: A Practical Approach, including Making Public Policy: From Conflict
to Resolution (1983), Politics in the Golden State (with Terry Christensen, 1984),
The Deregulated Society (with Cynthia Fraleigh and Robert Schwab, 1988), Amer-
ican Government: Politics, Process and Policies (1993), Public Policy: Process and Princi-
ples (1987), Public Policymaking in a Democratic Society: A Guide to Civic Engagement
(2002), Recall! California’s Political Earthquake (with Terry Christensen, 2004), Amer-
ican Federalism: A Concise Introduction (2007), Confronting Reality: Ten Issues Threat-
ening to Implode American Society and How We Can Fix It (2009), Not So Golden
After All: The Rise and Fall of California (2012), and Reviving Citizen Engagement:
Policies to Renew National Community (2015). Gerston serves as the political analyst
for NBC11, a San Francisco Bay Area television station, where he appears on a
regular basis. He has written more than 125 op-ed pieces for newspapers
throughout the nation and speaks often on issues such as civic engagement and
political empowerment.
Terry Christensen is a San Jose State University professor emeritus of political

science. Among his other awards for scholarship and service to the university, he
was named Outstanding Professor in 1998. He is the author or co-author of nine
books and frequent newspaper op-ed pieces. Local and national media regularly
call on him for analysis of politics in California and Silicon Valley. In addition to
other books co-authored with Larry Gerston, his works include Projecting Politics:
Political Messages in American Films (2005), co-authored by Peter Haas, and Local
Politics: A Practical Guide to Governing at the Grassroots (2006), co-authored by
Tom Hogen-Esch. Christensen is experienced in practical politics at the local
level as an advocate of policy proposals, an adviser to grassroots groups, and an
adviser and mentor to candidates for local office—many of whom are his former
xiii
xiv ABOUT THE AUTHORS
students. He has served on numerous civic committees and commissions. He was

the founding executive director of CommUniverCity San Jose (www.cucsj.org),
a partnership between the City of San Jose, San Jose State University, and adja-
cent neighborhoods. Through CommUniverCity, hundreds of students are
learning about life and politics in their community through service projects
selected by neighborhood residents and supported by the city.
SUPPLEMENTS FOR INSTRUCTORS
Instructor’s Manual with Test Bank Online for Gerston/Christensen

California Politics and Government: A Practical Approach, 14e
■ ISBN: 9781305953512
This password-protected Instructor’s Manual and Test Bank are accessible by
logging into your account at www.cengage.com/login
1
✵
California’s People, Economy,
and Politics: Yesterday,
Today, and Tomorrow
LEARNING OBJECTIVES
1.1 Describe changes in California’s population in the eighteenth and nine-
teenth centuries.
1.2 Discuss the rise and fall of California’s political machine.
1.3 Explain how Progressive reforms shape California politics today.
1.4 Summarize demographic change in the twentieth century and its impact
today.
1.5 Analyze the impacts of economic diversity and regional differences on
California politics.
H ow can we understand the way a political system functions in a place like

