Chapter 6 Riley
Chapter 6 Riley
Chapter 6 Riley
Chapter 6
Australia’s Trade Policy
Australia has a long history of protection in the manufacturing sector where tariffs and quotas have been
used to shield domestic firms from direct import competition. Much of this protection was put in place
after Federation in 1901 when Australian governments used a policy of protection from imports to
develop the manufacturing sector through the creation of infant industries and domestic employment.
A centralised wage fixing system was also adopted to set minimum or award wages for workers in
this sector. Levels of protection were increased during the Great Depression in the 1930s to protect
domestic employment levels, with the British Preferential Tariff reaching over 30%, and the General
Tariff Rate for non Commonwealth countries rising to over 60%. These high levels of protection from
import competition for manufacturing remained in force until the early 1970s, with the effect of raising
the domestic cost structure and the price of domestic and imported manufactured goods in Australia.
Table 6.1: Nominal Rates of Assistance for Selected Australian Industries (%)
Figure 6.1: Decline in the Average Rates of Effective Assistance 1989-2001 (%)
In 1983 the newly elected Hawke federal Labor government agreed with the IAC’s view that the scaling
back of protection would enable Australia to achieve the following potential gains from free trade:
• Increased specialisation and economies of scale in production would result in a lower cost structure
for manufacturing and improve the overall efficiency of Australian industry.
• A greater mix of output (from both domestic and overseas sources) would increase the quality and
quantity of goods available to Australian consumers, lower prices and raise general living standards.
• Increased competition between firms in the tradable goods sector (exports and import substitutes)
of the economy, and with international enterprises, would lead to lower prices and more exports.
• Incentives for firms to innovate would rise through the use of the latest cost reducing technology
(including information and communications technology or ICT) to increase competitiveness.
The Hawke government (1983-1991) implemented a policy of dismantling industry protection on a large
scale in the May 1988 Economic Statement. This change in industry policy recognised the increasing
internationalisation of the Australian economy, and the need for efficient export firms to maintain
their competitiveness in overseas markets. The government argued that the reduction in protection
would have both microeconomic benefits for the manufacturing industry as well as macroeconomic
benefits for Australia. The 1988 Industry Statement phased in cuts to protection over four years, with
the protection of manufacturing falling from an average of 15% in 1989 to 10% by 1993-94 and then
to 5% in 2000. The reduction in the rates of protection for manufacturing are shown in Figure 6.1.
The textiles, clothing and footwear (TCF), passenger motor vehicle (PMV) and steel industries were
exempted from these cuts in protection (see Figure 6.1). They were put on separate industry plans,
designed by Senator John Button, to introduce a gradual ‘phasedown’ of tariff and quota protection,
giving employees and management in manufacturing firms time to restructure and minimise transitional
costs such as structural unemployment and the retraining of workers. These industries had three years to
facilitate plans for structural change in order to receive continued support from the government. This
allowed time for resources to be reallocated and a process of voluntary redundancies to be implemented.
Around 6,373 retrenchments were planned by 1991, reflecting a loss of jobs in major Australian
industrial regions where the TCF, PMV and steel industries were located.
The 1991 Building a Competitive Australia Statement was introduced by the Hawke Labor government
to accelerate the pace of tariff reform in Australia by announcing the following new measures:
• The reduction of the majority of tariffs to 5% by 1996;
• The abolition of import quotas for PMV and a reduction in tariffs for PMV to 15% by 2000;
• The abolition of import quotas for TCF in 1993, and a reduction in tariffs to a maximum of 25%
by the year 2000; and
• The exemption from sales tax of a wider range of business inputs used by manufacturers, farmers
and miners. The intention of this policy was to eliminate any taxes on export industries.
The Howard government, elected in 1996, was committed to Labor’s previous tariff reforms. It cut
tariffs for PMV products to 15% in 2000, and these tariffs were frozen until January 1st 2005, when
they were cut to 10%. Automotive tariffs of 10% were reduced to 5% in January 2010, and would
stay at this level until 2015. The Automotive Competitiveness and Investment Scheme (ACIS) was
introduced in 2001 to provide transitional assistance to the automotive industry during the move to a
lower tariff environment. However ACIS was scaled back after the decision by Ford, General Motors
and Toyota to shut their car plants in 2016-17 and leave the industry. Tariff protection was an average
2.2% for the TCF industry and 3.8% for the PMV industry in 2016-17. Effective rates of assistance for
manufacturing fell to an average 1.9% between 2015-16 and 2020-21 as shown in Figure 6.2.
