China's Economic Development

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China’s Economic Development

Through a rigorous examination of “China’s rise”, Lee addresses an important


question—Did China catch up? Or more specifically, can growth be auto­
matically translated to catching up with the advanced industrialised countries
or has it only allowed limited progress (if any) to be made?
To answer these queries and the broader question of the possibility of the
Global South converging with the Global North, four development theories
are utilised, with competing explanations, to uncover the complexity and
multifaceted development of China. This includes whether China really has
a unique developmental model to offer. Positioning China within the global
economy, this book traces its developmental progress over time as well as
its progress relative to other countries. To understand whether the Chinese
political economy is socialist (or not), Lee moves away from the orthodox
definition of socialism and instead examines the official narrative of Socialism
with Chinese Characteristics. Lastly, this book argues that though China is
catching up, challenges that could potentially block China’s progress for a full
catch‑up are to be anticipated.
A useful resource for students and scholars in the fields of international
relations, international political economy, Chinese studies, and development
studies.

Lee Pei May is Assistant Professor at the Department of Political Science at the
International Islamic University of Malaysia. Her research focuses on China’s
political economy, US‑China geopolitical competition, and Malaysia‑China
relations. Her published work includes US‑China relations: trade war and the
quest for global hegemony.
Routledge Research on Asian Development

3 Regional Cooperation for Peace and Development


Japan and South Korea in Southeast Asia
Edited by Brendan Howe

4 Child and Youth Well‑being in China


Lijun Chen, Dali L. Yang, Di Zhou, and Qiang Ren

5 Modern Slavery and Bonded Labour in South Asia


A Human Rights Based Approach
Elena Samonova

6 Social Development and the Sustainable Development Goals


in South Asia
Edited by Nitya Khemka and Suraj Kumar

7 Community Welfare Organisations in Rural Myanmar


Precarity and Parahita
Michael P. Griffiths

8 The 2006 Crisis in East Timor


Lessons for Contemporary Peacebuilding
Rebecca E. Engel

9 Rethinking World Bank Influence


Governance Reforms and the Ritual Aid Dance in Indonesia
D. Brent Edwards Jr.

10 China’s Economic Development


Decoding and Reframing its Rise
Lee Pei May

For a full list of titles, please visit https://www.routledge.com/Routledge‑Research‑on‑Asian‑


Development/book‑series/RRASIADEV
China’s Economic
Development
Decoding and Reframing its Rise

Lee Pei May


First published 2024
by Routledge
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and by Routledge
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Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
© 2024 Lee Pei May
The right of Lee Pei May to be identified as author of this work has been
asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs
and Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or
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registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation
without intent to infringe.
British Library Cataloguing‑in‑Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
ISBN: 9781032382524 (hbk)
ISBN: 9781032382531 (pbk)
ISBN: 9781003344186 (ebk)
DOI: 10.4324/9781003344186
Typeset in Galliard
by codeMantra
This book is dedicated to my dearest mother,
supportive husband, and my beautiful daughter,
Shervelle Nge.
Contents

List of figures and tables xi


Acknowledgements xiii
List of abbreviations xv

1 Key Debates on China’s Development 1


1.1 Historical Background of China 1
1.2 Unsettled Debates of China’s Development 3
1.3 Concept of Development 6
1.4 Scientific Contributions 8
1.5 Research Methodology 9
1.5.1 Document Analysis 10
1.6 The Structure of the Book 11

2 Theoretical Frameworks 13
2.1 Introduction 13
2.2 On the Idea of Catch‑Up 13
2.2.1 Modernisation Theory 14
2.2.2 Dependency Theory 18
2.2.3 Theory of Uneven and Combined Development 24
2.3 Expectations of China’s Developmental Outcomes 28
2.4 China’s Developmental Model 31
2.4.1 Modernisation Theory 32
2.4.2 Developmental State Theory 34
2.5 Expectations of Chinese Development Model 40
2.6 Conclusion 41

3 China’s Integration into the Global Economy: Progress


or Underdevelopment? 43
3.1 Introduction 43
3.2 Dependency Theory on Underdevelopment of China 44
viii Contents

3.2.1 Foreign Economic Relations 45


3.2.2 Technology Development 50
3.2.3 Summary 51
3.3 Modernisation Theory on China’s Attaining Economic
Development 52
3.3.1 Social Overhead Capital 55
3.3.2 Foreign Economic Relations 58
3.3.3 Agricultural Technology 62
3.3.4 Summary 65
3.4 Conclusion 66

