10.4324 9781315659558 Previewpdf

Migration and Agriculture
In recent years, Mediterranean agriculture has experienced important transformations

which have led to new forms of labour and production, and in particular to a surge
in the recruitment of migrant labour. The Mediterranean Basin represents a very
interesting arena that is able to illustrate labour conditions and mobility, the com-
petition among different farming models, and the consequences in terms of the
proletarianization process, food crisis and diet changes.
Migration and Agriculture brings together international contributors from
across several disciplines to describe and analyse labour conditions and inter-
national migrations in relation to agri-food restructuring processes. This unique
collection of articles connects migration issues with the proletarianization process
and agrarian transitions that have affected Southern European as well as some
Middle Eastern and Northern African countries in different ways. The chapters
present case studies from a range of territories in the Mediterranean Basin,
offering empirical data and theoretical analysis in order to grasp the complexity
of the processes that are occurring.
This book offers a uniquely comprehensive overview of migrations, territories
and agri-food production in this key region, and will be an indispensable resource
to scholars in migration studies, rural sociology, social geography and the political
economy of agriculture.
Alessandra Corrado is assistant professor in the Department of Political and

Social Sciences, University of Calabria, and founding member of the Study
Center for Rural Development, Italy.
Carlos de Castro is lecturer in the Department of Sociology at the Universidad

Autónoma of Madrid, Spain.
Domenico Perrotta is tenured researcher and lecturer in the Sociology of

Cultural Processes at the University of Bergamo, Italy.
Routledge ISS Studies in Rural Livelihoods
Editorial Board: A. Haroon Akram-Lodhi (Trent University),
Saturnino M. Borras Jr. (Institute of Social Studies),
Cristóbal Kay (Chair) (Institute of Social Studies)
and Max Spoor (Institute of Social Studies).
Routledge and the Institute of Social Studies (ISS) in The Hague, the Netherlands
have come together to publish a new book series in rural livelihoods. The series
will include themes such as land policies and land rights, water issues, food policy
and politics, rural poverty, agrarian transformation, migration, rural-oriented
social movements, rural conflict and violence, among others. All books in the
series will offer rigorous, empirically grounded, cross-national comparative and
inter-regional analysis. The books will be theoretically stimulating, but will also
be accessible to policy practitioners and civil society activists.
For a complete list of titles in this series, please visit https://www.routledge.

com/series/ISSRL
11 Rural Livelihoods, Regional Economies and Processes of Change

Edited by Deborah Sick
12 Rural Development and the Construction of New Markets

Edited by Paul Hebinck, Jan Douwe van der Ploeg and Sergio Schneider
13 The Political Ecology of Agrofuels

Edited by Kristina Dietz, Bettina Engels, Oliver Pye and Achim
Brunnengräber
14 Rural Wage Employment in Developing Countries

Theory, evidence and policy
Edited by Carlos Oya and Nicol Pontara
15 Migration and Agriculture

Mobility and change in the Mediterranean area
Edited by Alessandra Corrado, Carlos de Castro and Domenico Perrotta
Migration and Agriculture
Mobility and change in the
Mediterranean area
Edited by
Alessandra Corrado, Carlos de Castro
and Domenico Perrotta
First published 2017
by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
and by Routledge
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
 2017 selection and editorial matter, Alessandra Corrado, Carlos de Castro
and Domenico Perrotta; individual chapters, the contributors
The right of the editors to be identified as the authors of the editorial
material, and of the authors for their individual chapters, has been asserted
by them in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs
and Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or
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any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing
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Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or
registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation
without intent to infringe.
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
Names: Corrado, Alessandra, editor.
Title: Migration and agriculture : mobility and change in the Mediterranean
Area / edited by Alessandra Corrado, Carlos de Castro, Domenico Perrotta.
Description: New York : Routledge, 2016. | Includes bibliographical
references.
Identifiers: LCCN 2016009919| ISBN 9781138962231 (hardback) |
ISBN 9781315659558 (ebook)
Subjects: LCSH: Foreign workers—Mediterranean Region. |
Agricultural laborers—Mediterranean Region.
Classification: LCC HD8650.7 .M525 2016 | DDC 331.5/44091822—dc23
LC record available at http://lccn.loc.gov/2016009919
ISBN: 978-1-138-96223-1 (hbk)

ISBN: 978-1-315-65955-8 (ebk)
Typeset in Times New Roman

by Book Now Ltd, London
To the memory of all the people who have died trying to cross
the Mediterranean Sea looking for a better life
Contents
List of figures xi
List of tables xiii
Notes on contributors xv
Acknowledgements xix
List of acronyms xxi
1 Cheap food, cheap labour, high profits:

agriculture and mobility in the Mediterranean: introduction 1
ALESSANDRA CORRADO, CARLOS DE CASTRO
AND DOMENICO PERROTTA
PART I
Migrant labour and ‘quality’ food products 25
2 The (sacred) cow business: narratives and practices

of the ‘ethnic niche’ of Indian Punjab milkers in the
Po Valley 27
VANESSA AZZERUOLI
3 Wine heritage and the ethnicization of labour: Arab

workers in the Bordeaux vineyards 42
CHANTAL CRENN
4 Processing tomatoes in the era of the retailing revolution:

mechanization and migrant labour in northern and
southern Italy 58
DOMENICO PERROTTA
viii Contents
PART II
Social (un)sustainability of intensive agriculture:
migrant labour in supply chains ‘under pressure’
in Southern Europe 77
5 Producing and mobilizing vulnerable workers:

the agribusiness of the region of Murcia (Spain) 79
ELENA GADEA, ANDRÉS PEDREÑO AND CARLOS DE CASTRO
6 Family farms, migrant labourers and regional imbalance

in global agri-food systems: on the social (un)sustainability
of intensive strawberry production in Huelva (Spain) 95
ALICIA REIGADA
7 The citrus fruit crisis: value chains and ‘just in time’

migrants in Rosarno (Italy) and Valencia (Spain) 111
ANNA MARY GARRAPA
8 Migrant labour and intensive agricultural production in

Greece: the case of the Manolada strawberry industry 128
APOSTOLOS G. PAPADOPOULOS AND LOUKIA-MARIA FRATSEA
PART III
Restructuring of agri-food systems in Maghreb
and the Middle-East 145
9 Contested red gold: the tomato in the context of

European–Moroccan relations 147
SARAH RUTH SIPPEL
10 Refugees in the agricultural sector: some notes on Syrians

in Hatay province, Turkey 168
SELMA AKAY ERTURK
PART IV
Restructuring of agricultural labour markets in Southern
Europe and Maghreb 181
11 Persistent unfree labour in French intensive agriculture:

an historical overview of the ‘OFII’ temporary
farmworkers programme 183
FRÉDÉRIC DÉCOSSE
Contents ix
12 ‘They know that you’ll leave, like a dog moving onto the
next bin’: undocumented male and seasonal contracted
female workers in the agricultural labour market of
Huelva, Spain 198
EMMANUELLE HELLIO
13 The land of informal intermediation: the social regulation

of migrant agricultural labour in the Piana del Sele, Italy 217
GENNARO AVALLONE
14 From the Al-Maghrib to the Al-Gharb: an anatomy of the

recruitment and labour incorporation of Moroccan
agricultural workers in the Algarve, Southern Portugal 231
DORA SAMPAIO AND RUI F. CARVALHO
15 Agricultural modernization, internal migration and the

formation of a wage labour market in the Souss region,
Morocco 246
MOHAMED BOUCHELKHA
PART V
Conflicts and resistances 259
16 Rural and farmers’ protest movements in Tunisia

and Egypt in the era of Arab revolts 261
ALIA GANA
17 Unionism of migrant farm workers: the Sindicato

Obreros del Campo (SOC) in Andalusia, Spain 277
FRANCESCO SAVERIO CARUSO
18 Entering the ‘plastic factories’: conflicts and competition

in Sicilian greenhouses and packinghouses 293
VALERIA PIRO AND GIULIANA SANÒ
Conclusion 309
19 Agrarian change and migrations in the Mediterranean
from a food regime perspective 311
ALESSANDRA CORRADO
Index 332
Figures
7.1 Citrus fruit chain 113

7.2 Traditional and modern distribution 121
8.1 Evolution of strawberry cultivation in Greece, 1961–2013 133
8.2 Evolution of exports and main exports countries, 2008–2014 135
14.1 Number of Moroccans per municipalities of the Algarve 236
Maps
1.1 The Mediterranean area xxiv
9.1 Intensive tomato production sites 151
Tables
4.1 Production of tomatoes for processing by year in Italy and

selected regions 60
4.2 Number of farms by agricultural area utilized for growing
industrial tomatoes in selected Italian regions and provinces 63
4.3 Horticultural vegetable crops in open fields: number of farms
and average utilized agricultural area per farm, in selected
Italian regions and provinces 63
5.1 Foreign workers registered for social security and in
employment, according to industry sector, Murcia,
2001–2013 84
5.2 Foreign worker permissions by sector, region of Murcia,
1995–2013 85
5.3 Contracts in agricultural occupations and contracts in
employment agencies by nationality, region of Murcia,
2006–2014 89
9.1 Greenhouse production of tomatoes in the Moroccan Souss 153
9.2 Tomato export by packing stations 154
12.1 Evolution of the contratacion en origen between 2000 and 2010 205
13.1 Total non-family farmworkers employed in the primary sector
by citizenship 220
13.2 Other labour employed on a non-regular basis in the primary
sector by citizenship 220
15.1 Investor’s nationality and surface area of plantations 249
Contributors
Gennaro Avallone is assistant professor in Sociology of Territory and

