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 Also by Ann and John Tusa

THE NUREMBERG TRIAL

and

by Ann Tusa

THE LAST DIVISION – A HISTORY OF BERLIN 1945–1989

Copyright © 2019 by Ann Tusa and John Tusa
Foreword © 2019 Sir Michael Burton
Originally published 1988 by Hodder & Stoughton, Ltd.
Published in the UK 1998 by Spellmount Limited.

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any manner
without the express written consent of the publisher, except in the case of
brief excerpts in critical reviews or articles. All inquiries should be
addressed to Skyhorse Publishing, 307 West 36th Street, 11th Floor, New
York, NY 10018.

Skyhorse Publishing books may be purchased in bulk at special discounts

for sales promotion, corporate gifts, fund-raising, or educational purposes.
Special editions can also be created to specifications. For details, contact
the Special Sales Department, Skyhorse Publishing, 307 West 36th Street,
11th Floor, New York, NY 10018 or [email protected].

Skyhorse® and Skyhorse Publishing® are registered trademarks of

Skyhorse Publishing, Inc.®, a Delaware corporation.

Visit our website at www.skyhorsepublishing.com.

10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available on file.

Cover design by Qualcomm

Cover photo credit AP
ISBN: 978-1-5107-4061-7
Ebook ISBN: 978-1-5107-4062-4

Printed in the United States of America

 Contents

Foreword

Introduction

1 Fumbling the Peace

2 Who Is Going to Take Berlin?
3 Doctors or Heirs?
4 The Patient Sinks
5 Putting on the Squeeze
6 A War of Pinpricks
7 Scramble
8 A Cushion of Time
9 Amiable Bears
10 Miracles Take Time
11 Berlin Splits
12 Cracks of Light
13 Prodigies of Agreement
14 Back to Normal?

Sources

References
Index
 List of Plates

1. Playing airlifts was a delightful game for young Berliners.

2. Unloading sacks of coal for power stations at Tempelhof.
3. Making briquettes from coal dust and spillage.
4. Louise Schroeder, acting mayor and ‘mother of Berlin’, and (right)
her deputy, Dr Friedensburg.
5. Ernst Reuter, for once without his black beret, the voice of Berliners
and the conscience of Europe.
6. The last demonstration of Berliners’ solidarity, outside the Rathaus
Schöneberg on 12 May 1949 – not in protest, this time, but
celebration.
7. With only four hours of electricity a day, listening to the news from
the RIAS broadcasting van.
8. Ironing in the middle of the night.
9. Cooking with scarce fuel by the light of an expensive candle.
10. The first airlift tragedy. Wreckage of the C-47 which crashed on
approach to Tempelhof, 5 July 1948.
11. There was no certainty that Berliners would get even 3 cwt of coal to
heat homes throughout the winter.
12. Wood was rationed too, so even a few twigs were a welcome find.
13. Communal warming rooms were set up by the municipal authorities.
14. Lieutenant Halvorsen loads chocolate onto the parachutes he dropped
for Berlin children.
15. Klingelhöfer receives a sack of flour from the crew of the York which
had just landed at Gatow with the millionth ton airlifted to Berlin on
18 February 1949. By the end of the operation 2,325,808 tons would
have been supplied.
16. Berliners celebrate the first departure in a year of a bus from Berlin to
the western zones and proclaim that they are now living again.

All photographs courtesy of Landesbildstelle

 Foreword
Sir Michael Burton

When I was the British Minister and Deputy Commandant in Berlin during
the last five years of the post-war Four Power occcupation of the city,
which ended with its reunification in 1990, the memory of the blockade and
airlift of 1948/49 was still very much alive. The three Western Allies—the
US, Britain, and France—gathered every year, together with the leaders of
West Berlin, to place wreaths at the memorial outside Tempelhof, the
former US military airport. The memorial takes the form of a broken arch,
symbolizing the beginning of a bridge (the German term for the airlift is the
rather more graphic Luftbrücke or Airbridge). The corresponding western
arch is at Frankfurt International Airport. At the wreath-laying ceremony,
we were remembering those who lost their lives keeping West Berlin
supplied with basic foodstuffs, medical supplies, and fuel during those
fateful fifteen months. Although the airlift was US-led, it so happens that
the largest number of names recorded is British, largely due to a single
aircraft crash.

The background to these events, as graphically told in Ann and John

Tusa’s superbly researched book, is that the four victorious Powers of
World War II—the three Western Allies plus the Soviet Union—agreed at
the Potsdam Conference at the conclusion of the war that, in addition to
defeated Nazi Germany being divided into four zones of occupation, Berlin
would be divided into four Allied sectors. The problem was that, as the
three Western Allies became painfully aware when they moved their troops
up to garrison these Sectors, Berlin was squarely in the middle of the Soviet
Zone, closer to the Polish border than to the inner German border. The
Potsdam Agreement provided for three air corridors with guaranteed access
to Berlin from the Western Allies’ Zones in the west. But there was no
corresponding agreement on guaranteed road and water access to the city.

This distinction became of critical importance when the Soviet Union

imposed a blockade of Berlin in 1948. It was sparked by the Allied decision
to introduce a new currency into their occupation zones—the Deutschemark
—in order to promote a revival of the shattered German economy. The
Soviets, by contrast, favoured exacting maximum reprisals from that
economy rather than helping it off its knees. When they closed off the
access by road and waterways at the inner German border, the Allies were
faced with a dilemma: whether to force supplies through along these routes
and risk confrontation, and even war, with their erstwhile Soviet ally, or to
supply the city along the legally guaranteed air corridors.

The dramatic story of what happened is recounted in this excellent book.

The airlift produced many heroes, such as the city’s mayor, Ernst Reuter,
whose inspirational rhetoric called upon the world to “look upon Berlin’s
fight for freedom.” Among the aircrew flying the planes carrying the
supplies—of which there was more than one a minute landing at the RAF
station at Gatow at the busiest time—there was, for example, US airman
Gail Halvorson from Utah, who earned the undying gratitude of the
Berliners by dropping sweets to the children.