4 Is Development Catch‑Up Possible? 67


4.1 Introduction 67
4.2 Modernisation Theory on China’s Developmental
Catch‑Up 68
4.2.1 Income Level 69
4.2.2 Comparison of Chinese Development with Other
Countries 74
4.2.3 Technology Gap 77
4.2.4 Summary 88
4.3 The Theory of Uneven and Combined Development:
China Could Not Catch‑Up 90
4.3.1 “Combination” Form of Chinese Development? 91
4.3.2 Unevenness between China and Developed
Economies 92
4.3.3 Unevenness between Regions within China 94
4.3.4 Sectoral Unevenness within China 97
4.3.5 Urban‑Rural Gap 98
4.3.6 Summary 102
4.4 Conclusion 103

5 Understanding Chinese Political Economy 107


5.1 Introduction 107
5.2 Chinese Official Narrative of “Socialism with Chinese
Characteristics” 108
5.3 Analysis of “Socialism with Chinese Characteristics” 112
5.4 Scholarly Debate on the Nature of the Chinese Political
Economy 120
5.5 Conclusion 125
Contents ix

6 China’s Variety of Capitalism 128


6.1 Introduction 128
6.2 Modernisation Theory’s Expectations of the Chinese
Development Model 131
6.2.1 China Model: Free‑Market Development
Model? 132
6.3 Developmental State Theory’s Expectations of the Chinese
Development Model 137
6.3.1 China Model: State‑Led Development Model? 139
6.4 Conclusion 151

7 Potential Challenges to China’s Catch‑Up to the West 154


7.1 Introduction 154
7.2 Internal Challenges 154
7.2.1 Slowing Economic Growth 155
7.2.2 Declining Innovation and Investment 156
7.2.3 Housing Market Crisis 158
7.2.4 Growing Dissatisfaction and Protest within
China 160
7.3 External Challenges 163
7.3.1 Decoupling to De‑risking from the Chinese
Economy 163
7.3.2 The US‑China Trade War 164
7.3.3 From Trade War to Tech War 166
7.3.4 Wide‑ranging Competition and Potential
Confrontation with the United States 168
7.4 Conclusion 170

8 Conclusion 171
8.1 Introduction 171
8.2 Developmental Catch‑Up in China 172
8.3 China Development Model 178
8.4 Potential Challenges to China’s Catch‑Up 186
8.5 Conclusion 189

References 191
Index 223
Figures and Tables

Figures
3.1 China’s Balance of Trade (USD Million) 49
4.1 China’s Share of World GDP (%) 70
4.2 Number of Poor Living under USD1.90 a day (millions) 72
4.3 Average Real GDP Growth among Major Global Economies:
2008–2011 (percent) 76
5.1 Illiteracy Rate for Population Aged 15 and Over
(% of Population) 117

Tables
3.1 Length of China’s Transportation Network (1,000 km) 56
4.1 Level of GDP Per Capita of China, OECD, and G7 Countries 73
Acknowledgements

I would like to express my deep gratitude to my former supervisors, Professor


Andreas Bieler and Dr. Chun‑Yi Lee, who continuously supported and assisted
me. They were happy to provide invaluable feedback on my book proposal
when asked. I am truly fortunate to have met these two wonderful people.
To my beloved mother, Miss Gooi Siew Fung, thank you for your undying
support and love. She was so excited about the book and constantly reminded
me that I had a deadline to meet. I am also extremely lucky to have supportive
family members who gave me emotional support whenever I needed it. Spe­
cial thanks to Crystal, Kian, Ru, Marvin, and my beloved nephew and niece,
Arthur and En Ee, who never fail to cheer me up.
I felt extremely blessed to have an understanding and encouraging hus­
band. He volunteered to take care of our daughter so I could focus on com­
pleting this book. I would not have been able to publish this book if it weren’t
for all the sacrifices he made. Thank you.
Lastly, I would like to take this opportunity to thank this special person,
Dr. Mohd Irwan. Irwan played a very instrumental role in inspiring me to
make the decision to publish a book. I will always remember his generosity
and kindness.
Abbreviations

ACFTU All‑China Federation of Trade Unions


AI Artificial Intelligence
ASEAN Association of Southeast Asian Nations
BRI Belt and Road Initiative
BRICS Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa
CASS Chinese Academy of Social Sciences
CHFS China Household Finance Survey
CIA Central Intelligence Agency
CCP Chinese Communist Party
CPC Communist Party of China
CPEC China–Pakistan Economic Corridor
DJI Da‑Jiang Innovations
ECLA Economic Commission of Latin America
EU European Union
FDI Foreign Direct Investment
FEZs Free Export Zones
GDP Gross Domestic Product
GNI Gross National Income
GNP Gross National Product
G7 Group of Seven
HDI Human Development Index
IBM International Business Machines Corporation
ILO International Labour Organization
IMF International Monetary Fund
IPEF Indo‑Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity
KMT Kuomintang
LURs Land‑User Rights
MDGs Millennium Development Goals
MITI Ministry of International Trade and Industry
MFN Most Favoured Nation
MFP Multi‑factor productivity
MNCs Multinational companies
MOFCOM Ministry of Commerce People’s Republic of China
NBS National Bureau of Statistics of China
xvi Abbreviations