Environment at the University of Salerno (Italy), and member of FLACSO-
España. His research focuses on migration, migrant labour, urban transfor-
mations and world-ecology approaches. Over the last years, he has published
several articles and books on these topics.
Vanessa Azzeruoli obtained a PhD in Sociology at the University of Padova
(Italy). Her research interest is focused on the interaction among migration,
state policy and the labour market. She currently works as legal operator with
asylum seekers in Bologna.
Mohamed Bouchelkha is Professor of Rural and Social Geography at the
University Ibn Zohr, Agadir, Morocco. His current research interests include
the new socio-spatial changes in Moroccan countryside; the impacts of globali-
zation; internal migration dynamics; social management of natural resources.
Francesco Saverio Caruso is researcher of the Centre for Rural Development
Studies (University of Calabria, Italy) and member of the Centre for the Study
of Migration and Intercultural Relations (University of Almerìa, Spain). He is
currently Adjunt Professor of Sociology of Environment and Territory at the
University ‘Magna Graecia’ of Catanzaro (Italy).
Rui F. Carvalho is a Doctoral student in Sociology at Brown University, USA. He
is trained as a geographer and regional planner (BSc, New University of Lisbon,
2009). Before starting his PhD, he worked in various national and international
research projects at the University of Lisbon and the New University of Lisbon
(Portugal). His present research interests are varied but may overall be framed
within the scopes and fields of urban sociology and (international) migration.
Carlos de Castro is lecturer at the Department of Sociology at the Universidad
Autónoma of Madrid, Spain. His research focuses on the political and institu-
tional configuration of work and workers in the context of global production
networks in several sectors.
Alessandra Corrado is Assistant Professor of Rural Sociology, and Development
and Migrations at the University of Calabria (Italy). She is co-editor of the
xvi Contributors
book series Sviluppo e Territori / Development and Territories (Rosenberg &
Sellier, Turin) and member of the international editorial committee of the
book series Agrarian Change and Peasant Studies and editorial board of
the journal Sociologia Urbana e Rurale / Urban and Rural Sociology. Her
research activity revolves around development issues, international migrations,
and agri-food systems.
Chantal Crenn is lecturer in Social Anthropology, Université Bordeaux
Montaigne, and member of Editorial Board of the Journals Anthropologie au
Food and Corps. Her research focuses on the individual and collective
processes that contribute to create social and ethnic borders within food areas
in the context of a globalized society.
Frédéric Décosse is researcher of the Institute of Labour Economics and
Industrial Sociology at Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNSR).
He holds a doctorate in sociology from the École des Hautes Études en
Sciences Sociales (EHESS) in Paris. His thesis focused on Moroccan seasonal
workers employed contractually in the agricultural sector by the Office des
Migrations Internationales (Office of International Migrations). His research
interests include temporary migration programs, workers’ health and immigra-
tion struggles in the Mediterranean and in Latin America.
Selma Akay Erturk (PhD, Istanbul University, 2008; BA, Istanbul University,
2001) is Assistant Professor at the Department of Geography in Istanbul
University. Her research focuses on international migration, internal migra-
tion, effects of migration on settlements and urban geography.
Loukia-Maria Fratsea has studied agricultural economics and geography and
currently she is completing her PhD in the Department of Geography at
Harokopio University of Athens. She has participated in various research pro-
jects as a researcher; her research interests include agricultural transformation,
migration and social change, social mobility, civil society and migration and
research in rural societies.
Elena Gadea is lecturer at the Department of Sociology at University of Murcia.
Her research focuses on migrant workers and the impact of global process on
agricultural areas. She has published a number of peer-reviewed papers on
international workers´ migration and on the role of workers in global agricul-
tural production.
Alia Gana is research professor at CNRS (National Centre of Scientific Research,
University of Paris-Panthéon Sorbonne) and deputy director of the Research
Institute on Contemporary Maghreb (IRMC) in Tunis. Holding a PhD in rural
and environmental sociology (Cornell University), she has done extensive
research on issues such as social systems of farm production, agricultural
policies, rural and farm livelihoods, governance of water resources. Her most
recent work focuses on peasants’ movements and rural mobilizations in North
Africa in the era of ‘Arab revolts’.
Contributors xvii
Anna Mary Garrapa obtained a PhD in Urban and Local European Studies at the
University of Milano-Bicocca (2015). She is currently post-doctoral research
fellow at the Instituto de Investigaciones Economicas of the Universidad
Nacional Autonoma de México.
Emmanuelle Hellio is lecturer at University of Nice. She holds a PhD in sociology.
She is member of the URMIS (Research Unit on International Migration and
Society) and works on migration and the agricultural labour market.
Apostolos G. Papadopoulos has studied sociology and geography in Greece
and the United Kingdom. He is currently Professor of Rural Sociology and
Geography at Harokopio University of Athens. He has (co-)edited seven
collected volumes (two were published in English) and co-authored one book;
he has also published numerous articles in peer-reviewed journals, chapters in
books and various papers. His main research interests include: rural develop-
ment, local food and family farming, rural immigration, the transformation
of southern European societies, migrant integration and migrant associations.
Andrés Pedreño is Associate Professor of Sociology at the University of Murcia.
He has investigated several topics in the areas of agrarian and rural sociology,
migration and work. He has published a number of peer-reviewed papers on
international workers’ migration and on the role of workers in global agricul-
tural production.
Domenico Perrotta is Assistant Professor in Sociology of cultural processes at
the University of Bergamo (Italy) and co-editor of the journal Etnografia e
ricerca qualitativa / Ethnography and qualitative research. His research inter-
ests include migration processes, ethnography, ethnography of work, the nexus
between culture and power, migrant labour and agro-industrial supply chains.
Valeria Piro obtained a PhD in Sociology at the University of Milan, with a
thesis titled ‘Travagghiari a jurnata’. Investigating day labor inside Sicilian
tomatoes plastic factories.
Alicia Reigada is lecturer of Social Anthropology at the University of Seville
(Spain), and member of the GEISA Research Group. Her studies focus on
global agri-food chains, sustainability, social organization of labour, class,
migrations and gender relationships. She has participated in several inter-
national networks and projects focused on a compared analysis between the
Mediterranean and the Latin American intensive agriculture.
Dora Sampaio is currently a PhD candidate in Geography at the University of
Sussex, UK. Prior to joining Sussex in 2013, she worked at the Centre for
Geographical Studies of the University of Lisbon, where she was involved
in a number of European projects on national and international migration.
Trained as a human geographer at the University of Lisbon (BA, MA), her
main research foci lie in international migration and the life course, with
particular reference to rural and island contexts.
xviii Contributors
Giuliana Sanò obtained a PhD in Cultural Anthropology at the University of
Messina. Currently she is working as a researcher assistant for an ESRC-
funded comparative study of the migration crisis in the Mediterranean for the
University of Durham.
Sarah Ruth Sippel is a geographer and a Senior Researcher at the Centre for
Area Studies at the University of Leipzig, Germany. In her past research
she has investigated intensive agriculture and livelihood security in the
Mediterranean. Within this context she co-edited the volume Seasonal Workers
in Mediterranean Agriculture: The Social Costs of Eating Fresh (Routledge,
2014). Her current research focuses upon the nexus between food security,
financialisation of natural resources, and emerging forms of solidarity within
global agrifood systems.
Acknowledgements
Many of the contributions to this volume were first presented and discussed
during the seminar ‘Agriculture and Migration in the European Union’ held at
the University of Bergamo, Italy on 24–25 October 2013. The seminar generated
intense discussion and exchange among an interdisciplinary group of scholars. This
same network met on two other occasions at the international seminars ‘Migrant
Labor and Social Sustainability of Global Agri-Food Chains’ at the University
of Murcia in Spain on 5–7 November 2014, and ‘Human Capital, Wage Labour
and Innovation in Rural Areas’ at the Harokopio University of Athens, Greece on
23–24 October 2015. We would like to thank all the other participants in these
seminars for their helpful comments and criticisms.
The preparation of this edited volume presented major obstacles. A key
difficulty has been the issue of translation. The contributors are based in uni-
versities across the Mediterranean region and are trained in different disciplines
(sociology, anthropology and geography); moreover, none of them is a native
English speaker. Editing this book has involved the arduous task of translat-
ing concepts, arguments and ideas from different national traditions of agrarian
research, and of continually crossing academic boundaries. To this end, the lan-
guage revision carried out by our friend, colleague and excellent scholar Nick
Dines has been invaluable. Without his commitment, this book would probably
never have seen the light of day. As editors of this volume, we would like to
express to him our gratitude.
Another major difficulty facing the completion of this volume has been the dire
situation of academic labour in southern Europe over the last few years. Due to
austerity policies and public disinvestment in university education and research,
especially in Italy, many young, promising scholars after completing their PhD,
find themselves employed on extremely precarious contracts that often prevent
them from developing further their doctoral research.
We would like to thank Alessandro Bonanno, Jun S. Borras, Luis Camarero,
Philip D. McMichael, Dionisio Miranda Ortiz, Antonio Onorati, Germán Quaranta,
Apostolos Papadopoulos and Timothy Raeymaekers for their comments on the
introduction and on some of the chapter drafts of this volume. We are grateful to
Giovanni Salerno for the elaboration of the general map.
xx Acknowledgements
Finally, some of the editors and contributors to this volume have collabo-
rated with, or have been directly engaged in organizations of peasants and farm
workers: European Coordination of Via Campesina, Confédération Paysanne,
Colléctive de Défense des Travailleurs Agricoles, Centro Internazionale Crocevia,
Associazione Rurale Italiana, Campi Aperti, Brigate di Solidarietà Attiva, Fuori
dal Ghetto, Osservatorio Migranti Basilicata, Funky Tomato, Movimento Migranti
e Rifugiati di Caserta, SOS Rosarno, Sindicato de Obreros del Campo. These
various initiatives have represented crucial learning moments for many of us. For
this reason, we thank all those farm workers, peasants and critical consumers with
whom we have shared common experiences, discussions and projects.
Acronyms
AGCM Autorità Garante della Concorrenza e del Mercato (Italian