But the main heroes were the ordinary people of the western sectors of
the city who, in spite of their hunger, spurned the offer of improved rations
if they moved to the Soviet sector, and decided to rely on the Allied airlift.
 The fact that the airlift was bringing relief, not just to the Allied military
garrisons but to the city’s civilian population as well, was a critical factor.
Not only did it make Stalin realize that the blockade was failing to starve
the city into submission, to induce the Allies to withdraw, and to turn the
Berliners against them, it also changed the fundamental relationship
between the Western Allies and the Berliners living in their sectors.
Previously, it had been that of occupiers to occupied. After the blockade
ended, it became more like a partnership, in the cause of keeping West
Berlin free and democratic. And in time it evolved into feelings of genuine
friendship on both side.

On October 2, 1990, the day before the solemn reunification of divided

Germany and Berlin, the Allied authorities in the city (of whom I was one)
met for the last time and wrote a letter to the Berlin House of
Representatives. “The commitment of our three countries to Berlin,” they
wrote, “was based on a conviction that freedom, democracy, and self-
determination must be upheld wherever and whenever they are threatened
and whatever the cost. Today the world looks on Berlin and sees a triumph
of freedom and the human spirit.”

The epic events of the Berlin airlift made a major contribution to this
happy result.
—Sir Michael Burton
 Introduction

On 31 March 1948 General Lucius D. Clay, the Military Governor of the

American zone of occupation in Germany, sent a telegram from Berlin to
General Omar Bradley, Chief of Staff of the US Army in Washington:

Have received a peremptory letter from Soviet Deputy Commander

requiring on 24 hours notice that our military and civilian employees
proceeding thru Soviet Zone to Berlin will submit to individual
documentation and also will submit their personal belongings for Soviet
inspection.
Likewise a permit is required from Soviet Commander for all freight
brought into Berlin by military trains for the use of our occupation
forces.
Obviously these conditions would make impossible travel between
Berlin and our zone by American personnel except by air. Moreover, it is
undoubtedly the first of a series of restrictive measures designed to drive
us from Berlin….
… it is my intent to instruct our guards to open fire if Soviet soldiers
attempt to enter our trains. Obviously the full consequences of this action
must be understood. Unless we take a strong stand now, our life in Berlin
will become impossible. A retreat from Berlin at this moment would, in
my opinion, have serious if not disastrous political consequences in
 Europe. I do not believe that the Soviets mean war now. However, if they
do, it seems to me that we might as well find out now as later. We cannot
afford to be bluffed.

This message was not unexpected. It was frightening nevertheless. It

announced a grave crisis in the relations between the four Powers – the
United States, the Soviet Union, Britain and France – whose alliance had
defeated Germany in 1945 and whose forces had occupied and run the
country ever since.
The confrontation between the Soviet Union and the western allies
continued for over a year. Clay was right: the Russians did, indeed, take a
series of measures to drive the Americans, British and French from Berlin.
By June 1948 the city was blockaded, and it seemed likely that two-and-a-
half million Berliners would starve to death or be forced to accept Soviet
domination. For a year the western Powers too faced a grim choice: either
to surrender Berlin, and with it plans for European reconstruction, or to
prepare for another tragic war on the Continent. Politicians and diplomats
conducted dangerous manœuvres to avoid either terrible possibility. In that
time they created a different Germany, formed new alliances in Europe and
built up two opposed political and economic systems. From spring 1948 to
midsummer 1949 Berlin was the hub of a European emergency and of
European change.
The time to avert disaster and create security was found in an element
which Clay had mentioned but whose potency no one yet understood: the
air. In the air the western allies created what Berliners called a Luftbrücke,
an airbridge, which carried food, coal, medicines and raw materials to
beleaguered Berlin. This airlift brought more than supplies; it gave hope to
the city and to much of Europe.
How the time was used, how Berlin endured the siege is the story of
most of this book. To understand why the time was needed it is necessary to
go back – to see why the four Powers were in Berlin and why the city was
so vital to them all; why the western allies were so vulnerable to Soviet
pressure; why some would countenance another world war to retain Berlin;
why the West struggled to keep alive those who had so recently been their
enemies; why Berliners would risk death rather than their independence.
 1