NDRC National Development and Reform Commission


NGOs Non‑governmental Organisations
OBOR One Belt One Road
OECD Organisation for Economic Co‑operation and Development
OEM Original Equipment Manufacturer
PPP Purchasing Power Parity
PRC People’s Republic of China
PwC PricewaterhouseCoopers
RCA Revealed Comparative Advantage
RMB Renminbi
R&D Research and Development
SEZs Special Economic Zones
SOEs State‑owned enterprises
SDGs Sustainable Development Goals
TFP Total‑factor productivity
TNCs Transnational Companies
TVEs Township‑Village Enterprises
UN United Nations
UNCTAD United Nations Conference on Trade and Development
UNDP United Nations Development Programme
UNICEF United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund
UK United Kingdom
US United States
USSR Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
WIPO World Intellectual Property Organization
WTO World Trade Organization
1 Key Debates on China’s
Development

1.1 Historical Background of China


After years of civil wars and occupation by foreign powers, the Communist
Party of China (CPC)1 led by Mao emerged as the eventual victor. In 1949,
the People’s Republic of China (PRC) was officially founded. Since the foun­
dation of the PRC in 1949, the country’s elites have striven to develop China.
However, natural disasters and political struggles within the CPC have slowed
growth in some periods. The main aim of the CPC is to build a socialist econ­
omy because the previous capitalist economic system was seen to be exploita­
tive and oppressive. By the mid‑1950s, all production had been brought under
the control of the state. As China was still an agrarian country, the CPC had
to decide on the future policy of agriculture. Mao decided to push forward
the full collectivisation of the rural economy. Following this reform, farmers
were required to pool their tools, equipment, and land. Farmers would receive
wages based on contributions (Benson, 2013). By 1958, Mao had proceeded
with establishing a commune system in rural China under the Great Leap
Forward.
The Great Leap Forward is said to have contributed to “Three Bitter Years”
(1959–1961) where millions of rural Chinese faced starvation mainly due to
bad governance (Benson, 2013, pp. 36–37). In a rare rejection of the main­
stream idea that the Great Leap Forward is a catastrophe, Han (2009), an
independent socialist magazine, contends that there has been a misreading of
the Great Leap Forward. Han argues that although the Great Leap Forward
had created hardship for rural China, it has also led to improvements in agri­
cultural production and the people’s living conditions. In particular, he points
out that farmers came to understand the importance of irrigation to improve
crop yields (Han, 2009).
Whatever the truth may be, the grave situation during the Great Leap For­
ward had been highlighted by Peng Dehuai, a military leader, which resulted
in him being purged (Benson, 2013). Due to the bad economic policies,
which caused massive starvation and death, in 1959, Mao stepped down and
was succeeded by Liu Shaoqi, who later fell victim to the Cultural Revolution
for being right‑leaning (Benson, 2013). Despite the economic disasters that

DOI: 10.4324/9781003344186-1
2 Key Debates on China’s Development

had happened due to the Great Leap Forward, it should be emphasised that
there was some form of development before the reform in 1978 as discussed
in Chapter 3, though the growth was not as phenomenal as experienced by
China in the last two to three decades. China was able to generate a surplus
from its trade with other countries before its reform, which gave rise to high
savings and a modest amount of foreign reserves. I argue in Chapter 3 that
the growth before the reform and opening up had helped to lay the founda­
tion for China’s industrialisation in the later years—a point which was often
underappreciated by many.
After decades of virtually closed economy, under the leadership of reformist
leader Deng Xiaoping, China in 1978 boldly took a step towards reform and
opening to the outside world. The result of the reforms was nothing short of
amazing with China scoring double‑digit growth rates for many years. Fol­
lowing the reform and opening up, China has depended on both foreign trade
and foreign investment for the development of its economy (Lin, 2012a). In
2016, China received close to USD 175 billion of Foreign Direct Investment
(FDI), down from USD 242.49 billion in 2015 (World Bank, 2016a). Despite
the decline in inflows of FDI in 2016, the United Nations Conference on
Trade and Development (UNCTAD) reports that China was still the world’s
third‑largest recipient of FDI (UNCTAD, 2017).
What was peculiar was that while Hong Kong is basically a part of China,
investments coming from Hong Kong are still considered foreign investments.
Tracing the source of capital in Hong Kong is complicated because part of this
capital is thought to be channelled via Hong Kong from Taiwan and Main­
land China for different reasons (Wei, 1996). This situation suggests that it
was intranational capital rather than international capital that has contributed
most to the economy of China because inflows of FDI from Hong Kong into
China remain the largest (National Bureau of Statistics of China, 2016). Addi­
tionally, overseas Chinese use their cultural and linguistic links to gain favour­
able preferential treatment in the region where they trace their ancestry (Wei,
1996). This is not only a form of domestic investment but is also an important
distinct characteristic of FDI in China that should be highlighted.
The study by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) explained that FDI
yields many benefits, but most importantly, it provides additional benefit that
was not found in other form of capital flows, e.g., it was not able to leave the
host country easily, particularly during a crisis (Loungani & Razin, 2001).
The resilience of such capital proves to be important for developing coun­
tries. Southeast Asian countries that depend on non‑FDI capital suffered more
severely as compared to East Asian countries during the Asian Financial Crisis.
The long‑term investment nature of FDI helps to develop human capital and
technology in the host countries. Since the reforms, data point that the form
of capital flows into China was predominantly FDI except before the early
1990s when foreign loans and portfolio investments were the largest contribu­
tors to China’s foreign investment (National Bureau Statistics of China, 2014;
Wei, 1996).
Key Debates on China’s Development 3