Antitrust Authority)
ANAEM Agence nationale d’accueil des étrangers and des migrations
(National Agency of Reception of Foreigners and of Migration)
ANAPEC Agence Nationale de Promotion de l’Emploi e des
Compétences (National Agency for Employment and
Competences Promotion)
ANGED Asociación Nacional Grandes de Empresas de Distribución
ANICAV Italian National Canneries Association
BBC British Broadcasting Corporation
CAF Family allowance fund
CAP Common Agricultural Policy
CCOO Comisiones Obreras (Workers’ Commissions)
CGB Confédération Générale des Planteurs de Betteraves (General
Confederation of Beetroot Planters)
CGIL Confederazione Generale Italiana del Lavoro (Italian General
Confederation of Labour)
CGT Confédération Générale du Travail (General Confederation of
Work)
CMO Common Market Organization
CNSS Caisse Nationale de Sécurité Sociale (National Bank of Social
Security)
COAG Coordinadora de Organizaciones de Agricultores y
Ganadero (Coordinator of Farmers’ and Livestock Breeders’
Organizations)
CODETRAS Collectif de défense des travailleurs agricoles saisonniers
(Collective for the Defense of Seasonal Agricultural Workers)
COEXPHAL Almerian Organization of Fruit and Vegetable Producers
COSAT South Africa’s Congress of South African Trade Unions
CUT Brazil’s Central Unica dos Trabalhadores (Unified Workers
Central)
DEMP Disaster & Emergency Management Presidency
xxii Acronyms
EACCE Etablissement Autonome de Contrôle et de Coordination des
Exportations (Authority for the Control and Coordiantion of
Exportations)
EC European Commission
EEC European Economic Community
ELSTAT Hellenic Statistical Authority
EMDA Eastern Mediterranean Development Agency
EP European Parliament
EU European Union
EUROSTAT European Statistical Authority
FDSEA Fédérations Départementales des syndicats d’exploitants
agricoles (Farmers’ local union)
FGSTE General Federation of Trade Unions of Egypt
FIDH Federación Internacional de Derechos Humanos (International
Federation of Human Rights)
FMO Fédération Professionnelle Agricole pour la Main-d’Oeuvre
Saisonnière (Agricultural Professional Federation for the
seasonal work)
FMR French Muslim Return
FNSA Fédération Nationale du Secteur Agricole (Moroccan National
Federation of Agricultural Sector)
FRCI French returnee of Islamic Faith
GDP Gross Domestic Product
GLOBALGAP Global Good Agricultural Practices
GRASP GLOBALG.A.P. Risk Assessment on Social Practice
GVC Global value chain
HPDA Hatay Provincial Directorate of Agriculture
INAO National Institute for Denominations of Origin
INE Instituto Nacional de Estadística (Spanish National Institute of
Statistics)
INEA Istituto Nazionale Economia Agraria (Italian National Institute
of Agricultural Economics)
ISMEA Istituto di Servizi per il Mercato Agricolo Alimentare
INTERFRESA Andalusian Interprofessional Strawberry Growers Association
ISTAT Istituto Nazionale di statistica (Italian National Institute of
Statistics)
KMU Philippines’ Kilusang Mayo Uno (May First Movement)
LMA Lisbon Metropolitan Area
LOA Leading Organic Alliance
MENA Middle East and North Africa
MINAGRI Ministère de l’agriculture (Ministry of Agriculture)
MSA Agricultural Social Insurance
MSSS Ministry of Solidarity and Social Security
NATO North Atlantic Treaty Organization
NGO Non-governmental organization
Acronyms xxiii
OECD Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development
OFII French Office for Immigration and Integration
OMA Oporto Metropolitan Area
OMI Office des Migrations Internationales (French Agency for
International Migration)
ONAGRI Observatoire National de l’Agriculture, Tunisie (National
Observatory of Agriculture)
ONI Office national d’immigration (French National Office for
Immigration)
ONS-MOI Ouvriers Non-Spécialisés indochinois de la Main-d’Oeuvre
Indigène (Indochinese Semi-Skilled Workers of the Native
Workforce)
ORMVA/SM Office Régional de Mise en Valeur Agricole du Souss-Massa
(Regional Agency for Registration of Agricultural Value in
Souss Massa)
PO Producer Organization
REDI Red Estatal por los Derechos de los Inmigrantes (National
Network for Human Rights)
RGPH Haut-Commissariat au Plan du Maroc (High Commisioner for
Plan du Maroc)
RONA Returnee of North-African origin
SAT Sindicato Andaluz de los Trabajadores (Andalusian Workers’
Union)
SE Southern European
SEF Portuguese Foreign and Borders Service
SOC Sindicato de Obreros del Campo (The Field Workers’ Union)
SODEA Société de Développement Agricole (Society for Agricultural
Development)
SOGETA Société de Gestion des Terres Agricoles (Society for the
Management of Agricultural Lands)
SYNAGRI Union of Tunisian Farmers
TNCs Transnational Companies
UGT Unión General de Trabajadores (General Workers Union)
UGTT General Union of Tunisian Workers
UMT Union Marocaine de Travail (Moroccan Workers Union)
UNHCR United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
US United States of America
UTAP Tunisian Union for Agriculture and Fisheries
WSRW Western Sahara Resource Watch
WTO World Trade Organization
WUAs Water users’ associations
Children
Children
Children Children
Safe: Safe: Children
Children
Safe: Children
Safe: Children
Children
Safe:
Safe: Safe:
Safe: Safe:
Safe:
Safe:
Children
Children Children Safe:
Children
Safe: Children Children
Children Safe:
Safe: Helping Children Face
Safe:Tough
Helping
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Children Face Tough Issues
Safe:
Safe: Helping Children Face Helping
Tough IssuesChildren Face Tough Issues
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Safe: Helping Children Safe: Issues
Helping Children Face Tough Issues
Map 1.1 The Mediterranean area.
1 Cheap food, cheap labour, high
profits: agriculture and mobility in
the Mediterranean
Introduction
Alessandra Corrado, Carlos de Castro
and Domenico Perrotta
1.1 A history of conflicts

A series of dramatic events in early 2000 in a small town in Andalusia starkly
revealed to an international public the dire environmental, social and labour con-
ditions in which fresh food was being produced for Europe’s supermarkets. The
town in question was El Ejido, the heart of a booming agricultural sector based
on intensive greenhouse production that relied on a largely North African and
eastern European migrant workforce. The area was already deeply divided by
social and racial tensions when in February a young Spanish woman was killed
by a mentally ill Moroccan labourer. Her murder sparked a spate of violent attacks
against migrants, which led to more than sixty Moroccans being injured and thou-
sands of migrant farm workers going on strike. The events were widely reported
by Europe’s main newspapers and prompted a host of investigations by NGOs
(Forum civique Européen, 2000, 2002), and academic studies (Checa, 2001;
Martinez Veiga, 2001, 2014; Potot, 2008; Caruso, this volume).
El Ejido was not an isolated case. Over the following years, rural areas across
the Mediterranean region would be shaken by numerous social and labour con-
flicts. In July 2005, 250 Moroccan, Tunisian and Chinese seasonal workers in the
small town of Poscros in the south of France went on strike to demand unpaid
wages and better housing and employment conditions. During the same period,
migrant workers recruited through the OMI seasonal contracts successfully
campaigned for their legal status in France to be made permanent (Décosse, 2011).
Italy would soon ‘discover’ the dramatic situation of farm workers in its
rural areas. In reality, the presence of migrant harvesters in its southern regions
had already come to national attention in 1989 after the murder of Jerry Essan
Masslo, a South African political refugee employed in the fields of Villa Literno
in Campania, who had publicly denounced the apartheid-like conditions in local
agriculture. Since this episode, the number of migrant agricultural labourers has
steadily grown, but their poor living and working conditions have usually only
come to light in similarly dramatic circumstances. In the autumn of 2006, an
international scandal broke out over the murder of Polish workers who had been
among hundreds of eastern Europeans trafficked for employment in the tomato
harvest in Foggia province in northern Puglia. In January 2010, violent riots
2 Alessandra Corrado et al.
broke out between migrants and the local population in Rosarno, a small town in
Calabria, following the umpteenth attack on sub-Saharan African citrus pickers
by local youths. In response, the Italian government sent in the army and 1,500
Sub-Saharan Africans were deported to other regions (Corrado, 2011). In August
2011, around 400 Tunisian and West African watermelon and tomato harvest-
ers went on a two-week strike against their employers and caporali, the illegal
farm labour contractors, in Nardò, a small town in southern Puglia (Perrotta and
Sacchetto, 2013).
In April 2013, the ugly side of Greek agriculture would also come to light.
In Manolada, a small town in the Peloponnese region, hundreds of Bangladeshi
strawberry pickers had been demanding unpaid wages. Local employers and
supervisors responded by opening fire on the workers and wounding 25 of them.
As in the other cases, this was by no means the first episode of violence and con-
flict to have occurred in an area of intensive agricultural production that supplied
the markets of the whole of Europe (Papadopoulos and Fratsea, this volume).
In the meantime, the southern shore of the Mediterranean has not been exempt
from rural conflicts. Between December 2011 and April 2013, international media
reported the struggles of the agricultural trade union FNSA (Fédération National
du Secteur Agricole) and thousands of mainly internal migrant farm workers
employed in the Moroccan region of Agadir-Souss Massa Drâa, where intensive
and export-oriented agriculture had developed during the previous 30 years. The
FNSA accused local farms, many owned by European investors or multinational
companies, of not respecting Moroccan legislation on labour and denounced
the pressures of European retail corporations upon Moroccan producers and the
knock-on effects upon farm workers.
Across the Mediterranean, farmers have been just as actively involved in con-
flicts as agricultural labourers. Southern European fruit and vegetable producers,
especially in Spain and Italy, have organized protests against cheap imports from
North Africa and the cheap prices paid by retailers, while French farmers have
campaigned against the import of Spanish low-cost produce. In 2016, Greek farm-
ers, fishermen and stockbreeders mobilized against austerity measures planned
by the government under pressure from the European Union, the International
Monetary Fund and the European Central Bank. In a different vein, since 2006
the European Coordination of Via Campesina has organized initiatives in many
Mediterranean countries in solidarity with peasants and farm workers involved in
struggles against neoliberal policies (Confédération Paysanne, 2011, 2015).
The 2011–12 ‘Arab Springs’ in Tunisia and Egypt have also been analysed in
terms of their strong connection with food crises, the restructuring of agriculture,
and the marginalization and dispossession of rural populations due to neoliberal
policies (Ayeb, 2011, 2012a, 2012b; Bush and Ayeb, 2014; Gana, 2012; similarly,
see McMichael, 2009 for an analysis of the 2007–2008 food crises in sub-Saharan
Africa). In 2011, following the overthrow of the Ben Alì and Gaddafi regimes, tens
of thousands of Tunisians and sub-Saharan Africans crossed the Mediterranean to
southern Italy, where many found employment in agriculture and some, in fact,
became directly involved in the Nardò strike in the summer of the same year.
Cheap food, cheap labour, high profits 3
As the Via Campesina noted, ‘the massive movement of food around the world
is forcing the increased movement of people’ (Via Campesina, 2000). In other
words, neoliberal policies and the consequent conflicts are a major cause for both
internal and transnational mobility. A huge number of dispossessed peasants on
the southern shore of the Mediterranean – and in the global South more generally –
become migrants on the northern shore where many find work in agriculture
(Confédération Paysanne, 2004).
1.2 Mobility and the restructuring of agri-food production