Fumbling the Peace

From summer 1945 Germany was occupied by the four armies which had
done most to defeat her in the Second World War – the Russian, American,
British and French. For administrative convenience they divided the
country into four zones and split the city of Berlin into four sectors – one
zone and one sector for each victorious Power. Berlin remained the capital
of Germany, but there was no German government; the country was
controlled and run by the military government of the four Powers. In so far
as they had common policies, these were drawn up in Berlin by the Allied
Control Council, made up of the four Military Governors of the zones.
This much, but little else, had been agreed during the war. The allies who
fought Hitler had seldom considered what they would do if they won. As
the American Senator Arthur H. Vandenberg put it in February 1943: “We
must not fumble the peace … but there are very definite limits beyond
which post-war planning cannot yet go.”1 The British Prime Minister,
Winston Churchill, speaking to a Joint Session of Congress a few months
later, gave one reason for this reluctance to look ahead: “We must beware of
every topic, however attractive, and every tendency, however natural, which
diverts our minds or energies from the supreme objective of the general
victory of the United Nations.”2 That victory was far from certain.
 It is easy now for historians and armchair generals to spot decisive
battles and to identify strategic turning-points when victory was ensured. It
was not possible then. No one could feel confident of beating Hitler until
his armed forces finally surrendered. Up to the last moment, every effort
and resource had to be directed to one goal: winning the war. Decisions on
what to do with the peace had to wait.
The four Powers had general aims in the European war, of course.
France, like other countries conquered by Hitler, sought liberation,
reparation for the degradation and pillage she had suffered, and adjustment
of frontiers to give her greater security in the future. The British fought at
first to avoid invasion and then to overturn Nazi domination of the
Continent. The Americans were fighting to stop fighting. They wanted to
end their involvement in yet another quarrel which was of European not
American making and which consumed vast American subsidies. They
wanted to go home as soon as possible and stay there. Their visions of the
future remained broad and idealistic: a world won for democracy and liberal
capitalism, which would flourish under a new world organisation created to
settle disputes and prevent war ever again. The Secretary of State, Cordell
Hull, promised Congress in 1943: “There will no longer be need for spheres
of influence, for alliances, for balance of power or any other of the special
arrangements through which, in the unhappy past, the nations strove to
safeguard their security or to promote their interests.”3 The Soviet Union,
by contrast, was often specific and practical. Joseph Stalin, the Soviet
Generalissimo, made dear to the British Foreign Secretary, Anthony Eden,
in December 1941 that he wanted recognition of all the gains the Red Army
had made since 1939 – the Baltic States and part of Poland, for example.4
His price for entry into the war against Japan in 1945 was to move into
Manchuria, North Korea and Sakhalin.
Underlying their aims, the three great Powers – Britain, the United States
and the Soviet Union – had interests which would prove incompatible.
Britain was concerned with the defence of her Empire, the maintenance of
preferential trading agreements with it, and her traditional search for a
balance of power in Europe. The United States opposed imperialism,
supported a free market, and saw old European diplomatic concepts as
indefensible morally and a failure in practice. Yet Britain and the United
States had agreed on a set of principles for the post-war world, the 1941
Atlantic Charter: no territorial aggrandisement by the victors and
recognition of the right of liberated peoples to choose their own
governments. That agreement, however, conflicted sharply with the
ambitions of the Soviet Union, whose leader, Stalin, had neither negotiated
nor signed it. As the war ended Soviet armies marched into Rumania,
Bulgaria, Poland, Hungary and Czechoslovakia. In autumn 1944 Stalin
explained to the Yugoslav communist, Milovan Djilas, the political
consequences of such military deployment: “whoever occupies a country
also imposes on it his own social system. Everyone imposes his own system
as far as his army has power to do so. It cannot be otherwise.”5
Though few were privileged with so clear a statement of Stalin’s
intentions, many suspected them. But there could be no confrontation with
him while the war lasted. The alliance had to be preserved if the war were
to be won. Could Stalin be persuaded to change his policies once it ended?
Churchill increasingly thought not Stalin might be bullied but not
persuaded. President Roosevelt was more confident: “I can handle Stalin,”
he often said.6 And he believed that an alliance with Stalin was essential in
the post-war period. If a world organisation were to preserve peace, then the
Soviet Union must be a full member of it. If Europe were to be stabilised
and rebuilt, the acceptance and assistance of Russia were essential. If
Germany’s defeat were to be permanent, her military potential must be
destroyed once and for all, and the Russians would have to be party to
occupation until a new order had been imposed. Stalin appreciated all of
this and was ready to play his part where it suited Soviet interests – in
security above all. He prophesied to Djilas in 1944: “Germany will recover,
and very quickly. It is a highly developed and industrial country with an
extremely skilled and numerous working class and technical intelligentsia.
Give them twelve to fifteen years and they’ll be on their feet again.”7 But
not marching, if Stalin could help it.
On one aim at least the three Powers could agree: their coalition would
fight until it received Nazi Germany’s unconditional surrender. President
Roosevelt had been the first to call for it – in 1943, at Casablanca. His
fellow leaders responded enthusiastically. All of them had lived with the
consequences of Germany’s surrender in 1918: the myth that the German
politicians had stabbed the military in the back when victory was within
sight; the constant danger that Germany would wreck the peace
negotiations by refusing to accept their terms; the tragic process through
which the Versailles peace settlement was turned into a pretext for Nazi
power and renewed war. This time, said the allies, German surrender must
be total. The victors would hold the country until it was fit for re-entry into
the community of nations.
***

The allied leaders, however, were unwilling to consider in detail how

Germany’s institutions should be redesigned for that purpose. Subordinates
in London and Washington struggled to draw attention to the need for long-
term policies, but they were waved aside. Churchill, in the assessment of
one Foreign Office official, was “quite allergic to any proposals for post-
war action which he had not himself engendered, or at least discussed
personally with the President of the United States.”8 There would have been
little point in discussing Germany with Roosevelt. The President told his
Secretary of State Cordell Hull in October 1944: “I dislike making detailed
plans for a country which we do not yet occupy.”9 Stalin might have had
plans, but he did not discuss them with Churchill or Roosevelt.
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 CHAPTER XXIII.
FAMINE AND PLAGUE.

A.H. XVIII. A.D. 639.

