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CHAPTER 6

Public Opinion and


Political Socialization

 LEARNING OUTCOMES
The six learning outcomes below are designed to help improve your understanding of this
chapter. After reading this chapter, you should be able to:
❑ Learning Outcome 1: Define public opinion, consensus, and divided opinion.
❑ Learning Outcome 2: Discuss major sources of political socialization, including the
family, schools, the media, and political events.
❑ Learning Outcome 3: Identify the effects of various influences on voting behavior,
including party identification, education, income, religion, race, and geography.
❑ Learning Outcome 4: Describe the characteristics of a scientific opinion poll, and list
some of the problems pollsters face in obtaining accurate results.
❑ Learning Outcome 5: Evaluate the impact of new technologies on opinion polling.
❑ Learning Outcome 6: Consider the effect that public opinion may have on the
political process.

 SUMMARY OVERVIEW
1. Public opinion is the aggregate of individual attitudes or beliefs shared by some portion
of the adult population. A consensus exists when a large proportion of the public appears
to express the same view on an issue. Divided opinion exists when the public holds
widely different attitudes on an issue. Sometimes, a poll shows a distribution of opinion
indicating that most people either have no information about an issue or are not interested
enough in the issue to form a position on it.
2. People’s opinions are formed through the political socialization process. Important
factors in this process are the family, educational experiences, peer groups, opinion
leaders, the media, and political events. The influence of the media as a socialization
factor may be growing relative to the influence of the family. Party identification is one
of the most important indicators of voting behavior. Voting behavior is also influenced by

Copyright © Cengage Learning. All rights reserved.


68 Chapter 6: Public Opinion and Political Socialization

demographic factors, such as education, economic status, religion, race and ethnicity,
gender, and geographic region. Finally, voting behavior is influenced by election-specific
factors, such as perception of the candidates and issue preferences.
3. Most descriptions of public opinion are based on the results of opinion polls. The
accuracy of polls depends on sampling techniques. An accurate poll includes a
representative sample of the population being polled and ensures randomness in the
selection of respondents.
4. Problems with polls include sampling error, the difficulty in obtaining a truly
representative sample, the issue of whether responses are influenced by the phrasing and
order of questions asked, the use of a yes/no format for answers to the questions, and the
interviewer’s techniques. Many people are concerned about the use of push polls (in
which the questions “push” the respondent toward a particular candidate). “Polls” that
rely on self-selected respondents are inherently inaccurate and should be discounted.
5. Advances in technology have changed polling techniques over the years. During the
1970s, telephone polling became widely used. Today, largely because of extensive
telemarketing, people often refuse to answer calls, and nonresponse rates in telephone
polling have skyrocketed. Many poll takers also fail to include cell phone users. Due to
the difficulty of obtaining a random sample in the online environment, Internet polls
are often “nonpolls.” Whether Internet polling can overcome this problem remains to
be seen.
6. Public opinion affects the political process in many ways. The political culture provides a
general environment of support for the political system, allowing the nation to weather
periods of crisis. The political culture also helps Americans to evaluate their
government’s performance. At times, the level of trust in government has been relatively
high. At other times, the level of trust has declined steeply. Similarly, Americans’
confidence in government institutions varies over time, depending on a number of
circumstances. Generally, though, Americans turn to government to solve what they
perceive to be the major problems facing the country. In 2012, Americans ranked the
economy and unemployment as the two most significant problems facing the nation.
7. Public opinion also plays an important role in policymaking. Although polling data show
that a majority of Americans would like policy leaders to be influenced to a great extent
by public opinion, politicians cannot always be guided by opinion polls. This is because
the respondents often do not understand the costs and consequences of policy decisions
or the trade-offs involved in making such decisions. How issues are framed has an
important influence on popular attitudes.

 CHAPTER OUTLINE
In the United States and other democracies, people possess a variety of ways by which they can
communicate their opinions to government officials and others. In turn, officials recognize the
importance of public opinion, and often change policy (or have their positions bolstered) based on
public opinion. Although in some cases public opinion is clear and decisive, oftentimes it is
murky. In addition, the very policymakers who must also respond to it can shape public opinion;
i.e., government officials do play a role in political socialization and often shape public opinion
on a variety of issues.

Copyright © Cengage Learning. All rights reserved.


Chapter 6: Public Opinion and Political Socialization 69

 What If … SCIENTIFIC OPINION POLLING HAD NEVER BEEN


INVENTED?
Today, opinion polls use representative random sampling in an effort to make
accurate predictions. Before the development of scientific polling, newspapers
carried predictions based on the latest betting odds. Researchers at the University
of Iowa created the Iowa Electronic Markets in an effort to compare the
outcomes of legalized betting to scientific polling. It turns out that the Iowa
electronic markets are a good predictor of election outcomes.
I. Defining Public Opinion
Public opinion is the aggregate of individual attitudes or beliefs shared by some portion
of adults. Private opinion becomes public opinion when an individual takes some type of
action to express an opinion to others publicly. We can look to the distribution of public
opinion to determine how divided the public is on any given issue. When there is general
agreement on an issue, there is said to be a consensus. When opinions are polarized
between two quite different positions, there is divided opinion.
II. How Public Opinion Is Formed: Political Socialization
Political socialization is the process by which individuals acquire political beliefs
and values.
A. Models of Political Socialization
The interactions an individual has with others have a major impact on the
formation of individual opinion.
B. The Family and the Social Environment
The importance of the family is paramount in the development of individual
opinion. Political attitudes begin to develop in children and the major influence
on these early values is the family.
 Politics and Social Media: ONE BILLION PEOPLE CAN’T BE WRONG
Facebook, My Space, You Tube and so many others have created a digital
generation with the Internet serving as a gateway to online and offline political
and civic commitment. Social media plays a major role in election campaigns
and raising awareness about political and social issues. Can Twitter predict who
is going to win an election? Some political scientists think so.
1. Education as a Source of Political Socialization. Educational influence
on political opinions is also important. Education introduces individuals
to ideas outside of the home and outside of the local community. These
new ideas may influence the individual to accept opinions that are
different from those of the parents.
2. Peers and Peer Group Influence. These also have an impact on opinion
formation. As people interact with others in school, or at work, or in
social activities, various values come into play. These values can
influence how opinions are formed.
3. Opinion Leaders’ Influence. Leaders, both formal and informal, also
tend to shape the opinions of the public. Formal leaders include political
leaders like the president, governors, and members of Congress. Formal
leaders make a conscious effort to shape the opinions of the public.
Informal leaders may not necessarily attempt to shape the political
opinions of the public, but they still exert an influence on opinion

Copyright © Cengage Learning. All rights reserved.