As the conflicts mentioned above reveal, over the last 30 years Mediterranean
countries have experienced important changes in food production, distribution
and consumption, agricultural labour and markets. The main hypothesis that
underpins the chapters of this volume is that these transformations are intimately
related to transnational and internal mobility.
On the one hand, the liberalization of international agri-food trade and intel-
lectual property rights on patents and seeds, the reforms of the EU Common
Agricultural Policy (CAP), and the dominance of the EU food industry and
retailers on Mediterranean farmers and processors are all factors that have con-
tributed, on both sides of the Mediterranean, to the expansion of export-oriented
agri-food production, the crisis, dependence and dispossession of small farmers
and peasants, the impoverishment of rural populations, conflicts over resources,
and pressures on labour conditions. As well as increasing internal mobility, these
processes have fostered transnational migration from the Middle East and North
Africa (MENA), but also from eastern European, sub-Saharan and Asian coun-
tries, towards the EU. A considerable number of migrants have moved to southern
European rural areas, and have often become casual agricultural labourers.
On the other hand, the availability of cheap and flexible migrant labour has
represented a fundamental factor in the restructuring the agricultural sector, both
in southern Europe and in a number of MENA countries: the compression of
labour costs has enabled, to a certain extent, the resilience of a number of southern
European small and medium-size farms squeezed by neoliberal globalization and,
more important, has contributed to strengthening the power of ‘food empires’
(Ploeg, 2008) within vertical agri-food supply chains.
This book combines two main research areas in order to analyse the mobility of
labourers in relation to agri-food restructuring in the Mediterranean: first, studies
of migrant labour in agricultural sector and, second, research on the restructuring
of agri-food systems in the context of contemporary capitalism or what has been
defined as a ‘neoliberal’ or ‘corporate/environmental food regime’ (McMichael,
2005, 2013; Friedmann, 2005; Pechlaner and Otero, 2008).
Since the late 1980s, and with increased attention from the early 2000s, the
social sciences have analysed transnational mobility in the Mediterranean area in
relation to national and supranational policies and to the restructuring of labour
markets. Despite the growing number of studies on the insertion of migrant
workers in agriculture (e.g. Cole and Booth, 2007; Michalon and Morice, 2008; Crenn
and Tersigni, 2013; Colloca and Corrado, 2013), comparatively little attention has
been dedicated to examining how the vulnerable legal status and social condition
of migrants have been essential to the restructuring of Mediterranean agri-food
production and its integration in global agri-food chains (Lawrence, 2007; Moraes
et al., 2012a; Gertel and Sippel, 2014); a process that occurred earlier in other
geographical contexts such as the United States.
Conversely, for many years agri-food and rural studies have paid little interest
to labour issues, especially to the question of migrant labour.1 The incorporation
of agricultural production in vertical food chains controlled by transnational cor-
porations, the transformation from producer-driven to buyer-driven food chains
(Burch and Lawrence, 2007), the consolidation of retailer power through the
supermarket revolution (Reardon et al., 2003; McMichael and Friedmann, 2007),
and the financialization of agricultural processes have all reshaped the global agri-
food system and the connections between the global North and the global South.
But, as Bonanno and Cavalcanti note in their introduction to one of the few edited
volumes on the topic,
overall research has moved away from labor as a topic of investigation at a

time when the exploitation of labor emerged as one of the primary factors in
the restructuring of global agri-food. Also neglected was the topic of labor as
an agent of emancipation.
(2014, p. xxv)
The few analyses in this field concentrate on the Americas (e.g. Barndt, 2002;
Flora et al., 2011; Harrison and Lloyd, 2011) and, to a lesser extent, northern
Europe (Rogaly, 2008).
In Mediterranean agriculture these restructuring processes for the most part
have taken place later than in other areas of the world such as the US, northern
Europe and Australia (Ortiz-Miranda et al., 2013). Moreover, they have assumed
a very specific form, due to the particular structure of agriculture and the his-
tory of agrarian relations (Braudel, 1985), as well as a result of the specific role
that migration has played in these processes (Corrado, this volume). Through
interdisciplinary, empirically based contributions that for the most part draw on
ethnographic and other qualitative methods, this book addresses and elaborates
this largely missing link between migration studies and agri-food studies, with a
specific focus on the Mediterranean region.
Such an analysis needs to consider different forms of regulation: on the one
hand, national and supranational politics regarding agri-food production, process-
ing and trade, labour markets and transnational mobility; and, on the other, private
standards and certification systems through which transnational corporations of
food production, processing and retail claim to regulate issues such as environ-
mental sustainability, food safety and quality, and labour rights. Through this
multifaceted regulation, the Mediterranean has become a mobile border, across
which capital accumulation occurs through processes of segmentation and ‘differ-
ential inclusion’ (Mezzadra and Nielsen, 2013) and where not only labour but also
food products are filtered, selected and channelled. By virtue of selective mobility
control, the Mediterranean is crossed by documented and undocumented, EU
and non-EU, economic and forced, temporary and permanent, male and female
migrants. At the same time, as a result of trade policies, partnership agreements
and private standards, there are farmers (and products) more or less coping with
quality certification schemes and protocols, and more or less integrated into food
chains and free trade mechanisms.
The destinies of both sides of the Mediterranean are connected not only through
transnational mobility, but also through new competitive relationships embedded
in the neoliberal globalization of agri-food systems. Despite the evident differ-
ences that exist between the northern and southern shores of the Mediterranean,
but also between areas within each side, the region overall appears as a (semi-)
periphery in global food systems. In fact, the central nodes of these networks that
control capital accumulation – the seed and biotech corporations, food multina-
tionals, big retailers, and financial actors – are usually headquartered far away
from the Mediterranean ‘enclaves’ (Moraes et al., 2012b; Pedreño et al., 2015)
of export-oriented and labour-intensive production of fruit and vegetables that
compete among themselves and with other regions.
In the next sections, we describe four key issues that are developed further in
the chapters of this volume: the restructuring of agriculture; trade liberalization
and the growing power of retailers in food chains; mobility patterns and labour
in agriculture; and the construction of agricultural wage labour markets. The final
section provides an overview of the eighteen contributions to the volume.
1.3 Agricultural restructuring