California? With a population of 39 million, California is larger than many
independent nations. With an economy generating a gross domestic product
(GDP) of $2.5 trillion in 2015, California would rank sixth in the world if it
were a separate nation. And California is not just big; it’s also the most ethnically
diverse state in the United States (and one of the most ethnically diverse places in
the world), and its economy is also highly diversified.
And that’s just the beginning. The economy booms, then goes bust. Political
leaders rise and fall precipitously. Wealthy candidates and special interests are
accused of “buying” elections. State government stalls in gridlock, resulting in
issues being referred to the voters, who are often asked to make decisions about
complex and sometimes obscure issues. Our problems seem overwhelming—a
1
2 CHAPTER 1
failing education system, aging infrastructure (such as roads and water storage
facilities), a shortage of affordable housing, crushing poverty, budget deficits,
and political leadership that sometimes doesn’t seem focused on solving these
problem and others.1
But, however confusing California politics may seem, it is serious business
that affects us all, and it can be understood by examining the history and present
characteristics of our state. The basic structures of California government as it
operates today, including the executive, legislature, and judiciary, were estab-
lished in the state constitutions of 1849 and 1879. At the beginning of the twen-
tieth century, the Progressive movement constrained California’s political parties
and created direct democracy, the system that enables voters to make decisions
about specific issues and policies. This history helps explain our present. But
another part of that history is our constantly changing population and economy.
Wave after wave of immigrants have made California a diverse, multicultural
society, while new technologies repeatedly transform the state’s economy. The
resulting disparate demographic and economic interests compete for the benefits
and protections conferred by government and thus shape the state’s politics. We
can understand California today—and tomorrow—by learning about its past and
about the development of the competing interests within the state.
FROM THE FIRST CALIFORNIANS TO STATEHOOD2
The first Californians were probably immigrants like the rest of us. Archaeolo-
gists believe that the ancestors of American Indians crossed an ice or land bridge
or traveled by sea from Asia to Alaska thousands of years ago, and then headed
south. Europeans began exploring the California coast in the early 1500s, but
colonization didn’t start until 1769, when the Spanish established a string of mis-
sions and military outposts. The Native American population then numbered
about 300,000, most living near the coast.
Many native Californians were brought to the missions as Catholic converts
and workers, but violence, European diseases, and the destruction of the native
culture reduced their numbers to about 100,000 by 1849. Entire tribes were
wiped out, and the Indian population continued to diminish throughout the nine-
teenth century. Today, less than 1 percent of California’s population is Native
American, many of whom feel alienated from a society that has overwhelmed
their peoples, cultures, and traditions. Poverty, a chronic condition in the past,
has been alleviated somewhat by the development of casinos on native lands, a
phenomenon that has also made some tribes major players in state politics.
Apart from building missions, the Spaniards did little to develop their faraway
possession. Not much changed when Mexico (which by now included California)
declared independence from Spain in 1822. A few thousand Mexicans quietly
raised cattle on vast ranches and built small towns around central plazas.
Meanwhile, advocates of expansion in the United States coveted California’s
rich lands and access to the Pacific Ocean. When Mexico and the United States
CALIFORNIA’S PEOPLE, ECONOMY, AND POLITICS 3
went to war over Texas in 1846, Yankee immigrants in California seized the
moment and declared independence from Mexico. The United States won the
war, and Mexico surrendered its claim to lands extending from Texas to Califor-
nia. By this time, foreigners already outnumbered Californians of Spanish or
Mexican ancestry 9,000 to 7,500.
Gold was discovered in 1848, and the ’49ers who started arriving in hordes
the next year brought the nonnative population to 264,000 by 1852. Many
immigrants came directly from Europe. The first Chinese people also arrived to
work in the mines, which yielded more than a billion dollars’ worth of gold in
five years.
The new Californians soon took political action. A constitutional convention
consisting of forty-eight delegates (only seven of whom were native Californians)
assembled the Constitution of 1849 by cutting and pasting from the constitutions
of existing states; the convention requested statehood, which the U.S. Congress
quickly granted. The constitutional structure of the new state approximated what
we have today, with a two-house legislature; a supreme court; and an executive
branch consisting of a governor, lieutenant governor, controller, attorney general,
and superintendent of public instruction. The constitution also included a bill of
rights, but only white males were allowed to vote. California’s Chinese, African
American, and Native American residents were soon prohibited by law from own-
ing land, testifying in court, or attending public schools.
The voters approved the constitution, and San Jose became the first state
capital. With housing in short supply, many newly elected legislators had to
lodge in tents, and the primitive living conditions were exacerbated by heavy
rain and flooding. The state capital soon moved on to Vallejo and Benicia, finally
settling in 1854 in Sacramento—closer to the gold fields.
As the Gold Rush ended, a land rush began. Small homesteads were common in
other states because of federal ownership and allocation of land, but California had
been divided into huge tracts by Spanish and Mexican land grants. As early as 1870,
a few hundred men owned most of the farmland. Their ranches were the forerunners
of the agribusiness corporations of today, and as the mainstay of the state’s economy,
they exercised even more clout than their modern successors.
In less than fifty years, California had belonged to three different nations.
During the same period, its economy and population had changed dramatically
as hundreds of thousands of immigrants from all over the world came to claim
their share of the “Golden State.” The pattern of a rapidly evolving, multicul-
tural polity was set.
RAILROADS, MACHINES, AND REFORM
Technology wrought the next transformation in the form of railroads. In 1861,