70 Chapter 6: Public Opinion and Political Socialization

formation. Examples of informal leaders are teachers, religious leaders,


and civic leaders.
C. The Impact of the Media
The media also play a significant role in the political socialization. The media
present information on important political topics. How topics are presented and
which topics are presented have a major impact on opinion formation.
1. Popularity of the Media. The influence of media has grown equal to
that of family. This trend may influence the public debate in the future.
2. The Impact of the New Media. To a certain extent, new forms of media
have supplanted newspapers and broadcast networks. It appears that talk
radio, cable news, and blogs strengthen the beliefs of their viewers rather
than change them. Social networking sites are organized around peer
groups rather than around political viewpoint and may have a moderating
influence on their participants.
D. The Influence of Political Events
Political events can produce a long-lasting impact on opinion formation. An
important example was the impact of the Great Depression on people who came
of age in that period. We call such an impact a generational effect. While it is
likely that the events of September 11, 2001 will play an important role in the
political socialization of young Americans, it is still unclear what this impact
will be.
1. Historical Events. These events cause voters to form lifelong
attachments to a party such as the Great Depression and the support for
Franklin Roosevelt or the Watergate break-in and the cynicism
toward government.
2. The Political Mood. There is a proposition that the public mood swings
in a more liberal direction when the federal government is successful and
in a conservative direction when there are perceived government failures.
The public appears to drift toward the left during a period of conservative
policies and to the right when more liberal policies are introduced.
III. Political Preferences and Voting Behavior
The candidates and political parties that individuals decide to support are influenced in
part by party identification and certain demographic and socioeconomic factors. Because
of the relationship between various groups and voting behavior, campaign managers
often target particular groups when creating campaign advertising.
A. Party Identification and Demographic Influences
Demographic traits exert a major influence over the development of
one’s opinion.
• Party Identification. With the possible exception of race, party ID has
been the most important determinant of voting behavior in national
elections. Family, peers, generational effects, the media, and assessments
of candidates and issues influence it. In the mid to late 1960s party
affiliation began to weaken and the percentage of the electorates who
identify as independents increased to about thirty percent of all voters.
1. Educational Achievement. The voting behavior of people with only a
high school education is quite close today to the electorate as a whole. In

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Chapter 6: Public Opinion and Political Socialization 71

the past, this group tended to favor the Democrats. For years, higher
education levels appeared to correlate with voting for Republican
candidates. Since 1992, however, voters with higher levels of education
have been voting increasingly Democratic, so that in the 2000 election,
these voters were nearly evenly divided between Al Gore and George W.
Bush. The reason seems to be that professionals (such as lawyers,
physicians, professors, etc.) are trending Democratic. Therefore, persons
with postgraduate degrees (necessary for many professionals) now often
vote Democratic. Businesspeople have remained strongly Republican,
however. Businesspeople are less likely to have postgraduate degrees,
which is why the population with only bachelors degrees continues to
appear to favor the Republicans.
2. Economic Status. Economic status and occupation appear to influence
political views. On issues of economic policy, individuals who have less
income tend to favor liberal policies, while individuals of the upper–
middle class favor conservative policies. On cultural issues the reverse
tends to be true. Those with less income are more conservative and those
with higher incomes are more liberal. Although there is no hard-and-fast
rule, normally the higher a person’s income, the more likely the person
will be to vote Republican. Manual laborers, factory workers, and
especially union members are more likely to vote Democratic.
3. Religious Denomination. Religious influence appears to have a
significant impact on the development of political opinions. For example,
the Jewish community is highly likely to vote for Democratic candidates.
Irreligious voters tend to be liberal on cultural issues, but to have
mixed stands on economic ones. A century ago, Catholics were often
Democrats and Protestants were often Republican, but little remains
of that tradition.
 Politics and Social Class: THE GROWING GAP
There may be a growing gap between socioeconomic classes in the United States.
Is there a growing class divide, fewer work opportunities, and the elite staying
within its own elite class? Is this creating a two-caste society?
4. Religious Commitment and Beliefs. The degree of religious
commitment, as measured by such actions as regular church attendance
is a major predictor of political attitudes among the Christian
denominations. Voters, who are devout, regardless of their church
affiliation, tend to vote Republican, while voters who are less devout are
more often Democrats. African Americans, who have been strongly
Democratic, are an exception to this trend. Evangelicals tend to be
cultural conservatives, but not necessarily economic conservatives.
5. Race and Ethnicity. In general, members of minority groups favor the
Democrats. African Americans do so by overwhelming margins.
Hispanics are voting Democratic by about two to one, though the Cuban-
American vote is strongly Republican. Asian Americans tend to support
the Democrats but often by narrow margins. However, Vietnamese
Americans are strongly Republican. Their anticommunist conservatism
originated with the communist victory in the Vietnam War. American
Muslims of Middle Eastern descent gave George Bush majority support

Copyright © Cengage Learning. All rights reserved.