The fifth year of Omar’s Caliphate was

darkened by the double calamity of The Year of Ashes. a.h.
pestilence and famine. It is called ‘The XVIII. a.d. 639.
Year of Ashes;’ for the dry air of the Hejâz was so charged with the
unslaked dust of the parched and sandy soil as to obscure the light
by a thick and sultry haze.[356]
In the northern half of the Peninsula the
drought was so severe that all nature Famine in the Hejâz.
languished. Wild and timid creatures of the
desert, tamed by want, came seeking food at the hand of man.
Flocks and herds died of starvation, or were so attenuated as to
become unfit for human food. Markets were empty and deserted.
The people suffered extremities like those of a garrison long
besieged. Crowds of Bedouins, driven by hunger, flocked to Medîna
and aggravated the distress. Omar, with characteristic self-denial,
refused any indulgence which could not be shared with those around
him. He took an oath that he would taste neither meat nor butter, nor
even milk, until the people at large had food enough and to spare.
On one occasion his servant obtained at a great price a skin filled
with milk, and another with butter. Omar sent both away in alms. ‘I
will not eat,’ he said, ‘of that which costeth much; for how then
should I know the trouble of my people, if I suffer not even as they?’
From coarse fare and the use of oil-olive instead of milk and butter,
the Caliph’s countenance, naturally fresh and bright, became sallow
and haggard.[357]
Every effort was made to alleviate
distress, and as the famine was limited to Grain imported from Syria
and other lands.
Arabia, or at any rate was sorest there,
Omar sent letters to the various governors abroad, who promptly
aided him in this extremity. Abu Obeida came himself with four
thousand beasts of burden laden with corn from Syria, which he
distributed with his own hand amongst the famished people. Amru
despatched food from Palestine, both by camels and by shipping
from the port of Ayla.[358] Supplies came also from Irâc. The beasts
of burden were slain by twenties daily, and served, together with
their freight, to feed the citizens of Medîna. After nine months of sore
trial, the heavens were overcast, in answer (we are told) to a solemn
service, in which Abbâs, the Prophet’s aged uncle, took a part; the
rain descended in heavy showers and drenched the land.[359] The
grass sprang rapidly, the Bedouins were sent back to their pasture
lands, and plenty again prevailed. Benefit accrued from the calamity,
for a permanent traffic was established with the north; and the
markets of the Hejâz continued long to be supplied from Syria, and
eventually by sea from Egypt.[360]
The famine was followed, but in a
different region, by a still worse calamity. Plague breaks out in Syria.
The plague broke out in Syria; and,
attacking with special virulence the head-quarters of the Arabs at
Hims and Damascus, devastated the whole province. Crossing the
desert, it spread to Irâc, and even as far as Bussorah. Consternation
pervaded all ranks. High and low fell equally before the scourge.
Men were struck down as by a sudden blow, and death followed
rapidly. Omar’s first impulse was to summon Abu Obeida to his
presence for a time, lest he too should fall a victim to the fell disease.
Knowing the chivalrous spirit of his friend, the Caliph veiled his
purpose, and simply ordered him to visit Medîna ‘on an urgent affair.’
But Abu Obeida divined the cause, and, choosing rather to share the
danger with his people, begged to be excused. Omar, as he read the
answer, burst into tears. ‘Is Abu Obeida dead?’ they asked. ‘No, he
is not dead,’ said Omar; ‘but it is as if he were.’ The Caliph then set
out himself on a journey towards Syria, but was met on the confines
at Tebûk by Abu Obeida and other chief men from the scene of the
disaster. A council was called, and Omar
yielded to the wish of the majority that he Omar holds a council on the
borders of Syria.
should return home again. ‘What,’ cried
some of his courtiers, ‘and flee from the decree of God?’ ‘Yea,’
replied the Caliph, wiser than they, ‘we flee, but it is from the decree
of God, unto the decree of God.’ He then commanded Abu Obeida to
carry the Arab population in a body from the infected cities into the
high lands of the desert, and himself with his followers wended his
way back to Medîna.[361]
Acting on the Caliph’s wish, Abu
Obeida lost no time in leading forth the Arabs of Syria moved to high
people to the high lands of the Haurân. He lands of Haurân.
had reached as far as Jâbia, when just as he put his foot into the
camel’s stirrup to start again upon his onward journey, he too was
struck, and together with his son fell a victim to the pestilence.
Moâdz, whom he had designated to
occupy his place, died almost immediately Death of Abu Obeida.
after; and it was left for Amru to conduct
the panic-stricken multitude to the hill country, where the pestilence
abated. Not less than five-and-twenty thousand perished in this
visitation. Of a single family which migrated seventy in number from
Medîna, but four were left. Such was the deadly virulence of the
plague.
The country was disabled by the
scourge, and at one time fears were Omar’s journey to Syria,
entertained of an attack from the Roman Autumn, a.h. XVIII. a.d. 639.
armies. It was fortunate for the Caliphate that no such attempt was
made, for the Arabs would have been ill able just then to resist it. But
the terrible extent of the calamity was manifested in another way. A
vast amount of property was left by the dead, and the gaps at every
turn amongst the survivors caused much embarrassment in the
administration and devolution of the same. The difficulty grew to
such dimensions, that with the view of settling this and other matters
Omar resolved on making a royal progress through his dominions. At
first he thought of visiting Irâc, and passing through Mesopotamia, so
to enter Syria from the north; but he abandoned the larger project,
and confining his resolution to Syria, took the usual route.[362] His
way lay through the Christian settlement of Ayla, at the head of the
Gulf of Acaba. The reception met with here brings out well the
simplicity of Omar, and his kindly feeling toward the Christians. He
journeyed on a camel with small pomp or following; and as he was
minded to enter the village unrecognised, he changed places with
his servant. ‘Where is the Ameer?’ cried the eager crowds as they
streamed forth from the village to witness the Caliph’s advent. ‘He is
before you,’ replied Omar, and he drove his camel on.[363] So they
hurried forward, thinking that the great Caliph was beyond, and left
Omar to alight unobserved at the house of the bishop, with whom he
lodged during the heat of the day. His coat, which had been rent
upon the journey, he gave to his host to mend. This the bishop not
only did, but had a garment made for him of material lighter and
more suited to the oppressive travel of the season. Omar, however,
preferred to wear his own.
Proceeding onwards to Jâbia, the Caliph made a circuit from
thence over the whole of Syria. He visited
all the Moslem settlements, and gave Muâvia appointed to the chief
instructions for the disposal of the estates command in Syria.
of the multitudes swept away by the plague, himself deciding such
claims as were laid before him. As both Yezîd, the governor of
Damascus, and Abu Obeida had perished in the pestilence, Omar
now appointed Muâvia, son of Abu Sofiân and brother of Yezîd, to
the chief command in Syria, and thus laid the foundation of the
Omeyyad dynasty. Muâvia was a man of unbounded ambition, but
wise and able withal; and he turned to good account his new
position. The factious spirit which built itself up on the divine claim of
Aly and Abbâs, the cousin and uncle of the Prophet, and spurned the
Omeyyad blood of Muâvia, was yet in embryo. Aly, as well as Abbâs,
had hitherto remained inactive at Medîna. The latter, always weak
and wavering, was now enfeebled by age; the former, honoured,
indeed, as well for his wit and judgment as for his relationship to
Mahomet, was amongst the trusted counsellors of the Caliph, but
possessed of no special power or influence, nor any apparent
ambition beyond a quiet life of indulgence in the charms of a harem
varied constantly with fresh arrivals. Neither is there any reason to
suppose that at this time the former opposition to Islam of Abu Sofiân
or of Hind, the parents of Muâvia, was remembered against them.
Sins preceding conversion, if followed by a consistent profession of
the Faith, left no stain upon the believer. It was not till the fires of civil
strife burst forth that the ancient misdeeds of the Omeyyad race and
their early enmity to the Prophet were dragged into light, and political
capital made of them. The accession, therefore, of Muâvia at the
present time to the chief command in Syria excited no jealousy or
opposition. It passed, indeed, as a thing of course, without remark.
[364]

