Eastern Medieval Architecture The Building Traditions of Byzantium and Neighboring Lands Robert Ousterhout Full Chapter
Eastern Medieval Architecture The Building Traditions of Byzantium and Neighboring Lands Robert Ousterhout Full Chapter
Eastern Medieval Architecture The Building Traditions of Byzantium and Neighboring Lands Robert Ousterhout Full Chapter
THE BUILDING
TRADITIONS
OF BYZANTIUM AND
NEIGHBORING LANDS
Robert G. Ousterhout
1
1
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It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship,
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ONASSIS SERIES IN HELLENIC CULTURE
,
The Age of Titans: The Rise and Fall of the Great Hellenistic Navies
William M. Murray
Adventures with Iphigenia in Tauris: A Cultural History of Euripides’ Black Sea Tragedy
Edith Hall
Brother-Making in Late Antiquity and Byzantium: Monks, Laymen, and Christian Ritual
Claudia Rapp
The Treasures of Alexander the Great: How One Man’s Wealth Shaped the World
Frank L. Holt
Streams of Gold, Rivers of Blood: The Rise and Fall of Byzantium, 955 A.D. to the First Crusade
Anthony Kaldellis
Eastern Medieval Architecture: The Building Traditions of Byzantium and Neighboring Lands
Robert G. Ousterhout
TABLE OF CONTENTS
,
Maps xi
Author’s Preface xiii
INTRODUCTION xix
Historical Architecture East and West
CHAPTER TWO 21
A Tale of Two Cities: Constantinople and Jerusalem in the Time of Constantine
CHAPTER THREE 37
Ritual Settings I: Liturgy, Initiation, Commemoration
CHAPTER FOUR 61
Ritual Settings II: Pilgrimage, Relics, and Sacred Space
CHAPTER FIVE 81
Makers, Methods, and Materials
vii
PART TWO: THE TRANSITIONAL PERIOD
Seventh to Ninth Centuries
CHAPTER ELEVEN 245
The Transitional Period within Byzantium
EPILOGUE 705
An Enduring Legacy
Glossary 714
Abbreviations 723
For Further Research 725
Bibliography 727
Index 757
TABLE OF CONTENTS ix
MAPS
[Map 1] The Roman Empire, ca. 390 (Oxford History of Byzantium, ed. C. Mango, xx
2002, p. 33)
[Map 2] Justinian’s empire in 565 (Oxford History of Byzantium, ed. C. Mango, 2002, p. 52) 103
[Map 3] The Byzantine Empire in 780 (Oxford History of Byzantium, ed. C. Mango, 246
2002, p. 130)
[Map 4] The Byzantine Empire in the mid-eleventh century (Oxford History of Byzantium, 304
ed. C. Mango, 2002, p. 178)
[Map 5] The Byzantine Empire in the twelfth century (Oxford History of Byzantium, 305
ed. C. Mango, 2002, p. 188)
[Map 6] The Byzantine Empire and surrounding territories in the second half of the 596
fourteenth century (Oxford History of Byzantium, ed. C. Mango, 2002, p. 264)
xi
AUTHOR’S PREFACE
Constantinople, Chora Monastery (Kariye Camii), inner narthex, interior looking south (author)
xiii
surprisingly, beyond an enhanced and updated with some suggestions for further reading and re-
bibliography, modifications were limited. search at the end of the volume.
I mention this to emphasize that the textbooks With the multiple languages represented by the
or handbooks we have been using were written in monuments, I’ve tried to reconcile the orthogra-
a different era—before computers, before the phy to what is most familiar, often choosing the
internet, before Google, before JSTOR, before Latinized names rather than the Greek—thus, Sts.
ARTSTOR, before any number of new research Sergius and Bacchus and not HH. Sergios kai
tools were at our disposal. The world has changed, Bakchos; Procopius and not Prokopios. I’ve left
and so has the way we study it. This fact has both Hagia Sophia and Hagia Eirene with their hagias
invigorated and intimidated me. Ten years ago, intact, since they are concepts and not people, but
I organized a methods course for graduate students in dedications to people I’ve opted for St., with the
at the University of Pennsylvania (where I taught exception of a few familiar Italian monuments,
from 2007 to 2017) called “How to Write a which are better known as S. (i.e., San, Santa, or
Textbook.” We read and critiqued a variety of Santo). For toponyms, I’ve usually opted for the
books; we dissected our favorites; we wrote mock Anglicized historical name with the current name
tables of contents and introductions; we even de- in parentheses—thus, Constantinople rather than
signed book covers. In the end, we came up with Istanbul of Konstantinoupolis. But it’s hard to
all sorts of ways not to write a textbook, but not a balance common usage with consistency, and I
good single way to do it. apologize for whatever offenses my choices might
Ultimately, it took the persuasive powers of cause. As I ventured further afield, I attempted to
Stefan Vranka at OUP, backed by the kind folks follow the simplified Library of Congress system,
at the Onassis Foundation, a book contract, and often with unfamiliar diacritical marks. I’ve also
a few publication subventions, to force my hand. attempted to codify the architectural drawings in
My decision was that if I were to undertake this a consistent manner, with meter scales and north
book project, it had to be engaging, evocative, and arrows.
well illustrated, with a narrative that showcases As the book gradually came together, beginning
both the monuments and the intellectual currents in 2014, I was aided and abetted by any number
behind them in a positive way. I thus alternate of friends, colleagues, assistants, and institutions,
chapters that are thematic with those that are as well as readers and suppliers of illustrations and
period or region focused. They are arranged financial and moral support. Several colleagues
more or less chronologically, but because of the graciously agreed to read all or part of the book.