72 Chapter 6: Public Opinion and Political Socialization

in 2000 based on shared cultural conservatism, but went heavily for John
Kerry in 2004 on the basis of civil liberties concerns.
6. The Hispanic Vote. In general, Hispanics favor Democratic candidates
over Republican candidates by 73 percent to 26 percent.
7. The Gender Gap. Key concept: gender gap, or the difference between
the percentage of women who vote for a particular candidate and the
percentage of men who vote for that candidate. Since 1980, women have
tended to give somewhat more support to Democratic candidates for
president, and men have given somewhat more support to the
Republicans. Women are more likely to oppose capital punishment and
the use of force abroad. They are also concerned about risks to the
environment and supportive of social welfare.
8. Geographic Region. The former solid Democratic South has crumbled
in national elections. Democrats tend to get support from the Northeast
and the West Coast. Republicans do well in the South, the Great Plains,
and the Rocky Mountains. Perhaps more important is residence—urban,
suburban, and rural. People in cities are typically liberal and Democratic,
while those who live in smaller communities tend to be conservative
and Republican.
B. Election-Specific Factors
1. Perception of the Candidates. The candidate who is more successful in
projecting an image that the public wants has a better chance of
winning the election. Typically, these traits have to do with character
(such as trustworthiness).
2. Issue Preferences. Although not as important as personality or image,
where a candidate stands on a given issue does have an impact on voters.
Economic issues are often the most important. Some voters may cast
votes based on their own economic interests, while others will vote based
on what is happening to the nation’s economy as a whole. In the last
several years, the Iraq war has emerged as a dominant issue, while
health care and immigration reform may also overshadow concerns
about the economy.
3. Perception of the 2012 Presidential Candidates.
IV. Measuring Public Opinion
A. The History of Opinion Polls
As early as the 1800s, the press conducted “straw polls.” Such polls are not an
accurate reflection of public opinion. The Literary Digest conducted the most
infamous of these in 1936. Franklin Roosevelt was elected in a landslide after the
poll conducted by the Digest had projected his defeat. The Digest’s sample was
not representative. In the 1930s, however, modern, relatively accurate polling
techniques were developed by George Gallup, Elmo Roper, and others. Survey
research centers were set up at several universities after World War II.
B. Sampling Techniques
1. The Principle of Randomness. A purely random sample will be
representative within the stated margin of error. For a poll to be random,
every person in the defined population has to have an equal chance of

Copyright © Cengage Learning. All rights reserved.


Chapter 6: Public Opinion and Political Socialization 73

being selected—the larger the sample of the population, the smaller the
margin of error. If a random sample, with a margin of error of plus or
minus 3 percent, reveals that 63 percent of the population favors a
reduction in spending for space exploration, then the actual number of
people favoring such a reduction is between 60 percent to 66 percent.
Making sure that your sample is random is a major task.
2. The Statistical Nature of Polling. Opinion poll numbers are reported as
specific numbers. Such precise figures can be misleading. It makes more
sense to consider the results of a particular question as a range of
numbers, not a single integer.
3. Sampling Error. Polling firms report the margin of error associated
with their results. Variations are called sampling errors. They follow
from the fact that the poll taker is examining a sample and not the
entire population.
Key concept: sampling error, or the difference between a sample’s
results and the true result if the entire population had been interviewed. It
can be dangerous if the sample is too small or if the polltakers do not
know how to correct for common biases in samples.
C. The Difficulty of Obtaining Accurate Results
Survey organizations usually interview about 1500 individuals to measure
national sentiment among roughly 200 million American adults. Their results
have a high probability of being correct—within a margin of three percentage
points—and they have had some notable successes in accurately predicting
election results.
1. Weighting the Sample. Polling firms correct for differences between the
sample and the public by adding extra “weight” to the responses of
underrepresented groups.
2. House Effects. A consistent difference in polling results between firms
is known as a house effect and is measured by comparing a firm’s results
with the average results of other poll takers. Some polling organizations
have ties to one of the major political parties and have house effects that
favor their parties.
3. How Accurate Are the Results? The major polling organizations have a
good record in predicting the outcome of presidential contests. It is more
difficult to conduct an accurate poll at the state level.
D. Additional Problems with Polls
1. Poll Questions. How a question is posed can affect the result. Yes/no
answers are a problem if the issue admits to shades of gray. Often,
people will attempt to please the interviewer.
2. Unscientific and Fraudulent Polls. Magazine or Web sites often solicit
responses from readers to unscientific polls. Other media outlets then
publicize the survey as if it were a scientific poll taken by reliable
pollsters such as Gallup or the New York Times. Consumers should
beware of these so-called polls. In some cases, they are designed to
deliberately mislead the public.
 2012 Elections: POLLING ACCURACY IN THE 2012 ELECTIONS

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74 Chapter 6: Public Opinion and Political Socialization

3. Push Polls. Push polls are not polls at all, but are attempts to spread
negative statements about a candidate by posing as a pollster and using
long questions containing information about the opposition. Both
candidates and advocacy groups use push polls.
V. Technology and Opinion Polls
A. The Advent of Telephone Polling
Telephone polling is far easier and less expensive than door-to-door polling, and
has become standard. (Years ago telephone polling could not be accurate because
many poor voters did not have phones.)
1. Telephone Polling Problems. In part because of its success, telephone
polling has now become problematic because so many entities conduct
“polls” and “market research.”
2. The Cell Phone Problem. Cell phone numbers are not included in
random-digit dialing programs.
B. Enter Internet Polling
1. How Representative Is the Internet? Harris, a widely respected polling
organization, has attempted to design Internet polls that assign weights to
respondents to achieve the equivalent of a random-sampled poll. Public
opinion experts argue that the Harris procedure violates the mathematical
basis of random sampling, but the Internet population is looking more
like the rest of America.
2. “Nonpolls” on the Internet. There are many unscientific straw polls on
the Internet. These nonpolls undercut the efforts of legitimate pollsters to
use the Internet scientifically.
VI. Public Opinion and the Political Process
A. Political Culture and Popular Opinion
Political culture can be described as a set of attitudes and ideas about the nation
and government. Certain shared beliefs about important values are considered the
core of American political culture. They bind the nation together despite its
highly diverse population. These values include liberty, equality, and property;
support for religion; and community service and personal achievement.
1. Political Culture and Support for Our Political System. General
popular belief that the presidential election of 2000 would be settled
fairly is an example of how a general sense of support for our political
system allows the nation to get through a crisis.
2. Political Trust. General levels of trust in government have gone up and
down. In the 1960s and 1970s, during the Vietnam War and Watergate
scandal, the level of trust in government declined steeply. Levels were
high right after 9/11 but have steadily declined since 2001.

Copyright © Cengage Learning. All rights reserved.