As Omar prepared to take final leave of

Syria, a scene occurred which stirred to Bilâl performs the office of
their depths the hearts of all the Moslems Muedzzin.
present. It was the voice of Bilâl, the Muedzzin of the Prophet,
proclaiming the hour of prayer. The stentorian call of the now aged
African had never been heard since the death of Mahomet; for he
had refused to perform the duty in the service of any other. He
followed the army to Syria, and there, honoured for his former
position, had retired into private life. The chief men now petitioned
Omar that on this last occasion, Bilâl should be asked once more to
perform the office of Muedzzin. The old man consented, and as the
well-known voice arose clear and loud with the accustomed cry, the
people recalled so vividly the Prophet at the daily prayers to mind,
that the whole assembly was melted to tears, and strong warriors,
with Omar at their head, lifted up their voices and sobbed aloud. Bilâl
died two years after, at Damascus.[365]
Omar returned to Medîna in time to set
out on the annual Pilgrimage to Mecca, at Pilgrimage to Mecca, a.h.
which he presided every year of his XVIII. November, a.d. 639.
Caliphate. But this was the last journey which he took beyond the
limits of Arabia.
 CHAPTER XXIV.
CONQUEST OF EGYPT.

A.H. XX. A.D. 641.

The year following the plague and

drought was one of comparative repose. a.h. XIX. a.d. 641.
The arms of Islam were now pushing their
way steadily into Persia. But I must reserve the advance in that
direction, and first narrate the conquest of Egypt.
The project is due to Amru. After the fall
of Cæsarea, he chafed at a life of inaction Amru casts an eye on Egypt.
in Palestine, which was now completely
pacified. All around he looked for the ground of some new conquest.
When the Caliph last visited Syria, he sought permission to make a
descent upon Egypt, as every way desirable; for, to gain hold of a
land that was at once weak and wealthy, would enfeeble the power
of the enemy, and, by an easy stroke, augment their own. The
advice was good; for Egypt, once the granary of Rome, now fed
Constantinople with corn. Alexandria, though inhabited largely by
natives of the country, drew its population from every quarter. It was
the second city in the Byzantine empire, the seat of commerce,
luxury, and letters. Romans and Greeks, Arabs and Copts,
Christians, Jews, and Gentiles mingled here on common ground. But
the life was essentially Byzantine. The vast population was provided
in unexampled profusion and magnificence with theatres, baths, and
places of amusement. A forest of ships, guarded by the ancient
Pharos, ever congregated in its safe and spacious harbour, from
whence communication was maintained with all the seaports of the
empire. And Alexandria was thus a European, rather than an
Egyptian, city.[366]
It was far otherwise with the rich valley
irrigated by the Nile. Emerging from the The land of Egypt disaffected
towards Byzantine rule.
environs of the luxurious city, the traveller dropped at once from the
pinnacle of civilisation to the very depths of poverty and squalor.
Egypt was then, as ever, the servant of nations. The overflowing
produce of its well-watered fields was swept off by the tax-gatherers
to feed the great cities of the empire. And the people of the soil,
ground down by oppression, were always ready to rise in
insurrection. They bore the foreign yoke uneasily. Hatred was
embittered here, as in other lands, by the never-ceasing endeavour
of the Court to convert the inhabitants to orthodoxy, while the Copts
held tenaciously by the Monophysite creed. Thus chronic disaffection
pervaded the land, and the people courted deliverance from
Byzantine rule. There were here, it is true, no Bedouin tribes, or
Arabian sympathies, as in the provinces of Syria. But elements of
even greater weakness had long been undermining the Roman
power in Egypt.
It was in the nineteenth or twentieth
year of the Hegira that Amru, having Amru invades Egypt, a.h.
XIX., XX. a.d. 640, 641.
obtained the hesitating consent of the
Caliph, set out from Palestine for Egypt. His army, though joined on
its march by bands of Bedouins lured by the hope of plunder, did not
at the first exceed four thousand men. Soon after he had left, Omar,
concerned at the smallness of his force, would have recalled him;
but finding that he had already gone too far to be stopped, he sent
heavy reinforcements, under Zobeir, one of the chief Companions,
after him. The army of Amru was thus swelled to an imposing array
of from twelve to sixteen thousand men, some of them warriors of
renown.[367]
Amru entered Egypt by Arîsh, and
overcoming the garrison at Faroma, turned And reduces Misr and Upper
to the left and so passed onward through Egypt.
the desert, reaching thus the easternmost of the seven estuaries of
the Nile. Along this branch of the river he marched by Bubastis
towards Upper Egypt, where Mucoucus, the Copt, was governor—
the same, we are told, who sent Mary the Egyptian bond-maid as a
gift to Mahomet.[368] On the way he routed several columns sent
forth to arrest the inroad; and amongst these a force commanded by
his Syrian antagonist Artabûn, who was slain upon the field of battle.
Marching thus along the vale of the Nile, with channels fed from the
swelling river, verdant fields, and groves of the fig tree and acacia,
Amru, now reinforced by Zobeir, reached at last the obelisks and
ruined temples of Ain Shems, or Heliopolis, near to the great city of
Misr.[369] There the Catholicos or bishop procured for Mucoucus a
truce of four days. At its close, an action took place in which the
Egyptians were driven back into their city and there besieged. The
opposition must at one time have been warm, for the Yemen troops
gave way. Reproached by Amru for their cowardice, one of these
replied, ‘We are but men, not made of iron or stone.’ ‘Be quiet, thou
yelping dog!’ cried Amru. ‘If we are dogs,’ answered the angry Arab,
‘then what art thou but the commander of dogs?’ Amru made no
reply, but called on a column of veterans to step forth; and before
their fiery onset the Egyptians fled. But, however bravely the native
army may have fought at first, there was not much heart in their
resistance. ‘What chance,’ said the Copts one to another, ‘have we
against men that have beaten the Chosroes and the Kaiser?’ And, in
truth, they deemed it little loss to be rid of the Byzantine yoke. The
siege was of no long duration. A general assault was made, and
Zobeir, with desperate valour, had already scaled the walls, and the
place was at the mercy of the Arabs, when a deputation from
Mucoucus obtained terms from Amru. A capitation tax was fixed of
two dinars on every male adult, with other impositions similar to
those of Syria. Many prisoners had already been taken; and a fifth
part of their number, and of the spoil, was sent to Medîna. The same
conditions were given to the Greek and Nubian settlers in Upper
Egypt. But the Greeks, fallen now to the level of those over whom
they used to domineer, and hated by them, were glad to make their
escape to the sea coast.[370]
Amru lost no time in marching upon
Alexandria, so as to reach it before the Alexandria, besieged,
Greek troops, hastily called in from the
outlying garrisons, could rally there for its defence. On the way he
put to flight several columns which sought
to hinder his advance; and at last capitulates a.h. XX. a.d. 641.
presented himself before the walls of the great city, which, offering
(as it still does) on the land side a narrow and well-fortified front, was
capable of an obstinate resistance. Towards the sea also it was open
to succour at the pleasure of the Byzantine Court. But during the
siege, Heraclius died, and the opportunity of relief was supinely
allowed to slip away.[371] Some of the protective outworks on the
narrow isthmus were taken by storm; and there appearing no
prospect of support from Constantinople, the spirit of the garrison
began to flag. The Greeks took to their ships, and in great numbers
pusillanimously deserted the beleaguered city. At last Mucoucus,
who after his defeat had retired to Alexandria, finding the place too
weak for a prolonged defence, offered to capitulate, on the same
terms as were given to Upper Egypt, and on condition that the
prisoners taken throughout the campaign were set free. The Caliph,
being referred to, readily agreed. ‘Tribute,’ he replied, ‘is better than
booty; for it continueth, whereas spoil soon vanisheth as if it had not
been. Touching the captives, such as are already scattered, are
beyond my power; but those that remain, saving such as were
seized on the field of battle, shall be restored.’ And so the city
escaped sack, and the people became tributary to the conquerors.
[372]

