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THE PALGRAVE MACMILLAN SERIES IN
INTERNATIONAL POLITICAL COMMUNICATION
SERIES EDITOR: ALISTER MISKIMMON
Digital Political
Communication Strategies
Multidisciplinary Reflections
Edited by
Berta García-Orosa
The Palgrave Macmillan Series in International
Political Communication
Series Editor
Alister Miskimmon
History, Anthropology, Philosophy & Politics
Queen’s University Belfast
Belfast, UK
From democratization to terrorism, economic development to conflict
resolution, global political dynamics are affected by the increasing
pervasiveness and influence of communication media. This series examines
the participants and their tools, their strategies and their impact.
Digital Political
Communication
Strategies
Multidisciplinary Reflections
Editor
Berta García-Orosa
University of Santiago de Compostela
Santiago de Compostela, Spain
© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer
Nature Switzerland AG 2022
This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the
Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of
translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on
microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval,
electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now
known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this
publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are
exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information
in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the
publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to
the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The
publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and
institutional affiliations.
This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature
Switzerland AG.
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
Foreword
v
vi FOREWORD
receiver, and we select the direction of the flows while connecting perma-
nently to the digital hypertext where all information is stocked in the
cloud, this mysterious entity, permeating all what we do and intend to do.
For the great joy of the surveillance apparatus, what I have defined as the
globally networked surveillance bureaucracy. But no, this is not the tri-
umph of Big Brother, because we the people can intervene in this ocean of
communication flows and bypass the monopoly of mass communication
that was exercised until recently by corporations and governments.
Networked social movements rose powerfully in the last two decades,
challenging the powers that be, from Tahrir Square to Puerta del Sol and
to Liberty Park. However, no, this is not either the kingdom of freedom.
Because after an initial moment of confusion that took institutions and
companies by surprise, their counterattack was ferocious. They quickly
learned to shift their machinery to social networks and did not hesitate in
engaging in mass disinformation, fake news, use of deep fake in political
campaigns, blurring forever the lines of the democratic debate that has
now long foregone in just a few years. The immediate outcome of these
new political communication strategies is the rise of monsters such as
Bolsonaro or Trump, that are here to stay, as well as the institutional cri-
ses, exemplified by Brexit, that challenge the European dream of unity,
peace, and a borderless continent. The crisis of political legitimacy that has
shaken liberal democracy on a global scale is amplified by this new com-
munication system. At the roots of the crisis, of course, it is not techno-
logical change. But if power is constructed in communication and
communication networks radically change, the political game (that is not
just online but digital in its variety of dimensions) is altered forever. The
old forms of democracy are superseded. Democracy is not. But it will have
to be re-imagined in the new communication paradigm. This fundamental
crisis, that disables societies to debate and manage their conflicts in a dem-
ocratic mode, has been exacerbated by the pandemics we are in. In fact, at
this point, disinformation kills by the thousands. Tyrants and demagogues
manipulate a terrified populace, and apocalyptic prophecies enter the
world or real virtuality literally threatening our very survival as a species.
We must not indulge in this darkness, letting ourselves go into the dark
aesthetics of end of the worldism. More than ever, we must fight, recon-
struct, re-imagine our lives, and overcome these multiple crises by open-
ing up to new avenues of experimentation and solidarity. For this, we do
have the powerful tool of the social networks, reconfigured around demo-
cratic and egalitarian values. Technology does not determine us. But we
FOREWORD vii
cannot either ignore technology, we have to fight the battles of each time
with the instruments adequate to the historic time we live. Thus, it is
essential to recover the dream of the Internet as freedom. While not for-
getting any longer that freedom allows humans, all humans, in their thorny
diversity, to engage in the political battles being fought in the networks.
We have to win democratic elections by asserting values of democracy,
equality, and love. Yet, to win these elections, we, those who believe in a
better world, must conquer cultural hegemony for these values, where it
matters nowadays: in the digital communication networks.
The research presented in this volume is a critical instrument for under-
standing political communication in our century, thus lighting the path
for the revival of democracy.
Madrid, year II of the Pandemics.
This research has been developed within the research project “Digital
Native Media in Spain: Storytelling Formats and Mobile Strategy”
(RTI2018–093346-B-C33), funded by the Ministry of Science, Innovation
and Universities (Government of Spain) in Novos Medios Group Research
and the ERDF structural fund.
ix
Contents
Part I1
xi
xii Contents
Part II117
Conclusions211
Index221
Notes on Contributors
xiii
xiv NOTES ON CONTRIBUTORS
xxi
List of Graphs
xxiii
List of Tables
xxv
PART I
CHAPTER 1
Berta García-Orosa
B. García-Orosa (*)
University of Santiago de Compostela, Santiago de Compostela, Spain
e-mail: [email protected]
We might term the period from 2004 (the birth of Facebook) to 2008
as the second wave. In it, social networks such as Twitter, YouTube and
Facebook begin to flourish. The circulation of messages on different plat-
forms takes centre stage, though without adapting messages to the pecu-
liarities of each platform. The audience also becomes a foundational pillar
under the umbrella of engagement and democratic debate. Such debate,
however, is often reduced to making messages go viral and to generating
page views. Though some initially believed that social media presence in
and of itself would create dialogue and engagement, it was quickly under-
stood that this was, in fact, a strategic decision (Smith, 2018) influenced
by the social environment, resources, and prioritised modalities of engage-
ment and relating with audiences (Campbell & Lambright, 2020). In this
second wave, there emerge distinct online public spaces which could serve
as alternatives to traditional ones, as the former facilitate participation,
allow citizens to cooperate and express their opinions, and act as society’s
watchdog in an egalitarian production model (Salikov, 2019).