changes in focus, some of the monuments will Mark Johnson, Vasileios Marinis, Stefan Vranka,
crop up in several different chapters. The twenty- and Ann Marie Yasin read the whole thing and
seven chapters (plus introduction and epilogue) offered a variety of valuable comments. Leslie
were written following my lesson plan for a semes- Brubaker and her seminar at the University of
ter’s worth of lectures, but I suspect few will use Birmingham read and commented on the first
the book in the same way. It could also be used as half of the book, which helped me immensely as
a handbook, from which the reader (or the in- I tackled the second half. Megan Boomer, Ivan
structor assigning readings) can pick and choose, Drpić, Derek Krueger, Christina Maranci, and
as the chapters are written to be self-contained Alice Sullivan also read and commented on perti-
narratives. And although I am an information nent sections of the text. Engin Akyürek, Demitris
junkie (as Master Builders surely indicates), I’ve Athanasoulis, Charalambos and Demetra Bakirtzis,
tried not to clutter the narrative with too much Elizabeth Bolman, Suna Çağaptay, James Crow,
data. The same goes for the footnotes. My first Sofia Georgiadou, Sarah Guérin, Anne D. and
readers, Leslie Brubaker and her students, insisted John Hedeman, Ayşe Henry, Jane Hickman,
they were necessary, but rather than overburden an Michalis Kappas, Armen Kazaryan, David Kim,
already-long text, I’ve limited my references to a Young Kim, Dale Kinney, W. Eugene Kleinbauer,
mix of useful recent scholarship and old standbys— Ann Kuttner, Lynne Lancaster, Henry and
that is, where to begin to find more information, Eunice Maguire, Stavros Mamaloukos, Mikael
AUTHOR’S PREFACE xv
EASTE RN M EDI EVAL
A RC H I T E C T U R E
INTRODUCTION
HISTORICAL ARCHITECTURE
EAST AND WEST
xix
[Map 1] The Roman Empire, ca. 390 (Oxford History of Byzantium, ed. C. Mango, 2002, p. 33)
FIGURE 0.1
Constantinople,
Hagia Sophia,
view from the
west (author)
Byzantine developments—those coeval with the nant, and dull. Rather than developing from tiny
Romanesque and Gothic—are usually omitted, not Dark Age basilicas into the towering cathedrals of
fitting into a neatly encapsulated, linear view of the Gothic era, church architecture in the East
European cultural history. In fact, most textbooks seems backward by comparison. The great Hagia
stop with Hagia Sophia in Constantinople or San Sophia (Fig. 0.1)—taller and broader than any
Marco in Venice, and the vibrant architectural de- Gothic structure (Fig. 0.2)—appeared already in
velopments in the Caucasus, the Balkans, and else- the sixth century, when very little was happening
where are omitted altogether. in Western Europe. Subsequent centuries in the
Recent scholarship is more willing to see the East witnessed a significant reduction in architec-
cultures of the East as parallel and coeval to those tural scale. Indeed, most of the church buildings
of the West. From this perspective, the differences in the East tend to be small, centralized, and
in architectural traditions stand as the cultural ex- domed (Fig. 0.3); rather than a move toward
pressions of polities in similar stages of develop- monumental forms and unified spaces, we find
ment, with common concerns manifest in differ- instead increasing compartmentalization and
ent ways. That said, it is nevertheless difficult to complexity on a small scale. Because of the dra-
view Byzantine and other Eastern architectures matic difference in form and scale, it is easy to
without preconceptions based on our greater forget that the two lines of development—East
familiarity with Western medieval monuments. and West—are contemporary.
Consequently, we expect something like a linear Why did medieval architecture in the East
pattern of evolution, new structural achievements, follow a different trajectory than that of the West?
and buildings on the grandest of scales. Byzantine This is a critical question and one this book at-
architecture fails to live up to such great expecta- tempts to answer. Several suggestions have been
tions and is all too often dismissed as small, stag- put forward, such as economic factors (i.e., limited
scale represents limited skill) or notions of sacred
by R. S. Nelson, “The Map of Art History,” ArtB 79 (1997): 28–40. presence, with the centrally planned memorial
resulting in the description of planning schemes, rian, whose concerns are often at odds with estab-
formal solutions, structural features, or decorative lished approaches to Byzantine art or architec-
details. Although a variety of texts survive, build- ture. Traditional art history, for example, relies on
ings often constitute our primary surviving evi- stylistic and iconographic analysis of visual images
dence for reconstructing or re-imagining the and has only in recent decades become concerned
culture that produced them.3 We are thus obliged with issues of patronage, context, and social his-
to learn all we can about them, beginning with tory. Because the vast majority of the surviving
their physical structure, closely observed—that is, architecture is religious, it is often read in reli-
to “read” the fabric of the building with the same gious terms only, as manifestations of the belief
insight and nuance that a philologist would apply system of the period, rather than as windows onto
to the study of a text. If we are to understand the society that produced it. Historians of material
what buildings mean and how they communi- culture, however, tend to shy away from “high”
cate, we must begin with their grammar, vocabu- art and architecture that reek of elitism or religi-
lary, and syntax. osity. And yet, the churches are hard to ignore, as
The approach adopted in this book begins they stand in sharp contrast to the paltry remains
with formal analysis as a first step toward under- of urban and residential architecture, which were
standing the cultural context: how does a build- less carefully constructed and often built of
ing reflect the concerns of the society that produced ephemeral materials. That is, the religious build-
it, symbolically or ideologically? How does it re- ings represent the concerns that were most im-
flect the social or economic situation of its day? portant to the society that built them. They have
How was it used on a daily basis? These questions survived for a reason.
may move us into the world of the social histo- Writing an architectural history depends on
surviving buildings, and because the majority of
3
See comments by C. Mango, Byzantine Architecture (New York, them are ecclesiastical structures, medieval archi-
1974), 7–9. tecture, both East and West, is often dismissed as
LATE ANTIQUITY
Third to Seventh Centuries
CHAPTER ONE
Rome, Capitoline Museums, marble fragments from a colossal statue of Constantine found in the Basilica
of Maxentius, early fourth century (author)
3
former, the nature of the divinity and the relation- Late Antique Judaism, sanctity was invoked by the
ship between divinity and worshipper; for the latter, congregation—the ecclesia—coming together in
the existing architectural practices and building common prayer, symbolically representing the
vocabulary. Rather than being characterized by an body of Christ. This form of worship was encour-
abrupt transition, however, the rise of Christianity aged by the apostle Paul, among others, and was
is marked by a gradual transformation of both the gradually formalized into the liturgy. With the rec-
society and its architecture—that is, more evolu- itation of prayers and reading of scripture, but no
tion than revolution. animal sacrifice, such a spiritualized ceremony re-
Religion was practiced on several levels within quired no special setting—or rather, its setting was
the Roman Empire. Partaking in official religion not imbued with meaning. In the second model,
was both a personal manifestation of belief and a more in line with older, pagan attitudes, sanctity
visible sign of allegiance to the state. Worship of was represented by physical presence, the sacraliza-
the Greco-Roman pantheon, including sacrifices tion of place and space, often through relics or the
to the gods, was the duty of every Roman. Behind tombs of martyrs and saints. At Rome, the early
this official veneer, however, we find a variety of churches reflect the distinctions between these two
other religious practices emerging, those that models: practices taking place inside the walls were
served the spiritual needs of the individual. Private primarily liturgical, for the regular gatherings of
religion could take many forms, including per- the ecclesia; those taking place outside the walls
sonal devotion to a particular deity or the adoption were commemorative, set in relationship to the
of a foreign cult. By the second century ce, so- tombs of Christian heroes and the surrounding
called mystery cults, often originating in the East, catacombs and cemeteries—in accordance with
gained in popularity. This is dramatically evident Roman law, the dead were buried outside the
from the late second century onward, with the pomerium (city limit).³ Subsequent centuries wit-
construction of temples dedicated to Eastern dei- nessed a collapsing of the two categories.
ties in the Forum Romanum and by the often-bi- The beginning of Christian architecture is usu-
zarre religious practices of the Severan imperial ally assigned to Constantine’s recognition of
family.¹ For the lower strata of society, however, Christianity, but the seeds for its development were
these religions promised salvation in the next sown at least a century before the Edict of Milan in
world to a select few who followed strict guidelines 313 ce (discussed further below). Although limited
in their daily lives, professed their faith, and had physical evidence survives, a combination of ar-
undergone initiation rites; they offered comfort chaeology and texts may help us to understand the
and reassurance to those living in difficult times; formation of architecture in service of the new reli-
“Do not store up for yourselves treasures on earth gion. The domus ecclesiae, or house-church, most
where moth and rust consume and where thieves often represented an adaptation of an existing Late
break in and steal,” instructs the Gospel according Antique residence to include a meeting hall and
to Matthew (6:19 NRSV), for example, encourag- perhaps a baptistery. Most examples are known
ing a shift of concern from this world to the next. from texts; while there are archaeological remains of
How did the church building become sacred such buildings in Rome, usually called tituli, most
space? Early Christians understood two models of early sites of Christian worship were subsequently
sacred presence.² In the first, perhaps following rebuilt and enlarged to give them a suitably public
character, thus destroying much of the physical ev-
1
For the background, see, among many others, J. Curran, Pagan idence of their original forms. Indeed, most of the
City and Christian Capital: Rome in the Fourth Century (Oxford, churches of Rome have long and complex histories,
2000). For the bizarre religious practices, see pp. 8–17. as well as prehistories of archaeological complexity.