Amru, it is said, wished to fix his seat of

government at Alexandria, but Omar would Amru founds Fostât, or
not allow him to remain so far away from Cairo.
his camp, with so many branches of the Nile between. So he
returned to Upper Egypt. A body of the Arabs crossed the Nile and
settled in Ghîzeh, on the western bank—a movement which Omar
permitted only on condition that a strong fortress was constructed
there to prevent the possibility of their being surprised and cut off.
[373] The head-quarters of the army were pitched near Memphis.
Around them grew up a military station, called from its origin Fostât,
or ‘the Encampment.’ It expanded rapidly into the capital of Egypt,
the modern Cairo.[374] And there Amru laid the foundations of a
great Mosque, which still bears his name.
 Zobeir urged Amru to enforce the right
of conquest, and divide the land among his The soil left in the hands of
the cultivators.
followers.[375] But Amru refused; and the
Caliph, as might have been expected, confirmed the judgment.
‘Leave the land of Egypt,’ was his wise reply, ‘in the people’s hands
to nurse and fructify.’ As elsewhere, Omar would not allow the Arabs
to become proprietors of a single acre. Even Amru was refused
ground whereupon to build a mansion for himself. He had a dwelling-
place, the Caliph reminded him, at Medîna, and that should suffice.
So the land of Egypt, left in the hands of its ancestral occupants,
became a rich granary for the Hejâz, even as in bygone times it had
been the granary of Italy and the Byzantine empire.
A memorable work, set on foot by Amru
after his return from Alexandria to Fostât, Amru reopens
facilitated the transport of corn from Egypt communication between the
Nile and Suez. a.h. XXI. a.d.
to Arabia. It was nothing less than the 641–2.
reopening of the communication of old
subsisting between the waters of the Nile in Upper Egypt and those
of the Red Sea at Suez. The channel followed the most eastern
branch of the river as far north as Belbeis, then turned to the right
through the vale of Tumlât, and, striking the Salt Lakes near Timseh,
so reached the Red Sea by what is now the lower portion of the
Suez Canal. Long disused, the bed, where shallow and artificial, had
in that sandy region become choked with silt. The obstructions,
however, could not have been very formidable, for within a year they
were cleared away by the labour of the Egyptians, and navigation
thus restored. The Caliph, going down to Yenbó (the Port of
Medîna), there saw with his own eyes vessels discharge the burdens
with which they had been freighted by Egyptian hands under the
shadow of the Pyramids of Ghîzeh. The Canal remained navigable
till the reign of Omar II., that is, for eighty years, when, choked with
sand, it was again abandoned.[376]
Finding that the Egyptians, used to the
delicate and luxurious living of their land, Amru would teach the
natives to respect the Arabs.
looked down upon the Arabs for their
simple and frugal fare, Amru chose a singular expedient to disabuse
them of the prejudice, and raise his people in their estimation. First
he had a feast prepared of slaughtered camels, after the Bedouin
fashion; and the Egyptians looked on with wonder while the army
satisfied themselves with the rude repast. Next day he commanded
a sumptuous banquet to be set before them, with all the dainties of
the Egyptian table; and here again the warriors fell to with equal
zest. On the third day there was a grand parade of all the troops in
battle array, and the people flocked to see it. Then Amru addressed
them, saying: ‘The first day’s entertainment was to let you see the
plain and simple manner of our life at home; the second to show you
that we can, not the less, enjoy the good things of the lands we
enter; and yet retain, as ye see in the spectacle here before you, our
martial vigour notwithstanding.’ Amru gained his end; for the Copts
retired saying one to the other, ‘See ye not that the Arabs have but to
raise their heel upon us, and it is enough!’ Omar was delighted at his
lieutenant’s device, and said of him, ‘Of a truth it is on wisdom and
resolve, as well as on mere force, that the success of warfare doth
depend.’
A curious tale is told of the rising of the
Nile and of Omar’s rescript in reference to Fable of a maiden sacrifice
the same. The yearly flood was long and Omar’s rescript.
delayed; and, according to wont, the Copts desired to cast into the
river a maiden beautifully attired. When asked what course should
be pursued to meet their wish, the Caliph indited this singular letter,
and inclosed it in a despatch to Amru:—
‘The Commander of the Faithful to the River Nile, greeting. If in
times past thou hast risen of thine own will, then stay thy flood; but if
by the will of Almighty God, then to Him we pray that thy waters may
rise and overspread the land.
‘Omar.’
‘Cast this letter,’ wrote the Caliph, ‘into the stream, and it is
enough.’ It was done, and the fertilising tide began to rise
abundantly.[377]
The seaboard of Africa lay open to the naval power of the
Byzantine empire; but for a time, it was little used against the
Saracens. Amru, with the restless spirit of
his faith, soon pushed his conquests Alexandria retaken,
westward beyond the limits of Egypt, besieged, and finally
reoccupied by Moslems. a.h.
established himself in Barca, and reached XXV. a.d. 646.
even to Tripoli.[378] The subject races in
these quarters rendered their tribute in a fixed quota of African
slaves, thus early legalising in that unhappy land the iniquitous traffic
which has ever since prevailed in human flesh and blood. The
maritime settlements and native tribes thus ravaged, received little or
no aid from the Byzantine fleets. But early in the Caliphate of
Othmân, a desperate attempt was made to regain possession of
Alexandria. The Moslems, busy with their conquests elsewhere, had
left the city insufficiently protected. The Greek inhabitants conspired
with the Court; and a fleet of three hundred ships was sent under
command of Manuel, who drove out the garrison and took
possession of the city. Amru hastened to its rescue. A great battle
was fought outside the walls: the Greeks were defeated, and the
unhappy town was subjected to the miseries of a second and a
longer siege. It was at last taken by storm and given up to plunder.
To obviate the possibility of another similar mishap, Amru razed the
fortifications, and quartered in the vicinity a strong garrison, which,
every six months, was relieved from Upper Egypt. The city, though
still maintaining its commercial import, fell now from its high estate.
The pomp and circumstance of the Moslem Court were transferred
to Fostât, and Alexandria ceased to be the capital of Egypt.[379]
 CHAPTER XXV.
ADVANCE ON THE SOUTHERN BORDER OF PERSIA—
HORMUZAN TAKEN PRISONER.