Foreign trade has surged to an unprecedented scale, accounting for


12.4 percent of the Chinese Gross Domestic Product (GDP) in 1980 to 64.5
percent of the GDP in 2006 (World Bank, 2018a). Through trade and FDI,
China has managed to accumulate massive reserves. By 2015, China’s total re­
serves were bigger than the total reserves of the United States (US) by nearly
10 times (World Bank, 2016u). Despite these impressive economic figures,
there is doubt over whether this represents the real development of China
as the figures include the production of foreign companies within Chinese
borders. By looking at the aggregate data, it is fairly easy to argue that China
indeed has achieved impressive development since its reforms. However, the
underlying consequences associated with these figures are largely masked in
aggregate figures. The issues of exploitation, oppression, and inequality as­
sociated with the reforms need to be examined. This book has also made use
of both aggregate data and disaggregated data for a better understanding of
the Chinese economy, including how different types of firm ownership have
contributed to the economy.
Although there are abundant studies, this book offers a new approach to
understanding the unresolved debates surrounding the Chinese political econ­
omy. Comparative analysis of the competing theoretical perspectives employed
in this book looks at the multi‑dimensions of Chinese political economy, which
could provide a fine distinction of an understanding of Chinese development.
The main timeline of the research is from 1978 to the year 2023, although
development prior to the reform period has also been briefly discussed. This
book is interested in uncovering whether the reforms undertaken by the
­Chinese party‑state in the late 1970s helped to achieve economic development
and if these developments eventually paved the way for its catching up. What
would then be the development model that has allowed or denied Chinese
development? If China is catching up, are there any challenges that might
hinder China’s catch‑up? These were the puzzles that the book intends to
examine since they remain contested today. Chapter 1 is organised as follows.
First, there is a discussion on the unsettled debates of China’s development.
Next, this chapter discusses the evolution of the concept of development and
the development definition used in this book. In addition to giving an ac­
count of the evolution of the concept of development, measurement tools are
established. These tools are important because they provide a uniform assess­
ment of development that is lacking in the prior literature. With an established
measurement tool that clearly outlines the development indicators, China’s
development can be assessed systematically. Next are the scientific contribu­
tions, research methodology and finally, the structure of the book.

1.2 Unsettled Debates of China’s Development


China’s phenomenal economic performance in recent years has generated
enormous scholarly discussion (Huang, 2008; Kiely, 2015; Kolo, 2007;
Panitch & Gindin, 2013). While most scholars, but not all, agree that China
4 Key Debates on China’s Development

has undergone impressive economic growth since its reform and opening up
in the late 1970s, they disagree on whether these achievements could be trans­
lated to China’s catching up with developed countries. In general, there are
two perspectives formulated differently on the issue of China’s catch‑up. The
first perspective comes largely from economists, particularly those from Gold­
man Sachs, who theorise a rise of emerging powers, notably China. These
economists are optimistic that China will lead future global growth (Goldman
Sachs, 2010). The growing influence of China is said to have perpetuated
South‑South trade which has allowed the South to “decouple” from depend­
ence on the West (Kiely, 2015, p. 2). Reports by international organisations,
notably the United Nations, henceforth UN (2015), and Organisation for
Economic Co‑operation and Development, henceforth OECD (2010), fur­
ther support the trend of income convergence between high‑income nations
and emerging countries.
PricewaterhouseCoopers (PwC) estimates that in 2050, China and
India would be the world’s two largest economies in terms of GDP at Pur­
chasing Power Parity (PPP) (PwC, 2017). It is noteworthy that during the
2000s, China and India have grown “three to four times the OECD average”
(OECD, 2010, p. 4). Therefore, there is evidence for the optimistic view of
China converging with the developed nations in the sense of catching up,
specifically during and after the 2008 crisis. This is especially so when the
estimated year that China could possibly overtake the US as the largest econ­
omy has fast‑forwarded 14 years to 2027. Such projections once again rein­
forced the optimism of China catching up and overtaking the US (O’Neill &
Stupnytska, 2009).
Another perspective found in Chinese development literature is that
China’s exceptional growth in the past does not automatically translate to
catching up with the developed nations, specifically with the US (Lieberthal,
2010; Panitch & Gindin, 2013). Despite viewing China’s growth optimisti­
cally, Panitch and Gindin (2013) maintain that the global capitalist order is
still led by America. As industrial exports were mainly produced by foreign
firms and joint ventures, some scholars argue that China’s economic domi­
nance has been overstated. They argue that China is still lagging in technology
and remains in need of what the US can offer. Therefore, investments by US
Multinational Companies (MNCs) such as Microsoft and International Busi­
ness Machines Corporation (IBM) are more significant than the first wave of
investments in China, which were labour‑intensive in nature (Panitch & Gin­
din, 2013). Most importantly, the model of rapid catch‑up pursued by China
has had profound environmental implications, which will need to be dealt with
quite urgently. In a similar vein, Liebertal (2010) maintains that although the
reforms led to impressive growth rates, the GDP per capita of China is still rel­
atively low compared to the US. Furthermore, both Hardy and Budd (2012)
and Liebertal (2010) argue that the US has long been leading the race in
technological development, whereas China has just begun to make progress.
Key Debates on China’s Development 5