Over the last two centuries, and in contrast to the rest of Europe, southern European
agriculture has been characterized by distinctive features with regards to the struc-
ture of production and agrarian relations: greater land fragmentation; a higher rate
of permanent crops such as olive trees, vineyards and orchards; smaller farms,
with low levels of technological development, and, from the 1970s onwards, man-
aged by part-time or elderly farmers. Nevertheless, over the last three decades,
the region has undergone significant agrarian change. The number of farms has
steadily decreased, as has, to a lesser extent, the utilized agricultural area (UAA),
while the average size of farms has grown (Arnalte-Alegre and Ortiz-Miranda,
2013; Papadopulos, 2015).2
A few figures can offer a general idea about these transformations. Between
1990 and 2010, average farm size grew from 5.6 ha of UAA to almost 8 ha in Italy,
from 4.3 to 7.2 ha in Greece, from 6.7 to 12 ha in Portugal, and from 15.4 to 24 ha
in Spain. In comparison, the average UAA in 2010 was 24 ha in the EU-15 coun-
tries and 15 ha in the EU-27 countries. Over the same 20-year period, the number
of holdings fell from 2,665,000 to 1,621,000 in Italy, from 861,000 to 723,000 in
Greece, from 599,000 to 305,000 in Portugal, and from 1,594,000 to 990,000 in
Spain. In France, a dramatic decrease in the number of farms had occurred already
in previous decades, and remained at around 500,000 between 1990 and 2000
(Eurostat, 2014a, 2014b; see also Arnalte-Alegre and Ortiz-Miranda, 2013). This
reduction is largely due to the drop in the number of small farms.
However, a number of strategies have compensated, to a certain extent, the
structural limits of southern European agriculture. These include: non-agricultural
income diversification in rural households; quality production; multifunctionality;
differentiation of the products; and the widening of social networks.3 Moreover,
especially in the coastal plains, numerous farms have been able to specialize
in intensive crops of fruit and vegetables and breeding thanks to the growth in
plantation density, mechanization and the expansion of irrigated areas. The ‘arti-
ficialization’ of agriculture has profoundly transformed the rural landscape, due
to the diffusion of greenhouses and an excessive use of pesticides and fertilizers.
Thus, if southern European farms between the 1950s and 1980s were depicted,
according to the dominant modernist and productivist paradigms, as traditional
and backward in contrast to the agriculture of northern Europe and US, the recent
transformations and increased production rates have challenged the idea of a
‘delay’ in the region’s agriculture.4
On the other side of the Mediterranean, some of the MENA countries – including
Morocco, Tunisia and Egypt as well as Turkey – have recently experimented
similar processes of capitalization, commercialization and commoditization of
land and agriculture, as well as the integration of farmers in agribusiness com-
modity chains (Haineh, 2015). Here the changes are mainly due to structural
adjustment and trade policies under the pressure of international institutions (IMF,
World Bank and WTO), which have favoured transnational agribusiness and
financial interests (for Turkey see Aydun, 2010; Ocal, 2014; Yenal, 1999; Keyder
and Yenal, 2011; for Egypt see Bush, 2007; Dixon, 2013). Peasant and small
farming have been affected by land grabbing linked to private foreign invest-
ments and by agrarian counter-reforms that have displaced or exploited agrarian
workers, through both dispossession and the intensification of agriculture. The
transformation is in fact twofold: on the one hand, major disruption has occurred
to rural livelihoods (Sippel, 2014; Mahdi, 2014; Gana, this volume); while, on the
other, some rural areas, as in southern Europe, have been profoundly affected by
the development of new models of agriculture where production is more closely
linked to global markets (Moreno Nieto, 2014), and there is greater dependence
on wage labour and internal migration (Bouchelkha, this volume). Here as well, a
few figures are helpful in order to grasp these changes: in Morocco, 15 per cent of
agricultural land is controlled by 1 per cent of farmers, while less than one-quarter
of the land is owned by 70 per cent of farmers; in Tunisia, 1 per cent of farms
constitute 26 per cent of the total agricultural land, while 53 per cent of farms
are less than 5 ha in size and make up only 11 per cent of the land; and in Egypt,
45 per cent of the smallest farmers own only 10 per cent of the land, while 3 per cent
of landholders control a remarkable one-third of the country’s entire agricultural
area. Indeed, in 2000, a total of 2,281 individuals (0.05 per cent of all landholders)
held 11 per cent of Egyptian land (Hanieh, 2015, pp. 285–6).
Across the Mediterranean region, export-oriented enclaves of capitalist agri-
culture are usually confined to coastal plains. At the same time, internal and
mountainous areas that are less suitable for intensive production have been
progressively abandoned. In these regions, especially in southern Europe, a huge
percentage of holdings have disappeared, despite counterstrategies such as quality
production, multifunctionality and, in some cases, the employment of migrants
as shepherds (Nori, 2015). This issue is not analysed in this volume and will
probably deserve greater attention in future research.
One of the main differences between the northern and southern shores of the
Mediterranean concerns the ownership of agricultural businesses. In southern
Europe, nearly all businesses are in the hands of national capital, while in coun-
tries such as Morocco, Tunisia and Egypt, a higher proportion of large estates are
owned by foreign (mainly EU-based) corporations (Bouchelkha, this volume).
In several cases, southern European companies have moved part of their produc-
tion to the Maghreb countries, with the double goal of reducing labour costs and
guaranteeing fresh production to supermarkets throughout the year (Gertel and
Sippel, 2014).
1.4 Trade liberalization and the supermarket revolution

Agricultural production on the opposite sides of the Mediterranean directly com-
petes with each other in international markets. Several factors have contributed
to shape this competition. In this section, we will briefly address two of these
factors: first, trade policies, in particular the EU’s CAP and the partnership agree-
ments between the EU and some MENA countries; and, second, the supermarket
revolution, namely the growth of supermarket chains as ‘food authorities’ (Dixon,
2007) and the imposition of private standards upon agricultural production
through retailer-driven agri-food supply chains.
Since its inception, the CAP has largely supported agricultural production in
the EU (and especially meat, grain and dairy products), which has strengthened
the food industry and developed competitive advantages to penetrate international
markets. As in the US, subsidized prices have been dumped on farmers of the
global South. At the same time, southern European fruit and vegetable produc-
ers have obtained relatively few advantages compared to their northern European
counterparts, apart from being in a position to participate in the internal protected
common market and to receive income support. Moreover, the CAP reforms
implemented since the 1990s have gradually reduced support to farmers, which
has especially affected small farmers.
Since the Euro-Mediterranean Conference in 1995, the ‘Barcelona pro-
cess’ has been promoted as a means of creating a Euro-Mediterranean Free
Trade Area, in which barriers to trade and investment are supposed to be
removed. While trade agreements between EU and MENA countries have been
signed, the process is still ongoing, and for many reasons remains ambiguous
(Boeckler and Berndt, 2014; Sippel, this volume). The mix between subsidized
and protected agriculture in the EU and partial trade liberalization has led to
the strengthening of the competitive position of large companies on both sides
of the Mediterranean.
This partial and unbalanced liberalization is closely linked with what has been
called the ‘retailing revolution’ (McMichael and Friedmann, 2007), which, over
the last 30 years, has seen numerous agri-food chains become retailer-driven.
Supermarket chains not only control distribution, but also shape decisively the
production, processing and consumption of food (Burch and Lawrence, 2007) as
a result of their enormous buyer power. These actors are among the monopolistic
networks that Jan Douwe van der Ploeg has defined as food empires, arguing that
‘it is becoming difficult, if not often impossible, for farmers to sell food ingredi-
ents or for consumers to buy food outside of the circuits that they control’ (Ploeg,
2010, p. 101). Moreover, European supermarkets have influenced the interna-
tional policy environment in favour of supermarket investments as well as the
liberalization of retail distribution markets in developing countries under the
WTO General agreement on trade and services (GATS) negotiations, and they
have also accumulated buying power by setting up alliances between retailers,
in the form of buying groups (Vorley, 2007). Europe’s top 10 retail groups are
headquartered in three countries: the UK, France and Germany. For example, in
2010, Carrefour (France) – Europe’s largest retailer ahead of the Metro Group
(Germany) and Tesco (UK) and second only to US-based Wal-Mart at the global
level – employed 475,000 workers and had 15,600 company-operated or fran-
chised stores in 34 countries across the world, with 57 per cent of its turnover
coming from outside France (Fritz, 2011).
Supermarket chains can buy (cheap) agricultural products in various parts of
the globe, thus exacerbating the competition between farmers in different coun-
tries. This is evident, for example, in the production of fresh strawberries and
tomatoes on both sides of the Mediterranean, especially in Morocco and Spain. As
mentioned, a number of mainly European corporations produce or simply trade in
both countries, in order to meet the year-round demand of seasonal and counter-
seasonal fresh products among the European supermarket chains (Gertel and
Sippel, 2014). This process is favoured by EU trade policies, which displace the
EU–Morocco trade barrier southwards on a seasonal basis (Boeckler and Berndt,
2014) in relation to the production of fresh fruit and vegetables.
The power of retailers over suppliers comes mainly from the growing rate of
food trade that, at a national and supranational level, passes through corporate
supermarkets, at the expense of traditional independent food shops, and from the
growing concentration in the sector. A few statistics reflect this development. In
Italy, large retailers’ share of the food market grew from 44 per cent in 1996 to
71 per cent in 2011 (AGCM, 2013). In Greece, the four largest retailers (three
foreign chains and one national company) accounted for 55 per cent of the sales and
more than 80 per cent of the profits of the national grocery retail market in 2009
(Skordili, 2013). In Spain, big retailers controlled 63.7 per cent of the food market
in 2014 (ANGED, 2014, p. 36). In Morocco, supermarket trade took off in the
early 2000s, with the arrival of foreign direct investments, mainly by the French
Auchan group. In Tunisia, the market share of the large-scale food retail trade
(largely involving French groups) rose from 12 per cent in 2006 to 20 per cent
in 2010, and it is set to reach between 40 and 50 per cent by 2016 (Fort, 2012).
In Tunisia, 10 per cent of market capitalization in 2007 was constituted by just
one private company, the Poulina group, whose activities are concentrated in agri-
business, banking and retail (Hanieh, 2015). Carrefour was the first large-scale
retailer to establish itself in Algeria, opening its first hypermarket in 2006 and
thereafter operating in partnership with Arcofino, an Algerian group specializing
in insurance and property (Padilla and Abis, 2007).
The role of supermarket own brands also needs to be taken into account. The
EU is the world’s leading region in terms of the ‘private labels’ share of the food
market, and, according to EU legislation, own brands have turned retailers into
‘food business operators’ (Vorley, 2007). Thanks to private labels, retailers have
been able to impose their own standards5 on suppliers, covering a wide range
of aspects such as quantity, quality, prices, food safety, environmental protec-
tion, packaging, as well as the logistics of delivering products, and in doing so
have gained a further competitive advantage on other companies, such as pro-
cessors. In their analysis of the role of supermarkets in global supply chains,
Burch et al. (2013) and Richards et al. (2013) have found that in countries such
as UK, Australia and Norway, the introduction of private standards along the
food chains has had the secondary effect of marginalizing small and medium-size
family farmers. Such farmers, formerly a significant force in agriculture, are often
‘unable to meet the stringent requirements of the supermarkets for unblemished,
standardized, cheaply produced, high-volume products’, while larger suppliers
are able to meet the costs of these requirements, and so become ‘the allies of
the supermarkets in seeking returns to scale in agriculture’ (Burch et al. 2013,
p. 218). The studies presented in this volume confirm this situation, showing how
the ‘supermarket-induced restructuring of agriculture’ and marginalization of
small and medium-size farmers has occurred in Mediterranean countries as well,
even if one or two decades later than in northern Europe.
Financialization has also played a major role in agri-food restructuring. Some
of the retail corporations are among the most important financial actors in contem-
porary capitalism. Giovanni Arrighi argued that US Wal-Mart, ‘the biggest retailer
in world history’, is the manifestation of the ‘monetarist counterrevolution that has
facilitated the financialization of US capital’. By driving down workers’ wages and
benefits ‘not just in retailing but in manufacturing and shipping as well’, Wal-Mart
‘has strengthened the position of the US as the world’s financial clearinghouse’
(Arrighi, 2007, pp. 171–2). As in the US, suppliers in Europe have also been used
as surrogate ‘bankers’ of the expansion of big supermarkets, contributing to grow-
ing amounts of finance through the imposition of back margins or off-invoice
discounts, trade credit or demands for cash payments (Vorley, 2007). Moreover,
financial actors such as banks, investment finance houses and private equity con-
sortia are interested in manipulating the agri-food sector and in particular the food
retail industry. Referring to the case of the acquisition of Somerfeld – once the
sixth largest supermarket in the UK – by a group of private equity investors in
2005 (Burch and Lawrence, 2013), Burch et al. (2013, p. 218) pose the question of
‘whether supermarkets are the new “masters” of the food system’ or, rather if it is
‘finance capital that has the ability to rework the entire food system’.
The response of many southern European farms to the pressure of verti-
cal food chains has been the growing use of a cheap and flexible labour force.
Drawing upon some of the empirical studies presented in this volume, we argue
that, especially in the coastal enclaves of fresh fruit and vegetable production, the
employment of over-exploited migrant labour represents one of the factors that
has allowed the survival of a number of small and medium farms, notwithstand-
ing their incorporation into global supply chains. Thus, the over-exploitation of
migrant labour appears to be one of the strategies employed by southern European
farmers in resisting the liberalization of international markets and the retailer-
driven transformation of supply chains. However, this strategy is at the same time
increasingly inadequate as farmers become more dependent and marginal in sup-
ply chains. As the data above demonstrate, a huge number of mainly small and
medium farms have closed or have been sold to the biggest production units,
while corporate supermarkets in the meantime are able to buy (cheap) food where
they wish and, ultimately, appear to benefit the most from the lowering of labour
costs through the employment of a migrant workforce.
1.5 Migrant labour in agriculture