2
P. Corbey Finney, “Early Christian Architecture: The
Beginnings,” HTR 81, no. 3 (1988): 319–39; L. M. White, The Social Antiquity (Cambridge, 2008); A. M. Yasin, Saints and Church
Origins of Christian Architecture (Valley Forge, 1996–97); Spaces in the Late Antique Mediterranean: Architecture, Cult, and
L. M. White, Building God’s House in the Roman World: Architectural Community (Cambridge, 2009).
Adaptation among Pagans, Jews, and Christians (Baltimore, 1990); 3
J. M. C. Toynbee, Death and Burial in the Roman World (Baltimore,
K. Bowes, Private Worship, Public Values, and Religious Change in Late 1971, 1996).
Synagogues and Mithraia (shrines for the mystery them, the Christian House was initially built ca.
cult of the god Mithras) from the period are consid- 200 on a typical courtyard plan, with rooms facing
erably better preserved. inward and a vestibule opening to the street.5
An exceptional area of survival has been stud- Modified ca. 230, two rooms were joined to form
ied at Dura Europos, on the banks of the a longitudinal meeting hall; another was provided
Euphrates in Syria (Fig. 1.1). A prosperous town with a piscina (basin) to function as a baptistery
on the caravan route to the east, Dura was con- for Christian initiation (Figs. 1.2 and 1.3). Since
quered by the Sasanians in 256 ce and subse- the early days of Christianity, baptism had marked
quently abandoned, thus preserving in time cap- the transition of the initiate, who entered the font
sule–like fashion the basic elements of a provincial of “living water” as if entering the tomb of Christ,
town, which were rediscovered at the end of the to be cleansed of sin and spiritually reborn. At
nineteenth century and excavated in the 1930s.4 Dura, the rectangular basin is covered by an arched
In addition to the various temples at the city canopy and suggests the common form of the ar-
center, representing official religion, assembly cosolium tomb. This, along with the painting of
halls for several unofficial cults were discov- the Holy Women at the Tomb of Christ on the
ered, tucked away in residential neighborhoods. flanking wall, indicates the symbolic association of
Converted from domestic complexes, they were baptism with the death and Resurrection of Christ,
inconspicuous but certainly not secret. Among a theme further developed in monumental bap-
tisteries after the official acceptance of Christianity,
4
M. I. Rostovtzeff et al., eds., The Excavations at Dura Europos a subject discussed further in Chapter 3.
Conducted by Yale University and the French Academy of Inscriptions
and Letters, Preliminary Reports (New Haven, 1928–52); and 5
C. H. Kraeling, The Christian Building: The Excavations at Dura
L. R. Brody and G. L Hoffman, eds., Dura Europos: Crossroads of Europos Conducted by Yale University and the French Academy of
Antiquity (Boston, 2011), for recent bibliography. Inscriptions and Letters, Final Report VIII, 2 (New Haven, 1967).
CHAPTER ONE: ROME, THE DOMUS ECCLESIAE, AND THE CHURCH BASILICA 5
FIGURE 1.2 hall, with an elaborated niche to indicate the di-
Dura Europos, rection of Jerusalem. Designed to hold the Torah
Christian House, scrolls, the niche was decorated with images asso-
ca. 200 and 230
ciated with the Temple. The Mithraeum was sim-
ce, isometric
ilarly located at the edge of Dura. Initially en-
cutaway (Yale
University Art
closed within a private residence, the Mithraeum
Gallery, Dura was expanded to form a long hall, destroying
Europos much of the residence.7 All three—domus eccle-
Collection) siae, synagogue, and Mithraeum—were decorated
with painted programs of scenes that address spe-
cifically the belief systems of the respective con-
gregations, who were quite possibly both familiar
and in competition with one another.
In Rome itself, remnants of tituli have been ex-
cavated beneath a variety of churches. Beneath San
Clemente, for example, Roman houses of the first
century are traditionally associated with a titulus
Clementis, and it is only in the third century that
the renovations indicate Christian usage. Similarly,
the titulus Byzantis (or Pammachii), excavated in the
nineteenth century beneath the Church of SS.
Giovanni e Paolo on the Caelian Hill, displays ad-
aptation from the late second or third century, as
the Christian community took over the entire
insula. Christian-themed paintings, with scenes of
martyrdom, were added in the fourth century.
Both of these tituli were replaced by basilicas in the
FIGURE 1.3 fifth century, but the evidence at both sites indi-
Dura Europos, cates that the domus ecclesiae phase represented
Christian House, ca. adaptation within the domestic sphere.8
200 and 230 ce, The excavations at Dura and earlier discoveries
reconstruction of the
in the East raised the tantalizing notion that
baptistery (Yale
Christian architecture had its beginnings in the
University Art Gallery,
Dura Europos
Eastern Mediterranean, just as the religion had.
Collection) But this has not been supported by archaeology.
Christianity took hold only gradually, and our
best early evidence comes from Rome, where the
religion was introduced by the apostles Peter and
Paul. The fundamental problem for the archaeol-
ogist is how to recognize an unofficial presence—
The Dura Synagogue was situated nearby, in a that is, when is a house a domus ecclesiae? Without
residential block at the edge of the city. Tucked archaeological finds of a specifically Christian
away within the insula, it was entered not directly character, it may be impossible to determine, and
from the street, but through the rear of a rarely can we make a distinction on the basis of
preexisting house (Fig. 1.4).6 Preceded by an architecture alone. At Dura, for example, the bap-
atrium, the synagogue consisted of an oblong tistery clinches the deal; without it, we might have
6
C. H. Kraeling, The Synagogue: The Excavations at Dura Europos
Conducted by Yale University and the French Academy of Inscriptions
7
White, Social Origins, 261–72.
and Letters, Final Report VIII, 1 (New Haven, 1956). 8
White, Social Origins, 209–42, with additional bibliography.