Sacramento merchants led by Leland Stanford founded the company that would
become the Southern Pacific Railroad. They persuaded Congress to provide
millions of dollars in land grants and loan subsidies for a railroad linking
4 CHAPTER 1
California with the eastern United States, thus greatly expanding the market for
California’s products. Stanford became governor and used his influence to pro-
vide state assistance. Cities and counties also contributed—under the threat of
being bypassed by the railroad. To obtain workers at cheap rates, the railroad
builders imported 15,000 Chinese laborers.
When the transcontinental track was completed in 1869, the Southern Pacific
expanded its system throughout the state by building new lines and buying up
existing ones. The railroad crushed competitors by cutting shipping charges, and
by the 1880s it had become the state’s dominant transportation company, as well
as its largest private landowner, with 11 percent of the entire state. With its busi-
ness agents doubling as political representatives in almost every California city
and county, the Southern Pacific soon developed a formidable political machine.
“The Octopus,” as novelist Frank Norris called the railroad,3 placed allies in state
and local offices through its control of both the Republican and Democratic par-
ties. Once there, these officials protected the interests of the Southern Pacific if
they wanted to continue in office. County tax assessors who were supported by
the political machine set favorable tax rates for the railroad and its allies, while the
machine-controlled legislature ensured a hands-off policy by state government.
People in small towns and rural areas who were unwilling to support the
machine lost jobs, businesses, and other benefits. Some moved to cities, especially
San Francisco, where manufacturing jobs were available. Chinese workers who had
been brought to California to build the railroad also sought work in the cities when
the railroad was completed. But when a depression in the 1870s made jobs scarce,
the Chinese faced hostile treatment from those who came earlier. Irish immigrants,
blaming economic difficulties on the Chinese and the railroad machine, became the
core of a new political organization they christened the Workingmen’s Party.
Meanwhile, small farmers who felt oppressed by the railroad united through
the Grange movement. In 1879, the Grangers and the Workingmen’s Party
called California’s second constitutional convention in hopes of breaking the
railroad’s hold on the state. The Constitution of 1879 mandated regulation of
railroads, utilities, banks, and corporations. An elected State Board of Equaliza-
tion was set up to ensure the fairness of local tax assessments on railroads and
their friends, as well as their enemies. The new constitution also prohibited the
Chinese from owning land, voting, or working for state or local government.
The railroad soon reclaimed power, however, by taking control of the agen-
cies that were created to regulate it. Nonetheless, efforts to regulate big business
and control racial relations became recurring themes in California life and poli-
tics, and much of the Constitution of 1879 remains intact today.
The growth fostered by the railroad eventually produced a new middle class
of merchants, doctors, lawyers, teachers, and skilled workers who were not depen-
dent on the railroad. They objected to the corrupt practices and favoritism of the
railroad’s machine, which they claimed was restraining economic development in
their communities. This new middle class demanded honesty and competence,
which they called “good government.” In 1907, some of these crusaders estab-
lished the Lincoln-Roosevelt League, a reform group within the Republican
Party, and became part of the national Progressive movement. Their leader,
Hiram Johnson, was elected governor in 1910; they also captured control of the
state legislature.
To break the power of the machine, the Progressives introduced a wave of
reforms that shape California politics to this day. Predictably, they created a new
regulatory agency for the railroads and utilities, the Public Utilities Commission
(PUC). Most of their reforms, however, were aimed at weakening the political
parties as tools of bosses and machines. Instead of party bosses handpicking can-
didates at party conventions, the voters now were given the power to select their
party’s nominees for office in primary elections. Cross-filing further diluted party
power by allowing candidates to file for and win the nominations of more than
one political party. City and county elections were made “nonpartisan” by
removing party labels from local ballots altogether. The Progressives also created
a civil service system to select state employees on the basis of their qualifications
rather than their political connections.
Finally, the Progressives introduced direct democracy, which allowed the voters
to amend the constitution, create laws through initiatives, repeal laws through refer-
enda, and recall (remove) elected officials before their terms expired. Supporters of
an initiative, referendum, or recall must circulate petitions and collect a specified
number of signatures of registered voters before it goes to the voters.
Like the Workingmen’s Party before them, the Progressives were concerned
about immigration. Antagonism toward recent Japanese immigrants (who num-
bered 72,000 by 1910) resulted in Progressive support for a ban on land owner-
ship by “aliens” and the National Immigration Act of 1924, which halted Asian
immigration. Other, more positive changes by the Progressives included giving
women the right to vote, passing child labor and workers’ compensation laws,
and implementing conservation programs to protect natural resources.
As a result of these reforms, the railroad’s political machine eventually died,
although California’s increasingly diverse economy also weakened the machine,
as the emerging oil, automobile, and trucking industries gave the state alternative
means of transportation and shipping. These and other growing industries ulti-
mately restructured economic and political power in California.
The reform movement waned in the 1920s, but the Progressive legacy of
weak political parties and direct democracy opened up California’s politics to its
citizens, as well as to powerful interest groups and individual candidates with
strong personalities. A long and detailed constitution is also part of the legacy.
The Progressives instituted their reforms by amending (and thus lengthening)
the Constitution of 1879 rather than calling for a new constitutional convention.
Direct democracy subsequently enabled voters and interest groups to amend the
constitution, constantly adding to its length.
THE DEPRESSION AND WORLD WAR II
California’s population grew by more than 2 million in the 1920s (see Table
1.1). Many newcomers headed for Los Angeles, where employment
6 CHAPTER 1
T A B L E 1.1 California’s Population Growth
Percentage of
Year Population U.S. Population
1850 93,000 0.4
1900 1,485,000 2.0
1950 10,643,000 7.0
1970 20,039,000 9.8
1990 29,733,000 11.7
2010 37,253,956 12.0
2016 39,309,017 12.2
SOURCE: U.S. Census.
opportunities in shipping, filmmaking, and manufacturing (of clothing, automo-