A further relevant feature of the transformation of Mediterranean agriculture is
the ‘defamilization’, or individualization of family farming, the growth of wage
labour and the structural dependence on a non-local labour force.6 In this context,
internal and/or transnational migrants not only allow farmers to replace the with-
drawal of family labour, but most of all, constitute a reserve of vulnerable, cheap
and flexible labour force to meet the downward pressure on costs and the requests
of just-in-time production by the agri-food chains.
While, in the US, international migration has been fundamental for the growth
and modernization of agriculture since the end of the nineteenth century, as exem-
plified in the case of California (McWilliams, 1936; Wells, 1996), the agricultural
sector in Europe has historically been characterized more by internal migrants (such
as the Italian mondine: see Gentili Zappi, 1991) than international migration, with
some important exceptions, such as the Polish workers (Landarbeiter) in Germany
analysed in the early writings of Max Weber (1892, 2005) and Italian and Spanish
migrants in French viticulture (Noiriel, 1994; Sassen, 1999). France was the first
European country where international migration was an important structural fac-
tor in the postwar development of intensive agriculture (Berlan, 1986; Décosse,
2011), as a result of its colonial history and the government-led programmes for
the recruitment of seasonal agricultural workers in Italy, Spain and Maghreb that
were managed by the Office national d’immigration after 1945 (Morice, 2008).7
The presence of foreign farm workers in southern European countries did not
become a significant and noticeable phenomenon until the 1990s, even if the first
migrants started to arrive in the 1970s (for example, Albanians and Bulgarians
in Greece and Tunisians in Sicily). The number of foreign farm workers in these
countries has since grown steadily. They represent 24 per cent of agricultural
wage labourers in Spain, 37 per cent in Italy, and 90 per cent in Greece, not counting
those who are hired irregularly (Moreno-Perez et al., 2015; Corrado, 2015;
Papadopulous, 2015).
In MENA countries, the number of wage farm workers is also rapidly growing.
Due to the crisis of rural areas, people have moved to urban areas or abroad, or
towards intensive agricultural production areas (Hanieh, 2015; Gana, Bouchelkha,
this volume). Some of these countries have also become destination or transit
points for migrants from sub-Saharan Africa or South Asia. Both smallholders
and landless rural families are increasingly relying on wage labour in response
to additional household needs. A significant trend is the increased participation
of women in the agricultural wage labour – rising from 34 per cent in 1995 to
45 per cent in 2011 – which sees them also involved in post-harvest activities and
agro-processing industries (Bouzidi et al., 2010, 2011; Abdelali-Martini, 2011).
As Bonanno and Cavalcanti (2014) argue, non-market mechanisms (such as femi-
nization and illegalization) play a part in agricultural labour regulation. Agriculture –
and especially the southern European enclaves of intensive and export-oriented
production – perhaps represents the sector in which Mezzadra and Nielsen’s (2013)
categories of ‘multiplication of labour’ and ‘differential inclusion of migrants’ can
be observed most clearly. ‘Differential inclusion’ refers to the different levels of
subordination, command, discrimination and segmentation defined by the current
border and migration regimes, which rather than exclude, aim at ‘filtering, select-
ing, and channelling migratory movements’, through ‘a huge amount of violence’
(Mezzadra and Nielsen, 2013, p. 165). Migrant farm workers in southern European
countries are segmented by their legal status, nationality, gender, type of work
contract and form of recruitment (Potot, 2010; Corrado and Perrotta, 2012). The
workers include Maghrebi, eastern European, sub-Saharan African, South Asian
and Latin American migrants. These migrants are undocumented or documented,
are recruited through seasonal workers programmes, temporary employment agen-
cies, informal networks or brokers, possess different types of permits and may
sometimes have even received citizenship in the country of arrival. In extreme
cases, they are trafficked and subject to quasi-slavery conditions.
Southern European rural areas can be analysed as places of conflict, entrapment
and escape. Farmers require an abundant cheap, flexible and often seasonal work-
force, and foreign citizens are usually the best candidates to fill such needs. However,
migrants usually consider agriculture only as a source of temporary employment, due
to the low salaries, the hard and seasonal work and the difficult housing conditions, and
they move away from rural areas as soon as they find better employment opportunities
or get a residence permit. Due to the high turnover and increasing cases of resistance
and conflict, new labourers are needed to meet the agricultural labour demand. To this
end, European governments have supported their farmers in different ways.
1.6 The political construction of agricultural labour markets in

southern Europe
Informality was one of the main features of the ‘Mediterranean model of migra-
tion’ (King et al., 2000) during its first phase between the 1970s and 1990s, due
to the absence of policies on transnational mobility in southern European coun-
tries, with the notable exception of France. The situation changed during later
years. A number of forms of labour intermediation and recruitment developed
and overlapped to assure a cheap and vulnerable workforce for southern European
farmers. On the one hand, national and European regulations of transnational
mobility and labour markets have been of extreme importance, while on the other,
private recruitment services have expanded.
During the 1990s, national and European migratory policies became increas-
ingly restrictive. Rural areas reflected characteristics of what has been termed the
‘deportation regime’ (De Genova and Peutz, 2010) of migration control. The mas-
sive presence of undocumented – ‘illegalized’ and thus ‘deportable’ (De Genova,
2002) – migrants in agriculture was one of the main reasons for the vulnerability
of the whole migrant workforce. During the 2000s, the situation has slowly and
partially changed. National governments have become active brokers, by pro-
moting recruitment programmes for seasonal foreign workers: in addition to the
French OFII contracts (Décosse, this volume), Spain launched the contratacion
en origen in 2000 (Hellio, 2008 and this volume; Márquez Domínguez et al.,
2009; Reigada, 2012), while Italy introduced the annual ‘flows decrees’.
Since the 1990s, at both national and European level, agricultural labour
markets have been liberalized: the role of local public employment offices in
recruitment has been reduced and temporary work agencies have been regulated
at a national level, while the use of ‘posted workers’ has been allowed all over
Europe (Fudge and Strauss, 2014). These processes have had a huge impact on
recruitment practices in agriculture, as reflected by the spread of private formal
intermediaries in the agricultural labour market, such as the temporary employ-
ment agencies in France (Mésini, 2013, 2014), Spain (Garrapa; Gadea et al., this
volume) and, to a lesser extent, Italy, and the private companies and cooperatives
offering subcontracting services (Claudon and Rouan, 2013), which sometimes
operate in other countries, especially from eastern Europe. Contemporarily, the
entry of central-eastern European countries into the EU in 2004 and 2007 has radi-
cally changed the legal status of farm workers from Poland, Romania and Bulgaria
in Mediterranean rural areas, by allowing them freer mobility in the European
space. Since 2011, changes in mobility processes across the Mediterranean have
contributed to the growth in the number of asylum seekers and refugees among
farm workers, especially in Italy (Dines and Rigo, 2015).
Of course, informal recruiters have not disappeared. The caporalato in
Southern Italy – a form of labour contracting that was made a criminal offence
by the Italian government in 2011 – is perhaps the best-known case (Perrotta and
Sacchetto, 2013; Avallone, this volume). Informal intermediaries appear to be
an important element even in the management of State recruitment programmes
for seasonal workers (Michalon and Potot, 2008). Formal recruitment – run by
both public and private actors – does not guarantee better working and housing
conditions or longer contracts than informal intermediation. Rather, it appears as
a means to ‘bridle’ and channel the labour force. As Jean-Pierre Berlan argued
30 years ago, it is precisely the overlapping of different sources of the labour force
in the same region, and its differentiation by nationality, gender and legal status
that has allowed labour to remain cheap and vulnerable (Berlan, 1986). Moreover,
racism, processes of ethnicization and the spatial segregation of migrant workers –
who often live in the countryside in ghettos, chabolas or, in the best cases, in
institutional reception centres or on the farms themselves – are key elements
in disciplining the migrant workforce, in overcoming instances of resistance and in
preserving a well-ordered labour market and social relations in rural areas (Berlan,
2002; Corrado, 2011; Moraes et al., 2012b). Nonetheless, these different forms of
labour discipline have not prevented numerous outbreaks of social conflict. As we
have shown in the first section of this introduction, the analysis of the restructur-
ing of Mediterranean agriculture cannot leave aside the history of such conflict.
1.7 Overview of the volume