overlooked the house altogether. At Rome, the St. Callixtus on the Via Appia, ca. 230 ce (Figs. 1.5
continued layers of construction above specific and 1.6).¹0 Originally well organized with a series
domestic spaces speak to their early religious as- of parallel corridors carved into the tufa, the cata-
sociations; without the later constructions, prob- combs expanded and grew more labyrinthine
ably we would be in the dark there as well. over the subsequent centuries. Within, the most
Better evidence survives for burial customs, common form of tomb was a simple, shelf-like
which were of prime concern to a religion that loculus cut into the walls of the corridors and or-
promised salvation after death. Unlike Roman ganized in multiple tiers (Fig. 1.7). Small cubicula
polytheists, who practiced both cremation and (chambers) surrounded by arcosolium tombs
inhumation, Christians insisted upon inhuma- provided a setting for wealthier burials and reveal
tion because of the belief in the bodily resurrec- evidence of social stratification within the
tion of the dead at the end of days. In addition to Christian community. Above ground, a simple
areae (sing. area: above-ground cemeteries) and covered structure provided a setting for the refri-
catacombs (underground cemeteries), Christians geria, such as the triclia (pergola) excavated
required settings for commemorative banquets or beneath San Sebastiano, by the entrance to the
refrigeria (sing. refrigerium), a carryover from catacombs (Fig. 1.8). Little more than a simple
pagan practices.9 The earliest Christian burials at picnic shelter opening onto an irregular court-
the Roman catacombs were situated amid those yard, its painted walls bear graffiti invocations to
of other religions on the main routes outside the
city walls, but by the beginning of the third cen-
tury, exclusively Christian cemeteries are known
10
G. B. de Rossi, Roma sottorranea (Rome, 1857); O. Marucchi, Le
catacombe romane (Rome, 1933); A. Nestori, Repertorio topografico
to have existed, beginning with the Catacomb of
delle pitture delle catacombe romane (Rome, 1967); and more
recently L. Spera, “The Christianization of Space along the Via
9
R. M. Jensen, “Dining with the Dead: From the Mensa to the Appia: Changing Landscape in the Suburbs of Rome,” AJA 107,
Altar in Christian Late Antiquity,” in Commemorating the Dead: no. 1 (2003): 23–43; L. Spera, Il paesaggio suburbano di Roma
Texts and Artifacts in Context: Studies of Roman, Jewish, and Christian dall’antichità al Medioevo: il comprensorio tra le vie Latina e Ardeatina
Burials, eds. L. Brink and D. Green (Berlin, 2008), 107–44. dalle Mura Aureliane al III miglio (Rome, 1999).
CHAPTER ONE: ROME, THE DOMUS ECCLESIAE, AND THE CHURCH BASILICA 7
FIGURE 1.5
Rome, city plan,
showing the
cemeteries along
the major roads
leading outside the
city walls (after
L. Reekmans,
RAC, 1968; from
R. Krautheimer,
Rome: Profile of a
City, 1980, with
the author’s
modifications)
Peter and Paul—dated ca. 258, when a festival modated veneration within close proximity of
commemorating the saints was instituted. The the deceased.¹¹ Although inconsistent in form,
nearby triconch, or cella trichora, was similar in archaeological evidence abounds for simple
function and may also be pre-Constantinian (Fig. martyria from the period after the persecutions of
1.9). Its triple-apsed interior repeats a common the 250s ce, ranging from expanded spaces in the
form of a Roman triclinium, or ceremonial dining Roman catacombs (the so-called Chapel of the
hall, with apses to house the couches of the diners. Popes) to elaborate funerary installations, as in
The development of a cult of martyrs within Bonn and Salona. Among those in Rome, the
the early church led to the development of com- most important was the tropaion marking the
memorative monuments, usually called martyria
(sing. martyrium), but also referred to in texts as 11
A. Grabar, Martyrium: Recherches sur le culte des reliques et l’art
tropaia (sing. tropaion: “trophies”) and heroa chrétien antique, 2 vols. (Paris, 1943–46), remains fundamental;
(sing. heroon: “heroes’ shrines”), which accom- more recently, Yasin, Saints and Church Spaces.
tomb of St. Peter on the Vatican Hill, identified site became the focus of Constantine’s monu-
by archaeologists in the mid-twentieth century mental Basilica of St. Peter, to be discussed below.
(Fig. 1.10A).¹² Set within an upscale necropolis By the time of the governmental restructuring
dating to ca. 120–160 on the Via Cornelia, across known as the Tetrarchy, established by Diocletian
the Tiber and outside the walls of the city, the (293–313 ce), Christian buildings had become
tomb of St. Peter lay in a small open area, close to more visible and more public, confidently an-
the site of his martyrdom (ca. 64) at the Stadium nouncing their presence, but without the scale
of Nero. By 200, faithful Christians were visiting and lavishness of their official successors. In Rome,
the modest tropaion that marked his tomb, a sort the meeting hall of San Crisogono seems to have
of table resting on colonnettes, about 1.5 meters been founded ca. 300 as a visible Christian mon-
tall, with a niched aedicula (small shrine) above it, ument. Similarly, in Nicomedia at the same time,
set against a brick wall. A hole in its base allowed the Christian meeting hall was prominent enough
libations to be offered by the faithful, and graffiti to be seen from the imperial palace and was de-
prayers confirm Christian usage at least by the stroyed by Diocletian in 303, at the beginning
third century. The tropaion must date to the late of the last great persecution of the Christians.
second century. It was subsequently buried, as the Clearly, the administrative structure of the church
and the basic character of Christian worship were
well established before the time of Constantine.
12
For a summary and assessment, see J. M. C. Toynbee and J. B. Ward These early buildings laid the groundwork for
Perkins, The Shrine of St. Peter (New York–London, 1956). later architectural developments, housing the
CHAPTER ONE: ROME, THE DOMUS ECCLESIAE, AND THE CHURCH BASILICA 9
FIGURE 1.7
Rome, Catacomb
of Priscilla, interior
showing loculi and
view into the gallery
(G. Cargagna, De
Agostini Picture
Library, courtesy of
AKG Images)
CHAPTER ONE: ROME, THE DOMUS ECCLESIAE, AND THE CHURCH BASILICA 11
FIGURE 1.12
Rome, Arch of
Constantine, ca.
315 ce (author)
The foregoing is a simplified and abbreviated Curiously, the Arch of Constantine in Rome
history of a very complex period of political and (Fig. 1.12), raised by the senate in 315 ce to com-
personal history for Constantine, which scholars memorate Constantine’s victory over Maxentius,
continue to debate and which we may never fully makes no mention visually or verbally of his reli-
understand. Suffice it to say, Constantine used re- gious conversion. Among the various spolia (reused
ligion as part of his political identity to distance marble pieces) decorating the monument, the
himself from the Tetrarchy, but his personal com- Hadrianic roundels depict pagan sacrifices, and
mitment is not entirely clear. He may have con- the image of the sun god appears several times.¹5
flated the Christian God with Sol Invictus as the The friezes that depict events from Constantine’s
supreme deity—as we see occurring elsewhere, campaign against Maxentius are traditional in
such as in the famous mosaic in the Vatican their themes, distinctive for the abstractness of
Necropolis—or perhaps he thought the solar the- their style. Taken together, the sculptural decora-
ology would be attractive to the Christians, since tion emphasizes the emperor’s continued partici-
it used much the same imagery. Or perhaps he pation in official Roman ceremony and the grad-
continued to make a distinction between public ual transformation of the Roman Empire.