A.H. XVI.-XX. A.D. 637–641.

Turning once more to the eastern

provinces of the Caliphate, we find the Barrier laid down by Omar
cautious policy of Omar still tending to towards the East.
restrain the Moslem arms within the limits of Irâc-Araby; that is,
within the country bounded by the western slopes of the great range
which separates Chaldæa from Persia proper. But they were soon,
by the force of events, to burst the barrier.
To the north of Medâin, the border land
of Moslem territory was securely defended Situation in Lower Irâc.
by Holwân and other strongholds, already
mentioned as planted along the hilly range. In Lower Irâc, Otba, as
we have seen, had, after repeated encounters, established himself
at Bussorah, from whence he held securely the country at the head
of the Gulf.[380] But the Persian satraps, though keeping at a safe
distance aloof, were still in strength at Ahwâz and Râm Hormuz
within a hundred miles of him.
Hostilities in this direction were
precipitated by a rash and unsuccessful The Governor of Bahrein
raid, from the opposite coast, upon Istakhr attacks Persepolis. a.h. XVI.
a.d. 637.
or Persepolis.[381] Alâ, Governor of
Bahrein, who had distinguished himself in crushing the rebellion
along the southern shore of the Persian Gulf, looked on with jealous
eye at the conquests made in Irâc by Sád. Tempted by the closeness
of the Persian shore, he set on foot an expedition to cross the
narrow sea, and seize the district which lay opposite. This was done,
not only without the permission of Omar, but against his known
unwillingness to trust the treacherous element.[382] Success might
have justified the project; but it fell out otherwise. The troops
embarked with alacrity; and landing (it may have been) at Bushire,
met for a time with no check in their advance upon Persepolis. But
before long they were drawn into a trap.
Advancing confidently with their whole Meets with a check, but is
force in three columns, they had neglected relieved from Bussorah.
to secure their base; and the Persians, coming behind, cut them off
altogether from their ships. The Moslems, after a severe
engagement, in which the leaders of two of the columns fell, were
unable to disperse the gathering enemy; and, turning as a last
resource towards Bussorah, found the road in that direction also
barred. Messengers were hurried to Medîna, and Omar, highly
incensed with Alâ for his foolhardiness, despatched an urgent
summons to Otba to relieve from Bussorah the beleaguered army. A
force of 12,000 men set out immediately; and forming, not without
difficulty, a junction with Alâ, beat back the Persians, and then retired
on Bussorah. The troops of Otba gained a great name in this affair,
and the special thanks of Omar.
But the retreat, conducted with
whatever skill and bravery, put heart into Campaign in Khuzistan. a.h.
XVII. a.d. 638.
the hostile border. Hormuzân, a Persian
satrap, escaping from the field of Câdesîya, had retired to his own
province of Ahwâz, on the lower mountain range, at no great
distance from Bussorah. He began now to make raids upon the
Moslem outposts, and Otba resolved to attack him. Reinforcements
were obtained from Kûfa, and Otba was also fortunate enough to
gain over a strong Bedouin tribe, which, though long settled in the
plain below Ahwâz, was by blood and sympathy allied to the Arab
garrison of Bussorah. Thus strengthened, he dislodged the enemy
from Ahwâz, and drove him across the Karoon river. A truce was
called; and Ahwâz, having been ceded to the Moslems, was placed
by Otba in the hands of his Bedouin allies.[383] A dispute as to their
boundary, however, shortly after arose between the Bedouins and
Hormuzân; and the latter, dissatisfied with the Moslem decision,
again raised his hostile standard. He was put to flight by Horcûs, a
‘Companion’ of some distinction, who reduced the rebellious
province, and sought permission to follow up his victories by a
farther advance. But Omar, withholding
permission, bade him occupy himself in a.h. XVIII. a.d. 639.
restoring the irrigation works, and
resuscitating the deserted fields, of Khuzistan. Hormuzân fled to
Râm Hormuz, farther east, and was, for the second time, admitted to
an amnesty.
Not long after, tidings reached Horcûs,
that emissaries from Yezdegird at Merve Râm Hormuz and Tostar
taken. a.h. XIX. a.d. 640.
were stirring up the people to fresh
opposition. The attitude of Hormuzân became once more doubtful;
and the Caliph, suspecting now a serious combination, assembled a
powerful army from Kûfa and Bussora, and gave the command to
Nómân ibn Mocarrin.[384] Hormuzân, with a great Persian following,
was again routed, and, having abandoned Râm Hormuz to the
Arabs, fled to Tostar,[385] fifty miles north of Ahwâz. This stronghold
was obstinately defended by the Persians, who rallied there in great
force, and kept the Moslems for several months at bay. In the end,
but not without considerable loss, the citadel was stormed, and