The volume is divided into five parts. Parts I to III describe three different patterns
of the restructuring of agri-food supply chains in the Mediterranean area. Part IV
addresses the construction of agricultural labour markets and different forms of
recruitment and organization of the migrant agricultural workforce. Part V is
devoted to the issue of conflict in agriculture and rural areas.
The chapters in Part I deal with migrant labour in ‘quality’ food product
chains in what could be defined the North of Mediterranean Europe (France and
Northern Italy). Not by chance, these studies concern processed food products
(cheese, wine and canned tomatoes). In contemporary food chains, processors are
usually more powerful than farmers or fresh food producers in representing their
products as quality products and thus managing to sell them at higher prices. The
Italian Parmigiano Reggiano and Grana Padano cheeses and the French Bordeaux
wines are promoted as ‘high-quality’ and ‘distinctive’ products rooted in local
territories, brands that are exported and recognized all over the world. However,
for many years, migrants have provided much of the manual labour that goes into
such production: Indian Punjabi milkers in the stables of the Po valley and ‘Arab’
workers in the vineyards around Libourne in south-west France. The chapters by
Vanessa Azzeruoli and Chantal Crenn highlight the stereotyping of migrant work-
ers, mainly ‘positive’ in the case of Punjabis in the Po Valley and ‘negative’ in the
case of Arabs in the Bordeaux region. In both cases, the ethnicization of labourers
mirrors the construction of the identity of typical ‘Italian’ and ‘French’ products.
At the same time, Azzeruoli describes how Punjabi migrants have developed a
system of informal intermediation through their social networks. Interestingly,
she points out that it is precisely this system of brokerage (and the efficient supply
of a disciplined, specialized and relatively cheap workforce) that has allowed, on
the one hand, the construction of an ‘ethnic niche’ of Indian workers in the dairy
sector in the Po Valley and, on the other, the restructuring of the entire sector of
hard cheese production, towards a greater corporate concentration and incorpora-
tion within vertical supply chains.
Domenico Perrotta’s contribution focuses on another ‘typical’ food product,
heavily subsidized by the CAP: Italian canned tomatoes. He compares the
tomato-processing industries in northern and southern Italy and addresses the
issue of mechanization of agricultural production as an alternative to the over-
exploitation of migrant workers in retailer-driven supply chains. His chapter
shows how the same product can be produced in very different ways in the same
country: in northern Italy, the harvest has been completely mechanized since the
early 1990s; in the South, a large percentage of tomatoes continues to be manu-
ally harvested by foreign labourers. Higher wages and better working conditions
for migrants in retailer-driven supply chains are essentially unthinkable: in the
event that the tomato harvesters in southern Italy were to forcibly demand better
working conditions and regular wages, they would most likely be replaced by
harvesting machines.
Part II of the book considers the enclaves of export-oriented agriculture in Spain,
Italy and Greece that are mostly specialized in fresh production for European mar-
kets. The case studies regard Murcia (Elena Gadea, Andres Pedreño and Carlos
de Castro); strawberry production in Huelva in Andalusia (Alicia Reigada) and
in the Peloponnese region (Apostolos Papadopoulos and Loukia-Maria Fratesa);
citrus cultivation in the southern Italian region of Calabria and in the Valencian
Community (Anna Mary Garrapa). In these enclaves, local growers and migrant
agricultural labourers both experience extreme vulnerability and difficult working
conditions. Small and medium producers are in a subordinate position to traders,
processors and retailers. It is no coincidence that the most violent social and ethnic
conflicts in European rural areas, such as those in Rosarno and Manolada, have
occurred in these regions. Gadea, Pedreño and de Castro describe how the con-
tinual incorporation and expulsion of vulnerable workers on the basis of gender
and ethnicity in the enclave of Murcia has become a central concern in the man-
agement of agricultural work. In addition, they address the growing importance of
temporary employment agencies in the provision of farm labour. Reigada focuses
on the largest area in Europe for the cultivation of strawberries for export, namely
Huelva province, and challenges the widespread idea that Andalusia represents
the ‘California of southern Europe’. In fact, even if there are some similarities
between the two cases – such as the fundamental role of migration in agriculture –
the Huelva strawberry industry is mainly based on small family farms. As in other
Mediterranean regions, the incorporation of intensive agriculture into global agri-
food chains has not represented a means of economic and social development:
rather it has reaffirmed these areas’ subordinate and peripheral economic posi-
tions, where endemic unemployment and precarious work prevail.
Garrapa’s chapter compares two areas of citrus production: the rural region of
Rosarno-Gioia Tauro (Italy) and the metropolitan region of Valencia (Spain). In
both cases, she examines the different levels of the supply chain, from the local
organization of labour to the supermarkets. By showing that a ‘citrus fruit crisis’
has not only hit the Gioia Tauro Plain, an area long considered backward, but also
Valencia, in contrast usually regarded as very competitive, Garrapa argues that this
crisis is largely the upshot of the restructuring of the supply chains, which has led
to greater concentration in the commercial and distribution stages and to world-
wide competition. In both regions, commercial chains require large quantities of
supplies and are heavily dependent on end demand for containing prices as well
as ensuring efficiency in delivery schedules. In both cases, ‘just-in-time’ migrant
workers are necessary to reduce production costs and to meet the ‘just-in-time’
demands of supermarkets. From this perspective, the difference between the for-
mal recruitment of labourers through temporary employment agencies in Valencia
and the informal recruitment through the caporalato and social networks in Gioia
Tauro is negligible, given that salaries and working conditions remain very similar.
The chapter by Papadopoulos and Fratsea provides an account of how the
strawberry industry in Greece expanded largely thanks to the availability of a
migrant workforce. The authors analyse this expansion in the area of Manolada in
the Peloponnese region, which is characterized by a model of migrant labour con-
trol based on the precarious legal status of migrants, the ethnic segmentation of
the labour market, the informal system of recruitment as well as the use of physi-
cal violence by supervisors and growers against labourers. However, this control
has not prevented the frequent mobilizations of migrant labourers for higher
wages. Together, the chapters of Part II show that the pressures experienced by
southern European small and medium farmers and the dramatic working condi-
tions of migrant labourers are currently functional to numerous supply chains.
Nevertheless, from a social, economic and environmental perspective, this model
of industrial agriculture is not sustainable in the long run.
In Part III, the book crosses the Mediterranean to analyse the restructuring
of the agricultural sector in Morocco and Turkey. Sarah Ruth Sippel uses the
commodity chain of tomatoes from Morocco to the EU as a lens through which
to address the multifaceted aspects that are influencing the trade of agricultural
produce across the Mediterranean. The governance of the tomato trade can be
seen to be the result of multilayered and often conflicting political goals, interests
of EU states and the influence of powerful lobby groups. With the aim of show-
ing how borders are drawn and fixed along commodity chains, Sippel focuses
on three issues: first, the discords in the trade regulations set by the EU for the
importation of Moroccan tomatoes; second, an analysis of how tomatoes in
Morocco are mainly produced by joint ventures of Moroccan and European pro-
ducers; and, third, the recent relocation of tomato production to the territorially
contested Western Sahara, which has been presented as an ‘occupation tomato’ by
the Sahrawi resistance movement. Selma Akay Erturk’s chapter offers some con-
siderations on the presence of Syrian refugees in the olive sector in Turkey, and
especially in the border region of Hatay Province. Her study shows how forms of
forced mobility provoked by geopolitical conflicts and civil wars – in this case
the Syrian conflict – can have important effects on the restructuring of agriculture
in the Mediterranean basin, which has also occurred in southern Italy with the
employment of Tunisian and sub-Saharan African refugees and asylum seekers
(Dines and Rigo, 2015).
Part IV focuses on the recruitment of labourers, and analyses how the politi-
cal construction of agricultural labour markets has become a necessary factor in
the restructuring of agriculture. Frédéric Décosse’s chapter traces the history of
the French OFII contract system, which emerged shortly after the Second World
War, and its relationships with the development of French agriculture. This was
Europe’s first temporary foreign worker programme and represented a model
for intensive agriculture-related migration schemes for the rest of the continent.
Emmanuelle Hellio’s contribution deals with another programme for the recruit-
ment of seasonal workers, the Spanish contratación en origen, in the context of
labour market segmentation in the Huelva province. While strawberry farming
employs women recruited through the contratación en origen, undocumented
male workers are preferred for other agricultural products. Similar to Garrapa,
Hellio points out that formal recruitment does not necessarily guarantee better
labour conditions than informal brokerage: on the contrary, she contends that
seasonal recruitment programmes aim to control and to channel – rather than to
protect – migrant labour. At the same time, the contributions by Décosse and
Hellio both show the influence of labour conflicts upon the transformation of local
labour markets and the recruitment of new workers. In the French case, the suc-
cessful mobilization of thousands of former OMI workers to obtain permanent
contracts led French farmers, during the late 2000s, to turn to Spanish temporary
employment agencies for recruiting migrant labour. Similarly, Hellio argues that
the informal recruitment of Moroccan men in the late 1980s in the Huelva straw-
berry industry, and the contratación en origen in the 2000s were responses to the
collective demands and autonomous mobility of first Spanish workers and later
Moroccan labourers.
The informal and illegal system of recruitment through the caporalato in
southern Italy – already mentioned in the chapters of Perrotta and Garrapa – is
the central focus of Gennaro Avallone’s contribution. This draws on research in the
Piana del Sele, which has seen the development of a greenhouse sector over
the last 30 years. In this area, the flows decrees – the Italian programme for the
recruitment of foreign workers – have often been used by local farmers and ille-
gal brokers to defraud migrants and the State, while the caporali have played a
fundamental role in providing a cheap and vulnerable labour force to the farmers.
Moreover, in the absence of public policies aimed at migrant labourers, these
informal intermediaries provide a number of necessary services for documented
and undocumented migrants, thus contributing to reproducing their subaltern
condition. Dora Sampaio and Rui Carvalho examine the recruitment and labour
incorporation of Moroccan agricultural workers in the Portuguese region of the
Algarve. Although they focus on a small migrant group, their case is interesting
in that it describes the initial formation of a migrant agricultural labour market.
While the Moroccan presence in the areas studied by Crenn and Avallone has
been well established for decades, it is relatively recent in Algarve agriculture.
The authors are therefore able to follow the paths of the ‘pioneers’ in this region,
through the recruitment strategies of companies and the autonomous mobility of
workers, some of whom have migrated from the neighbouring enclave of Huelva.
Mohamed Bouchelkha’s contribution regards the Souss region in Morocco, the
most important area of intensive, export-oriented agriculture in the Maghreb,
which is also described in Sippel’s chapter. He shows how internal mobility
has represented a structural factor for both the formation of a local wage labour
market and the growth of intensive agriculture in the region, and describes the
difficult working and living conditions of agricultural labourers.
Part V of the volume analyses a range of conflicts in Mediterranean rural
areas: protests of farmers and peasants in Egypt and Tunisia, the union activity
of the Sindicato de Obreros del Campo in Andalusia and workplace conflicts in
Sicily. Of course, these cases do not cover all types of conflict and resistance
in the region. For example, mention should be made of the activity of southern
European peasant organizations in building ‘alternative’ and ‘ethical’ farming
and food networks, at the same time as supporting migrant farm workers or even
involving them as co-workers (see Oliveri, 2015 on the case of SOS Rosarno).
Alia Gana examines the rural protest movements that were one of the sources of
the ‘Arab revolts’ in Tunisia and Egypt between late 2010 and 2012. This rural
unrest was the result of structural adjustment policies and the liberalization of
the agricultural sector from the late 1980s onwards, which had caused the pro-
gressive marginalization of small farmers. Despite their contribution to the 2011
upheavals, Gana argues that farmers’ unions have not been able to influence
policy decisions, and the social demands of peasants have had little resonance
in political debate. Francesco Caruso’s chapter analyses the Andalusian farm
workers union Sindicato de Obreros del Campo (SOC) through the theoretical
lens of Social Movement Unionism. Traditionally based in the northern prov-
inces of Andalusia, which were characterized by the presence of large landed
estates, since the race riots in El Ejido in 2000, the SOC has managed to spread
to the province of Almería, where thousands of migrant workers are employed in
30,000 hectares of greenhouses that are mostly owned by small farmers. Caruso
argues that the SOC was, to a certain degree, successful in ‘organizing the unor-
ganizable’, namely precarious, vulnerable and invisible migrant farm labourers.
Valeria Piro and Giuliana Sanò take us into the ‘plastic factory’ of the trans-
formed coastal belt in south-eastern Sicily, one of the Mediterranean regions
that has seen the development of greenhouse agriculture, alongside the areas
analysed by Reigada, Papadopoulos and Fratsea, Sippel, Hellio, Avallone and
Bouchelkha. Drawing on workplace ethnography, Piro and Sanò examine the
micro-conflicts within greenhouses and packinghouses. Not surprisingly, how-
ever, they have more often observed horizontal conflicts – such as competition
between farm workers of different nationalities – than vertical conflicts between
workers and their employers. The divisions within the workforce are mainly
due to the insecurity and precariousness of labour, which encourages competi-
tion, accelerates the pace of work and fosters strategies of exploitation and value
extraction inside the agri-food system.
In the concluding chapter, Alessandra Corrado reads the history of Medi-
terranean agriculture from a food regime perspective, focusing in particular
on the current neoliberal restructuring. Moreover, building upon the empirical
research presented in the volume, she argues that the questions of labour and
migration should be considered more seriously in the food regime approach in
order to better grasp the transformation of agrarian and geopolitical relations
in the global agri-food system.
Notes
1 In a similar way, labour issues are understudied in fields such as the global value chain
and global production network analysis (Coe and Hess, 2013). For a compelling analysis
of ‘labour mobilization’ in ‘supply chain capitalism’, see Tsing (2009).
2 These transformations are similar to those that have occurred in agriculture across the
whole of the EU, which have been recently analysed through the analytical lens of land
grabbing (Franco and Borras, 2013; Fritz, 2011; Kay et al., 2015).
3 On these processes, see Salvioni et al. (2013); De Devitiis and Mietta (2013); De Filippis
and Henke (2014) for Italy; Kasimis and Papadopoulos (2013) for Greece; Moreno-
Pérez et al. (2015) for Spain.
4 Moragues-Faus et al. (2013) have argued that the ‘post-productivist’ paradigm that
emerged from the 1990s onwards in the CAP was accompanied by a ‘new delay’
discourse, whereby southern European farms have been considered to be insufficiently
‘multifunctional’ and lacking in environmental awareness.
5 On the importance of private standards in the neoliberal economy and in global
production networks, see Coe and Hess (2013).
6 In any case, it should be noted that family labour still provides the majority of farm
labour: in 2010, the agricultural labour input coming from the holder or fellow family
members was 77.8 per cent in the EU-28, 80 per cent in Italy, 63 per cent in Spain,
83 per cent in Greece, 81 per cent in Portugal and 44 per cent in France (Eurostat,
2014b).
7 This programme is very similar to the more famous US Bracero program that recruited
five million Mexican seasonal agricultural workers from 1942 to 1964 (Cohen, 2011).
The denomination of this programme has changed over the years in reference to the public
agency responsible for it: from 1945 it was known as the Office national d’immigration
(ONI); in 1988 it became the Office des migrations internationales (OMI), in 2005 it was
renamed the Agence nationale d’accueil des étrangers et des migrations (ANAEM); and
in 2009 it became the Office français de l’immigration and de l’intégration (OFII).
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Migration and Agriculture