and private religion as had been common in When Constantine accepted Christianity, he
Rome—with worship of Sol Invictus to satisfy committed himself to the patronage of buildings
the needs of the state and worship of the Christian meant to compete visually with the grandeur of
God to address his personal, spiritual concerns. their pagan counterparts. In major centers like
In any case, by 314 ce at the latest, he was profess- Rome, this meant the construction of huge basili-
ing himself to be a Christian, but however he un-
derstood the religion, it was very different from 15
E. Marlowe, “Framing the Sun: The Arch of Constantine and
how we understand Christianity today. the Roman Cityscape,” ArtB 88, no. 2 (2006): 223–42.
cas, capable of holding congregations numbering ship was conducted out of doors. The church ba-
into the thousands. Although there is much vari- silica was essentially a meeting house, not a sacred
ation in the building type, the basilica is essentially structure; the people, not the building, comprised
a large, longitudinal assembly room, or nave, usu- the ecclesia—although the two gradually became
ally terminating in an apse and flanked by side conflated. The Lateran Basilica, originally dedi-
aisles, all covered by timber trussed roofs, with cated to Christ, was begun ca. 313 ce to serve as
the nave lit by clerestory windows in the upper Rome’s cathedral (Fig. 1.13). Also known as the
walls. Most familiar to the Roman viewer of the Basilica Constantiniana (and now dedicated to
fourth century were forum basilicas, like the St. John the Baptist, St. John the Evangelist, and
Basilica Ulpia at the Forum of Trajan, which Christ), it was built on the grounds of an imperial
came with the stamp of imperial presence, as well palace, donated to be the residence of the
as the audience halls of the aristocracy, like that of bishop.¹7 Huge in scale, covering an area approx-
Junius Bassus in Rome. Although the symbolic imately 55 by 95 meters, it could have held a
associations of the Christian basilica with its congregation numbering into the thousands.
Roman predecessors have been debated, it repre-
sented power and opulence in ways comparable
to well-known, imperially sponsored, public
17
For the early churches of Rome, see the documentation in
R. Krautheimer et al., Corpus Basilicarum Christianarum Romae:
buildings.¹6 Formally, the basilica also stood in
The Early Christian Basilicas of Rome (IV–IX cent.), 5 vols. (Vatican
sharp contrast to the pagan temple, at which wor- City, 1937–77); S. De Blaauw, Cultus et Décor. Liturgia e architettura
nella Roma tardoantica e medievale. Basilica Salvatoris, Sanctae
16
D. Kinney, “The Church Basilica,” ActaIRNorv 15 (2001): 115– Mariae, Sancti Petri (Vatican City, 1994); H. Brandenburg, Ancient
35; R. Krautheimer, “The Constantinian Basilica,” DOP 21 (1967): Churches of Rome from the Fourth to the Seventh Centuries (Turnhout,
115–40. 2005).
CHAPTER ONE: ROME, THE DOMUS ECCLESIAE, AND THE CHURCH BASILICA 13
Organized on a five-aisled plan, covered by wooden that could expand or contract according to the
trussed roofs, it was entered from the east and ter- functions it housed. Probably the best comparison
minated in a western apse. The basilica’s tall nave in terms of scale and opulence for the Lateran
was illuminated by clerestory windows in the Basilica is the Basilica Ulpia in the Forum of
upper walls, which rose above doubled side aisles. Trajan, completed before ca. 112, which was en-
Fifteen red stone columns supported a horizontal veloped by double side aisles and terminated in
entablature on either flank of the nave, while the exedrae. We might also consider the single-aisled
side aisles were divided by twenty-two smaller Aula Palatina at Trier, built as an audience hall
green marble columns on tall bases, supporting in Constantine’s residence ca. 300 (Fig. 1.14).¹9
arcades. The side aisles terminated in low, project- While both were imperial constructions, it was
ing sacristies—sometimes mistakenly identified probably not the imperial associations of the ar-
as a transept. Notably, many, if not all, of the chitectural form that led to the selection, but
marble pieces were spoliated, with the capitals mis- rather that the building projected an image of au-
matched, mixing Ionic, Corinthian, and Composite thority, power, and opulence. We should also
orders. Within the apse were seats for the bishop note that the basilica could be used for purely
and the clergy, and before the apse, the altar was utilitarian functions as well—for example, the
preceded by a fastigium—a magnificent silver warehouses (horrea) at Trier.²0
façade, decorated with statues of Christ and the In addition to congregational churches, among
apostles. Parapets marked a ceremonial route down which the Lateran stands at the forefront, a second
the center of the nave. functional type of basilica appeared in Rome at
Much of what we know about the church the same time, set within the cemeteries outside
comes from either the archaeological record or the the city walls, several of them associated with the
careful scrutiny of texts, as the Lateran continued venerated graves of martyrs, providing special
throughout its history to be the cathedral, the ad- places of veneration near their tombs in the cata-
ministrative seat of the Bishop of Rome—that is, combs. These cemetery basilicas (or ambulatory
the pope—and was thus the site of repeated ar- basilicas) were also substantial constructions—
chitectural investment. Dramatically remodeled between 80 and 100 meters in length—indicative
in the seventeenth century, the present interior nev- of both their prestige and their popularity. San
ertheless gives a sense of the scale and ostentation, Sebastiano on the Via Appia is the best-preserved
while the Liber Pontificalis (the collected biogra- example (Fig. 1.15). It rose on the site of the ear-
phies of early popes) enumerates the luxurious lier triclia, in which graffiti testify to the special
furnishings of the early church.¹8 The exterior was veneration of Peter and Paul at the site. Although
presumably plastered, covering the construction there is some suggestion that their graves may
of opus listatum (alternating courses of brick and have been relocated here during a period of perse-
stone, facing on a concrete core), its plainness cution, later traditions suggest that their resi-
contrasting dramatically with the opulence and dences were here. Originally known as the Basilica
color of the interior. Apostolorum, it was begun ca. 312 or 313 ce. The
Simple, large basilicas were also erected at opus listatum construction technique corre-
Aquileia in northern Italy (313–19 ce), at Trier in sponds to buildings built by Maxentius and en-
Germany (after 326), and elsewhere during the courages an early dating, although probably not
time of Constantine to serve as cathedrals for before the Peace of the Church. Essentially a cov-
their respective communities—all known from ered burial ground, the floor was paved with
texts or archaeology. Why was the basilica se- graves, and the walls were lined with loculi and
lected as a building type? Perhaps most impor- enveloped by mausolea. In plan, the nave is
tantly because it was not a temple and could never separated from the side aisles by heavy rectangu-
be mistaken for one. The basilica had no previous
religious associations but provided a flexible form
19
Kinney, “Church Basilica.”
18
The Book of the Pontiffs (Liber Pontificalis), trans. R. Davis 20
G. Rickman, Roman Granaries and Storage Buildings (Cambridge,
(Liverpool, 1989), 14–26; for Pope Sylvester (314–35). 1971), 265.