biles, and aircraft) abounded. Then came the Great Depression of the 1930s,
which saw the unemployment rate soar from 3 percent in 1925 to 33 percent
by 1933. Even so, more than a million people came to California in the 1930s,
including thousands of poor white immigrants from the “dust bowl” of the
drought-impacted Midwest. Immortalized by John Steinbeck’s The Grapes of
Wrath, rather than welcoming them, the state set up roadblocks and tried to
ban indigent migrants. Many wandered through California’s great Central Valley
in search of work, displacing Mexicans—who earlier had supplanted the Chinese
and Japanese—as farm workers. Racial antagonism ran high, and many Mexicans
were arbitrarily sent back to Mexico. Labor unrest reached a crescendo in the
early 1930s, as workers on farms, in canneries, and on the docks of San Francisco
and Los Angeles fought for higher wages and an eight-hour workday.
The immigrants and union activists of this era changed California politics
by voting for Democrats, thus challenging Republican dominance of the state.
Thanks to the Depression and President Franklin Roosevelt’s popular New Deal,
Democrats become California’s majority party in registration. Winning elections
proved more difficult, however. The Democrats won the governorship in 1938,
but their candidate, Culbert Olson, was the only Democratic winner between
1894 and 1958.
During the Depression, the state and federal governments invested heavily in
California’s future, building the Golden Gate Bridge (in just four years!) and the
Central Valley Project, whose dams and canals brought water to the desert and reaf-
firmed agriculture as a mainstay of California’s economy. Then, during World War
II, the federal government spent $35 billion in California, creating 500,000 defense
industry jobs. California’s radio, electronics, and aircraft industries grew at phenome-
nal rates. The jobs brought new immigrants, including many African Americans,
whose proportion of the state’s population quadrupled during the 1940s.
Meanwhile, California’s Japanese and Mexican American residents became
victims of racial conflict. During the war, 120,000 Japanese Americans, suspected
of loyalty to their ancestral homeland, were sent to prison camps (officially called
“internment centers”). Antagonism toward Mexican Americans resulted in the
Zoot Suit Riots in Los Angeles in 1943, when white sailors and police attacked
Mexican Americans who were wearing the suits they favored, featuring long jack-
ets with wide lapels, padded shoulders, and high-waisted, pegged pants.
Although the voters chose a Democratic governor during the Great
Depression, they returned to the Republican fold as the economy revived. Earl
Warren, one of a new breed of moderate Republicans, was elected governor in
1942, 1946, and 1950. Warren used cross-filing to win the nominations of both
parties and staked out a relationship with the voters that he claimed was above party
politics. A classic example of California’s personality-oriented politics, Warren left
the state in 1953 to become chief justice of the U.S. Supreme Court.
GROWTH, CHANGE, AND POLITICAL TURMOIL
After Warren, the Republican Party fell into disarray due to infighting. Californians
elected a Democratic governor, Edmund G. “Pat” Brown, and a Democratic
majority in the state legislature in 1958. To prevent Republicans like Warren from
taking advantage of cross-filing again, the state’s new leaders quickly repealed that
electoral device.
In control of both the governor’s office and the legislature for the first time in the
twentieth century, Democrats moved aggressively to develop the state’s infrastructure.
Completion of the massive California Water Project, construction of the state high-
way network, and creation of an unparalleled higher education system helped accom-
modate the growing population and stimulated the economy. Meanwhile, in the
1960s, black and Latino minorities became more assertive, pushing for civil rights,
desegregation of schools, access to higher education, and improved treatment for
California’s predominantly Latino farm workers.
The demands of minority groups alienated some white voters, however, and
the Democratic programs were expensive. After opening their purse strings dur-
ing the eight-year tenure of Pat Brown, Californians became more cautious
about the state’s direction. Race riots precipitated by police brutality in Los
Angeles, along with student unrest over the Vietnam War, also turned the voters
against liberal Democrats such as Brown.
In 1966, Republican Ronald Reagan was elected governor; he moved
the state in a more conservative direction before going on to serve as presi-
dent. His successor as governor, Democrat Edmund G. “Jerry” Brown, Jr.,
was the son of the earlier governor Brown and a liberal on social issues. Like
Reagan, however, the younger Brown led California away from spending on
growth-inducing infrastructure, such as highways and schools. In 1978, the
voters solidified this change with the watershed tax-cutting initiative, Proposition
13 (see Chapter 8). Although Democrats still outnumbered Republicans among
registered voters, California elected Republican governors from 1982 to 1998
(see Chapter 7).
8 CHAPTER 1
Democrat Gray Davis was elected in 1998 and reelected in 2002 despite
voter concerns about an energy crisis, a recession, and a growing budget deficit.
As a consequence of these crises and what some perceived as an arrogant attitude,
Davis faced an unprecedented recall election in October 2003. The voters
removed him from office and replaced him with Republican Arnold Schwar-
zenegger. Then, in 2010, former governor Jerry Brown was elected yet again in
a dramatic comeback, making history as being both the youngest and the oldest
governor of California.
While Schwarzenegger and other Republicans have managed to win guber-
natorial elections, Californians have voted for Democrats in every presidential
election since 1988, and Democrats have also had consistent success in the state
legislature and the congressional delegation, where they have dominated since
1960. In addition to their legislative majorities, Democrats have controlled
every statewide office since 2010.
Meanwhile, the voters have become increasingly involved in policy making
by initiatives and referenda (see Chapter 2) as well as constitutional amend-
ments, which can be placed on the ballot by a two-thirds vote of the state leg-
islature or by citizen petition and which require voter approval. California’s
Constitution of 1879 has been amended over 500 times (the U.S. Constitution
includes just twenty-seven amendments).
All through these years, the state’s population continued to grow, out-
pacing most other states so much that the California delegation to the U.S.
House of Representatives now numbers fifty-three—more than twenty-one
other states combined. Much of this growth was the result of a new wave of
immigrants facilitated by more flexible national laws during the 1960s and
1970s. Immigration from Asia—especially from Southeast Asia after the
Vietnam War—increased greatly. A national amnesty for undocumented
residents signed by President Ronald Reagan in 1986 also enabled many
Mexicans to gain citizenship and bring their families from Mexico. In all,
85 percent of the 6 million newcomers and births in California in the
1980s were Asian, Latino, or black. Growth slowed in the 1990s, as 2 million
more people left the state than came to it from other states, but California’s pop-
ulation continued to increase as a result of births and immigration from abroad.
In 1990, whites made up 57 percent of the state’s population; by 2014, they
were 39 percent.
Constantly increasing diversity enlivened California’s culture and provided
a steady flow of new workers, but it also increased tensions. Some affluent
Californians retreated to gated communities; others fled the state. Racial conflict
broke out between gangs on the streets and in prisons. As in difficult economic
times throughout California history, many Californians blamed immigrants, espe-
cially those who were here illegally, for their problems during the recession of
the early 1990s. A series of ballot measures raised divisive race-related issues such
as illegal immigration, bilingualism, and affirmative action. The issue of immigra-
tion inflames California politics to this day, although the increasing electoral
clout of minorities has provided some balance.
CALIFORNIA TODAY
As noted at the beginning of this chapter, if California were an independent