The benefits from reduced protection were estimated by the Productivity Commission (PC) as a gain
of $4b in GDP for Australia through additional export volumes and a higher rate of economic growth.
Figure 6.3 illustrates the significant reduction in tariffs for all manufacturing industries in the 1990s
in terms of both nominal and effective rates of assistance compared to the levels that prevailed in the
1960s, 1970s and 1980s. Large disparities between certain industries were also removed such as those
between the highly protected TCF and PMV industries, compared to manufacturing as a whole.
Two measures of industry assistance or protection include the nominal and effective rates of assistance:
1. The nominal rate of assistance is the percentage difference between the price the domestic producer
receives with protection and the price the producer would receive in the absence of protection.
2. The effective rate of assistance is the amount of protection expressed as a percentage of the domestic
value added to production. This is a more accurate measure of the protection of domestic industry
from imports which is used by the Productivity Commission (PC) and is shown in Figure 6.3.
The reasons for the change in government industry assistance policy in the 1980s and 1990s were to:
• Raise the competitiveness and efficiency of Australian industry, especially the tradable goods sector;
• Increase the rate of economic growth through structural reform of industry. By reducing the cost
structure of industry this would improve technical, allocative and dynamic efficiency; and
• Encourage higher levels of productivity and technology industries (i.e. ‘sunrise industries’) to
increase their export shares, especially in the fast growing Asian market and other global markets.
Figure 6.3: Average Rates of Effective Assistance for Manufacturing Industries
1968-69 to 1996-97 (%)
Source: Productivity Commission (2019), Trade and Assistance Review 2017-18, Melbourne.
Tariffs have direct effects on the returns of Australian producers. Tariffs on imported goods increase the
price at which these goods are sold to consumers in the Australian market and allow domestic producers
of similar products to increase their prices. Tariffs also increase the price and cost of goods that are used
as inputs and penalise local industries. The Productivity Commission’s revised series of tariff assistance
on outputs was $1.8b in 2019-20 (see Table 6.2) compared to $3.3b in 2014-15. The fall in assistance
on outputs reflects reductions in tariffs on motor vehicles and parts, and TCF products in 2015 to 5%,
and lower output in tariff assisted activities such as PMV, metal products, food, beverages, tobacco,
petroleum, coal, chemical and rubber products. The estimated cost penalties to user industries of tariffs
was -$1.73b in 2020-21. After deducting the tariff input penalty (-$1.73b) from the output assistance
($2.08b), net tariff assistance was estimated at $350.7m in 2020-21 as shown in Table 6.2. The increase
in output assistance in 2020-21 was to industries affected by COVID-19 such as tourism and aviation.
Table 6.2 Total Tariff Assistance 2016-17 to 2020-21 ($m) - *Revised estimates in 2020-21
Source: Productivity Commission (2022), Trade and Assistance Review 2020-21, Melbourne.
Notes: Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (RCEP)
Pacific Agreement on Closer Economic Relations (PACER)
Of the 18 bilateral and regional trade agreements, 16 were in force in 2022, with the Australia-UK
Agreement and the Australia-India Economic Co-operation and Trade Agreement not yet in force. Two
agreements entered into force since 2018-19:
• The Indonesia-Australia Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement came into force on July
5th 2020.
• The Pacific Agreement on Closer Economic Relations (PACER) Plus Agreement (between Australia,
New Zealand and nine Pacific Island nations) came into force on December 13th 2020.
A range of free trade agreements continue to be negotiated such as the following:
• Australia and the European Union - negotiations launched in 2018.
• Australia and the Pacific Alliance (Chile, Colombia, Mexico and Peru) - launched negotiations in
2017.
• Australia and the Gulf Co-operation Council - negotiations launched in 2007.