FIGURE 1.15
Rome, San
Sebastiano, ca. 312
ce, plan (after
H. Brandenburg,
Ancient Churches of
Rome, 2005)
CHAPTER ONE: ROME, THE DOMUS ECCLESIAE, AND THE CHURCH BASILICA 15
FIGURE 1.16
Rome, SS.
Marcellino e Pietro
with the
Mausoleum of
Helena, early
fourth century,
plan and elevation
(after R. Bianchi
Bandinelli, Rome:
The Late Empire,
1971, with the
author’s
modifications)
lar piers, with a clerestory zone above the arcades, martyria, and these commemorations of the spe-
beneath the wooden trussed roof. An altar was set cial dead often intersected with standard Christian
up near the center of the nave, to accommodate burials. Most important in the west was St. Peter’s
eucharistic memorial liturgies, and the internal Basilica in Rome, begun ca. 324 ce, originally
divisions allowed services of both public and pri- functioning as a combination of cemetery basilica
vate commemoration. Here and in the other and martyrium, sited so that the focal point was
cemetery basilicas, the aisle continued into an the marker at the tomb of Peter (Figs. 1.17 and 1.18).
ambulatory surrounding the apse at the west end. The construction of the present St. Peter’s Basilica,
To the east, an atrium originally joined the basil- which began in the sixteenth century, eliminated
ica to the Via Appia. or obscured the evidence of the site’s first fourteen
Among the handful of other examples, the centuries of history, but it was shaped in scale,
Basilica of SS. Pietro e Marcellino on the Via location, form, and meaning by its predecessor.
Labicana is the most important (Fig. 1.16). Built The tomb of the apostle was the most popular
on land owned by Constantine’s mother, Helena, pilgrimage destination in medieval Europe, and
its narthex was joined to the Mausoleum of correspondingly the church enshrining it was the
Helena, an enormous domed rotunda of heavy most important and influential work of architec-
construction that may have originally been ture, which Petrus Mallius, a twelfth-century
intended as the tomb of Constantine himself canon at St. Peter’s, described as “the source and
(see Chap. 3). The complex was completed by ca. mirror of all churches.”²¹
324–26 ce, when the mausoleum was decorated.
In addition to cemetery basilicas, Constantine
also supported the construction of monumental 21
Petrus Mallius, Basilicae veteris vaticanae descriptio (Rome, 1646).
Sometime presumably before 324 ce—the a level site. The nave followed the model estab-
exact date is not recorded—Constantine decided lished at the Lateran, with the 90-meter-long,
to monumentalize the site of the heroon by 23.6-meter-wide central vessel flanked by doubled
adding an enormous five-aisled basilica, approxi- side aisles, illuminated by clerestory windows. On
mately 120 meters long, oriented with an apse either side, twenty-two closely spaced columns
and transept in the west, so that the building was supported an architrave, and another twenty-two
aligned with the tomb. Larger by far than any smaller ones separated the aisles, those raised on
of the other Christian buildings in the city, the pedestals and supporting an arcade. Shafts, capi-
undertaking required the destruction of the ne- tals, and other marbles were spoliated, with both
cropolis, as well as the construction of massive sub- Corinthian and Composite capitals and shafts of
structures, up to 8 meters high along the south different materials and hues (including green ser-
side, and earth removal along the north, to create pentine, giallo antico, and both red and gray
CHAPTER ONE: ROME, THE DOMUS ECCLESIAE, AND THE CHURCH BASILICA 17
FIGURE 1.18
Rome, St. Peter’s,
reconstructed
views of the nave,
looking west, and
the transept,
looking north
(T. Bannister,
JSAH, 1968)
granite), and significant variations in size. Wall but related functions, both with the tomb of the
construction was of opus listatum, as at the apostle as their visual focus.
Lateran. By the end of the fourth century, church fathers
The transept—an unusual feature in Early had suppressed the celebration of the refrigeria—
Christian churches—formed a separate space, es- which apparently had become more festive than
sentially a transversally positioned, single-aisled spiritual in nature. They were celebrated in
basilica, awkwardly juxtaposed with the nave. It St. Peter’s as late as 396 ce, but with the increas-
also functioned separately as a martyrium, offer- ing popularity of pilgrimage to the tomb, the
ing a special space for venerating the tomb of building was equipped with a permanent altar,
the martyr, with separate entrances in its east set above the tomb of Peter, and staffed by a per-
wall. St. Peter’s tomb monument rose on the axis manent clergy. The combined focus on the altar/
of the nave, at the entrance to the apse, covered tomb by both pilgrims and celebrants led to traf-
by an open baldachin (canopy) supported by four fic problems within the transept, and ca. 590,
spoliated columns with spiral shafts covered with Pope Gregory the Great reorganized the west
vine scrolls; two additional columns extended end, with an elevated sanctuary above a crypt, so
the baldachin’s architrave to frame the apse (see that pilgrims could visit the grave of the apostle
Fig. 1.10B). During commemorative services, an without disturbing the liturgy. While unusual
altar could have been set up beneath the balda- within an Early Christian context, both the
chin, and the apse could have housed the clergy. transept and the two-level sanctuary were repli-
Both clergy and congregation would have used cated in many medieval churches in Western
the transept for all rites. Europe.
As conceived in the fourth century, Constan- Unlike most later churches, St. Peter’s had its
tine’s church was not a normal parish church for focal point in the west, rather than the east, fol-
the regular celebration of the liturgy; it had no lowing the standard orientation of temples—and
permanent clergy and no congregation and possi- specifically the Temple of Jerusalem. This also fa-
bly no permanent altar. The nave functioned as a cilitated access from the city, which lay to the east
cemetery basilica, its floor paved with tombs, and of the church. A colonnaded atrium, appar-
its vast interior provided a setting for the refrige- ently not part of the original design, was added,
ria, commemorative banquets at the tombs of the providing a transition from exterior to interior. In
deceased, while the transept functioned as the subsequent centuries, a bronze pinecone-shaped
martyrium—that is, two distinct but connected fountain was added to the atrium, as well as
architectural components housed two distinct reception rooms, oratories, a gatehouse, and a
Yao-Ngoma in Chingulungulu.
Auch mein Kinematograph hat in den Wochen meines
Aufenthalts in Chingulungulu mehrfach zu tun gehabt; ich habe eine
ganze Reihe von Yaotänzen und auch solche der Makua aufnehmen
können. Dieser Stamm ist bekanntlich das Jägervolk par excellence
des Ostens; man bezeichnet sogar jeden Berufsjäger ganz
allgemein als Makua, ganz gleich, welches Stammes er auch sei;
auch in bezug auf alle Jägersitten und Jagdmethoden, über die ich
mich sehr bald werde auslassen können, sind die Makua für alle
anderen Völkerschaften vorbildlich. Was Wunder also, wenn die
Truppe, die auf Anordnung Matolas eines schönen Tags in
Chingulungulu erschien, mir einen Tanz vorführte, der in seiner
ganzen Ausdehnung ihrem Jägerleben entnommen war; sie wollten
die Makwaru aufführen, wie sie sagten. Rasch wie immer hatte ich
meinen Kino zur Hand und an geeigneter Stelle aufgebaut. Das ist
hier bei dem lockeren Aufschüttungsboden keine Kleinigkeit; drückt
man die spitzen Füße des Stativs zu derb in den Sand, so kann es
passieren, daß das ganze Stativbein plötzlich verschwindet; ich bin
also vorsichtig geworden und treibe vor jeder Aufnahme schräg von
oben unter jedes Bein einen Holzkeil. Schwieriger noch ist die
Remedur einer falsch angebrachten Sparsamkeit; um dem
Afrikafonds des Deutschen Reiches ganze 12 Mark und einen viertel
Träger zu ersparen, habe ich für den Ernemann-Kino nicht das zu
diesem gehörige schwere Stativ mitgenommen, sondern begnüge
mich mit meinem Photographenstativ. Das ist, wie alles, was mir
Gebrüder Grundmann in Leipzig geliefert haben, für seinen
eigentlichen Zweck vorzüglich geeignet, für die Erschütterungen des
ruckweise arbeitenden Kinematographen aber ist es reichlich leicht.
Deswegen hänge ich entweder einen derben, schweren Stein unter
ihm auf, oder aber eine gefüllte Reisekiste; und wenn es ganz
schlimm wird, muß sich sogar einer der Träger als Schwergewicht
opfern.
Der Makwaru gewärtig stehe ich da; mir gegenüber hat sich
inzwischen genau die gleiche Kapelle etabliert, wie ich sie von
Sulilas und Likosoes Auftreten gewohnt bin: sechs oder sieben
Männer und Jünglinge, die, des Beginns der Vorstellung gewärtig,
mit je zwei Holzschlegeln über langen, weißen Holzstangen kauern.
Da huscht ein phantastisch aufgeputztes schwarzes Etwas in den
Kreis. Es bewegt sich mit so raschen Zitterbewegungen, daß
zunächst nicht zu erkennen ist, ob ich Mann oder Frau vor mir habe.
Erst eine kurze Atempause zeigt uns einen Mann in mittleren
Jahren, die Mitte des Körpers eingehüllt in einen ganz in der Art
unserer Ballettröckchen aus langen, grünen Blättern gefertigten
Schurz. Und wie fliegt dieses Röckchen im Winde! Der Mann bewegt
sich zunächst kaum von der Stelle. Er arbeitet in einem schnellen,
gleichmäßigen Tempo mit den Füßen; doch auch die Unterarme sind
in einer Bewegung, die schwer zu schildern ist, da wir in unserer
europäischen Tanzweise nicht das geringste Vergleichsmoment
besitzen; alle vier Extremitäten sind in einer durch die Kapelle
bestimmten rhythmischen Bewegung. Ob sich die Mittelpartie des
Körpers mit dem unausgesetzt fortgeführten Hin und Her diesem
Takt anschließt, ist wieder sehr schwer zu entscheiden, da diese
Zitterbewegung so schnell erfolgt, daß Einzelheiten überhaupt nicht
zu sehen sind. Dieses Stadium dauert eine ganze Weile, so daß es
mir fast um meinen kostbaren Kinofilm leid tut.
Yao im
Masewekostüm.
Im selben Augenblick rast es auch schon heran; in eine dichte
Staubwolke gehüllt, nahen sie, Männer, Jünglinge, Knaben in nicht
endenwollender Schar. Sie sind alle in derselben Weise aufgeputzt:
an Fußknöcheln und Unterschenkeln dichte Bündel von
Masewerasseln, um die Hüfte einen dichten Schurz von Fellstreifen
und Baumblättern. Vor der Musikkapelle auf dem Festplatz
angelangt, ordnet sich der Haufen ganz von selbst; im Gänsemarsch
trotten sie einher, einer hinter dem andern; die Reihe schließt sich
zum Kreis. Dieser wogt hin und her, links herum, rechts herum; es ist
erstaunlich, wie gleichmäßig und exakt die Bewegungen von jedem
einzelnen, selbst von dem jüngsten Knaben ausgeführt werden.
Negertänze scheinen nirgends am Überfluß großer
Überraschungen zu leiden; dies muß am Erdteil liegen. Dieser ist,
wenige begnadete Stellen ausgenommen, langweilig, und auch die
Tänze seiner Bewohner sind monoton. „Ganz recht,“ könnte einer
dieser Neger einwenden, „aber ist denn euere Polka und euer
Walzer, ihr Weißen, vielleicht abwechselungsreicher als unsere
Ngoma? Drehen sich eure Paare nicht etwa auch ganz gleichmäßig
dahin?“ So ganz unrecht dürfte unser schwarzer Kritiker wohl nicht
haben. Während mir derartige ketzerhafte Gedanken durch den Sinn
fahren, hat sich das Bild wenigstens etwas zu seinem Vorteil
verändert: der Kreis hat sich in Gruppen aufgelöst, die sich durch die
merkwürdigsten Beinbewegungen zu übertreffen suchen; hier sind ja
alle Tänzer überhaupt Beinvirtuosen. Die eine Gruppe schwebt auf
den Zehen dahin, die andere ahmt den würdevollen Gang
irgendeines Watvogels nach; wieder eine andere wippt fröhlich
zwischen den übrigen Gruppen hindurch; eine vierte marschiert mit
vollkommen steifen Beinen dahin. Längst ist mein letzter Film zu
Ende gegangen, aber noch immer tummelt sich der Haufen in der
einmal angebrochenen Lust weiter. Schließlich geht auch diese
„Nummer“ zu Ende; die Kapelle liefert nur noch scheußliche
Mißtöne; ich selbst bin vom langen Stehen ermüdet, Knudsen klagt
über die ersten Fiebersymptome; das Fest ist zu Ende.
Die Vorführung solcher Beschneidungstänze bringt es
naturgemäß mit sich, daß mein Interesse für diese Stammesfeste
immer größer und meine Sehnsucht, sie möglichst genau sehen und
studieren zu können, immer stärker wird. Wie sollte es auch anders
sein, wenn zu allen diesen fremdartigen Vorführungen der Männer
und Knaben selbst noch Faktoren hinzutreten wie die beiden
folgenden.
Wie üblich unternehme ich eines Nachmittags meinen
Studienbummel durch die nähere und weitere Umgebung von
Chingulungulu. Wir haben bereits einige ganz interessante
Grabaufnahmen gemacht, das Äußere und Innere einiger entlegener
Gehöfte studiert und wollen uns nun damit vergnügen, den
Vegetationscharakter des Pori auf die Platte zu bannen. Einer hinter
dem andern kämpfen wir uns durch das hohe Gras und das hier
ausnahmsweise dichte Unterholz. Da stehe ich plötzlich vor einer
kleinen Lichtung; sie mißt vielleicht nur 15 bis 20 Meter im
Durchmesser, ist kreisrund und nur von vereinzelten Sträuchern
besetzt. Aber was ihr den Stempel des vollkommen Einzigartigen
aufdrückt, das sind zwei Kreise von Baumstümpfen, die sich
konzentrisch um einen weiteren Baumstumpf als Mittelpunkt
gruppieren. Die Dinger sind nur 25 bis 30 Zentimeter hoch, oben
ganz glatt horizontal abgeschnitten und laden damit förmlich zum
Sitzen ein. Einstweilen habe ich natürlich nichts Eiligeres zu tun, als
dieses seltene Objekt auf meine Platte zu bringen, zu Hause aber
müssen Matola und die übrigen „Gelehrten“ Auskunft erteilen. Diese
ist kurz; die Baumstümpfe seien Stühle für die Wari, die Knaben
während der Beschneidungsperiode von einem bestimmten
Momente ab; der Mittelschemel aber sei der Sitz für den Lehrer, dem
der Unterricht der Knaben während ihres mehrmonatigen
Aufenthaltes in einer besonderen Waldhütte nach der Beschneidung
übertragen ist. „Also eine Waldschule im besten Sinne des Wortes“,
denke ich; die anderen aber setzen hinzu, die Hütte habe dicht dabei
gelegen; sie bestehe aber nicht mehr, denn das Unyago, bei dem sie
den Knaben als Wohnhaus gedient habe, habe schon vor einiger
Zeit stattgefunden.