Chapter 6: Public Opinion and Political Socialization 75

B. Public Opinion About Government


It is clear that there is considerable ambivalence on the part of the public
regarding government and other national institutions. Recent data suggest that
trust in government peaked after 9/11 but fell back thereafter.
1. Confidence in Other Institutions. Confidence in the Supreme Court
also scores highly, while the media, Congress, labor unions, and business
come off more poorly.
2. The Most Important Problem. For a list of the nation’s most important
problems since 1983, see Table 6–2 of your textbook.
C. Public Opinion and Policymaking
If public opinion is important for democracy, then policymakers should be
responsive to public opinion. A groundbreaking study in the early 1990s suggests
that the national government is very responsive to the public’s demands. Policy
often changes in a direction consistent with public opinion; and when public
opinion changes dramatically, government policy is much more likely to follow
public attitudes.
1. Setting Limits on Government Action. Public opinion may be at its
strongest in preventing politicians from embracing highly unpopular
policies. To what degree should public opinion influence policymaking?
The general public believe that leaders should pay attention to popular
opinion, while policymakers themselves are less likely to believe this.
2. The Public versus the Policymakers. Polls indicate that whereas a
majority of the public feels that public opinion should have a great
deal of influence on policy, a majority of policy leaders hold the
opposite positions.
3. The Limits of Polling. There are differences of opinion between the
public and policymakers on this issue. Part of the difference stems from
one of the flaws of polling: poll questions largely ignore the context
within which most policy decisions take place; i.e., people are likely to
express opinions on many kinds of policies without being required to
consider the costs.
D. A Policy Example: Contraception Insurance
The Obama administration ruled that religious bodies such as churches that
opposed birth control in principle did not need to pay for health insurance plans
that covered contraception. Institutions such as hospitals and schools that
were owned or controlled by churches, however, would be required to
provide coverage.
1. The Controversy. Religious bodies, including the Catholic Church,
denounced the Obama decision. Defenders argued that exempting
religiously owned hospitals and schools from the mandate would
mean that employers could force their own religious principles on
their employees.
2. Public Opinion and the Controversy. It was unclear whether the
question posed was on religious freedom or whether the question was
about the right of women to adequate health care.

Copyright © Cengage Learning. All rights reserved.


76 Chapter 6: Public Opinion and Political Socialization

 Which Side Are You On? DO WE REALLY NEED TO SPEND MORE


MONEY ON SCHOOLS?
Is spending on schools already high enough or have school systems already
suffered too many cuts?
 Why Should You Care About … POLLS AND PUBLIC OPINION?
Successful political participation depends on knowing what fellow citizens are
thinking, and polls can give insight into this. Poll results flood news reports at
critical political times (such as elections), but not all polls are equally reliable. It
is important to consider the source and techniques of a poll before giving
credence to its results. The veracity of many polls has to be taken with a grain of
salt. For example, in many polls the samples are far from random and the
margins of error are much greater than published. How a question is phrased
can change the outcome dramatically, such as with “loaded questions.” False
precision represented by incredibly detailed results can also make
predictions difficult.
 E-mocracy: ONLINE POLLING AND POLL DATA
This feature provides information on polling organizations and links to
polling data.

 LECTURE LAUNCHERS
1. Ask students (who wish to volunteer) to analyze how they have been socialized
politically. Compare and contrast the socialization of students with different
backgrounds. What differences and similarities are there between these individuals?
2. A major concern for many Americans appears to be a lack of confidence in political
leaders and a decline in trust of government. An example of how big this problem has
become is the lack of participation in elections. Typically, only about half of the adult
population participates in presidential elections and even less in non-presidential
elections. However, we saw a change during the 2008 presidential election. The influence
of the media and media stars and the impact of the Internet, blogs, and YouTube created a
greater interest in politics and a larger voter turnout.
3. Voter turnout significantly increased in the 2008 presidential election, particularly among
the young. Ask students why they believe this election inspired the young people’s vote
and then to examine whether it continued in the 2012 presidential election. Why or
why not?
4. Ask students to identify in class their preconceived notions about opinion polling in
detail. Their beliefs, (correct and incorrect) about the nature of the process are the key to
explaining the actual science of measuring public opinion. Some students will say they do
not believe the polls. Others will say they do follow them but in class will not be able to
demonstrate that they understand the difference between reputable polls and mechanisms
that masquerade as polls. Once the mechanics of quality opinion polls have been
demonstrated and the myths debunked, ask students to discuss why accurate polling of
public opinion is important.

Copyright © Cengage Learning. All rights reserved.


Chapter 6: Public Opinion and Political Socialization 77

5. Ask students to devise a way to measure public opinion on their campus with a topic like,
“Should the legal age to purchase alcoholic beverages be raised to twenty-five”? Would a
quota poll be accurate? How could a random sample be used?
6. In the text, we discovered the political preferences and voting behavior of the various
demographic groups in America. Based on recent shifts in the demographic profile of the
country as a whole, ask students to combine this information with what they now
understand about the voting behavior of groups and predict election outcomes for the
major parties based on party identification in 2012, 2022, and 2032. One suggestion for
task design is to assign students into small groups and have them chart the various
demographic groups. Students can then make predictions as to which groups will grow
and which will shrink in order to gather data to make their election predictions.

 IN-CLASS ACTIVITIES
1. In a roundtable discussion with students, ask what role the social media played for each
of them in the 2012 election. How influential was Facebook or Twitter or YouTube?
2. Have students gather data from the 2012 election and analyze the results in class in terms
of gender, education, economics, race, and other demographic factors.
3. Break students into groups of four or five. Assign each group a news channel to watch re
“one specific story.” Have groups report back to class on what they learned about the
story in order to analyze how our media may or may not put its own “spin” on a story.