The bilateral trade agreement ANZCERTA (1983), established a free trade zone between Australia and
New Zealand in the 1990s, and led to the growth in trans Tasman trade, a restructuring of manufacturing
in both countries and promoted the free movement of labour and capital between the two countries.
Since 2003 Australia has signed bilateral trade agreements with Singapore (2003), Thailand (2005), the
USA (2005), Chile (2009), ASEAN and New Zealand (2010), Malaysia (2013), Korea (2014), Japan
(2015), China (2015), Indonesia (2019), Hong Kong, Peru (2020) and India (2022). These agreements
mean that over 80% of Australia’s trade is now covered by bilateral and regional trade agreements.
Australia is also in negotiations with the EU and the UK on possible future trade agreements. Despite the
growth of bilateral trade agreements between Australia and its major trading partners, the Productivity
Commission (2015) raised concerns over the lack of transparency of some of the provisions negotiated
and whether such agreements would lead to trade creation because of the often complex rules of origin
that can be applied to the goods traded. Other criticisms of bilateral trade agreements are the costs of
negotiations; the extent of coverage of the agreements; and the length of time taken to complete the
negotiations, which in some cases have taken many years before signing and completion.
Table 6.3: Coverage of Multilateral Trade Rounds by GATT and the WTO
The Uruguay round in 1994 led to the first ever reduction in agricultural protection and new agreements
on trade in services, investment and intellectual property. Significant progress was made in advancing
the long running Doha round of trade negotiations at the WTO Ministerial Meeting in Nairobi, Kenya
in December 2015 where countries agreed to abolish all government subsidies to farmers, including
export subsidies. This was to be effective immediately for developed nations, with developing nations
to follow by 2018. Multilateral trade reform in the WTO is the most effective way to improve national
and global welfare compared to preferential trade agreements (PTAs) which can discriminate against
non parties to those agreements and lead to trade diversion rather than trade creation.
At a regional level Australia was a founding member of the Asia Pacific Economic Co-operation (APEC)
forum in 1989 which is a multilateral regional trade forum (rather than a trade bloc or free trade
area). APEC’s 21 members include the advanced countries of the USA, Japan, Australia, New Zealand,
Canada, Brunei and Chile; the NIEs of Singapore, South Korea, Taiwan and Hong Kong SAR; the
developing nations of China, Indonesia, Thailand, Malaysia, Philippines, Vietnam, Mexico, Papua New
Guinea and Peru; and the transition economy of Russia. APEC is a discussion forum on trade policy
issues and has developed mechanisms for closer trade and investment links in the Asia Pacific region.
APEC is a powerful forum representing 2.9b people, 60% of world GDP and 48% of world trade.
The APEC Bogor Declaration was an agreement signed by APEC leaders in 1994 in Indonesia to
dismantle trade barriers by 2020. At the APEC meeting in 2009 in Singapore, leaders responded to
the Global Financial Crisis by rejecting any moves towards increased protectionism, and strengthening
trade and investment links within the APEC region (i.e. regional economic integration). Support was
also given to finalising the WTO’s Doha round of trade talks, and working towards a Free Trade Area of
the Asia Pacific (FTAAP) with an expanded membership of countries. Average tariff levels across APEC
members were estimated by the Productivity Commission to have fallen to 3% in 2004.
APEC’s approach to economic integration and trade liberalisation is based on ‘open regionalism’ where
reductions in trade barriers are on a non discriminatory basis by liberalising trade between members,
but not discriminating against non APEC members. In this way APEC initiatives are consistent with
the WTO’s guiding principles for free trade. Recent APEC leaders’ meetings were held in Beijing
(2014), and Manila (2015), where there was a renewed focus on achieving the Bogor Goals. In 2016
in Lima the APEC leaders’ theme of Quality Growth and Human Development supported free and open
trade and investment. APEC leaders met in Da Nang in 2017 and in Port Moresby in 2018. The 2019
APEC meeting in Chile, was cancelled due to political unrest, but held as a virtual conference in 2020.
Source: Productivity Commission (2014), Trade and Assistance Review 2013-14, Melbourne.