Es ist ein anderer Frühnachmittag; Knudsen und ich sitzen unter
unserer Barasa und pressen uns mit beiden Händen die Schläfen;
der Kopf will uns auseinanderplatzen. Das ist jeden Mittag so, so
daß wir uns im Grunde genommen weiter gar nichts mehr dabei
denken. Es ist aber auch in den letzten Wochen mit jedem Tage
heißer geworden; unter 31° C zeigt das Thermometer an keinem
Mittag; heute aber sind es schier 34°. Da ist der fürchterliche
Kopfschmerz kein Wunder. Fluchend haben wir beide unserem
gerechten Zorn auf den schwarzen Erdteil Luft gemacht; gerade bin
ich dabei, uns beiden die Beruhigungszigarre in den Mund zu
stecken, da nahen zwei schwarze Gestalten. Akundonde ist es, der
Weise unter den Yao, und sein Minister Akumapanje. An Akundonde
haben wir in unserer Not um Gewährsleute geschickt; jetzt ist er
gekommen, trotzdem es ihm schlecht geht; er hat die übliche
vernachlässigte Wunde am Bein und kann nur mühselig am Stabe
humpeln. Um so anerkennenswerter ist seine Marschleistung von
über vier Stunden und sein so opferfreudig betätigter guter Wille.
Akundonde bekommt Knudsens Liegestuhl; der andere setzt sich
auf eine Reisekiste. Viel zu lang für mich ungeduldigen Neuling ist
das Hin und Her über belanglose Nichtigkeiten; ich bringe denn auch
mit einigem Geschick und vielem Glück bald die Unterhaltung auf
volkskundliche Fragen. Wie es so geht, sind wir dabei sehr bald bei
den allerentlegensten Dingen, bei dem Verhalten der Eingeborenen
bei Mondfinsternissen, dem Niederfallen von Meteoren, auch beim
Monde. Meteore gelten den Yao als eine böse Vorbedeutung; wenn
man sie platzen hört, dann sagen die Leute: „In diesem Jahre wird
entweder ein großer Häuptling sterben, oder aber es werden sonst
viele Leute zugrunde gehen.“ Verfinstert sich aber der Mond, dann
gilt ein solches Phänomen hier, ganz in der Denkweise aller
einfachen Völker, als eine persönliche Begegnung zwischen ein paar
Feinden. Des Mondes Feind ist natürlich die Sonne; beide fassen
einander grimmig an und ringen miteinander. Da beide gleich stark
sind, bleibt der Kampf unentschieden. Dies zwingt den Menschen
zum Eingreifen; eilends laufen die Yao davon, holen Hacken und
Beile herbei und schlagen damit gegeneinander. Dabei rufen sie, zu
dem Kampfplatz aufschauend:
„Mlekắngăne, mlekắngăne, mwēsi na lyūwa, mkamulene.
Mlekangane, mlekangane sambáno.“
Das heißt zu deutsch:
„Geht auseinander, geht auseinander, Mond und Sonne. Ihr habt
einander gefaßt. Geht auseinander, geht auseinander, jetzt gleich.“
Es ist nur logisch gedacht, wenn auch Sonnenfinsternisse als
eine derartig persönliche Begegnung zwischen Tages- und
Nachtgestirn aufgefaßt werden. Sie werden in derselben Weise
behandelt.
Der Vollmond mit seinem bleichen Licht übt auf die Negerseele
denselben magischen Einfluß aus wie auf das Gemüt eines jeden
andern Sterblichen, nur daß unser schwarzer Bruder nicht nach
unserer Weise gefühlvoll schwärmt, sondern ganz im Rahmen seiner
sonstigen Denkweise die günstige Gelegenheit benutzt, seinen
Medizinen und Zaubermitteln eine erhöhte Wirkungskraft zu
verschaffen. Wenn die Scheibe des Mondes ihre vollständige
Kreisform erreicht hat, wandelt der Neger, mit einer ausreichenden
Menge eines bestimmten Harzes, Ubani genannt, versehen, an den
nächsten Kreuzweg oder an eine Weggabelung. Unter vollständigem
Schweigen macht er mit Hilfe des Urfeuerzeuges der Menschheit,
dem später noch zu schildernden Bohrstab und Bohrbrett, ein
frisches Feuer an. Erst glimmt das Bohrpulver nur schwach, selbst
dem scharfen Auge des Wilden kaum bemerkbar. Vorsichtig bläst er
das feine Fünkchen weiter und weiter an. Es wird zum Funken, greift
auf das Strohbündel über und ergreift auch die Handvoll trocknen
Holzes; hellauf schlägt die Flamme. Auf sie streut er jetzt sein
Pulver; die reine Flamme des Feuers trübt sich; dichter, schwelender
Rauch steigt auf. Da greift der Mann nach seinen Zaubermitteln, den
Amuletten, die er an Hals, Armen und Leib zu tragen pflegt; er hält
sie in den dichten Rauch und spricht: „Du Mond, vor kurzem warst
du noch nicht da, da war der Himmel dunkel; jetzt aber bist du da
und scheinst voll hernieder. Alle Tiere und Pflanzen freuen sich und
haben durch dich neue Kraft; so möge auch meine Daua neue Kraft
bekommen.“ Und dann betet er: „Möge die Medizin meinen Körper
schützen vor Löwen und vor Schlangen, vor Zaubermitteln und vor
allem, was mir schaden könnte. Auch neue Kraft möge ich in meinen
Leib bekommen.“ Noch einmal schwingt der Mann seine Talismane
durch den Rauch; dieser wird jetzt dünner und durchsichtiger, auch
das Feuer sinkt in sich zusammen. Unhörbar wie er gekommen,
schleicht der Mann seiner Hütte zu.
Da wir einmal bei der Zauberei angelangt sind, bleiben die drei
Volkskundigen, Knudsen und die beiden Neger, auch gleich bei
diesem Kapitel; sie sprechen vom Knotenknüpfen, und Akundonde
erzählt, wie ein Mann hierzulande, wenn er Absichten auf ein
bestimmtes Mädchen hat, einen Rindenstreifen hernimmt, ihn zu
einer Knotenschleife schürzt und zu ihr folgendermaßen spricht: „Du