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WE’VE GOT PEOPLE
From Jesse Jackson to Alexandria
Ocasio-Cortez, the End of Big
Money and the Rise of a
Movement
Ryan Grim
WASHINGTON D.C.
Cover by Soohee Cho
First Edition
www.strongarmpress.com
Washington, DC
ISBN-13: 978-1-947492-36-3
About This Book
______________
If journalism is the first draft of history, then think of this one as a
second draft. In the spirit of its theme, it is unfinished, and I
welcome input as it is continually revised, expanded and updated.
The book will be hosted digitally at StrongArmPress.com, where
people will have an opportunity to comment directly on the draft. If
you were involved in the events described here, or have insight into
them, please offer it there. I don’t know exactly when I’ll publish a
new edition of the book — that depends on how events unfold —
but as I did in this first round, I’ll benefit greatly from the wisdom
and knowledge of readers.
-Ryan Grim, May 14, 2019
For Ady Barkan, Reality Winner, and all those who give everything
to the fight.
And for Elizan and our kids, Iris, Sidney, Virginia, and George —
may we turn this all around in time.
Prologue
______________
The ideology of slavery, for hundreds of years, was built on a set of
interlocking arguments, many of which rested on the notion that the
system was not a necessary evil, but in fact was beneficial to the
enslaved person, a civilizing force that brought God to the godless.
White America was eager to believe the story. The country’s entire
economy, after all, its founding and its politics, were all built on
slavery. It was too hard to see a way out of it, so it was easier to
just deny the reality of it.
But there was one nagging problem: The ones who ran away.
From our vantage point today, it’s difficult to understand just how
deeply preoccupied the slaveholding class was with people who
escaped. But it’s also hard to overstate. Entire industries existed to
prevent escape and to capture and return those who made it.
Abolitionists made supporting fugitives central to their campaign
against slavery, with the Underground Railroad the most vivid
expression of the effort.
The Whig Party collapsed. In its place rose the Republican Party,
founded on principles of abolition. The South had swung the nation
in such an extreme direction that it radicalized the rest of the
country in the opposite. Had it not been for those unfathomably
brave people willing to risk everything to escape slavery, there would
have been no realignment, and no Civil War — at least not the one
we had, when we had it.
Tune Inn
Joe Crowley owned the place. It was a Sunday night in Washington
in March 2010, a year and a half after a financial crisis had ripped a
gaping hole in the global economy. But that night, Democrats had
something to celebrate. Crowley was leading the revelry at the Tune
Inn, a dive bar just down the street from the United States Capitol
Building. Much to the surprise of the bartender scheduled to work
the shift, Crowley, one of the top Democrats in the House of
Representatives, had taken over his duties.
Making toasts and leading the bar in song, Crowley, an old school
Irish pol at home in his element, poured beer from the taps and
handed out pitchers and shots like they were checks from JOE PAC.
That was the regular-guy name he’d given to his political action
committee, which was stuffed full with campaign checks from Wall
Street, pharma, big labor and all manner of private associations
jockeying for influence.
Wall Street had survived the crisis, but the recovery was slow.
Fifteen million people1 were still actively looking for work and unable
to find it, a number that had been flat for a soul-crushingly long
time. At least another million people, probably many more, had
given up looking. Some three million homeowners had faced
foreclosure the year before, a number that would be matched in
2010, leading to a rise in suicides.2 Just under 50 million people,
meanwhile, had no health insurance, many of them now out of
work, too many years away from Medicare, but too close to it to be
employable at anywhere near where they had been before. For
people with a preexisting health condition, the only way to get
coverage was to get a job that offered it — and those were in
vanishingly scarce supply.
Some relief was on the way. Just hours earlier, Congress had finally
passed the Affordable Care Act. The result of a 14-month battle, the
bill was headed to the desk of President Barack Obama, who would
put both his signature and, eventually, if somewhat reluctantly, his
name on what would become the defining legislative achievement of
his presidency.
Yet, for all its many weaknesses, the ACA was the most significant
expansion of public health care, through Medicaid, in a generation,
and barred some horrific insurance industry tactics. Democrats were
proud. Earlier that night, when the decisive vote flashed on the
board inside the House of Representatives, signaling passage, the
Democratic side of the chamber erupted in cheers, hugs, high-fives,
and tears. The Republican minority responded with their own song
of hope, confident that the unpopular law, which wouldn’t kick in for
several years, had just delivered the House majority to them. “Na,
na, na, na/Hey, hey, hey/Good-bye,”3 the Republican side sang.
The Democrats celebrating their victory in the bar that night had
done nothing to alleviate the foreclosure crisis for homeowners like
her mother — the Obama administration thought it was better to let
it play itself out — and after an initial burst of fiscal stimulus, White
House focus shifted to the debt and deficit.
The decidedly conservative nature of those partying Democrats at
the Tune Inn was the result of a conscious strategy to move the
party rightward in order to take back the House in 2006 and expand
their majority in 2008. It worked, but it came with a price — one
that was tacked onto the Affordable Care Act in the form of higher
premiums and stingier care. It meant that powerful committees were
stacked with right-leaning freshman and sophomore lawmakers, who
weakened legislation at critical chokepoints. Many of them were
posted up in the back of the bar, hooting and clinking glasses. Tom
Perriello, a freshman who bucked the trend and ran as a populist in
Virginia, was having fun with them. Soon as he saw me, he grabbed
fellow freshman Steve Driehaus, a conservative Democrat from Ohio
who’d been slotted onto the Financial Services Committee to boost
his fundraising to aid with reelection. He consistently voted against
the Democratic agenda. Hey, Steve, Perriello ribbed him, this is the
reporter who says you’re corrupt and only on the banking committee
so you can raise money from Wall Street. Driehaus lost it: “How dare
you! Accuse me!?” He stormed off. “That was awesome,” Perriello
said, in full agreement with the critique.
His fight, he said, was as much against his own party leaders and
its campaign arm, Crowley’s DCCC, than against the GOP. Democrats
play it too safe, he said. “When I give my dues to the DCCC, or
when you contribute to it, you have no discretion as to where your
money is going to go,” he said. “And it goes to front-liners and
usually Blue Dogs, and [they] usually vote against our issues. And
that’s a real frustration. And usually, if there’s a progressive running,
it’s the last consideration in terms of support.”
When the 2009 Congress was ushered in, talk of a permanent
Democratic majority was in the air. The party, it was said, would rein
in Wall Street, rewrite the rules of a rigged economy, and finally
finish the unfinished business of the New Deal and the Great Society.
Yao-Masewe in Mtua.
Elefantenherde nach Zeichnung von Barnabas, einem gebildeten Muera in Lindi
(s. S. 448).
Elftes Kapitel.
Weitere Ergebnisse.
Chingulungulu, Ende August 1906.