REVIEW QUESTIONS
AUSTRALIA’S POLICIES TOWARDS
PROTECTION AND FREE TRADE
1. Why did the Australian government use a policy of industry protection for much of the twentieth century?
2. Discuss the costs to households and the Australian economy of such high levels of protection.
3. Why did the Australian government implement policies to reduce protection in 1988?
4. What measures were taken by the Australian government in 1988 and 1991 to reduce the protection of
Australian manufacturing? Refer to Table 6.1 and Figures 6.1 and 6.2 in your answer.
5. What are the ‘plan’ industries? Why were they given more time to adjust to lower levels of protection? What
adjustment costs did plan industries face? Discuss recent trends in reducing protection from the text, Figure 6.4
and Table 6.2.
6. Distinguish between Australia’s unilateral, bilateral, regional and multilateral policies to promote free trade in
the 1980s, 1990s and 2000s.
7. Explain the advantages and disadvantages of multilateral trade agreements (such as the WTO and APEC)
and bilateral trade agreements (such as ANZCERTA and AUSFTA) to Australia.
The costs to Australia of reducing its barriers to trade have been confined to the short run, with
uncompetitive industries contracting and unviable firms going out of business. Lower employment
levels have occurred in the TCF, PMV and steel industries which have experienced restructuring and
rising levels of structural unemployment. Structural adjustment has also led firms to introducing the
latest technology and they have tended to substitute more capital for less labour to achieve higher
productivity, and this has resulted in redundancies and the retrenchment of many workers in plan
industries. According to the Productivity Commission (2012), between 1996-97 and 2010-11, $22b
in budgetary assistance was allocated for structural adjustment in industry. In addition, direct assistance
has been given to displaced workers through the social security system and job training programmes.
Other costs of reducing protection include the effects on regional economies dependent upon
manufacturing industries for employment and support services. Cities such as Geelong, Newcastle,
Whyalla, Elizabeth, Melbourne, Port Kembla and Wollongong have high levels of structural
unemployment because of structural change in the PMV, TCF and steel industries. The Australian
government is responsible for labour market adjustment and provides funds for the retraining and
relocation of the structurally unemployed in the federal budget. This adds to federal government
expenditure, but is an important means of retraining displaced labour, providing displaced workers
with income support, and helping workers to find new employment. The Productivity Commission
estimated that $140m had been spent on regional adjustment funds between 1996-97 and 2010-11.
Overall Australia has improved its economic performance by dismantling protection unilaterally and
pursuing free trade objectives through bilateral, regional and multilateral trade agreements. The long
run gains from reducing industry protection outweigh the short term costs of adjustment borne by
particular industries such as the car, steel and TCF industries. These benefits include increased exports
and economic growth, lower consumer prices, more employment in growing industries and higher
domestic incomes. In addition, many of Australia’s major trading partners (such as China and ASEAN)
have also lowered their tariffs. The long term gains of reducing Australian protection are the following:
• An improvement in international competitiveness of export and import replacement industries;
• Improving the efficiency of the allocation of the economy’s resources and a lowering of inflation;
• Diversifying the economy’s export base, with less dependence on agricultural exports; and
• Supporting the microeconomic reform agenda which seeks to raise multifactor productivity.
• The GATT agreement on trade related investment measures (TRIMS) related to direct investment
guidelines for industrial and emerging economies, and the relationship between multinational
corporations (MNCs) and host governments.
• The GATT agreement on trade in manufactured goods led to tariffs being cut by 15%, and a
further undertaking was made to review tariff levels at the Millennium Trade Talks in 2000.
In macroeconomic terms, the projected benefits to Australia of the Uruguay Round measures suggested
increased output and faster growth in export volumes than import volumes for most sectors of the
economy. Capital investment was also projected to rise in all sectors.