Scientific literature often refers to the 2008 US election as a milestone,
especially with former US President Barack Obama’s campaign (Bimber,
2014; Lilleker et al., 2015; Stromer-Galley, 2019) signalling the start of
the third wave. The intensive use of social networks and micro-
segmentation, as well as the prominence of big data, defines this wave. In
it, advances in languages and storytelling, artificial intelligence and gami-
fication stand out, alongside the mise-en-scène of new actors which will
cement their place in the fourth wave. Bossetta (2019) notes the strategy
of gamification, that is, the application of game design elements in non-
gaming contexts which, in this case, promotes a certain political position.
Still, the question of whether the power of the game’s design is coercive
and to what extent it can affect players’ political preferences or their con-
fidence in democracy remains unanswered.
Although time constraints are only an analytical reference, we could
place the beginning of the fourth wave—the current one—in 2016, with
the pronounced emergence of artificial intelligence and astroturfing in the
pro-Brexit campaign. The current wave of digital political communication
is characterised by: (a) digital platforms as political actors involved in all
phases of communication; (b) the intensive use of artificial intelligence and
big data in all phases but specially in election campaigns; (c) the validation
of lies as a political strategy (among other fake news and post-truth phe-
nomena); (d) the combination of hyperlocal and supranational elements;
(e) uncritical technological determinism; (f) the search for engagement
1 DIGITAL POLITICAL COMMUNICATION: HYBRID INTELLIGENCE… 5
with audiences and co-production processes and (g) the three trends that
threaten democracy: polarisation, echo chambers and bubble filters.
This technology-intensive path reconfigures the public sphere, the con-
cept of citizenship and the role of citizens in politics (Marsh & Stoker,
1998; McNair, 2017; Clarke et al., 2006). Citizens, as actors in politics,
have at their disposal new resources to contribute to building the public
sphere, but at the same time find that the powers that be use increasingly
sophisticated and concealed strategies to impose their messages, actions
and, above all, frames upon the citizenry. Bots, fake news, new political
actors, the influence of digital platforms, the use of data mining and AI,
therefore, have reshaped the public sphere, and citizens must be prepared
for intensive intervention by these new actors.
Occasionally, when a hegemonic frame is fractured or counter-frames
arise, the status quo structure quickly institutionalises the new strategy.
For example, digital activism on behalf of a campaign will simulate public
support of a party’s ideas by recruiting digital activists (García-Orosa
et al., 2017) or cybertroopers.
In the fourth wave, the SARS-CoV-2 pandemic has changed the rules
of the game, as was the case with the 1918 pandemic and the American
election campaigns that marked a turning point in political communica-
tion. Though we still do not know if COVID-19 may entail permanent
transformations for digital political communication, the initial changes
have been particularly salient during election cycles, when the hunt for
votes intensifies (Landman & Splendore, 2020). Early studies on
COVID-19 and political communication highlight the importance of per-
sonalisation, trust in leaders and the influence of their messages on social
media (Grossman et al., 2020). For the time being, such loyalty and tradi-
tional left-right political attitudes seem to be intact (Bol et al., 2021).
Nonetheless, politicians have struggled to form coalitions and govern-
ments in recent elections (Field, 2020; Pilet, 2020).
During the pandemic, politicians on the campaign trail have faced two
challenges: (1) the citizenry’s heightened need to trust in leaders in the
face of social and economic uncertainty and (2) restrictions on public
gatherings.
Political actors vie for the citizenry’s presence and engagement. The
engagement they seek during election campaigns responds more to the
search for communicative interaction, manifesting as clicks, likes, com-
ments, tweets and recommendations, than to online collaboration based
6 B. GARCÍA-OROSA
countries and societies, the fake news that can condition political action
and the use of election-influencing bots. Moreover, it will allow us to shed
light on the options in which we the people have to participate actively
and ethically in political life in the coming years.
The way in which technological innovation influences not only how
messages are transmitted but also how they are produced is the authors’
starting point, but they do not succumb to technological determinism.
Rather, they analyse digital political communication as the central element
of communication. In lieu of merely describing how each tool is used, the
authors present them as part of a comprehensive system.
We hope this book will serve as a guide for political communication
directors, citizens, activists, students or scholars and provide them with a
multidisciplinary, longitudinal analysis of the actors and trends of the past
25 years.