Another central debate that has stemmed from various discussions of


Chinese development is the question of China’s economic development
model. The China model is commonly associated with the East Asian Model,
sometimes referred to as the Developmental State Model (Arrighi, 2007;
Boltho & Weber, 2009). However, both Huang (2008) and Zhao (2010) are
of the opinion that China is not following an East Asian Model, although the
Chinese model may appear similar. Huang (2008) argues that the essential
difference between the China Model and the East Asian Model is the engine
of growth. While growth in the East Asian Model adopted by Hong Kong
and South Korea is driven by small private businesses, in China, the businesses
that have boosted growth are dictated by the state, though they may not be
state‑owned enterprises (SOEs). Zhao (2010), however, differentiates the
models by looking at the political aspects. In the reform process, East Asian
model countries have adopted liberal democracy while China continues to
maintain its single‑party rule, though it is cautiously transforming to be more
receptive to citizens’ demands. The argument made by Zhao is contradicted by
Boltho and Weber (2009), who question if Japan, Taiwan, and South K ­ orea,
which adopted the East Asian Model, can be considered liberal democracies in
the Western sense, especially during their period of rapid growth.
In light of this controversy, this book has two key research questions: (1)
Can China catch up? and (2) What is the particular development model of
China? Since the two main research questions are too broad to be assessed
directly, each of the research questions is further split into two sub‑questions.
Corresponding to the question of catch‑up, my first research sub‑question is
“Is there economic development in China?” After confirming that China has
economic development, I further question, “Is there developmental catch‑up
in China?” Corresponding to the second research question with regard to the
development model of China, I first examine “Is Chinese political economy
capitalist?” Subsequently, I seek to understand “If Chinese political economy
is capitalist, what variety of capitalism it is?” The two main research ques­
tions were derived through a critical examination of the existing literature on
­Chinese development. Specifically, I find that there are two debates, closely
related to one another, which remain unresolved and require further investiga­
tion in a guided and systematic manner. The findings for key research question
one indicate that China has the potential to fully catch up with the advanced
economies; however, there are obstacles to achieving this goal. Therefore, this
book also includes a discussion of the potential challenges that might hinder
China’s full catch‑up in Chapter 7.
The period of active decolonisation following the end of the Second World
War garnered massive discussion on how to undertake development, particu­
larly in less developed countries. This book engages with development theories
that emerged or were popularised after World War II, although the popularity
of some theories may have been reduced over the years. The selection of the
theories is also directed towards those most commonly engaged within the
6 Key Debates on China’s Development

existing development literature, most notably on Chinese development. Based


on these selection criteria, the four most relevant development theories are
identified. These development theories are Modernisation Theory, Depend­
ency Theory, Developmental State Theory, and the Theory of Uneven and
Combined Development. Therefore, this book uses theoretical frameworks
built upon these four theories of development to help us assess the political
economy of China (see Chapter 2).