nation, its economy would rank sixth in the world, with an annual GDP of
over $2.4 trillion. Much of the state’s strength stems from its economic diversity
(see Table 1.2). The elements of this diversity also constitute powerful political
interests in state politics.
Half of California—mostly desert and mountains—is owned by the state and
federal governments. Outside the cities, a few big corporations control much of
the state’s rich farmlands. These enormous agribusinesses make California the
nation’s leading farm state, with over 80,000 farms producing more than 400
commodities, including nearly half of the vegetables, fruits, and nuts and 21 per-
cent of the dairy products consumed nationally. Grapes and wine are also top
products, with thousands of growers and 4,285 wineries.
State politics affects this huge economic force in many ways, but most nota-
bly in labor relations, environmental regulation, and water supply. Farmers and
their employees have battled for decades over issues ranging from wages to
safety. Beginning in the 1960s, under the leadership of Cesar Chavez and the
United Farm Workers union, laborers organized. Supported by public boycotts
T A B L E 1.2 California’s Economy
Amount
Industrial Sector Employees (in millions of $)
Professional and business services 2,549,500 327,405
Education and health services 2,525,900 174,989
Leisure and hospitality services 1,887,300 98,830
Other services 550,800 51,468
Information 490,300 203,521
Government 2,495,200 300,275
Trade, transportation, and utilities 2,994,700 361,192
Manufacturing 1,286,900 278,584
Finance, insurance, and real estate 809,200 525,264
Construction 765,400 87,497
Mining and natural resources 26,300 10,509
Agriculture 445,100 39,000
Total, all sectors 16,826,500 2,458,535
SOURCE: California Employment Development Department, www.labormarketinfo.edd.ca.gov/data/industries.html