Hormuzân, with the garrison, subject to the decision of the Caliph,
surrendered at discretion. They were meanwhile put in chains; and
Hormuzân was sent to answer before the Caliph for his repeated
rebellion and breach of faith.’[386]
The troops then laid siege to Sûs, the
royal Shushan of ancient memories, and Capture of Sûs (Shushan).
still a formidable city, planted as it was
between two rivers, on a verdant plain with snow-clad mountains in
the distance. The Arabs were here fortunate in drawing over to their
side a body of Persian nobles with an important following; these
were at once admitted to confidence; commands were conferred
upon them, and they had the singular honour of a high place on the
Caliph’s civil list. Still it was not till after a protracted siege and
conflict that Sûs was taken. Omar gave
orders for the reverential maintenance of The tomb of Daniel.
the tomb of Daniel in this the scene of his
memorable vision ‘by the river of Ulai;’ and here, to the present day,
the pious care of succeeding generations has preserved his shrine
on the river bank through thirteen centuries of incessant change.[387]
The important city of Jundai-Sabûr, with
the country around the sources of the Jundai-Sabûr occupied.
Karoon, was also reduced by Nómân. But
events were already transpiring in Khorasan, which at length opened
the way to an advance upon the heart of Persia, and called away
that leader to more stirring work.
The narrative of the deputation which,
together with the spoil of Tostar, carried Hormuzân sent a captive to
Hormuzân a prisoner to Medîna, will throw Medîna.
light on the reasons which weighed with the Caliph, and led to the
withdrawal of the embargo upon a forward movement eastward. As
they drew nigh to Medîna, his conductors dressed out their captive in
his brocaded vestments, to show the people there the fashion of a
Persian noble. Wearied with the reception of a deputation from Kûfa
(for in this way he transacted much of the business from the
provinces), Omar had fallen asleep, as he reclined, whip in hand, on
his cushioned carpet in the Great Mosque. When the party entered
the precincts of the court, ‘Where is the Caliph?’ asked the captive
prince, looking round, ‘and where the guards and warders?’ It was,
indeed, a marvellous contrast, that between the sumptuous palaces
of the Chosroes, to which he had been used, and the simple
surroundings of the mightier Caliph! Disturbed by the noise, Omar
started up, and, divining who the stranger was, exclaimed, ‘Blessed
be the Lord, who hath humbled this man and the like of him!’ He
bade them disrobe the prisoner of his rich apparel and clothe him in
coarse raiment. Then, still whip in hand, he upbraided the denuded
captive and (Moghîra interpreting) bade him justify the repeated
breach of his engagements. Hormuzân made as if fain to reply; then
gasping, like one faint from thirst, he begged for a draught of water.
‘Give it to him,’ said the Caliph, ‘and let him drink in peace.’ ‘Nay,’
said the captive trembling, ‘I fear to drink, lest some one slay me
unawares.’ ‘Thy life is safe,’ replied Omar, ‘until thou hast drunk the
water up.’ The words had no sooner passed his lips than Hormuzân
poured the contents of the vessel on the ground. ‘I wanted not the
water,’ he said, ‘but quarter, and now thou hast given it me.’ ‘Liar!’
cried Omar in anger, ‘thy life is forfeit.’ ‘But not,’ interposed the
bystanders, ‘until he drink the water up.’ ‘Strange,’ said Omar, foiled
for once, ‘the fellow hath deceived me, and yet I cannot spare the life
of one who hath slain so many noble Moslems by his reiterated
treachery. I swear that thou shalt not gain by thy deceit, unless thou
shalt forthwith embrace Islam.’ Hormuzân, nothing loth, made
profession of the Faith upon the spot; and thenceforth, taking up his
residence at Medîna, received a pension of the highest grade.[388]
‘What is the cause,’ inquired Omar of
the deputation, ‘that these Persians thus Deputation urge removal of
persistently break faith and rebel against the ban against advance.
us? Maybe, ye treat them harshly.’ ‘Not so,’ they answered; ‘but thou
hast forbidden us to enlarge our boundary; and the king is in their
midst to stir them up. Two kings can in no wise exist together, until
the one of them expel the other. It is not our harshness, but their
king, that hath incited them to rise up against us after that they had
made submission. And so it will go on until that thou shalt remove
the ban and leave us to go forward, occupy their cities, and expel
their king. Not till then will their vain hopes and machinations cease.’
These views were, moreover, enforced
by Hormuzân. And the truth began now to Omar begins to see this.
dawn on Omar that necessity was laid
upon him to withdraw the ban against advance. In self-defence,
there was nothing left for him but to crush the Chosroes and take
entire possession of his realm.