1.3 Concept of Development


A precise definition of development is difficult to reach because this con­
cept is often associated with values, which, at times, can be politically ori­
ented (­Barnett, 1988). This is argued by Chambers, who contends that
“[d]evelopment has been taken to mean different things at different times, in
different places, and by different people in different professions and organisa­
tions” (Chambers, 2004, p. 2). Nevertheless, the definition of “good change”
provided by Chambers (2004, pp. 2–3) is one that resonates with many. How­
ever, this definition also poses a problem when the nature of good change is
perceived differently by different cultures. Conventionally, the idea of devel­
opment is associated with a country’s economic growth. As such, GDP is the
most frequently used indicator to assess a country’s development. A high GDP
per capita undoubtedly signifies that this particular country is doing well and
growing significantly (Tucker, 2010). However, Willis (2005, p. 17) argues
that “the emphasis on the economic, rather than other possible dimensions
of development, could be regarded as implying that economic factors are the
most important aspects of ‘development’”.
Therefore, over time, the understanding of development has evolved to
encompass a more comprehensive meaning. In 1990, the United Nations
Development Programme (UNDP) introduced the concept of “human de­
velopment” (Matthias, 2008, p. 3). This concept encompasses three dimen­
sions that are essential in enlarging people’s capabilities: health, education, and
standard of living. Scholars argue that empowering these three dimensions
would allow individuals to have sufficient capabilities to achieve their desired
state of being (Stanton, 2007). In other words, these three dimensions are
the fundamental determinants of the enhancement of individual capabilities.
The dimensions are, respectively, measured by four values, which are life ex­
pectancy at birth, adult literacy rates and mean years of schooling, and lastly,
real GDP per capita, later replaced by real Gross National Product (GNP) per
capita (Bellù, 2011; Engerman, 2007). Although others (Seers, 1972; Sen,
1988) had broadly discussed the need for social development alongside eco­
nomic development at an earlier period, UNDP’s initiative arguably did result
in a paradigm shift for development.
In order to operationalise the concept of human development, UNDP de­
vised a composite index, which was named the Human Development Index
(HDI), an alternative to the GDP approach. This index was built based on
Key Debates on China’s Development 7

the belief that high economic growth not translated into enlarging people’s
capabilities is meaningless. Furthermore, according to the Human Develop­
ment Report by the UNDP (1996, p. 1), “human development is the end—
economic growth a means”. In layman’s terms, this means that the purpose of
growth is to improve people’s lives. This process of translating growth into
development may not happen spontaneously.
There are many cases whereby countries that achieve considerable success
in their economic growth have lower life expectancy than countries that have
less economic growth. Referring to the work of Amartya Sen (1988), the
study shows that China had USD 310 per capita GNP with 69‑year life expec­
tancy in 1984, but South Africa with a higher GNP per capita (USD 2340)
unexpectedly had a shorter life expectancy of only 54 years. Many other vari­
ables that could also possibly influence the living conditions should be taken
into account. Despite this, Sen (1988) agrees that a good economic founda­
tion is essential to the general well‑being of humans. Sen’s idea was affirmed
by the Human Development Report in 1996. It reported that more economic
growth is required as we step into the 21st century, but that growth ought
to be channelled into improving people’s living conditions. Only then can
countries achieve real development. The Human Development Report pub­
lished in 2010 further found that “there is a strong relation between national
levels of income and national levels of health and education” (UNDP, 2010,
pp. ­47–48). It was found that this is also applicable at the individual and
household levels. Overall, the HDI is essential to capture the multi‑faceted
nature of development. The results in terms of HDI can also help countries to
design policies more effectively, especially policies towards the eradication of
poverty, one of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) set by the UN
and now replaced by the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).
The concept of development has evolved over the years, and when dis­
cussing development in general terms, the concept of human development is
much more well‑received. However, as indicated, this book assesses Chinese
development using theoretical frameworks built upon existing development
theories, and as such, it is more appropriate to use the concept of development
as defined by these theories as found in political economy literature. In general,
the political economy literature defines “development” as “something that oc­
curs in the developing world, describing the processes by which poorer coun­
tries catch up with richer, developed, countries” (Kiely, 2007a, p. 9). This idea
of development was popularised post‑1945. The root of the idea, however,
dates back to the 18th century and was characterised by debates about mo­
dernity and progress (Kiely, 2007a). Post‑development theorists would argue
that this concept of development is Eurocentric (Willis, 2005). Nevertheless,
according to Barnett (1988, p. 179), Weber believes a development concept
which is ascribed with values is not a major problem if the “form of the argu­
ment, the definitions of the concepts, the method of measurement, is made
clear to others”. Concurring with Weber’s position that a concept ascribed
with values is less of a problem if clearly presented, this book aligns with the
8 Key Debates on China’s Development

concept of development used in the main political economy literature after the
Second World War. In that sense, development generally refers to the process
of catching up of poorer countries with richer and more advanced countries
(Kiely, 2007a). Likewise, such a conceptualisation of development is also one
that is widely adopted in the Chinese development literature. However, there
is minimal literature that discusses the operationalisation of catch‑up, which
makes it an abstract concept. In essence, the operationalisation of catch‑up
would require a comparison of the level of development of China with devel­
oped countries.
Therefore, this book will assess China’s level of development in terms of its
economic progress and the advancement of technology in relation to devel­
oped countries, especially the US. The economic progress of China is assessed
by economic indicators such as GDP and GDP per capita, trade balance, total
amount of foreign reserves, household income, poverty rate, and other related
indicators. When discussing the developmental catch‑up of China, I will also
assess the level of technological advancement by examining Chinese Research
and Development (R&D) expenditure, the number of patents Chinese firms
produce, domestic value‑added content in trade, and other related indicators.
A large improvement in productivity is closely related to a country’s techno­
logical prowess. Therefore, Total Factor Productivity (TFP) is an important
indicator for evaluating Chinese technological advancement.