At a global level, Australia’s commitment to internationalising its economy through tariff reform enabled
it to play an important and credible role in promoting policies for free trade at the Uruguay Round of
GATT. The main outcomes of the Uruguay Round for Australia were threefold:
1. The scaling down of agricultural subsidies in the EU and USA.
2. Governments that subsidised agriculture were forced to adhere to WTO rules on agriculture.
3. Increased market access for trade in services was a boost for Australia’s service exports.
The Uruguay Round also led to the replacement of GATT by the WTO in 1995, as a permanent forum
for trade negotiations. The WTO was given greater powers to monitor and control world trade. These
include powers extending to goods, services and intellectual property rights; limiting the use of anti-
dumping actions; using sanctions to resolve trade disputes; and restricting government support for
industry through control over subsidies. In 2017 the US government under former President Trump
blocked appointments of new judges to the WTO’s Appellate Body because it took too long to resolve
trade disputes and did not protect against Chinese trade practices.
The July 2008, April 2011 and December 2011 Meetings in Geneva
The Doha Round of negotiations continued in 2007 and 2008 between the Group of 6 (G6) of Australia,
Brazil, the European Union, India, Japan and the United States. Progress needed to be made on the
‘triangle’ of trade issues including cuts in US farm support; increased agricultural market access in the
European Union; and lower tariffs on manufactured goods in China, Brazil and India.
In July 2008 the goal of the WTO Ministerial Council meeting in Geneva was to agree on the
‘modalities’ (i.e. the formulas and methods) to be used to cut tariffs and agricultural subsidies. However
the talks collapsed eventhough 18 of the 20 topics discussed were agreed upon. Commentators argued
that the increasing power of China and India had swayed the talks with their refusal to reduce their farm
subsidies because of global food shortages and the threat of increased imports from other countries.
The eighth Ministerial Conference of the Doha Round was cancelled in Geneva in December 2008
because of the Global Financial Crisis and a lack of agreement on the ‘modalities’ for agriculture and
industry market access. The Conference was later held in Geneva in December 2011 with leaders of the
G20 and APEC calling for a ‘fresh approach’ to negotiations.
The WTO Bali Meeting in 2013 and the Nairobi Meeting in 2015
The ninth WTO Ministerial Conference of the Doha Round was held in Bali in December 2013 where
a package of measures such as the Agreement on Trade Facilitation, reforms to agricultural trade, and
measures to assist the trade of developing countries were agreed upon. Following the breakthrough
at the Bali Meeting, the tenth WTO Ministerial meeting was held in Nairobi, Kenya, in December
2015. After days of negotiations agreement was reached in the following areas but there was no ‘single
undertaking’ of members to agree on all measures and the Doha Round was declared over by DFAT:
• Agreement by developed countries to eliminate all agricultural export subsidies immediately and
developing countries were given until 2018 to eliminate their subsidies;
• Entry into force of the Trade Facilitation Agreement in February 2017 to simplify and harmonise
international trade procedures for goods (e.g. customs, licensing and transit procedures);
• Agreed tariff reductions under the Expanded Information Technology Agreement extended to
201 additional goods including consumer electronics, IT software and hardware;
• Progress with building on the 2012 APEC Environmental Goods Agreement to remove tariffs on
a range of environmental goods such as solar panels, wind turbines and energy saving technology;
• The 2014 Government Procurement Agreement to open up government procurement markets
based on competition, transparency and non discrimination; and
• Progress on the Trade in Services Agreement between the USA, EU and Australia.
Since the WTO’s Nairobi meeting there has been little progress made on the Environmental Goods
Agreement and the Trade in Services Agreement and the WTO’s Appellate Body has ceased functioning.
Source: Productivity Commission (2017), Rising Protectionism: Challenges, Threats and Opportunities, Melbourne.
Because of the slow progress in finalising the Doha Round, Australia has followed the global trend
of negotiating and signing bilateral and regional trade agreements with many of its major trading
partners. The number of Preferential Trade Agreements in the world grew dramatically from nine in
the 1960s to around 300 in 2014 as shown in Figure 6.7, with around 40% of the total in the Asia
Pacific region. Since 2003 Australia has signed bilateral agreements with Singapore, Thailand, the USA,
Chile, ASEAN, Malaysia, Korea, Japan, China, Peru, Hong Kong, Indonesia and India. Some 70% of
Australia’s imports are now covered by a preferential trade agreement leading to a fall in tariff protection.