(accessed June 16, 2016); and U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of Economic Analysis, “GDP by State,” www.bea.gov
(accessed June 16, 2016).
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old woman made more mischief, told her Sir Geoffrey would never
forgive her, and all that. So the little woman went off her head very
nearly. And goodness knows what would have happened if we hadn’t
gone after her so soon.”
Mabin wrenched herself away from Rudolph, who had held one
arm round her while he spoke.
“Then that wicked old woman has been cheating her into thinking
she killed him, while all the while he was alive and well?” she cried,
only now awakening to the full sense of the situation.
“Yes.”
“And poor Mrs. Dale has been allowed to torture herself for
nothing?”
“Well, it wasn’t exactly nothing. She might have killed him. Indeed
she meant——”
But Mabin would not let him finish.
“Nonsense,” she said sharply. “I’m going in by the kitchen-garden.
Good-night.”
And she fled so precipitately that Rudolph had no time for another
word.
In the long drawing-room, no longer a dreary and desolate place,
husband and wife were sitting together. Almost without a word she
had led him into the house, and, shuddering in the midst of her
thankfulness at the sight of the open door of the dining-room, where
old Lady Mallyan had shown her so little mercy as to drive her to
despair, she had thrown open the door of the drawing-room, where a
lamp had been placed upon the table, making a tiny oasis of light in
a great wilderness of shadow.
Very gently, very humbly, with eyes still wet, hands still tremulous,
she led him to a chair and took her own seat modestly on a footstool
near his feet.
“And now tell me,” she began in a low voice, as soon as he was
seated, “why did you let me think I—I——”
She could not go on.
“My dear child,” said Sir Geoffrey tenderly, as he drew her half-
reluctant hands into his, and stroked her bright hair, “we have all
made mistakes in this unhappy business, and that was the first, the
greatest of all.”
“It was not your doing, I am sure of that,” said Dorothy quickly.
“You would not have thought of doing anything so cruel, of your own
accord.”
He frowned. It had already become clear to him that, in yielding so
much as he had done to the advice of his mother, he had not only
imperilled his own happiness, but had caused his young wife
suffering more bitter than he had imagined possible.
“I was wrong too. I should have known; I should have trusted you
more,” said he in a remorseful voice. “But you were such a child, you
seemed such a feather-headed little thing, I could only believe my
mother’s judgment when she gave me advice about you.”
“But you should not have mistrusted me, however much she said.
You should have watched me yourself if you thought I wanted
watching.”
“I know—I know. I am sorry, child.”
“Then why, when I had done the dreadful thing—” and suddenly
the fair head bent down in humility and shame—“why didn’t you see
me? Why didn’t you let me see you? And why, oh, why did you let
them tell me I had k-killed you? Think of it! Think of it! The horror of
that thought is something you can never imagine, never understand.”
“When my mother first told you that,” answered Sir Geoffrey
gravely, “she thought it was true. I was very ill, you know, long after
they had extracted the bullet. I was too ill to see you, even if she had
let me. And when you had been sent away, I suppose my mother
meant to punish you by letting you think as she did.”
“Ah, but it was brutal to let me believe it so long!”
“I am afraid it was!”
“But you—when you knew—when at last she told you what I had
been taught—didn’t you see yourself how cruel it was?”
Sir Geoffrey was silent. He did not wish to own to Dorothy, what he
was forced to acknowledge to himself, that his mother had deceived
him as egregiously as she had his wife; that, in pursuing her own
revengeful and selfish ends, she had gone near to wrecking both
their lives. But something, some part of her work was bound to
become known; and he had reluctantly to see that the intercourse
between his wife and his mother could never be anything but
strained.
“I had been led to believe,” admitted he, “that your hatred of me
was so great, your fear of me too, that even the idea that I had died
would not affect you long.”
She shuddered, and abruptly withdrew her hand from his.
“Dorothy, forgive me. I never meant that you should bear the burden
so long. When you rebelled, and insisted on going away from the
place where my mother had put you, I had been sent abroad for my
health. When I came back, you were gone, and my mother told me
you were travelling abroad. But I was already hungering for a sight of
you, anxious to see you, to find out whether there was really no
prospect of reconciliation for us. And as I found my mother unwilling
to help me, I went away, but not abroad as she thought. I had found
out where you were, and I determined to settle down near you, and
to keep watch for an opportunity of approaching you, and finding out
that one thing which was more important than anything else in life to
me—whether my young wife was ready to forgive her old husband,
and to welcome him back to life.”
At these words he paused. Dorothy, her face glowing with deep
feeling, went down on her knees and lifted her swimming eyes to his.
“If you could have known—If you could have looked into my heart!”
she whispered.
“Ah! my darling, how could I know? I used to watch you from the