1.4 Scientific Contributions


The belief in the rise of China has prompted many scholarly studies about
China, but there is minimal literature that has employed a theoretical as­
sessment of Chinese political economy and development. In the absence of
such scholarship, this study proposes a comparative analysis of the competing
theoretical perspectives for a refined understanding of the Chinese political
economy. Four development theories, notably Modernisation Theory, De­
pendency Theory, the Theory of Uneven and Combined Development, and
Developmental State Theory, were used to examine two key research ques­
tions. This new approach eliminates confirmation bias as well as avoids a sim­
plistic understanding of Chinese development. Theories are essential because
they provide concepts to grasp the complexity of the world. This book sheds
light on general mechanisms and processes of change, specifically dynamic
changes in the international division of labour through the lens of develop­
ment theories. This, I argue, is one of the fundamental contributions this book
makes to the existing body of knowledge.
This book also revives the Dependency Theory, arguing that it raises some
valid concerns which remain relevant today. In particular, the theory high­
lights how opening up an economy to core countries will invite many forms of
exploitation in peripheral countries. Engaging with the Dependency Theory’s
assumptions creates awareness of the forms of exploitation and dependency
that can be faced by peripheral countries in the process of integration into the
Key Debates on China’s Development 9

world economy. This serves as a reminder for peripheral countries to take a


more cautious approach when opening up their economy to the outside world.
Another fundamental contribution this book makes is in acknowledg­
ing the importance of a theoretical understanding of Chinese development
but, at the same time, recognising that there is often a discrepancy between
theoretical predictions and empirical investigations. My observation of China
and its development is a case in point. In Chapter 4, I confirmed that after
the reforms in the late 1970s, China has been catching up with advanced
industrialised countries. This developmental outcome is in line with the argu­
ment made by Modernisation Theory. These reforms brought market forces
into the economy, but it must be noted that this was done through constant
guidance by the state. Despite agreeing that the Maoist era had laid a strong
foundation for China’s “take‑off” in later years, the Chinese government has
never pushed for full liberalisation of the economy as suggested by Moderni­
sation Theory. My empirical observation reveals that not only has China not
adopted free‑market policies, but throughout its development process, there
were times when liberalisation was reversed.
In Chapter 4, the empirical findings indicate that China did indeed develop
in an uneven and combined way as predicted by the Theory of Uneven and
Combined Development, yet my analysis reveals that this theory fails to capture
how the interaction and competition of different social forces within China has
played out, which has partly influenced the decision of the Chinese state to ab­
stain from fully integrating into the global political economy. Specifically, the
decision has retained the financial sector under the watchful eyes of the state.
The partial integration of China into the global economy has allowed her to
retain some forms of autonomy to shape her economy, which I argue, and later
demonstrate, is a crucial factor that makes developmental catch‑up possible for
China, albeit not without challenges. Moreover, social forces within China,
notably domestic capitalists, who have become increasingly powerful, will urge
the state to pursue high value‑added production, which the Theory of Uneven
and Combined Development is not able to account for. This is another factor
why I argue China has the potential to catch up.
The book’s final contribution is to highlight different potential challenges
China faces in order to fully catch up with the advanced industrialised econo­
mies. Such inclusion creates a basis for future research to explore ways to
overcome these challenges. Ultimately, this book maintains that the theoreti­
cal frameworks proposed allow the assessment of the key debates surrounding
Chinese development to be more systematic and comprehensive.

1.5 Research Methodology


The main objective of this book is to examine and understand several continu­
ing and unresolved debates surrounding Chinese development. In general,
there are two unresolved debates surrounding Chinese development. On the
one hand, much literature has agreed that China’s economic growth has been
10 Key Debates on China’s Development

remarkable. However, there are still doubts about whether the impressive
economic figures reflect China’s catch‑up with developed countries. The sec­
ond debate arises from the mixed opinions of scholars regarding China’s eco­
nomic development model. Certain scholars have associated the China model
with the East Asian Model or Developmental State Model (Arrighi, 2007;
Boltho & Weber, 2009), but others tend to disagree with this association.
Based on the two key debates, there are five research sub‑questions that
need to be addressed. The first research sub‑question, “Is there economic
development in China?” is addressed through the lenses of Modernisation
Theory and Dependency Theory. The second research sub‑question, “Is
there developmental catch‑up in China?” is addressed through the lenses of
Modernisation Theory and the Theory of Uneven and Combined Develop­
ment. As for the third research sub‑question, “Is Chinese political economy
capitalist?” no relevant development theories could be used to assess the
question. Therefore, the third research sub‑question is addressed through
the assessment of work reports of the Chinese government, speeches of
Chinese leaders and other scholarly literature. The fourth research sub‑
question, “If Chinese political economy is capitalist, what variety of capital­
ism it is?” is addressed through the lens of Modernisation Theory and De­
velopmental State Theory. The fifth research sub‑question, “What are the
potential challenges that might hinder China’s full catch‑up?” is addressed
using scholarly articles, news reports, and policy documents. As this book
is qualitative in nature, the main method employed to achieve the objective
is document analysis.

1.5.1 Document Analysis

This book primarily relies on primary sources (government documents, sta­


tistical data from government agencies, and intergovernmental organisation
reports) and secondary sources (books, academic journals, and international
financial institution reports) to analyse the propositions put forth by develop­
ment theories in relation to the research questions. The triangulation of data
from various sources is important to assert the credibility of the findings, and
for this book, document analysis is particularly useful to trace the change and
development of Chinese government policies (Bowen, 2009).
In this book, I engaged with the extensive scholarly literature on Chinese
development. This book made most reference to the work of Yasheng Huang,
Capitalism with Chinese Characteristics and Ray Kiely’s work on The BRICs,
US “Decline” and Global Transformation. The study by Huang (2008) is ar­
guably one of the most cited pieces of work to understand the inner workings
of the Chinese political economy. Other books this research drew on include
China Since 1949, Subsidies to Chinese Industry: State Capitalism, Business
Strategy and Trade Policy and Demystifying the Chinese Economy. Additionally,
this book also refers to journal articles published in the area of Chinese politi­
cal development.
Key Debates on China’s Development 11

This book derived other essential data from the website of the National
Bureau of Statistics of China. Specifically, this book draws data from various
years of the China Statistical Yearbook found on the website. This includes data
ranging from basic statistics on science and technology activities to foreign
trade and economic cooperation with other countries. To compare China’s
level of development with other countries, this book also uses the World Bank
database for aggregate time‑series data that allows cross‑country comparison.
The China Household Finance Survey conducted by Southwestern University
of Finance and Economics in Chengdu with Mr. Gan Li of Texas A&M Uni­
versity further complemented data from the Statistical Yearbook. This survey
collects household‑level data which was used to measure and estimate the Gini
coefficient of rural and urban areas.
This book also draws information from reports produced by intergovern­
mental organisations such as the World Trade Organisation (WTO), IMF,
OECD, and UNCTAD as well as from international financial institutions such
as PwC, Deloitte, and Goldman Sachs. This book refers to World Investment
Reports for various years published by UNCTAD for data concerning China’s
trade and investment. Since the Chinese economy has always been bench­
marked against the US, this book has also identified the opinions and evalua­
tions of various US government agencies towards China and its development
by examining authoritative reports or press releases by the CIA, United States
Trade Representative, US Department of State, and US‑China Economic and
Security Review Commission.
I also studied and drew extensively on speeches of Deng Xiaoping, com­
piled in Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping across three volumes to understand
the underlying meaning of “Socialism with Chinese Characteristics”. Subse­
quently, how other top national leaders such as former President Jiang Zem­
ing, President Hu Jintao, and current President Xi Jinping justify the concept
of “Socialism with Chinese Characteristics” was also examined.

1.6 The Structure of the Book


This book comprises eight chapters. Chapter 1 establishes the background
context of China, addressing unsettled debates, defining the concept of de­
velopment, presenting the scientific contributions of the book, and discussing
its research methodology and structure. Chapter 2 explores four development
theories and examines their assumptions about the Chinese political economy
and development. In Chapter 3, I investigate whether China’s integration into
the economy leads to progress or underdevelopment, as argued by rival theo­
ries, Modernisation Theory, and Dependency Theory. Chapter 4 addresses the
question of China’s catch‑up, evaluating the assumptions presented by Mod­
ernisation Theory and the Theory of Uneven and Combined Development
through a comparison with empirical evidence on the ground. Chapters 5 and
6 aim to understand the nature of China’s political economy. In Chapter 5,
I examine the official narrative of “Socialism with Chinese Characteristics”
12 Key Debates on China’s Development

and how it has entered a new era. Additionally, we delve into scholarly debates
about the nature of the Chinese political economy, ultimately concluding that
it is capitalist. Chapter 6 then seeks to answer the question of what variety
of capitalism defines China’s political economy. Moving on, Chapter 7 dis­
cusses various potential challenges that might impede China from achieving
full catch‑up. Finally, the last chapter summarises the findings of this book.

Note
1 CPC will be used interchangeably with the Chinese Communist Party (CCP).
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