 KEY TERMS
agenda setting Determining which public-policy questions will be debated or considered.
consensus General agreement among the citizenry on an issue.
divided opinion Public opinion that is polarized between two quite different positions.
Fairness Doctrine A Federal Communications Commission rule enforced between 1949 and
1987 that required radio and television to present controversial issues in a manner that
was (in the commission’s view) honest, equitable, and balanced.
framing Establishing the context of a polling question or a media report. Framing can mean
fitting events into a familiar story or activating preconceived beliefs.
gender gap The difference between the percentage of women who vote for a particular candidate
and the percentage of men who vote for the candidate.
generational effect The long-lasting effect of the events of a particular time on the political
opinions of those who came of political age at that time.
house effect In public opinion polling, an effect in which one polling organization’s results
consistently differ from those reported by other poll takers.
media The channels of mass communication.
opinion leader One who is able to influence the opinions of others because of position,
expertise, or personality.

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78 Chapter 6: Public Opinion and Political Socialization

opinion poll A method of systematically questioning a small, selected sample of respondents


who are deemed representative of the total population.
peer group A group whose members share common social characteristics. These groups play an
important part in the socialization process, helping to shape attitudes and beliefs.
political socialization The process by which people acquire political beliefs and values.
political trust The degree to which individuals express trust in the government and political
institutions, usually measured through a specific series of survey questions.
public opinion The aggregate of individual attitudes or beliefs shared by some portion of the
adult population.
sampling error The difference between a sample’s results and the true result if the entire
population had been interviewed.
socioeconomic status The value assigned to a person due to occupation or income. An upper-
class person, for example, has high socioeconomic status.
Watergate break-in The 1972 illegal entry into the Democratic National Committee offices by
participants in President Richard Nixon’s reelection campaign.

 WEB LINKS
One of the most well-known of the many polling organizations: (http://www.gallup.com/)
A self-described nonpartisan fact tank that provides information on the issues, attitudes and
trends: (http://pewresearch.org/
An independent, nonpartisan resource on trends in American public opinion:
(http://www.pollingreport.com/)
A daily tracking poll of public opinion on a variety of issues:
(http://www.rasmussenreports.com/)
A summary of 2012 primary election polling results:
(http://www.realclearpolitics.com/epolls/latest_polls/elections/)

 INSTRUCTOR RESOURCES
Bishop, Bill. The Big Sort: Why the Clustering of Like-Minded America Is Tearing Us Apart.
New York: Houghton Mifflin, 2008. PRINT. Jam-packed with polling data, Bishop’s book argues
that we have clustered into like-minded communities as never before. Results include political
polarization and an inability to understand Americans of different backgrounds or beliefs.
Fiorina, Morris P., with Samuel J. Adams and Jeremy C. Pope. Culture War? The Myth of a
Polarized America, 3rd ed. New York: Longman, 2010. PRINT. Fiorina and his colleagues use
polling data to argue that most Americans are politically moderate, even though our political
leaders are highly polarized. Topics include abortion, same-sex marriage, school prayer, and gun
control. A new chapter in this edition analyzes the 2008 elections.
Lakoff, George. The Political Mind: A Cognitive Scientist’s Guide to Your Brain and Its Politics.
New York: Penguin, 2009. PRINT. Lakoff is one of the nation’s leading experts on framing and

Copyright © Cengage Learning. All rights reserved.


Chapter 6: Public Opinion and Political Socialization 79

other political thought processes. Lakoff’s liberal politics may annoy conservative readers, but his
theories are not dependent on his ideology.
Sniderman, Paul M., and Edward H. Stiglitz. The Reputational Premium: A Theory of Party
Identification and Policy Reasoning. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton UP, 2012. PRINT. Two political
scientists argue that the policy positions of the major political parties are more important in
making up voters’ minds than are the policies of individual candidates.

MEDIA RESOURCES
Purple State of Mind—A 2009 film, in which two old friends, college roommates, take different
political roads—one left, the other right. They meet again and explore their differences.
Wag the Dog—A 1997 film that provides a very cynical look at the importance of public opinion.
The film, which features Dustin Hoffman and Robert De Niro, follows the efforts of a
presidential political consultant who stages a foreign policy crisis to divert public opinion from a
sex scandal in the White House.

Copyright © Cengage Learning. All rights reserved.


