Growth of Modern Industry in India
Growth of Modern Industry in India
Growth of Modern Industry in India
• British
rule
has
been
seen
as
an
agency
of
“modernization”
in
India
à
Sumit
Sarkar
has
investigated
the
role
of
foreign
capital
in
the
growth
of
indigenous
industry
à
he
argues
that
the
British
presence
posed
“structural
constraints”
for
the
growth
of
modern
industryà
e.g.(1)
the
Bombay
industry
was
subject
to
discriminatory
tariffs
and
excise
policies;
(2)
the
organized
money-‐market
was
largely
under
white
control;
(3)
the
indigenous
industry
was
primarily
involved
in
export
trade
that
was
under
British
control;
(4)
the
network
of
railways
was
geared
entirely
to
British
commercial
and
strategic
needs
(as
it
charged
discriminatory
freight-‐rates
from
Indian
businessmen).
• Sarkar
also
examined
the
relationship
between
indigenous
industry
and
Lancashire
à
he
argued
it
was
not
one
of
total
conflict
à
(1)
Up
to
1890s,
the
Bombay
industry
primarily
concentrated
on
yarn
production
for
an
export
market
and
Indian
handlooms
(cotton
piece
goods,
the
primary
Lancashire
export,
was
relatively
unaffected);
(2)
however,
the
Ahmadabad
mills
were
oriented
towards
weaving
and
not
spinning
à
thus
posing
a
challenge
to
British
commercial
interests
à
this
confrontations
also
reflected
in
the
greater
involvement
of
Ahmadabad
in
the
national
movement.
• Lastly,
Sarkar
also
looked
at
nature
of
industrial
employment
à
(1)
by
1911,
only
2.1
million
of
303
million
Indians
were
employed
in
organized
industry;
(2)
bulk
of
industrial
workforce
was
concentrated
in
urban
centres;
(3)
in
the
East,
recruitment
to
industry
was
done
through
intermediary
contractorsà
as
a
result,
the
Calcutta
industrial
area
had
a
predominantly
non-‐Bengali
workforce
as
contractors
got
labour
from
Bihar
and
East
UPßà
in
contrast,
Ahmadabad
and
Bombay
drew
workers
from
neighbouring
areas.
Nature
of
Modern
Industrial
Growth
• Colonial
View
à
I.M
Drummond
and
Clive
Dewey
argue
that
modern
industry
grew
due
to
the
“colonial
impetus”
ßà
these
historians
cite
the
Fiscal
Autonomy
Convention
of
1919
as
a
“deliberatesurrender
of
Britain’s
export
market”
that
facilitated
import
substitution
of
consumer
goods
à
these
historians
further
argue
that
India
still
did
not
industrialize
due
to
the
ineptness
of
indigenous
entrepreneurs.
• Tirthankar
Roy
and
A.D.D
Gordonà
colonial
policy
towards
Indian
enterprise
was
shaped
by
thepower
struggle
between
the
India
Office
(representing
Lancaster
cloth
lobby)
and
Government
of
India(supporting
Bombay
mill
owners)à
prior
to
1917,
the
Home
government
prevailed
over
the
Viceroyhowever
after
WWI,
the
power
struggle
was
resolved
in
favour
of
the
government
of
India
à
colonist
historians
believe
this
marked
the
transfer
of
sovereignty
from
England
to
India
à
therefore,
the
dividing
line
was
not
1947
but
1917
as
after
this
point
the
government
facilitated
industrial
growth.
• Aditya
Mukherjee
à
critique
à
the
colonial
view
undermines
the
decisive
structural
break
that
1947
represented
in
the
political
economy.
• Nationalist
view:
economic
exploitation
of
India
continued
after
1917
à
Aditya
Mukherjee
says
it
“intensified”
à
the
nature
of
imperial
exploitation
changed
(from
industrial
interest
that
sought
to
create
a
captive
market
for
British
goods
in
India
to
financial
interest
that
drained
capital
from
colonies)
àthese
historians
believe
that
indigenous
industry
grew
despite
imperial
exploitation.
• By
1900
à
primary
form
of
exploitation
à
unilateral
transfers
to
Britain
à
in
terms
of
payment
of
home
charges,
interest
on
Indian
debt,
military
expenditure
et
al
à
by
1917
this
=
nearly
₤100
millionàBritish
govt.
issued
“commission
bonds”
(accepting
₤
from
purchasers)
that
were
redeemable
in
Indian
rupees
(but
this
payment
was
made
from
Indian
revenue)
à
as
a
result
(a)
Indian
revenue
was
transferred
to
the
home
government
and
(b)
Indian
goods
were
bought
from
Indian
revenue
and
taken
back
to
UK
à
thus,
the
apparatus
of
the
drain
depended
on
Indian
revenues
à
attempts
to
↑
Indian
revenue
(as
capital
outflows
increased)
à
only
possible
area
where
revenue
could
be
increased
was
customs
duty
à
to
double
revenue,
import
duties
were
imposed
but
to
prevent
a
price-‐disadvantage
for
British
manufactures
à
countervailing
excise
duty
was
imposed
(to
↑
price
of
indigenous
manufacturing)
à
however,
as
the
drain
intensified
à
need
for
greater
revenue
led
to
higher
custom
duty
ßà
the
strong
anti-‐imperialist
movement
prevent
a
proportionate
increase
in
excise
duty
à
therefore,over
time
the
custom
duties
facilitated
growth
of
indigenous
industries
and
import
substitution
• After
1900
à
industrial
supremacy
of
Britain
declinedà
emergence
of
rival
industrial
powers
like
Germany
and
Japan
à
however,
the
economic
power
of
Britain
linked
to
its
capital
à
the
steady
stream
of
capital
from
India
was
key
to
this
à
therefore,
financial
powers
in
India
were
never
devolved
(a)
to
elected
governments
in
provincial
legislatures;
(b)
through
control
over
the
Reserve
Bank
• Basudev
Chatterjee
à
new
circumstances
after
WWI
were
dictated
by
financial
interests
à
nearly
60%
of
Indian
revenue
was
needed
for
home
charges,
debt
servicing
and
military
expenditure
àmaintaining
Indian
revenue
was
paramount
à
led
to
custom
duty
imposition
(and
↓
British
exports
to
India)
à
this
provided
the
impetus
to
domestic
production.
• A.K
Bagchi
à
indigenous
industry
did
not
emerge
due
to
colonialism
à
the
industrial
development
was
a
product
of
the
inner
contradictions
in
imperial
policies
that
placed
financial
interest
over
industrial
interest
à
this
meant
that
the
increasing
need
for
revenue
through
custom
levies
was
sought
even
at
the
cost
of
contracting
British
exports
to
Indiaà
in
this
situation
the
British
government
preferred
indigenous
industry
to
meet
the
domestic
demand
than
imports
from
rival
imperial
powersà
thus
Indian
enterprise
emerged.