In recent years, Mediterranean agriculture has experienced important transformations

Alessandra Corrado is assistant professor in the Department of Political and

Carlos de Castro is lecturer in the Department of Sociology at the Universidad

Domenico Perrotta is tenured researcher and lecturer in the Sociology of

For a complete list of titles in this series, please visit https://www.routledge.

11 Rural Livelihoods, Regional Economies and Processes of Change

12 Rural Development and the Construction of New Markets

13 The Political Ecology of Agrofuels

14 Rural Wage Employment in Developing Countries

15 Migration and Agriculture

ISBN: 978-1-138-96223-1 (hbk)

Typeset in Times New Roman

1 Cheap food, cheap labour, high profits:

2 The (sacred) cow business: narratives and practices

3 Wine heritage and the ethnicization of labour: Arab

4 Processing tomatoes in the era of the retailing revolution:

5 Producing and mobilizing vulnerable workers:

6 Family farms, migrant labourers and regional imbalance

7 The citrus fruit crisis: value chains and ‘just in time’

8 Migrant labour and intensive agricultural production in

9 Contested red gold: the tomato in the context of

10 Refugees in the agricultural sector: some notes on Syrians

11 Persistent unfree labour in French intensive agriculture:

13 The land of informal intermediation: the social regulation

14 From the Al-Maghrib to the Al-Gharb: an anatomy of the

15 Agricultural modernization, internal migration and the

16 Rural and farmers’ protest movements in Tunisia

17 Unionism of migrant farm workers: the Sindicato

18 Entering the ‘plastic factories’: conflicts and competition

7.1 Citrus fruit chain 113

4.1 Production of tomatoes for processing by year in Italy and

Gennaro Avallone is assistant professor in Sociology of Territory and

AGCM Autorità Garante della Concorrenza e del Mercato (Italian

1.1 A history of conflicts

1.2 Mobility and the restructuring of agri-food production

overall research has moved away from labor as a topic of investigation at a

1.3 Agricultural restructuring

1.4 Trade liberalization and the supermarket revolution

1.5 Migrant labour in agriculture

1.6 The political construction of agricultural labour markets in

1.7 Overview of the volume

Wine heritage and the ethnicization of labour

Processing tomatoes in the era of the retailing revolution

Producing and mobilizing vulnerable workers

Family farms, migrant labourers and regional imbalance in global agri-

The citrus fruit crisis

Migrant labour and intensive agricultural production in Greece

The land of informal intermediation

From the Al-Maghrib to the Al-Gharb

Agricultural modernization, internal migration and the formation of a

Unionism of migrant farm workers

Entering the ‘plastic factories'

Agrarian change and migrations in the Mediterranean from a food

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