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greatly reduced through the operation of natural causes. But
morbidity would not be diminished, possibly greatly increased by the
wider and wider diffusion of these parasites, or potential disease
producers. The few still highly mortal plagues would eventually settle
down to sporadic infections or else disappear wholly because of
adverse conditions to which they cannot adapt themselves.
“In this mutual adaptation of microorganism to host, there is,
however, nothing to hinder a rise in virulence in place of the gradual
decline if proper conditions exist. In fact, it is not very difficult to
furnish adequate explanations for the recrudescence and activities of
many diseases today, though the natural tendencies are toward a
decline in virulence. In the more or less rapid changes in our
environment due to industrial and social movements the natural
equilibrium between host and parasite established for a given
climate, locality, and race or nationality is often seriously disturbed
and epidemics of hitherto sporadic diseases result.
“These illustrations indicate that so-called natural law does not
stand in the way of our having highly virulent types of disease, if we
are ignorant enough to cultivate them. The microorganism is
sufficiently plastic to shape itself for an upward as well as a
downward movement. Among the most formidable of the obstacles
toward a steady decline of mortality is the continual movement of
individuals and masses from one part of the world to another,
whereby the partly adapted parasites become planted as it were into
new soil and the original equilibrium destroyed. These various races
of disease germs become widely disseminated by so-called germ
carriers, and epidemics here and there light up their unseen paths.”
An example of increasing virulence from changing environmental
conditions, is the experience in the United States Army camps in
1917 and 1918 with the streptococcus. This microorganism, which at
first was but a secondary invader, particularly to measles, became so
exalted in virulence that it soon became the cause of primary disease.
This is likewise true of the various secondary invaders of the
influenza epidemics. They become so highly virulent that they
dominate the picture in the later stages. The organisms included in
this group are particularly the streptococcus, the various
pneumococci, and the meningococcus. Probably the tubercle bacillus
should be added to this list.
It requires a certain amount of time for such organisms to attain
increased virulence. The earliest cases in any epidemic are
comparatively very mild. Thus Major Billings, epidemiologist at
Camp Custer, says that for the first five days of the autumn influenza
epidemic in that camp the cases admitted to the hospital were very
mild in character and were recorded as simple bronchitis and
pharyngitis, of no great severity, the majority soon recovering. Five
days after the first case was admitted, however, the entire symptom
complex seemed to change, and the cases admitted to the hospital
from then on were a very different and much more severe type.
Major Billings, after going over the records, feels that both types of
cases were the same disease, the second being a more severe form.
Woolley reports essentially the same condition from Camp Devens.
The same phenomena were found in 1889. During the 1889
epidemic Prudden examined by current bacteriologic methods seven
cases of influenza and six cases of influenza-pneumonia. In them he
found staphylococcus pyogenes aureus, streptococcus pyogenes,
diplococcus pneumoniae, and in other cases he found a
streptococcus. He concludes that the use of culture methods and
media commonly employed has brought to light no living germ
which there is reason to believe has anything to do with causing the
disease. He emphasizes the probable importance of streptococcus
pyogenes in particular in inducing the various complications.
At this point we should include for the sake of completeness
reference to a recent theory propounded by Sahli explaining
influenza epidemics, a theory to which we do not subscribe. He
believes that the pneumococcus, the streptococcus, the influenza
bacillus, and possibly other organisms, form a complex group, an
obligate complex, a symbiosis, a higher unit, which infects the
organism as a unit. It is all of these organisms acting together which
produce the influenza. After infection has occurred one or the other
member of the group may develop preferentially. In favor of this he
says that in one of his cases the sputum was swarming with influenza
bacilli on one day, and that the next day the sputum was a thick pure
culture of the pneumococcus. He says that if an ultramicroscopic
germ should yet be discovered this would not invalidate the theory,
but would merely add another member to the group forming the
obligate complex virus unit.
Meteorologic conditions.—Formerly attempts were made to
demonstrate etiologic relationships between the occurrence of
influenza and unusual conditions of the atmosphere. In most cases
no relationship has been discovered. Nevertheless it is conceivable
that the changes in the atmosphere, particularly seasonal variations,
might influence the virulence of the organism. It has been found that
nearly all of the many epidemics apparently originating in Russia
took their origin there either in the late autumn or in the winter
months. The spread of influenza appears to be uninfluenced by
atmospheric conditions, but the severity of the disease is definitely
increased in the winter months, and Leichtenstern believes that the
development of a primary spread from its point of origin is also
influenced by the season. Hirsch found that out of 175 correlated
pandemics or epidemics, 50 occurred in the winter between
December and February, 85 in the spring from March to May, 16 in
the summer from June to August and 24 in the autumn.
The soil plays no part in the spread of the disease. It prevails on
every soil or geologic formation; on the mountain top, in the low
malarial swamps, in the tropics and within the arctic circle. Volcanic
eruptions, fogs, electrical conditions, ozone, direction of the wind,
have all been considered in previous epidemics and successively
eliminated as etiologic factors.
It must be stated, however, that Teissier, who investigated the
influenza in Russia in 1890 and has compared his conclusions at that
time with the results of investigation of the recent visitation, believes
that some particular cosmic conditions suddenly enhanced the
virulence of an endemic etiologic microorganism—probably some
ordinary germ—and that this opened the portals to secondary
infections.
Secondary invaders.—We have considered a possible manner in
which the virulence of the organism causing influenza may become
enhanced. Whatever this organism may be, another and equally
important virulence enhancement occurs in the opportunist group of
the germs, so-called secondary invaders of influenza. As we have
previously remarked, it is a characteristic of influenza outbreaks in
all communities that the earliest cases are very mild. Secondary
infection has not as yet obtained a foothold. After about a week the
character of the illness changes, becoming distinctly more severe.
Billings reported that at Camp Custer in the autumn of 1918 cases
admitted to the hospital during the first five days were very mild in
character and were reported as simply bronchitis or pharyngitis of no
great severity, the majority soon recovering. After this time the entire
symptom complex seemed to change and the cases admitted to the
hospital were of a very different and more severe type.
Benjafield reports that in the Egyptian Expeditionary Force the
epidemic commenced in May, 1918, and that the cases occurring
during the earlier portion of the epidemic were mild in type and of
short duration, only a very small proportion being complicated by
bronchopneumonia. Wooley found at Camp Devens that the first
cases were of a mild form and were usually diagnosed “naso-
pharyngitis, acute catarrhal.” After a few days the disease became
more severe and pneumonia cases developed.
Bezançon found that among the repatriated French soldiers from
Switzerland those cases occurring in May and June had a much
lower severity than in the later epidemic. Zinsser’s description of the
mild, earlier epidemic in Chaumont has already been quoted.
The secondary invaders of pathogenic importance are the various
forms of the streptococcus and pneumococcus, the meningococcus,
the staphylococcus, and probably the tubercle bacillus and the
influenza bacillus. In the last epidemic as in that of thirty years
previously, the chief complications were bronchitis and pneumonia.
Capps and Moody found these to be the chief complications in
December, 1915. Also they found a high incidence of sinusitis. This
has been a feature of the last epidemic. Wooley cites a good example
of the damage done by these opportunist organisms when they are
present. Among the troops stationed at Camp Devens in the fall of
1918 pneumonia following influenza was particularly prevalent in a
battalion of negroes from the South. This battalion had, a short time
previously, passed through an epidemic of pneumonia and Wooley
believes that many of the blacks were harboring the pneumococci
which were only awaiting a favorable opportunity to invade their
hosts. The influenza furnished the required opportunity.
That the meningococcus should be classed in this group is certain.
The author observed at Camp Sevier cases of epidemic meningitis
occurring in various influenza wards scattered throughout the
hospital, with no demonstrable relationship. Usually there was but
one case in a ward and almost invariably meningitis occurred when
convalescence was beginning. No epidemic occurred in any ward.
Others have reported actual epidemics of meningitis following
influenza. Moss found that a large proportion of his influenza cases
had the meningococcus in the circulating blood, as demonstrated by
culture. Fletcher cultivated meningococci from the lungs in all of
eleven autopsies, and in all eleven cases the influenza bacillus was
also present.
In considering the effect of influenza on the death rate in general,
and in considering the relationship of influenza to other diseases in
general, it is important to distinguish those diseases which are
apparently unrelated and those diseases which occur as direct
complications or sequelae. Bronchopneumonia, bronchitis,
empyema, otitis media, frequently tonsillitis and sometimes
erysipelas, occur as sequelae. Meningitis should frequently be
included in this group.
Not only is there an increase in certain other diseases following
influenza outbreaks, genetically related, as we have seen, but also
some observers, particularly Crookshank, believe that previous to
epidemic influenza prevalences there occurs an increase in the
incidence of other entirely unrelated infectious diseases, such as
poliomyelitis. This theory of simultaneous increase in invasiveness of
many apparently unrelated germs is comparatively new and will
probably receive deep consideration in the future. For the present
the information on the subject is so limited that attempted
conclusions would have no value.
Origin of the 1918 Pandemic.
In discussing the spread of the 1918 pandemic over the earth, the
author has traced it from an apparent origin in the United States.
Localized early epidemics are reported simultaneously in the United
States, France, and China. From the literature at his disposal he has
been unable to find convincing proof of an earlier origin in Asia, but
he did emphasize at the time the necessity of a much more thorough
study of influenza in all countries to be made by more competent
statisticians. Nevertheless it is highly interesting to formulate an
hypothesis which appears to meet all demands, on the assumption
that the disease originated in America. In order to hold a theory with
this basis we must assume that the third of our previously mentioned
hypotheses of the origin of the disease is the more nearly correct.
Let us assume that in the interpandemic periods the influenza
virus is widely distributed over the earth, existing in an avirulent
form. The basis for this assumption is the previously described
occurrence of localized epidemics in interpandemic periods. The
occurrence of solitary cases, although of interest, could scarcely be
considered as evidence of the widespread distribution of the virus,
but in the case of the small outbreaks as in 1900, 1907 and 1915, and
as in the numerous small outbreaks described by Hirsch, the
character of the epidemic curve is characteristic. Let us, then, assume
that the disease has been endemic in the United States, together with
other localities. It requires no keen observation to discover in the
years 1917 and 1918, Theobald Smith’s “movement of individuals and
masses from one part of the world to another, whereby the partly
adapted parasites become planted, as it were, into new soil, and the
original equilibrium is disturbed.” Not only was there a tremendous
redistribution and concentration of individuals in our camps in this
country, but also there was a further disturbance of the equilibrium
in the outbreak of other infectious diseases, particularly measles. The
effect of the measles epidemic on the virulence of the streptococcus
and allied organisms has been discussed; presumably the same
occurred with respect to the influenza virus. Howard and Love report
that approximately 40,512 cases of influenza were reported in the
United States Army during 1917. They write:
“In 1917, the death rate for the acute respiratory diseases
(influenza, pneumonias and the common types) increased to 1.71.
During the fall of 1917, after the camps were filled with drafted men,
acute epidemic diseases swept through a number of them. Measles
was one of the most prevalent and one of the most fatal of the
infectious diseases that occurred. It was noted during the fall and
early winter that there were a number of cases of pneumonia which
were unlike the pneumonia that ordinarily occurred. This was
apparent both to the physicians in civil life and in the army camps. It
was reported by all classes of practitioners that numerous cases of
pneumonia were occurring which resembled the pneumonia
following measles, but occurring among men who had not had
measles recently. In a number of the camps, both in the north and in
the south, rather extensive epidemics of pneumonia occurred and a
number of deaths resulted. The same variety of pneumonia occurred
in the late winter and spring of 1918. In many of the camps
pneumonia was practically epidemic during March and April. In
many camps a number of cases occurred later in the spring and
summer. It was again reported by a number of medical men that
these cases of pneumonia that were occurring were different from
the types of pneumonia ordinarily encountered and very similar to
pneumonia following measles, but, again, that the cases occurred
among men who had not had measles recently.”
MacNeal has observed similar conditions in the American
Expeditionary Forces in France in 1917:
“The American troops in France in 1917 began to show, as early as
October, 1917, a very considerable rise in the influenza morbidity.
The data available in the office of the Chief Surgeon, A. E. F., show
an influenza morbidity per 100,000 of 321 in July, 438 in August,
and 404 in September, rising to 1,050 in October, 1,980 in
November, and 2,480 in December, 1917, in which month the total
number of new cases of influenza reported was 3,520. That a
considerable proportion of these cases were actual infections with
the bacillus of Pfeiffer is proven by the necropsy findings in fatal
cases of bronchitis and bronchopneumonia, especially those
performed by Major H. E. Robertson at Army Laboratory No. 1,
Neufchateau, in November and December, 1917, and January, 1918.
In these cases the bacillus of Pfeiffer was found in the scattered
patches of lung involved in the bronchopneumonia and also with
great frequency in the cranial sinuses. These necropsy findings were,
at the time, recognized as essentially new for young adult Americans,
and, in a discussion at Army Laboratory No. 1, during December,
1917, they were considered as being of possible important
significance for the future morbidity of American soldiers in France.
In the British Army in France there is definite evidence of epidemics
showing the same pathologic condition, during the winter of 1916–
17, and at Aldershot in September, 1917. There can be little, if any
doubt that this disease was essentially the same which attacked the
American soldiers late in 1917.”
Schittenhelm and Schlecht have reported that a disease was
studied among the German troops on the Eastern front which
resembled greatly the influenza. It occurred from the beginning of
August to the middle of October, 1917. It attacked simultaneously