“The world trading system is under greater strain than at any time since the 1930s. Most prominently, the United
States has levied tariffs on steel and aluminium imports, under the cover of national security grounds, as well as
Chinese and Mexican imports more generally, and has blocked appointments to the WTO’s dispute settlement body.
China has reciprocated with tariffs of its own, and a cloud hangs over trading relations between the world’s three
largest trading economies (China, the EU and USA).
These strains come on top of broader, longer standing factors constraining the WTO. There is a fundamental lack of
consensus among members on a range of issues, and discontent in parts of the community with the world trading
system and globalisation. While these forces do not, at present, constitute an existential threat to the world trading
system, its authority and credibility are at risk.”
Source: Productivity Commission (2019), Trade and Assistance Review 2017-18, Melbourne.
If protectionist measures spread to other countries, it would weaken world economic growth. China
for example responded to the US increase in tariffs by imposing higher tariffs on a range of US imports
including agricultural and manufactured goods. According to IMF modelling (2018) greater global
protectionism would lower consumer welfare by making tradable consumer goods more expensive.
Rising protectionism in all countries could also lead to a 10% increase in import prices and reduce
global output and consumption by about 1.75% after five years and close to 2% in the long term, while
global flows of investment and trade could fall by even more than the decline in world output.
The rise in US protectionism is based on the perceived inequality of the distribution of benefits from
globalisation and large US trade deficits with trading partners such as China. This includes the decline in
manufacturing employment in the USA and the concentration of job losses in trade exposed industries
and regions. The Productivity Commission (2017) argued in Rising Protectionism: Challenges, Threats
and Opportunities for Australia to oppose protectionist sentiment and to support strong adjustment
policies for displaced workers as a result of structural and technological change. In 2020 the global
economy contracted by -3.3% as global supply chains were disrupted by the COVID-19 pandemic.
REVIEW QUESTIONS
THE BENEFITS AND COSTS OF REDUCING PROTECTION AND THE
IMPLICATIONS OF INTERNATIONAL PROTECTION
1. Discuss the impact of Australia’s unilateral reduction in protection on competition, productivity and
efficiency for previously protected firms and industries.
2. Discuss the estimated macroeconomic benefits to Australia of the reform of industry assistance.
3. Explain the costs of reforms to industry assistance to firms and workers in industries and regions affected by
tariff cuts and the abolition of quotas such as TCF, PMV and steel.
4. How does tariff reform affect consumers, firms and the government? What are the long run economic
gains from the reform of industry assistance?
5. Why does Australia participate in the WTO? What are the effects of EU and US agricultural subsidies on
Australian exporters?
6. What were the main positive outcomes of the Uruguay Round for Australia?
7. What were Australia’s main objectives at the Doha Round of WTO talks?
8. Discuss the outcomes of the Doha Round at the Nairobi meeting of the WTO in 2015.
9. Why was there increased protectionist sentiment under the former US Trump Administration?
10. How could rising US protectionism undermine the growth in world output and trade?
11. Define the following terms and abbreviations and add them to a glossary:
This fall reflects both high relative growth in the services sector (which incurs significant tariff penalties on inputs),
especially relative to the manufacturing sector (a significant beneficiary of tariff assistance), together with some
reductions in tariffs applied to manufactured products and the uptake of tariff concessions under Australia’s
preferential trade agreements.
Source: Productivity Commission (2021), Trade and Assistance Review 2019-20.
Refer to the information above on net tariff assistance and answer the following questions. Marks
3. Analyse the trends in net tariff assistance by industry sector between 2016-17 and 2019-20. (4)
4. Explain TWO costs and TWO benefits of reducing protection in the Australian economy. (4)
“The Commission has previously raised questions about the merits of trade agreements. The overall
conclusions are as follows:
• Multilateral trade reform offers potentially larger improvements in national and global welfare than a
series of bilateral agreements. While the slow progress of the Doha Round of multilateral trade reform
has accelerated preferential agreement making, the trade diverting effects of bilateral agreements should
not be forgotten.
• Australia gains more from reducing its own tariff barriers than from the tariff reductions of a bilateral
trade agreement partner.