lane, waiting for hours for what glimpse I could catch of your face
through the trees. Then one night, when I was prowling about the
place, thinking of you, it came into my head that if I could look on
your face while you slept, and call to you, I might speak to you while
you were half awake, and tell you what was in my heart and prepare
you for finding out that I was alive. So I climbed up to your window,
and looked in.”
“Ah! That was what I thought was a dream! I saw you!”
“Yes. You were not asleep. You looked at me with such a stare of
horror and alarm, that I was afraid of the effect of my own act, and I
dropped down to the ground. But some one looked out from an
upper window—it was your housemaid, Annie; the next day I met
her, and, seeing that she recognized me as the person she had seen
the night before, I told her who I was. Fortunately, she had seen my
portrait hanging in a room of the house, a locked room, she told me;
so that she was ready to believe me.”
“Ah!” cried Dorothy.
“And this knowledge that you kept my portrait gave me hope. The
girl promised to get me the key of the room in which it was hung, and
to leave a window open by which I could get into the house that
night.”
Dorothy looked up with rather wide eyes.
“These sentimental girls!” exclaimed she. “Supposing you had not
been my husband!”
Sir Geoffrey smiled.
“We need not trouble our heads about that now,” said he. “I got in
that night, but you had played a trick upon me, for in your room there
was another lady!”
Dorothy stared.
“Did she see you? Did Mabin see you?” she asked breathlessly.
“She not only saw me. She gave chase, and nearly caught me! I
was covered with confusion. But since then the young lady, who is a
very charming one, and I have come to an explanation.”
“Mabin! And she never told me! Oh, yes she did—I remember. She
told me you had promised never to see me again.”
And Dorothy, with a little shiver, drew nearer to her husband, and
let his sheltering arms close round her.
Rudolph was hanging about the place at an early hour next
morning. He sprang upon Mabin as soon as she stepped into the
garden, with a particularly happy look on her young face.
“I’ve come to ask for an explanation,” said he, standing very erect,
and speaking in a solemn tone, tempered by fierceness.
“An explanation? Of what?”
“Various points in your conduct.”
“Oh!” cried Mabin, turning quickly to face her accuser, and
evidently ready with counter accusations.
“In the first place, why have you been so cool to me lately?”
“Because—because—was I cool?”
“Were you cool! Yes, you were, and I know why. You were
jealous.”
Mabin said nothing.
“And now I expect an apology, and an acknowledgment that you
are heartily ashamed of yourself.”
“Do you expect that, really?”
“Well, I’ll alter the form of words, and say that I ought to get it.”
“Well, you won’t.”
“I thought as much. But I am willing to compound for a promise
that you will never be so foolish again. There! That’s downright
magnanimous, isn’t it?”
Mabin shook her head.
“I won’t promise,” said she. “It’s too risky.”
“You haven’t much faith in me then?”
“I haven’t much faith in—myself. If I were to see you again
apparently absorbed in a very beautiful woman and her misfortunes,
I should feel the same again. Especially a widow!”
“But Mrs. Dale was not a widow!”
“Well, a married woman. They are more dangerous than the
unmarried ones.”
“Well, then if you become a married woman yourself, you will be
able to meet them on their own ground. There’s something in that,
isn’t there?”
And although Mabin was astonished and rather alarmed by the
suggestion, he argued her into consent to his proposal that he
should write to Mr. Rose that very day.
It was astonishing how quickly the neighbors got over their
prejudices against the color of “Mrs. Dale’s” hair when they
discovered that the lady in black was the wife of Sir Geoffrey
Mallyan. And although odd stories got whispered about as to the
reason for her stay in Stone under an assumed name, it was in the
nature of things as they go in the country, where each head weaves
its own fancy, that the truth never got known there.
Before the newly united couple left “The Towers,” they were both
present at the wedding of Rudolph and Mabin, who were married by
the Vicar, under the offended eyes of Mrs. Bonnington. Indeed it is
doubtful whether she would ever have consented to the marriage, if
the accident to Mabin’s ankle, although it left no worse effects, had
not made it impossible for her ever to ride a bicycle again.
And then, very quietly, and without warning Sir Geoffrey and his
wife Dorothy went away, telling nobody where they were going.
There was a breach now between them and old Lady Mallyan which
could never be entirely healed. But in order that they might have a
little time to themselves before they even pretended to forgive her,
husband and wife went off to Wales together. And under the tender
care of his wife, Sir Geoffrey began quickly to recover the health, the
loss of which Dorothy remorsefully traced to the mad act of which
she had so bitterly repented.
THE END.
TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES.
Florence Warden was the pseudonym of Florence Alice (Price)
James.
The F. V. White & Co. edition (London, 1896) was referenced for
most of the changes listed below and provided the cover image.
Minor spelling inconsistencies (e.g. lime-trees/lime trees,
stepmother/step-mother, etc.) have been preserved.
Alterations to the text:

Punctuation: missing periods, quotation mark pairings/nestings,
etc.
[Chapter I]
Change (“That’s what I aways say. Especially a widow.) to always.
[Chapter III]
“the little scene, was looking out of window.” add the after of.
[Chapter IV]
“not comfortable with her, the fault was her’s and her father’s” to
hers.
“slight objection I had to your going to the ‘The Towers’ has” delete
the first the.
(Don’t you think that a little dog always looks rather, rather odd?)
change the comma and space after the first rather to an m-dash.
[Chapter V]
“athough she had forgotten that it was from the lips of” to although.
(It led to awful consequnces in my case,” added Mrs. Dale) to
consequences.
[Chapter VIII]
“Mrs. Dale lay down on the couch beween the windows” to
between.
[Chapter XIV]
“If anyting has happened to her, it is the fault of” to anything.
[End of text]
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Ebook PDF California Politics and Government A Practical Approach 14th Edition 2 PDF

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(eBook PDF) California Politics and

Government: A Practical Approach 14th

Santa San Bernardino

Senior Content Project ISBN: 978-1-305-95349-9

Printed in the United States of America

1 California’s People, Economy, and Politics: Yesterday,

2 California’s Political Parties and Direct Democracy 17

3 California Elections, Campaigns, and the Media 33

4 Interest Groups: The Power behind the Dome 49

Learn More on the Web 61

5 The Legislature: The Perils of Policy Making 63

6 California Law: Politics and the Courts 81

7 The Executive Branch: Coping with Fragmented

Informal Powers 102

8 Taxing and Spending: Budgetary Politics and

Learn More on the Web 125

9 California’s Local Governments: Politics at the

10 State–Federal Relations: Conflict, Cooperation, and

I magine yourself strapped in on a rollercoaster that soars, dips, and turns at

Larry N. Gerston and Terry Christensen

About the Authors

Terry Christensen is a San Jose State University professor emeritus of political

students. He has served on numerous civic committees and commissions. He was

SUPPLEMENTS FOR INSTRUCTORS

Instructor’s Manual with Test Bank Online for Gerston/Christensen

H ow can we understand the way a political system functions in a place like

FROM THE FIRST CALIFORNIANS TO STATEHOOD2

RAILROADS, MACHINES, AND REFORM

Technology wrought the next transformation in the form of railroads. In 1861,

THE DEPRESSION AND WORLD WAR II

T A B L E 1.1 California’s Population Growth

1850 93,000 0.4

1900 1,485,000 2.0

1950 10,643,000 7.0

1970 20,039,000 9.8

1990 29,733,000 11.7

2010 37,253,956 12.0

2016 39,309,017 12.2

SOURCE: U.S. Census.

opportunities in shipping, filmmaking, and manufacturing (of clothing, automo-

GROWTH, CHANGE, AND POLITICAL TURMOIL

As noted at the beginning of this chapter, if California were an independent

T A B L E 1.2 California’s Economy

Professional and business services 2,549,500 327,405

Education and health services 2,525,900 174,989

Leisure and hospitality services 1,887,300 98,830

Other services 550,800 51,468

Information 490,300 203,521

Government 2,495,200 300,275

Trade, transportation, and utilities 2,994,700 361,192

Manufacturing 1,286,900 278,584

Finance, insurance, and real estate 809,200 525,264

Construction 765,400 87,497

Mining and natural resources 26,300 10,509

Agriculture 445,100 39,000

Total, all sectors 16,826,500 2,458,535

SOURCE: California Employment Development Department, www.labormarketinfo.edd.ca.gov/data/industries.html

Alterations to the text: