Khushal Khan Khattak and The Mughals: The Phase of Blissful Honeymoon (1641-1664)

Download as pdf or txt
Download as pdf or txt
You are on page 1of 21

Khushal Khan Khattak and the Mughals:

The Phase of Blissful Honeymoon (1641-1664)


Himayatullah Yaqubi
Shahbaz Khan Khattak
Fazal Rabbi

Khushal Khan Khattak was the chief of the Khattak tribe, a


warlord and poet of no means order. He rose to prominence
during the time of Emperor Shah Jahan (1627-1658). Right from
his great grandfather Akor Khan, his family served the Mughals in
the north-west frontier areas. In 1585 the alliance between Akor
Khan and Emperor Akbar had initiated a ‘honeymoon period’
which not only changed the dynamics of the tribal politics but also
greatly influenced the nature of Mughals-Pakhtuns relationship.
This political alliance was terminated during the reign of
Aurangzeb Alamgir in 1664 after the imprisonment of Khushal
Khan Khattak. This article explores the ancestral history of
Khattak tribe, family's relationship with the Mughals and
emergence of Khushal Khan Khattak as a pro-Mughal chief of his
tribe. Moreover analysis of the alliance between Khattak and the
Mughals would be made to better understand its political and
social implications.

Key Words: Pakhtun tribes, Mughal, Frontier, Yusufzai, Khushal Khan


Khattak
18 Pakistan Vision Vol. 24 No.1, Jan.-June 2023

Genealogy of the Khattak Tribe

The family of Akor Khan, great grand-father of Khushal Khan, has an influential
and prominent pro-Mughal political tutelage. After the death of Akor Khan his son
Yahya Khan and then his son Shahbaz Khan served the Mughal cause in the
Pakhtuns’ region. In fact, the services rendered by them greatly enhanced Mughal
authority in the region. However, in 1664 during the days of Emperor Aurangzeb,
Khushal Khan was imprisoned which was politically a disaster for the Mughals.
Afterwards, Khushal Khan rebelled against the Mughals and raised the standard of
rebellion. A new era of Pakhtuns’ resistance started which took a terrifying turn. It
is important to discuss the tribal lineage of Khattak family, the forefathers of
Khushal Khan Khattak and their alliance with the Mughals. The article would
discuss that why an alliance took place in a volatile region marred by frequent
tribal and ethnic unrest. What was the objective of Akbar in utilizing the services
of Akor Khan and what manifestations it adopted during the course of time?

The name Khattak was given to Luqman, son of Burhan, who belonged to
the Karlanri sub-branch in the Pakhtun tribal lineage. 1 According to local
perspectives Khattak tribe is descended from Luqman, brother of Usman, Utman,
and Zadran (Jadran). The nickname ‘Khattak’ was given to Luqman. It has been
mentioned that one day Luqman and his brothers were out for hunting in a remote
desert. They saw four young women coming towards them. On this three brothers
proposed that they should draw lots for the girls, being the eldest among the
brothers, Luqman demanded first choice. Since the girls were veiled, Luqman
proved unfortunate in his choice of a good looking girl named Sabaka. The lady
chosen by Luqman was blackish having unpleasant facial structure. According to
Gupal Das, seeing her, the younger brothers exclaimed out of surprise in Pashto:

‫لقمان پۀ خټه الړو‬


Luqman stuck in the mud. 2

The brothers tauntingly remarks that “Luqman Khatta Key Laar” meaning
in English Luqman has got into the mud, became a term of public usage. 3 The
word Khatta (mud) afterward changed into Khattak and popularly used for his
offspring. This term later on used for the people of the entire tribe. This story,
being an irrational proposition, has been rejected by a number of researchers.
Pareshan Khattak argues that it seems ridiculous that four brothers were roaming
around in desert saw exactly four girls and without taking their consent decided
their fate.4 He further states Pakhtuns are particularly conservative with regard to
their womenfolk. In those days it was impossible for Pakhtun girls to marry
someone without the consent of their parents. 5 He has rather mentioned that
honeyed melons (in Pashto Khattaki) are being abundantly produced in the
southern zones of the frontier region. Due to its proverbial sweetness, people
Khushal Khan Khattak and the Mughals: The Phase of Blissful Honeymoon (1641-1664) 19

generally used term Khattaki for lovely and beautiful boys. Probably, Luqman was
a young and a handsome lad, therefore he was famously called with this name. 6

Sarfaraz Khattak also criticized the tale attached to the term Khattak. 7 It
seems concocted story that is misleading, illusory and illogical. Objective analysis
requires reasoning and scientific explanation. Without having strong evidences to
support the nomenclature and origin of the ‘Khattak’ term, the scholars so far
failed to come up with an alternative viewpoint. In support of the claim a plausible
argument could be the general Pakhtuns’ practice of adding ‫ې‬at the end of every
male individual and other items name i.e. Kafeel, Kafeeley, Aslam, Aslamey,
Buner, Bunerey. The term itself cannot be out-rightly vetoed with the doubtful
story behind its origin. The popularity of the term Khattah ‫( خټه‬mud) with the
addition of Keh ‫ کۀ‬afterwards changed into Khattak. The term then got popular
acceptance and was used for the family of Luqman and offspring. Another
dimension of the story could be the wish of four brothers to marry four sisters
whom they spotted roaming around in forest or desert for cutting woods for fuel or
grass for domesticated animals. Without having glimpse of facial beauty the
brothers sent marriage proposal to the elders of the girls’ family. And by chance
Luqman’s bride (elder sister) proved to be the ugliest one. People out of joke
started calling him ‫( پۀ خټه الړو‬stuck in the mud). Then it changed into Khatta Keh
‫( خټه کښې‬in mud). Gradually, the term has been polished into ‫( خټک‬Khattak). The
original story behind it has not been remembered by the people but it referred to
the entire stock that once came out from Shawal valley and spread its tentacles far
and wide in the southern districts and Peshawar valley. This is not a specific case
of imaginary account in the Pakhtuns’ ancestral history. Such gapes and loopholes
about the origin exist in the genealogical tables and history of other Pakhtun tribes
also.
It is mentioned in the tribal genealogy that Luqman had two sons; Turman
and Bolaq. The two famous sub-branches of Bolaq and Tari Khattaks descended
from Bolaq and Turman respectively. The present day sub-branches of Baraks,
Mahmadis, Akoras and Senis are Tari Khattaks whereas the Saghirs, Nandraks,
Khurrams and Bangi Khel belong to the Bolaq branch of the Khattak. As their
population increased they crossed the Indus on the east of the Attock and on north
to the present day district Nowshehra.8 The first known place where the Khattak
tribe once resided is said to be the Shawal valley in South Waziristan. After some
time they found the area not suitable for their increased number of people. They,
afterwards, migrated to different areas. Afzal Khan states that their next migration
took place towards Bannu. In their new abode they started living with Honai and
Mangal (Karlan) tribes.9 In the start of fourteenth century10, the Honai and
Mangals were driven out of their possession by the Shitaks, another sub-branch of
the Karlanis. Although, the Khattaks continued to live peacefully with their
neighbors for some time however, observing the inter-tribal tension and power
politics compelled them to meddle in the trouble water. In the internecine warfare,
the elders of the Khattak tribe took maximum advantages out of it.
20 Pakistan Vision Vol. 24 No.1, Jan.-June 2023

Frequently, they made alliances with powerful tribes. In this way they
carved out respectable place for themselves. They tried to possess fertile tracts
with abundance of water. In the process they occupied the Sadrawan streams
which watered the Sadrawan land between two branches of Kurram River east of
Bannu. In fact, some time they also were forced to vacate their fertile areas when
challenged by strong adversaries. Once quarrel arose between Shitaks and
Khattaks, consequently the latter took their way to Teri,11 Karbogha,12 Sawatra,13
Lachi and Shakardara (Kohat district) and reduced the whole tract of land as far as
Nilab.14 It seems plausible that Khattak elders tried best to protect the interest of
the whole tribe when inter-tribal tension arose in the area. Latter, the family of
Akor Khan sided with that power center which comparatively looking much
powerful. This was a visible trend that one can observe right away in the historical
evolution of the family. This trend was kept continued by the ancestors of Khushal
Khan Khattak when they formed alliance on local level with the Mughals in the
frontier areas.

The Settlement of Akor Khan in Nowshehra

Akor Khan, son of Darwish Muhammad Khan Chanjo and the great-grandfather of
Khushal Khan, was a Barak Khattak. The ancestors of Akor Khan have been traced
in the tenth generation to Tari and in twelfth to Luqman alias Khattak. Khadija
Feroz-ud-Din has mentioned that in fourteenth or fifteenth generation his ancestral
roots touches to Karlan, from whom all the sub-branches of Karlanri Pakhtuns
originate.15 Malik Akor Khan lived at Karbogha together with Pattia Khels. It so
happened that the Malik got annoyed with his relatives for some minor issue and,
as protest, moved to Khwara16 which was the home of Manduris.17 This was a
shock for the elders of Pattia Khel and they pressed Malik Jani, the head of the
Pattia Khels, to effect reconciliation. He sent some people for truce but Akor Khan
did not return.
An interesting story about the origin of the family of Akor Khan Khattak
has been given in Khushaliyat aw Haqayeq by Khwaja Muhammad Sayal. He has
completely negated the previous tale and presented his own version of the Khattak
ancestral history. He is of the view that the original name of Akor Khan was
Anwar Khan. He migrated from India and settled among the Khattak near Khwara.
They were ‘Baig’ by origin and were the distant cousins of the Mughals. After
spending long time and through learning language and culture of the Pakhtuns,
they mixed among them. Afterwards, they became the permanent dwellers of the
area and have been converted ethnically as Khattak Pakhtuns. 18 This viewpoint has
been criticized and analyzed from various angles. Like the origin of the Pakhtuns,
it is difficult to trace an authentic version with regard to the ancestor of Khattak
tribe. Irrefutable primary sources need to rationalize such claims.
Akor Khan was famous for his valour, bravery and fighting skills in the
battlefields. His hospitality and lavish donations and gifts had made him the leader
of his people. This was the time when considerable number of people started
Khushal Khan Khattak and the Mughals: The Phase of Blissful Honeymoon (1641-1664) 21

following him. He became a famous figure of the area. It aroused jealousies of


many rival tribal elders and they started filling the ears of people against Akor
Khan. Qualities of head and heart had made him so much endeared to the rich and
poor, that when he left Karbogha a large number of tribesmen followed him to
share his fortune, for they could not bear separation from such a leader and sincere
friend. From Gawazdara Akor Khan migrated to Suniala.19 During his stay in
Suniala, he led a gang and took robbery as profession and frequently attacked
caravans passing through the area.
In 1580s, Akor left Karbogha and settled in Nizampur, which is now
known as Khuwara. His move was beneficial for both him and the Khattak tribe
due to their political prominence and reputation. During this time, Akor was
known for his bold and tactful manner. He was able to earn a living by extracting
taxes from the caravans that passed through his area. In fact, he possessed a strong
gang and used to loot even the royal convoys. It earned for him the wrath of the
local Mughal officials also. Shah Beg, Mughal wali of Peshawar, tried to check the
unlawful activities of Akor Khan. He sent several expeditions against him but
could not succeed in controlling him. When in 1581 Akor entered into the Mughal
service, an inter-tribal conflict between the Khattak and the Yusufzai occurred due
to their different interests. This resulted in a rift between the two major tribes of
Pakhtuns. 20
The Mughal-Khattak rapprochement was a new and unique development
in the Pakhtuns’ borderland areas. Among the Pakhtuns, politics of tribal resistance
was a general pattern especially against the Mughals. However, the trend
developed by Akor Khan was to look for the stronger power centers in matter of
political alliances. The objectives of Akor Khan were to acquire more fertile land
and to get a distinguished position among the tribal chiefs of the area. He was in
need of more fertile land because owing to the scarcity of water their area was not
useful for agriculture. In later time, incessant wars against the Yusufzai and other
tribes have been fought to capture more such fertile tracts. During these tribal wars
the strategic advantage, the Khattak used to take benefit of, was their alliance with
the Mughals. They were given arms and contingent which enabled them to subdue
the rival clans.
Akor Khan, in the initial years of his emergence as one of dominant
warlords, faced an intra-tribal feud. The Seni Khattaks were indifferent towards the
rising power of Akor when he settled in Nizampur. Probably, he was considered an
alien and outsider, for that matter, unacceptable to the native Seni people. Both
these sub-branches became rivals of each other’s. The lands between Nowshera
and Khairabad were given to Ghoria Khel as pastureland. It was under Sheikh
Mali's settlement. 21 It's believed that after settling in Khwara, the Bolaq and Seni
Khattaks developed a settlement in Dag Ismael Khel and adjoining areas. They
then started looking for fertile land by crossing the Charat hills. The Akor Khel
Khattak branch was associated with Akor Khan, who lived in the area. 22 In 1584-
85, Akor Khan killed Shah Beg's brother during a battle with the Mughal forces.
After this incident, the Mughals sent reinforcements from Peshawar to take down
22 Pakistan Vision Vol. 24 No.1, Jan.-June 2023

the Khattaks' power. Two battles were then fought between the Mughals and the
Khattaks, which resulted in victories for the latter. Following these victories, Akor
Khan became a powerful figure in the region. 23

The Start of Alliance: Akor Khan’s Meeting with Akbar (1585)

During 1580s Emperor Akbar consolidated his position on the Mughal throne.
Mughal Empire under him expanded its tentacles far and wide. One of the big
challenges of Akbar was to consolidate the principality of Kabul and the
borderland areas adjacent to it. There were three power centers in the frontier areas
among the tribesmen. The political make-up of the people was anti-Mughal which
has been represented by the Yusufzais in Swat and settled areas and the followers
of Bayazid Ansari among the southern tribesmen. Another power center, pro-
Mughal in nature, was established by Akor Khan with comparatively strong public
support of the Khattak and allied branches. With the emergence of Akor Khan,
Khattak his tribe gained prominence as a strong political force in the local politics.
In 1585, the grave political condition of the Kabul principality and frontier
areas brought Emperor Akbar to the region. There was the danger of usurpation of
the throne of Kabul by his relatives after the death of Mirza Hakim. 24 He hurriedly
reached Kabul and installed a Mughal governor by formally adding the principality
to his Indian domain. Akbar then intended to manage the affairs of the borderland
area with local support. It was the time when the followers of Roushniya
Movement were defeated and the sons of Bayazid were killed in encounter against
the Yusufzais. Only the younger son Jalal-ud-Din popularly known as Jalalah
saved his life by jumping into the river Indus. Upon reaching Attock, Akbar was
briefed by tribal leaders from the Mohmand, Khalil, and Khattak tribes about the
deteriorating law and order situation due to the frequent visits of the Yusufzais. He
was also informed about the intellect and strength of Akor Khan. The Emperor
then requested the tribesmen to protect the imperial road. 25 It has been mentioned
that when Akbar expressed his desire of giving the responsibility of protection of
the road to any interested chief, all of them refused to accept it. Some of them
proposed the name of Akor Khan for the purpose. Syed Rasool Rasa has given the
name of Raja Man Singh who proposed the name of Akor Khan. 26
Akor Khan, according to Afzal Khan, met Akbar at Nilab where the
Emperor entrusted him the duty to protect high way from Khairabad to
Nowshera.27 It has been mentioned that Akbar offered a formal mansab (rank) to
Akor Khan but he refused for fear of tribal opposition and that his tribesmen would
become jealous of him. They would thus hinder him from fulfilling his duty
towards his sovereign. He suggested that it would be more appropriate if the
Emperor imposed a toll on the highway, so that attracted by the love of gain his
tribesmen would do their duty faithfully and would help to carry out the royal
mandate. The emperor agreed and issued a royal firman for the levying of the tax.28
Afterwards, Akor Khan, along with his tribesmen settled at Sara-i-Akora (Akora
Khattak) situated on the main highway. The version of Afzal Khan needs proper
Khushal Khan Khattak and the Mughals: The Phase of Blissful Honeymoon (1641-1664) 23

analysis in respect of his claim that Akor Khan refused to be honored with a proper
mansab. It is ironic that how he declined to accept comparatively much lucrative
job and accepted rather a low position of collecting only taxes from caravans.
Whether appointed a mansabdar or tax-collector, Akor Khan did make an alliance
with the Mughals which was largely resented by the common Pakhtuns around.
Upon learning about Akor Khan's courage and boldness, Akbar granted
him various rewards. He was given the opportunity to protect the Grand Trunk
Road, but instead, he was given the area between Nowshera and Khairabad as a
jagir. The Mughal emperor also authorized the collection of taxes and tolls from
the caravans. He was a potential leader who could counter the influence of the
Yusufzai. 29
Although, Akbar had honored Akor Khan but it did not mean that he had
become the chief of the entire Khattak tribe. Pareshan Khattak has given a detailed
account on the subject. According to him Akor Khan and his successors wanted to
become the leaders of their tribe by using the force and influence of the Mughals,
which was not at all acceptable to the their rival Khattak tribesmen. 30 He was
challenged specially by the Bolaq Khattaks. It would have been possible that after
getting a berth in the Mughal bandwagon he belittled his rival Khattak elders. Not
only had a strong section of his own tribe but the Yusufzai and Bangash also
opposed his pro-establishment postulations. He imposed illegal taxes on his own
people. This act was resented by anti-Mughal tribal chiefs in the area. In fact, it
also created hatred among his fellow Khattak tribesmen. As a result Nazo Khan, a
Bolaq Khattak, killed Akor Khan and his son Yusuf at Pirsabak, situated on the
right side of River Kabul near Nowshehra. When his brother and father died,
Yahya Khan avenged them by killing many Bolaq Khattaks. A number of these
were arrested. The Bolaq Khattaks, under the leadership of Malik Shadi Khan,
carried out attacks on Yahya Khan and his son, Alam Khan, at Pirsabak. The
animosity between the two groups continued for a long time. In this incident,
Shahbaz Khan, the successor of Yahya Khan, executed the son of Shadi Khan. The
incident led to a truce between the two communities. The Mughals and Khushal
Khan Khattaks had maintained a truce following the incident. 31
The truce between the two rival sub-branches diverted the focus of
Shahbaz Khan towards the Yusufzais. This transformation proved much beneficial
for Shahbaz Khan and his family for two reasons. Firstly, he made truce with his
fellow Khattak tribesmen which not only gave him an extra edge to manage tribal
affairs with ease but also made him a leader of the entire Khattak tribe which till
that time was challenged by the Bolaq elders. Secondly, he demonstrated himself
as being the undisputed leader of his tribe with greater official support and
responsibility. It made his position more entrenched and acceptable to the
Mughals. It was the time when tribe’s prestige was at stake and was in need of
money and men to protect its interests especially in the settled areas. With the
active Mughal backing, Shahbaz Khan tried to occupy more land adjacent to river
Kabul and to push the rival tribes away from the imperial road. It largely
minimized the Yusufzais’ strength and reduced their capacity of creating troubles
24 Pakistan Vision Vol. 24 No.1, Jan.-June 2023

for the Mughals. On the other hand, Yusufzai did not accept the alliance between
the Khattak and Mughals. They made alliance with the remaining rival Bolaq
Khattaks who took shelter in their area. When Shahbaz Khan ascended the
chieftainship of his tribe he planned an attack on some Yusufzais` villages. 32 In
1050 AH, a battle between the Bolaq and Yusufzai Khattaks and the Khattaks
under Shahbaz Khan happened at Mayar in Mardan. Both Khushal Khan and
Shahbaz Khan were badly wounded, Shahbaz Khan died of wounds. 33 On January
18, 1641, Hayat-i-Afghan talked about Shahbaz Khan and how he was a talented
individual who had a cruel and tyrannical streak. Due to his personal grudges, he
killed Bangash and Yusufzai. 34

Khushal Khan Khattak and the Blissful Honeymoon

Khushal Khan Khattak was born in May-June 1613 (1022 A.H) at the time of
Jahangir's reign, he was the ruler of India. After his father passed away in 1641,
Shahjehan gave the chieftaincy of his tribe to him through an edict. He was only 22
years old at that time. was appointed the chief of his tribe. He spent his childhood
in an environment of tribal rivalries and blood feuds. He had a very lucky
childhood. He had survived several accidents. Being the scion of tribal warlords,
he participated in small skirmishes and forays. It was in the age of thirteen that he
He participated in a battle with the Yusufzais, and he witnessed his tribe's defeat.
When he was eighteen, he carried out a raid on the Bangash tribe. In January 1641
in a battle against the Yusufzai he received an arrow wound and was unable to
move due to that fatal blow. When he became the chief of the tribe, Khushal Khan
was required to join the army at Ajmer. He was also loyal to Shahjehan and fought
against Uzbeks in Badakhshan and Balakh. Khushal Khan was sincere and
outspoken towards the Mughals and did not try to mislead history. His poetry is
full of praising the Mughals and his services, loyalty and battles he fought for
them. In one of his poems he says:

‫کۀ له خپله حقيقته درته وايم‬


‫زه ځايي يم د مغل نمک حالل‬

‫کۀ د جنګ د پرهارونو درته وايم‬


‫چې له درده مي په تن و لکه نال‬

‫يو پرهر به مي له روغ پۀ وجود نه و‬


‫بل پرهر به مي په تن شو يا پۀ ډال‬

‫چې قضا د سړي نه وي سړے نه مري‬


35
‫کۀ يي درست صورت پۀ غشو شي غربال‬

Translation: “The fact is that from the beginning I have been


faithful and loyal to the Mughals. What to say of the wounds I
Khushal Khan Khattak and the Mughals: The Phase of Blissful Honeymoon (1641-1664) 25

received in the wars I fought for them, my whole body would


become twisted due to pain. I never got relief from wounds and
before the healing of the old wounds, received always fresh
wounds. (I am convinced on this is one belief that) there is no
death before the appointed time even if one’s body is pierced by
arrows a hundred and more times”.

During this time Khushal Khan kept continued his wars and tirades against
the Yusufzai and other anti-Mughal tribes. To take revenge of his father death he
attacked and burnt the village of Mayar 36 in which he killed several Yusufzais’
fighters. Having avenged his father’s death he went to Delhi to pay homage in the
court. He spent several months; arranged meetings with various commanders,
nobles and governors. It is said that in Delhi he developed friendly relations with
Mahabat Khan, Mir Jumla, Asalat Khan and Muhammad Amin Khan, prominent
nobles of Emperor Shahjehan. 37
Shahbaz Khan had previously leased the land of Yusufzai adjacent to river
Kabul and some area of Teri Bolaq on twelve thousand yearly installments. It was
probably Khushal Khan frequent requests, through good offices of his friends in
the Mughal court, that he acquired it as his personal jagir through imperial
firman.38 He managed the local power politics with wisdom and sagacity. His
power and prestige increased consistently and multiplied manifold during
Shahjehan reign (1627-1658). He took it as privilege and went beyond the lines in
serving the Mughals. He fought war with every tribe which opposed Mughal
supremacy in the Pakhtuns land. In this way, he enhanced his authority with
unbounded Mughal support. He was given free license to destroy and eliminate the
power of anti-Mughal tribes in the area. This was for the first time that Mughal
emperors had conferred chieftainship on any Pakhtun tribal warlord. The very trait
of this Mughal-Khattak rapprochement was the elimination of all those elements
that create any sort of trouble for the Mughal in the area. However, the main
responsibility was the keeping of unhampered flow of royal trade and military
convoys on the highway leading towards Kabul and Central Asia onwards. 39

Khushal’s Participation in Military Campaigns

Khushal Khan was in the Mughal court when news of rebellion of a powerful
warlord reached from Kangra. He got first opportunity to serve his master in the
battlefield. In 1641 Shahjehan sent Prince Murad to subdue Jagat Singh, the rebel
jagirdar of the Kangra valley. The prince was also accompanied by a number of
Pakhtun commanders. Apart from Khushal Khan a number of prominent Pakhtun
commanders were Nazar Bahadur Khweshgi and Bahadur Khan. The campaign,
lasted for several months, was afterwards reinforced by Bahadur Khan Ruhilla
with six thousands fresh Pakhtun soldiers. In this expedition mostly the Pakhtun
soldiers fought in the advance frontline contingent. Mau, the capital of Jagat Singh,
26 Pakistan Vision Vol. 24 No.1, Jan.-June 2023

was captured which compelled him to sue for truce. However, after submission he
was imprisoned and sent to Delhi. 40
In the campaign of Kangra, Khushal Khan fought along with his 2000
companions under his command. He participated in the assault on the Taragarh fort
which was then besieged and overtaken by the Mughals. 41 He showed immense
courage when he took the Taragarh fort. He was rewarded with four lake rupees
and a jagir for subduing the Raja. He was also given permission to retain up to
1,000 soldiers and 500 cavalry.42 This event was reportedly mentioned by Rasool
Rasa in his book Armaghan-i-Khushal. Being the first campaign outside the
frontier region and commanded by a royal prince, it increased the prestige of
Khushal Khan as a brave fighter and capable to be given a mansab to retain his
own small contingent.43 This was the blissful honeymoon period between Khushal
Khan and the Mughals.
After the first successful military expedition, Khushal Khan then took part
in many other battles. In 1646, a Persian ruler sent an army led by Rustam Khan
Girji to Qandahar in an effort to capture the city. Emperor Shahjehan then ordered
the Prince Dara Shukoh to lead the troops to Qandahar. Prince Dara Shukoh met
Khushal Khan when he reached Kohat. Khushal Khan offered his services to the
prince. However, this meeting proved to be disastrous for him. he ruler ordered the
removal of the territories of Bolaq, Mahal, and Tari from Khushal Khan. This
incident marked the beginning of a rift between Khushal Khan and Dara Shukoh,
which eventually led to a war of succession.44 Taken away of jagir from Khushal
Khan revealed the fact that a number of local powerful tribal chiefs might have
influenced Dara Shukoh against Khushal. This proved the fact that Khushal was
not the only powerful figure in the area. Rival chiefs were up to outmaneuver his
plans and to create differences between Khushal Khan and his Mughal bosses. In
fact, Khushal Khan, despite Dara Shukoh’s indifferent attitude, showed no
hesitation, agreed to participate in the Balkh and Badakhshan campaigns under his
command. His contingent joined commander Asalat Khan’s brigade. He also
fought under Bahadur Khan as a loyal soldier of the empire. 45 It was a wise
decision on the part of Khushal Khan because of the uncertain political trends of
the frontier region.
Right from the start, Shahjehan was confronted with a difficult situation in
the frontier. Nazr Muhammad, the ruler of Turan, attacked Kabul in the year 1627.
Situations in Balkh and Badakhshan were far from normal. There was also the
danger of Persian offensive on Herat. Hence Shahjehan decided to go to Kabul
personally in 1645. Asalat Khan was a prominent figure in the campaign for Balkh.
The Pakhtuns and the Rajputs participated in the fight, as they were aware of the
area's geographical settings. Khushal Khan Khattak and the Mughals also had a
hand in the campaign. 46
Some of the prominent individuals who played a role in the campaign
included Hayat Khan Tarin, Nazr Khweshgi, Jamal Khan Nauhani, and Bahadur
Khan Ruhilla. Murad Bakhsh commanded the army. When Nazr Muhammad
learned about the Mughal forces' arrival in Balkh, he fled to the Amu River.
Khushal Khan Khattak and the Mughals: The Phase of Blissful Honeymoon (1641-1664) 27

Bahadur Khan Ruhilla and Asalat Khan were ordered to chastise the enemy
force. 47 Khushal Khan fought under Asalat Khan. He was stationed at Kotial Hindu
Koh to protect the Badakhshan and Indarab highway. His companions then formed
the vanguard for the movement of Asalat Khan's forces towards Sarab. Khushal
Khan courageously fought against the rebels of the Hazara community. After
taking back the territories, Asalat Khan started his journey back to Lahore, and
Khushal Khan accompanied him along the way. They eventually stayed in the city.
Shahjehan also gave the imperial favors to a dozen tribes. 48 Nazr Muhammad once
again threatened to attack Badakhshan in 1646, prompting Shahjehan to send a
force. The tribes of Mohmand, Gugiyani, Bangash, Aurakzai, and Afridi were also
asked to join the Mughal army. Khushal Khan was paid 9000 rupees by the
Mughals for the soldiers he had to produce, and he would participate in Asalat
Khan's campaign.49
In 1649, Khushal Khan hosted Bahadur Khan at his Akora Khattak
residence. The Mughals also visited the shrine of Shaikh Rahim Kaka Sahib. 50 In
1649, Khushal Khan accompanied Shahjehan to Peshawar so they could travel to
Kabul. During their time together, the two talked about various subjects, such as
the tribesmen of the Yusufzai, their rivalry, and the elders of the tribe. The
emperor asked Khushal Khan: Why you are involved in feud with the Yusufzais?
Khushal’s response was simple: he was a loyal servant of the Mughals and they
were opponents of the Mughals. At that occasion he requested Shahjehan to
provide him artillery through which he would be in a position to protect Mughal
interest and to control the entire territory.51 Khushal Khan, in his discussion with
emperor, a little exaggerated the Yusufzai strength. He told Shahjehan that the
Yusufzais could prepare a large-scale war against the Mughals, and they would
offer a tough resistance. He accompanied him to Dakka and back to Akora
Khattak, where he helped guard the Mughals as they crossed the Indus River. He
then went to Kabul and attended the imperial court.52 He was able to handle this
new responsibility through his skill and courage. One can fairly conclude that it
was a mere tactic of the Emperor Shah Jahan to exploit the already estranged
relations of these important tribes. These imperial favours drew Khushal Khan
close to pro-Shahjehan nobles.
Under this divide and rule policy after some time the territories of the
Yusufzais were again taken away from him because Bhako Khan, the Yusufzai
chief, had this time established friendly relations with crown prince Dara Shukoh.
Probably, it would have been due to the prince intervention that the jagir of
Yusufzais’ area was taken away from him. Another important development which
perturbed Khushal Khan was increased Yusufzai-Mughal liaison. It was again due
to the interference of the crown prince that The son of Bhako Khan was allowed to
enter the imperial services by Shahjehan. During this time, Khushal Khan was
busy with his battle with the Bangash tribe. Sher Muhammad Khan, a Bangash
chief, wanted to include the territories of Mahal, Teri and Bolaq to his jagirs. He
twice defeated Sher Muhammad Khan and killed many Bangash in the battles.53
28 Pakistan Vision Vol. 24 No.1, Jan.-June 2023

Role of Khushal Khan in the War of Succession (1658)

The role of the Pakhtun nobles in the Mughal war of succession is an interesting
study. Owing to his secular orientation, it would have been more plausible that
Khushal Khan could set on the side of Dara Shukoh. However, he probably wanted
to settle the old grudges with the prince when the war of succession broke out.
Quite openly, Khushal Khan lent support to conservative Aurangzeb who at the
end remained indifferent towards him. Shahjehan had four sons namely Dara
Shukoh, Aurangzeb, Shah Shuja and Murad Bakhsh. The heir apparent of
Shahjehan was Dara Shukoh, the eldest one. He was in Delhi when Shahjehan fell
ill. Hence he started to run the affairs of the state being the successor of his father.
The illness of the emperor however brought the brothers into one of the bloodiest
wars the Mughals ever fought among themselves. All of the four princes kept eyes
on the throne and in the process weakened the Mughal super-structure in India. It
was one of the crucial causes of the downfall of the Mughal Empire.
Like his predecessor, Aurangzeb regarded the nobles as important during
the war of succession. He was also very fond of the Pakhtuns, and most of the
nobles supported him due to his conservative beliefs. Dara, on the other hand, was
rejected by the majority due to his liberal views. 54Right from the start Aurangzeb
exhibited extra-ordinary statesmanship and diplomacy. Before leaving Burhanpur,
a small city in Madhya Pradesh, he rewarded large number of nobles to increase
the orbit of his support. Winning over the support of big military commanders and
powerful nobles was an easy way to the throne. The nobles of the Hindustani
Pakhtun community were given numerous favors upon the Mughals' occupation of
Delhi. They were also provided with mansabs. During the Battle of Dharmat, the
Pakhtuns showed their support for Aurangzeb by defeating the royal army under
Jaswant Singh. He used the Pakhtuns' fighting skills and bravery to chase down his
elder brother, Dara Shukoh, who had already gone to the Punjab. He brought with
him various Pakhtun nobles, including Hazbar Khan, Janbaz Khan Khweshgi, and
Purdil Khan.55
According to Afzal Khan, in the Tarikh-Murassa, after facing defeat at the
hands of Murad Bakhsh and Aurangzeb, Dara Shukoh went to the Punjab. His
objective was to secure a position in Kabul. He then sent a follower along with his
insignia so that Khushal Khan could know about his plan. He refused to meet the
prince because the landlords were against him. He also stated that he would never
support the Dara Shukoh.
According to records, the Yusufzai chief, Bhako Khan, was in a good relationship
with Dara Shukoh. When he went to Attock to receive the fugitive prince, he and
his companions captured all the ferries that were traveling through the Indus River.
Meanwhile, the news of this development reached to Khushal Khan who realized
the gravity of the situation. He was not ready to let Dara Shukoh cross river Indus
towards the frontier. He sent his uncle Feroz Khan with a strong contingent to
undo all the reception arrangements of Bhako Khan for the fugitive prince. The
Khushal Khan Khattak and the Mughals: The Phase of Blissful Honeymoon (1641-1664) 29

attack was so sudden that a brother of Bhako Khan was killed and he himself
received deep wounds which made him to fly from the scene. 56
After receiving the news of the skirmishes between Khattak and Yusufzai,
Dara Shukoh abandoned his march towards frontier. Rather, he fled to unknown
direction towards Bhakkar in the Punjab. Aurangzeb’s men were constantly behind
him for the purpose to throw him out of the Indian frontiers or arrest him. He hired
the services of a number of Pakhtun soldiers and tribal elders to swiftly nip Dara
Shukoh. At last, he succeeded in hunting down the prince. According to Khafi
Khan, the fate of the prince was sealed when he was arrested by Malik Jiwan, one
of his trusted supporters. However, after analyzing the changing political
landscape, he changed his loyalty and switched over to Aurangzeb’s camp. For this
act of treachery he was given the title of Bakhtiyar Khan, a role of honour and a
hazari mansab (one thousand) in 1659.57 In the new political development the
strategically important frontier region remained on the top of the agenda of the
Delhi court. Khushal Khan’s support of Aurangzeb proved to be a wise decision
because his interest was to be secured in the new political dispensation of Delhi
and Kabul. He remained a loyal servant of Aurangzeb and did not think of forging
an alliance with his ant-Mughal Pakhtun brethren. Few factors contributed in his
support of the prince:

1. He had personal rivalry and jealousy for Dara Shukoh. He seemed a


bizarre future for himself in case Dara Shukoh captured the throne. The
prince was inclined towards Yusufzais’ chief Bhako Khan.
2. In the war of succession, majority of Hindustani Pakhtun nobles sided with
Aurangzeb. Khushal Khan had many friends among them including
Bahadur Khan, Daler Khan, Mangli Khan and Ranmast Khan. Most of
them lent support to Aurangzeb. Probably, they persuaded him to throw
his lot behind Aurangzeb. The other Khweshgi nobles also lend support to
Aurangzeb.
3. Khushal Khan’s plan was to cement his bond with the Mughals under the
new emperor. He was, after all, a futuristic. The war of succession was a
game of interest for every noble. Khushal Khan was an opportunistic in
this phase of his life. He was sure of the success of Aurangzeb hence
supported his cause.58

Aurangzeb was able to establish himself as the ruler of Delhi after the war of
succession. His victory was greatly aided by the Pakhtun nobles. But at the same
time, he was cautious to see that the official Pakhtuns did not get undue promotion
and position. According to Khafi Khan “keeping in view the attitude and behavior
of the former Afghans, the emperor did not want that the Afghans should not
exercise so much control and power in the families of the rulers”. 59 From 1658 to
1667, Bernier, who was a traveler into India, told us that the emperor regarded the
Pakhtuns as his enemies. But, Khushal Khan was loyal to Aurangzeb and did not
show disloyalty.
30 Pakistan Vision Vol. 24 No.1, Jan.-June 2023

Emperor Shah Jahan and Khushal Khan (1641-1658)

It was during emperor Shah Jahan’s period that Khushal Khan Khattak became one
of the most trusted, sincere and powerful local warlord in the Pakhtuns’ borderland
area. Shah Jahan granted the chieftaincy of his tribe to Khushal Khan in 1641
through a firman. He was also required to serve the Mughal campaign in Ajmer.
Especially, in the frontier area (Peshawar Valley including parts of southern
districts) he was regarded a close Mughal ally having liaison with elite court
nobility. In fact, he enjoyed direct approach to Emperor Shah Jahan. 60 There were
active and coordinated efforts from both the sides to consolidate the borderland
area. It can be termed as ‘two-way traffic’ wherein convergence of interest took
place. The era of Shah Jahan was ‘the real honeymoon period’ between the Mughal
and Khushal Khan. He proved himself one of the most capable and dependable
commanders on whom Mughal establishment could rely for maintaining law and
order situation. He has demonstrated his worth in military campaigns several times
in Balkh and Badakhshan. Inside the frontier areas, he has successfully diminished
the role of anti-Mughal warlords thereby brining about a transitory phase of
consolidation. In return, Shah Jahan has given him jagirs, sophisticated weapons
and large sum of money, men and other requirements. His power and stature went
beyond expectation and even Mughal wali of Peshawar was just a figurehead in
front of him. The governor of Kabul used to seek his advices in important matters.
The gradual increase in power and prestige, other hand, proved to be an eyesore for
many jealous local rivals, relatives and Mughal officials.
Khushal Khan’s participation in military campaigns increased his
importance vis-à-vis other local power contenders. In the tribal political structure
of the frontier areas, he outclassed his rivals in terms of power and prestige. A
number of influential Mughal mansabdars and military commanders used to visit
his residence in Saraye Akora Khattak. He established friendship with Bahadur
Khan, Muhammad Amin Khan, Asalat Khan and many other influential nobles in
the Mughal court. Even Mir Jumla and his son Muhammad Amin, the Mir Bakhshi
(paymaster general) of Aurangzeb Alamgir was his friend. He was not only the
chief of his tribe but also acted as a military commander of the area. All his uncles,
sons and other relatives in family acted under his command. Several times, he sent
his sons and uncles to led military campaigns against rival tribes like Yusufzai,
Bangash, Aurakzai and Tirahis. 61 Undoubtedly, he was one of the strongest pro-
establishment military commanders in the principality of Kabul. This fact has been
testified by major available sources. 62 His poetry also implicitly demonstrates the
status he enjoyed and power and prestige he possessed during Shah Jahan’s rule:

‫قــــــــــدردان زما د کار و شـــاجـــــــــهان‬


63
‫داورنګ بادشاه ښکاره دے خوداخوال‬
Translation: “Shah Jahan duly appreciated my services. The
treatment of Aurangzeb [towards me] is evident before everyone”.
Khushal Khan Khattak and the Mughals: The Phase of Blissful Honeymoon (1641-1664) 31

Quoting Abdul Hay Habibi, Dost Muhammad Khan Kamil eloquently mentioned
in this regard:

“Shah Jahan considered peace in the Afghans’ land a blessing in


disguise. He did not want to snatch their internal freedom. Khan
[Khushal Khan] himself told that the king of this period [Shah
Jahan] was a respected person who has given me fatherly respect
and position. I was the chief of the tribe and fought so many
battles. Entire thirty thousand Khattak were under my
command”. 64

One can fairly conclude that it was in this tribal setting that Bhako Khan, the chief
of the Yusufzai tribe, tried to ally himself with Dar Shukoh in this power struggle.
The aim was to upset Khushal Khan’s plans or at least to counter his anti-Yusufzai
offensives. Among the tribes, this competition for power and authority brought a
brief lull in the belligerent Mughal-Pakhtun relations. In return, it increased
Mughal involvement in the frontier political landscapes. By and large, Khushal
Khan was not vigilant enough to check the conspiracies of his close relatives on
whom he heavily depended to upset his opponents. He was smartly out-classed,
not by the counter offensive of Bhako Khan, but by his uncles in connivance of the
Mughal local rival officials.

Imprisonment of Khushal Khan (1664)

In July 1658, Aurangzeb became the new Delhi ruler. In his second year, he had
announced the abolition of road-toll across the nation. This order was also
extended to the frontier regions. There is no evidence indicating that the north-west
frontier was exempted from this royal firman, nor was it extended to it on the
orders of the Mughal emperor. Noted in Alamgirnama:

“The account of the general munificence of his Imperial


Majesty and the remission of the tax on food grains and other
articles and the abolition of the collection of road-toll in the
whole domain”. 65

Ma’asir-i-Alamgiri has its own version about the whole episode. It states
that “at this time according to his usual generosity the collection of road-toll
(rahdari) on the transit of grains and other articles was abolished forever. On this
account the crown land made a sacrifice to the extent of 25 lakhs of rupees and
what was given up for the whole empire cannot be imagined.” 66 The economic
consequences of the order were severe for the landlords, fief-holders, and
zamindars. Most of them remained in hiding and did not inform the Mughal court
about their activities. According to Hamish Khalil, the reason behind the arrest of
32 Pakistan Vision Vol. 24 No.1, Jan.-June 2023

Khushal Khan was not due to any specific reason but due to the influence of Abd-
ur-Rahim and Feroz Khan. In collaboration with other relatives, the uncles planned
to replace Khushal Khan with Abd-ur-Rahim. They promised to pay him 50,000
rupees for his imprisonment. The imperial order to abolish the road-toll provided
them with an opportunity to carry out their plan.

“The object of Amir Khan was that he should imprison a


prominent person so that others frightened thereby, and (thus the
realization of) road-toll prohibited. And he thought otherwise it
will not be prohibited and the Pakhtuns will not accept this
situation”. 67

By making a vague statement to Aurangzeb about the use of force for the
realization of the road-toll, Amir Khan found what he wished. It was in mid-
January 1664 that after reaching Peshawar he summoned Khushal Khan and was
arrested after three days for his no fault. The conspirators hatched another plot to
involve him in Alookai Razzar murder case. The brother of the deceased, Shahdad
Khan, did not help in pursuing the charge-sheet against him. Some of the
individuals who were involved in the conspiracy included his two uncles Feroz
Khan and Bahadur Khan. Also, there were multiple other people such as Khafi
Syed, Syed Amir Khan Khwafi (the governor of Kabul, and Khuda Yar, the chief
of the Khalil tribe, Khuda Yar, Hidayath Tarin (Tarin Tribe), Abdu-ur-Rahim
(Naib-Subidar of Peshawar, A Badakhani origin named Khwaja Sadiq. Three more
people who were involved but their names are not ascertained. 68 Although the
exact number of people involved in the incident is not known, Khushal Khan spent
two months in Peshawar before he was sent to Delhi. He was escorted by various
individuals, including Misri Khan Daudzai and Arbab Mustajab Khan. His brother,
Mirbaz Khan, and his cousin Saqi Khan then utilized the services of their friends in
the Mughal court to secure his release. Mir Bakhshi and Muhammad Amin Khan
convinced Aurangzeb, who was the emperor, to grant their request and release
Khushal Khattak. Khalilullah Khan also approached the emperor to be released,
but he was denied as the emperor was worried that his release might cause a
backlash. In an effort to secure his release, Muhammad Amin Khan continued to
fight for his release. In 1695, he was sent to Jaipur to oversee the fort at
Ranthanbore. During his stay in Delhi, Khushal Khan Khattak spent 10 months. 69
Kamil has discussed the dynamics of court politics and his arrestment. He has
mentioned that Aurangzeb largely reduced the influence of Shah Jahan’s powerful
nobles. Khushal was the most influential noble among the Pakhtuns and a close
friend of Shah Jahan; therefore Aurangzeb planned to reduce the Pakhtuns and to
get rid of Khushal Khan. When Khushal Khan was imprisoned he feared that the
Pakhtuns would try to forcibly release him. 70 Analyzing the political landscapes of
the time this seems an exaggerated statement and needs proper analysis. Firstly,
Khushal Khan supported Aurangzeb in the war of succession and blocked Dara
Shukoh’s march towards frontier areas. He sent one of his uncles to do away with
Khushal Khan Khattak and the Mughals: The Phase of Blissful Honeymoon (1641-1664) 33

the Yusufzais under Bhako Khan who assembled to receive the fugitive prince on
the bank of river Indus. Secondly, Khushal Khan was not a national leader of the
Pakhtuns. At that time, he was a Mughal mansabdar and chief of the Khattak tribe.
Thirdly, the apprehension of Aurangzeb with regard to the forcibly release of
Khushal by the Pakhtuns is not only a sweeping statement but contain no
justification at all. Dost Muhammad Kamil has exaggerated the military capability
of the Pakhtuns. Militarily they were even not in the position to oust Mughal from
the frontier. Then how few thousand tribesmen would plan an attack on
Ranthanbore to release Khushal? This is complete disregard of the ground realities
and naked historical partisanship.
Syed Amir manoeuvred the situation in the court when requests were made to
Aurangzeb for his release. Since Khushal Khan’s coming out of prison was a
matter of political survival for him therefore, he also approached his nears and
dears in the court to convince them about the adverse consequences in case
Khushal was released. Out of fear of horrible political implications for himself, he
was bent upon to keep him in confinement. He smartly upset all the efforts, even of
some elite nobles, to get Khushal Khan’s release. In fact, for the time being he
successfully influenced the mind of Aurangzeb in this regard.
In order to secure the release of Khushal Khan, Aurangzeb ordered that his
family be brought to Delhi. The Yusufzais showed magnanimity and offered to
give the imprisoned poet's family shelter. They accommodated them in the Sangao
and Sikri villages in Mardan. Among the other families that the Yusufzais
accommodated was Malik Hamza Khan, Khushal Khan's brother-in-law, however
he was unable of accommodating such large number of people without the
cooperation of the whole of his tribe.
In his poetry of 1669-70 Khushal Khan Khattak expressed his gratitude to
Yusufzai tribe:

‫ډيرو اولسونو غليمي راسره وکړه‬


‫سر يې راته کوز کړ هله خالص شول له ماتمه‬
‫يو يوسفزي دي چې په مايې منت بار کړ‬
‫ال پۀ اکوزيو د ننګ چار ده مسلمه‬
‫زه چې د غعد په کال بندي د اورنګ زيب شوم‬
71
‫کور او خيل خانه مي پکښې ډيره وه له دمه‬

Translation: “Many tribes stood up as enemies against me. But at


last found their safety in bowing their heads. Before the Yusufzais,
however, I bow under the burden of their kind favour. Among
them the Akozai’s sense of honour being the most prominent.
When I was Aurangzeb’s captive in the year 1074 AH. My family
lived in comfort among them".
34 Pakistan Vision Vol. 24 No.1, Jan.-June 2023

Conclusion

One can fairly conclude that the time of Shah Jahan witnessed the last but most
coordinated phase of honeymoon between the Khattaks under Khushal Khan and
the Mughals. It had been in full swing when in 1641 Khushal Khan ascended the
chieftainship of his tribe through imperial firman. It lasted till his detention in 1664
by Aurangzeb. During this phase he witnessed the rise of his family’s fortune. He
served as one of major Mughal local representatives in the area. As a brave and
hard fighter, he undertook several military expeditions and undergone severe
hardship for the Mughals. He received wounds, led dangerous encounters and put
his life exposed to every kind of anguishes. This faithful relationship increased his
stature and position which was based on reciprocation. He received jagirs, perks,
money and the much needed imperial support in dealing with his local rivals. He
was awarded robe of honour and cash payment for his bravery and valour.
In a nutshell, Khushal Khan rose to prominence through alliance with the Mughals
in a purely tribal political setting. Political alliance with the Mughals increased his
power, influence and stature among the tribes living in the borderland areas. The
significance of this relation lies in the fact that, in the power struggle among the
tribes, it was the first formal alliance between the Mughal ruling elites and a
Pakhtun tribe. Interestingly, not a single author has discussed the political,
economic and social implications of this much debated political alliance. It was not
simply an alliance to protect Mughal interests, its significance lies in its inherent
dynamic of channelizing political trends of the people towards the subcontinent.
This trend was natural which was simultaneously augmented with the active
support of the Mughal ruling elites.
Khushal Khan Khattak and the Mughals: The Phase of Blissful Honeymoon (1641-1664) 35

Notes and References


1
Afzal Khan. Tarikh Murassa. Edi. Dost Muhammad Khan Kamil Mohmand,
(Peshawar: University Book Agency, 2006), 308.
2
Gopal Das. Tarikh-i-Peshawar [History of Peshawar]. (Lahore: Global
Publishers. n.d.) 384-85.
3
Khan. Tarikh Murassa. 308
4
Pareshan Khattak. Pashtoon Kaun, 2nd ed. [Who are Pashtuns] (Peshawar: Pashto
Academy, Peshawar University), 2005. 302
5
Ibid
6
Ibid.
7
Sarfaraz Khan Uqab Khattak. Tarikh Khattak, 2nd ed. [History of Khattak]
(Nowshera: Abaseen Adabi Jarga, 2008). 109.
8
Muhammad Nawaz Khan. Khattak: A Restless People. (Mardan: Gandhara
Markaz, 2004). 2-3.
9
Afzal Khan, Tarikh Murassa, 315.
10
Khadija Begum Ferozuddin. Life and Works of the Illustrious Khushal Khan
Khattak. (Peshawar: Pashto Academy, University of Peshawar, 2007). 34
11
Teri is situated four miles to the west of Bannu Kohat road in Southern Khyber
Pakhtunkhwa province of Pakistan.
12
It is the name of a town situated to the north-west of Teri village.
13
Sawatra is referred to a specific area in Karak, comprising of a few villages
namely Ghundi Mira Khan Khel, Esaq, Chani Khel and Sabirabad etc.
14
Afzal Khan. Tarikh Murassa. 315. Nilab lies to the south-west of Attock in an
angle formed by the Indus River. The name Nilab I Urdu language is referred to
the crystal clear blue colour of the river at this point.
15
This valley lies to the north of the Nilab and Ghasha range situated in the south-
east of Gumbat in Kohat. The Indus River extending from Toi to the Peshawar
district consists of three distinct valleys namely Khwara Nilab, Ziarha and Pattiata.
The most northern of these, the Khwara Nilab valley, lies between the Cherat
range that divides Kohat and Peshawar and the Nilab range. This valley is twenty
miles long and five or six broad.
16
It is the name of a Khattak sub-clan.
17
It is the name of the village now held by Jawaki Afridis. It runs form Turki in
their territory to Ziarat Shaikh Allahdad in Zera valley.
18
Khwaja Muhammad Sayal. Khushaliyat aw Haqayeq: Inteqadi Jayeza.
[Khushaliyat and Reality: A Critical Analysis] (Peshawar, by the author, 2006).
142.
19
Khan. Tarikh Murassa. 316-17.
20
Himayatullah Yaqubi. Mughal-Afghan Relations in South Asia: History and
Developments. (Islamabad: National Institute of Historical and Cultural Research,
2015). 148.
21
Sheikh Mali belonged to the Akazai branch of the Yusufzai tribe. In 1527 he was
given the responsibility to divide the land among the sub-branches of the Yusufzais
36 Pakistan Vision Vol. 24 No.1, Jan.-June 2023

and the allied tribes. He completed the task in such a way that every branch
accepted his scheme. He divided land in six parts and gave it in the possession of
different sections i.e. Yusufzai, Mohamadzai, Gugiyani, Daudzai, Khalil, and
Mohmand. Khan Roshan Khan. Afghano Ki Nasli Tarikh. [Ethnic History of the
Afghans]. Karachi: Roshan Khan and Company, 1984. 50.
22
Khadija Begum Feroz-ud-Din. Khushal Khan Khattak: Zhwand aw Hunar. [Life
and Works of Khushal Khan Khattak]. Pashto Tr. Ajmal Khkuly (Kabul: Afghan
Cultural Jirga, 2008). 60.
23
Yaqubi, Mughal-Afghan Relations. 149.
24
In 1585 Mirza Hakim, the ruler of Kabul, fell ill and then died on Friday 30 July
1585 due to excessive alcohol consumption. His maternal uncle Faridun along with
the sons of Mirza Hakim rushed to capture Kabul but he has to face a contingent of
Akbar’s force led by Man Singh and Bhagwan Das. It was neither given to the sons
of Mirza Hakim, namely Kaiqubad (15 year old) and Afrasiyab (14 years old) nor
to Faridun. In fact, threats of the Uzbegs who recently had seized Badakhshan and
had created trouble for Akbar needed a strong governor for Kabul. The sons and
nobles of the Mirza became recipient of royal favours, suitable Jagirs and stipends.
Kabul was given the status of a separate province under the administrative control
of the governor. See for details MD. Ziaullah, “The Kabul Principality under Mirza
Muhammad Hakim, 1554-1585 A.D” MPhil thesis., Aligarh Muslim University,
1998. 71.
25
Olaf Caroe, The Pathans (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2003), 212.
26
Mian Syed Rasool Rasa. Armaghan-i-Khushal. [Gift of Khushal] (Peshawar:
University Book Agency, n. d.) 9.
27
Khan. Tarikh Murassa. 317.
28
Ibid.
29
Yaqubi. Mughal-Afghan Relations. 149.
30
Pareshan Khattak. Pashtun Kaun. 333.
31
Khan. Tarikh-i-Murassa. 45.
32
Yaqubi. Mughal-Afghan Relations. 152-53.
33
Ibid.
34
Muhammad Hayat Khan. Hayat-i-Afghan, [Afghan’s life] Eng. tr. Henery
Priestly. (Lahore: Sang-i-Meel Publications, 1981.) 211.
35
Khattak. Khushal Khan. 21.
36
Dost Muhammad Khan Kamil Mohmand. On a Foreign Approach to Khushal: A
Critique and Howell. (Peshawar: Maktaba-i-Sarhad, 1968). 34.
37
Ibid.
38
Ferozuddin, Life and Time. 80.
39
Rasa. Armaghan-i-Khushal.16.
40
Rita Joshi. The Afghan Nobility and the Mughals: 1526-1707. (Delhi: Vikas
Publishing House, 1985). 129-30.
41
Mohmand. Khushal Khan Khattak. 45.
42
Khan. Hayat-i-Afghan. 211.
Khushal Khan Khattak and the Mughals: The Phase of Blissful Honeymoon (1641-1664) 37

43
Rasa. Armaghan-i-Khushal. 18.
44
Pareshan Khattak. Pashtun Kaun? 373.
45
Rasa. Armaghan-i-Khushal. 18.
46
Yaqubi. Mughal-Afghan Relations.
47
Joshi. The Afghan Nobility. 131.
48
Yaqubi. Mughal-Afghan Relations. 158.
49
Ibid.
50
Ibid.
51
Masal Shah Ghulam Lundkhwar, “Khushal Khan Khattak aw Yusufzai.”
Khushal Review, vol. II, (1985): 160.
52
Kamil. Khushal Khan. 62.
53
Khanzada Shahab-ud-Din Bangash. Tarikh-i-Bangash [History of Bangash]
(Peshawar): 2003. 108-10.
54
Yaqubi. Mughal-Afghan Relations. 163.
55
Joshi. The Afghan Nobility. 147.
56
Mohmand. Khushal Khan. 81. Also see Rasa. Armaghan-i-Khushal. 21.
57
Khafi Khan Nizam-ul-Mulk. Mutakhab-ul-Lubbab, Urdu Tr. Muhammad
Ahmad farooqi. Vol. 2. (Karachi: Nafees Academy), 1976. 35.
58
Joshi. The Afghan Nobility. 147.
59
Khafi Khan. Mutakhab-ul-Lubbab. 440.
60
Yaqubi. Mughal-Afghan Relations. 155.
61
All these details have been given in the Dost Muhammad Khan Kamil
Mohmand. Khushal Khan Khattak: Sawaneh Hayat. [Biography of Khushal Khan
Khattak]. (Peshawar: Shaheen Books), 2006..
62
For details study Ferozuddin, Life and Time, Afzal Khan, Tarikh-i-Murassa,
Mohmand. Khushal Khan Khattak, Pareshan Khattak, Pashtun Kaun.
63
Khushal Khan Khattak. Swat Nama, [On Swat] ed. and English tr. by
Shakeel Ahmad. (Peshawar: Pashto Academy, University of Peshawar, nd) 78.
64
Mohmand. Khushal Khan Khattak. 132.
65
Mirza Muhammad Kazim. Alamgirnama. (Calcutta: n.p 1867). 435.
66
Saqi Mustad Khan. Maasir-i-Alamgiri, English tr. Jadu Nath Sarkar. (Lahore:
Suhail Academy, 1981) 25.
67
Khan. Tarikh-i-Murassa. 234.
68
Khushal Khan Khattak. Firaq Nama [On Separation] ed. Hamish Khalil.
(Peshawar: Pakistan Study Centre University of Peshawar. 1982) 8.
69
Ibid.
70
Ibid.
71
Ibid.

You might also like