• The benefits of increased merchandise trade emanating from bilateral trade agreements have been
exaggerated.
• Different and complex rules of origin in Australia’s preferential trade agreements are likely to impede
competition and add to the costs of firms engaging in trade.
• The nature and scope of negotiating concessions should be assessed from a national structural reform
perspective before entry into negotiations, rather than primarily for export opportunities. The text
of proposed trade agreements should be made public and a rigorous analysis independent of the
negotiating agency published with the final text.”
Source: Productivity Commission (2016), Trade and Assistance Review 2014-15, Melbourne.
Discuss the main elements of the Australian government’s trade policy and evaluate the costs and benefits of
Australia pursuing bilateral free trade agreements at the expense of multilateral trade agreements through
the WTO.
CHAPTER SUMMARY
AUSTRALIA’S TRADE POLICY
1. Australia has a long history of protection in the manufacturing sector where tariffs and quotas have been used
to shield domestic firms from import competition.
2. Since the early 1970s both nominal and effective rates of assistance given to manufacturing have been cut by
the Australian government. Cuts in protection were undertaken in the 1988 Industry Statement, followed by the
1991 Industry Statement, which accelerated the pace of tariff reform. Further cuts in tariffs were made by the
Australian government in 2005, 2010 and 2015.
3. The main reasons for the change in government policy towards reducing protection were to increase the
efficiency and international competitiveness of Australian industry, and to increase economic growth through
a process of structural reform in industry which could lead to a more efficient allocation of the economy’s
resources.
4. The short term costs of the reduction in protection for Australian manufacturing are an increase in structural
unemployment in plan industries (such as textiles, clothing and footwear, passenger motor vehicles and steel)
and the resources needed to finance retraining, relocation and redundancy schemes for displaced workers in
these industries and industrial regions of Australia.
• A unilateral decision was taken in the 1980s, 1990s and 2000s to dismantle protection and open up the
Australian economy to import competition, especially in manufactured goods.
• Australia has negotiated bilateral free trade agreements with countries such as New Zealand, Singapore,
Thailand, the USA, Chile, ASEAN, Malaysia, Korea, Japan, China, Indonesia, Peru, Hong Kong and India.
• On a regional basis Australia has signed the ASEAN-Australia-New Zealand Free Trade Area Agreement
or AANZFTA (2009) and the Trans Pacific Partnership Agreement or TPP (2015). It is also negotiating a
Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RECEP) with ASEAN and a Pacific Agreement on Closer
Economic Relations (PACER) with Pacific Island nations.
• On a multilateral basis, Australia is a vocal proponent of free trade in the World Trade Organisation (WTO)
rounds of trade talks (such as the Uruguay and Doha Rounds), and forums such as Asia Pacific Economic Co-
operation (APEC), ASEAN and the G20.
6. The major benefits of the reduction in protection in Australia include a more competitive and efficient
manufacturing sector which exports to the world market and contributes over 20% to Australia’s merchandise
exports. Other positive outcomes include employment gains in efficient industries, and at the macroeconomic
level, a higher rate of economic growth has been achieved.
The major short term costs of the reduction in protection in Australia have been a rise in structural
unemployment and structural change in affected industries and industrial regions. The Australian government
has also financed the cost of retraining and the relocation of displaced workers.
7. The extent of international protection has an adverse impact on Australian exporters. This is especially the
case for agricultural exporters who compete with subsidised wheat, dairy, beef, sugar and rice in European,
American and Asian markets such as Japan and South Korea. Australia has played an active role in the
WTO forum to achieve reductions in agricultural subsidies which deny market access to Australian farm
exports. The Doha Round of WTO talks was largely concluded in Nairobi in 2015 with a decision to abolish
agricultural subsidies by 2018. Other outcomes included a Trade Facilitation Agreement, an Expanded
Information Technology Agreement, an Environmental Goods Agreement and a Government Procurement
Agreement. In 2019-20 China Imposed trade barriers on a range of Australian exports such as barley
and wine, forcing Australian exporters to diversify and find alternative markets. Australia lodged a formal
complaint against Chinese trade barriers with the WTO in 2020-21.