This compendium of research is a geographically and culturally diverse
undertaking by researchers from various countries who have spent more
than 20 years studying politics.
We have divided the book into two parts. In two highly differentiated
sections, the researchers put forth a kaleidoscopic perspective complete
with a wide range of approaches to the present subject matter. The research
comes from diverse fields of knowledge with distinct hermeneutics and
approaches to reality, some focusing on theory and others on case studies
which illustrate the initial hypotheses.
In the first part, we look at the key players in digital communication. In
the second, we deal with some of the latest trends. There are 12 chapters
which can be read in any order.
In the first part, the authors discuss traditional media phenomena and
actors, how they have adapted to digital political communication and how
they have affected the same. In the second chapter, Eva Campos-
Domínguez (University of Valladolid, Spain) and Irene Ramos-Vielba
(Department of Political Science at the Danish Centre for Studies in
Research and Research Policy, Aarhus University, Denmark) explain the
important role played by parliaments in reinventing democracy with the
inclusive participation of different political actors. They review 25 years of
milestones in parliamentary communication and the transformation of
parliamentary governance. The authors analyse and provide examples of
the key trends and challenges along the road to hybrid parliament.
In the third chapter, Ainara Larrondo-Ureta (Universidad del País
Vasco/Euskal Herriko Unibertsitatea, Spain) and Koldobika Meso-Ayerdi
14 B. GARCÍA-OROSA
(idem) guide us through the evolution of political party strategies over the
past few decades. The researchers describe, discuss and provide examples
of major advances in organisational communication 2.0, in which mes-
sages tailor-made to the digital medium are used to drive audience partici-
pation. The chapter will deal with cross- platform, cross-media and
transmedia storytelling, as well as personalisation, emotionalisation, big
data and AI, in an effort to propose challenging new fields of research.
In the fourth chapter, Xosé López-García (University of Santiago de
Compostela, Spain), João Canavilhas (University of Beira Interior,
Portugal), María-Cruz Negreira-Rey (University of Santiago de
Compostela, Spain) and Jorge Vázquez-Herrero (idem) study digital
media and their relationship with the public sphere and reflect on the con-
ceptualisation and practice of political journalism within a recent phenom-
enon: digital native media. The authors identify trends, emerging
phenomena, and the evolving role of journalists and local and hyperlocal
media in democratic participation and the reinvention of democracy.
The fifth chapter focuses on lobbies. As researchers Antonio Castillo-
Esparcia (University of Málaga, Spain), Ana Almansa-Martínez (Idem)
and Gisela Gonçalves (University of Beira Interior, Portugal) indicate,
lobbies have been one of the least transparent and most influential actors.
The authors analyse lobbies’ actions and impacts, their influence on public
policy and the conceptual boundaries of different issues in various coun-
tries, dealing with them as channels of political communication and organ-
isational political communication.
The sixth chapter takes on a gender-based perspective and is dedicated to
a political figure made invisible by political parties and the media: the vic-
tims of femicide. Through a review of the situation in Latin America and a
case study, Santiago Gallur Santorum of the Technological Institute of
Santo Domingo (INTEC), who has analysed femicide in several countries
for more than 20 years, shines a light on this phenomenon and helps us
understand what drives it. The divide between reality, public policy and
opinions published in the media demonstrates how certain figures manage
to keep certain issues hidden.
To close the first section of this book, Sandra Flores-Guevara
(Autonomous University of the State of Hidalgo, México) and Laura
Georgina Ortega-Luna (idem) reflects on the intersection of social move-
ments and party systems as it pertains to the fluidity of political actors.
Throughout her study the reader will see the relationship between tradi-
tional and new political actors who together weave the fabric of democ-
racy. To illustrate this phenomenon, the author analyses the situation in
1 DIGITAL POLITICAL COMMUNICATION: HYBRID INTELLIGENCE… 15
supporting the project and writing the preface. We hope that you enjoy it
and that it may spur reflection and critical thinking in all those who read
it. As we set forth in the preface, we remain steadfast in our conviction that
a better world (for everyone) is possible.
Funding This chapter has been developed within the research project “Digital
Native Media in Spain: Storytelling Formats and Mobile Strategy”
(RTI2018–093346-B-C33) funded by the Ministry of Science, Innovation, and
Universities and co-funded by the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF).
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22 B. GARCÍA-OROSA
E. Campos-Domínguez (*)
Department of Modern, Contemporary and American History, Journalism,
Audiovisual Communication and Publicity, University of Valladolid,
Valladolid, Spain
e-mail: [email protected]
I. Ramos-Vielba
Department of Political Science, Danish Centre for Studies in Research and
Research Policy, Aarhus University, Aarhus, Denmark
e-mail: [email protected]
GASPARD DE BESSE
Le poète Jean Lecor fait recevoir une pièce en un acte et en vers par la
troupe de Gaspard de Besse.
Jean Lecor, prince des poètes, prince des conteurs, prince des acteurs, —
conquiert le droit d’être proclamé prince des avocats.