and in epidemic form units and divisions very widely separated over
a large territory. It was characterized clinically by a very sudden
onset, in the greater number of cases with chill, headache, pain in the
extremities, sometimes thoracic pain and cough. The fever lasted
seven to nine days. The spleen was enlarged in 11 per cent. of the
individuals. There was diarrhea in 12 per cent., frequently
conjunctivitis, and quite often a scarlatiniform rash. Bacteriologic
examination of the blood was negative. There was usually
leucopenia. No treatment seemed especially efficacious. Aspirin gave
the best results. The authors call attention to the close similarity to
influenza and also suggest that it might have been due to
transmission by insects as in pappataci fever or in dengue.
Carnwath concluded that the finding of influenza bacilli in
necropsies in British soldiers in 1917 was without epidemiologic
significance in considering the origin of the 1918 pandemic. He had
studied the disease among the British in detail and appeared to be of
the opinion that the first influenza morbidity of significance among
the British troops did not appear previous to April, 1918.
MacNeal further says: “The influenza rates per 100,000 of 1,050 in
November and 2,480 in December, 1917, really indicate a greater
relative prevalence of influenza at that time in the A. E. F. than
occurred in the fall of 1918, when the respective morbidity rates were
826 in September, 2,176 in October, and 1,356 in November. The
total number of American troops in France was relatively small
during that winter—141,995 effective mean strength in December—
so that the prevalence of influenza did not lead to the recognition of
an actual epidemic. Furthermore, the overcrowding in quarters,
which seems to have had a definite relation to many of the later
explosive outbreaks, had not become such a distinct feature at that
time. In addition, the cold, wet weather, exposure and unusual living
conditions furnished explanations for the morbidity which were no
longer adequate during the hot weather of May and June, 1918. Until
May, 1918, therefore, the prevalence was that of an endemic disease,
with perhaps an occasional outbreak suggesting epidemic character.”
We admit that MacNeal’s report furnishes excellent evidence of an
independent origin in France. Two points should be borne in mind.
First, that MacNeal’s figures are not for the French, but for the
Americans who were transported to that country, and that we may
consequently consider influenza among the American Expeditionary
Forces as being possibly from the same source as influenza among
the troops in our own country,—that the American Expeditionary
Forces may be considered a subdivision of the American Army in the
United States, equally well as a subdivision of the French population;
second, that we have been unable to find detailed evidence of similar
conditions occurring among the French troops or French population,
where the conditions have been ripe in a way since 1914. MacNeal
records that in March and April, 1918, there was a great increase in
the number of troops brought over from the United States to France.
Previous to that time there had been 287,000 in that country and
during the two months 150,000 were added, with a consequent
increase of more than fifty per cent.
We should insert a word of caution regarding the diagnosis of
influenza among troops in the absence of any sign of an epidemic.
Internists who served in base hospitals during the war will agree that
a diagnosis of influenza is very frequently made on the admission
card when the disease turns out to be some other malady. This was
not equally true in all camps, but regimental surgeons could often be
found who would transfer a patient to the hospital with the diagnosis
of influenza used almost interchangeably with the diagnosis “Fever
of unknown origin.” It would be interesting to see statistics from one
or two of those base hospitals which were manned with especially
competent internists, as to the frequency with which the admission
diagnosis of influenza remained unchallenged in the hospital, during
the year 1917.
There would be such cases in greater or smaller numbers. The
magnitude of this number would not influence our hypothesis.
Aside from this discussion of the disease among our troops in
France it is most important that we establish, if possible, the identity
of the disease reported among British troops in Northern France
during the winter of 1916–1917 and designated by the name
“Purulent Bronchitis.” The disease first appeared in December, 1916.
It reached its height during February and early March of 1917, and
appears to have disappeared early in the spring. Hammond, Rolland
and Shore report that during February and early March 45 per cent.
of the necropsies under observation showed the presence of purulent
bronchitis, and they remarked that the disease assumed such
proportions as to constitute almost a small epidemic. They described
the clinical aspects as follows:
“The cases which came under our notice can be divided broadly
into two types: The first and more acute presents a clinical picture
which closely simulates ordinary lobar pneumonia with a sustained
temperature of about 103°, and expectoration at first blood-streaked
—rather than rusty—which, however, rapidly becomes quite
purulent. The pulse-rate in these cases is out of all proportion to the
temperature in its rapidity. Dyspnoea and cyanosis are prominent
features. The patient usually dies from ‘lung block,’ resulting in
embarrassment of the right side of the heart on the fifth or sixth day.
For the last day or two there is often incontinence of the feces, due,
no doubt, to the condition of partial asphyxia. The mental state is
one of torpor; delirium is the exception.
“The second and less acute type is marked by a more swinging
temperature with a range of two or three degrees. The expectoration
at first may be frothy and mucopurulent, but it very soon assumes
the typically purulent character. This form may run a long course of
from three to six weeks, during which time the patient wastes a great
deal and has frequent and profuse sweats; indeed, at a certain stage
the illness is most suggestive of acute tubercular infection, and it is
only by repeated examination of the expectoration that the clinician
can satisfy himself he is not really over-looking a case of acute
pulmonary tuberculosis. The majority of our cases conforming to this
type have ultimately recovered, but the convalescence is slow and
tedious.
“Onset.—Whilst a history of a previous catarrhal condition lasting
for a few days is often obtained, the disease quickly assumes an acute
character; we have been able to observe this in patients admitted into
this hospital with purulent bronchitis; we find the temperature is
between 102° and 103°, the pulse 120 or over, and the respiration
about 35. The patient frequently complains of shivering and looks
pathetically miserable, but we have not seen an actual rigor. Despite
his obvious shortness of breath, the sisters have noticed that, at any
rate at first, he prefers a lateral position low down in the bed, and
resents any attempt to prop him up.
“Cough.—This for the first day or two may be irritable and
distressing, with a little frothy expectoration, but as the latter
becomes more purulent the cough is less troublesome, and soon the
patient is expectorating easily and frequently, until the later stages
are reached; when owing to increasing asphyxia the patient becomes
more and more torpid, the cough subsides, and hardly any secretion
is brought up. This failure becomes an added factor in bringing about
a rapidly fatal termination.
“Expectoration.—The sputum, with its yellowish-green purulent
masses, is very characteristic, and may be one of the first indications
of the serious nature of the illness the patient is suffering from.
“Temperature.—The fever of this complaint does not follow any
very constant type. In nearly all our cases the pyrexia was of sudden
onset, and for the first few days was more or less sustained at about
103°. Later it conformed more to the swinging type with a range of
several degrees. In a few cases a curious gradual ante mortem drop
has been observed.
“Pulse.—Tachycardia is a very constant feature throughout the
illness. The rate is frequently well over 120, though the volume may
remain surprisingly good until immediately before death.
“Some degree of dyspnoea is always present, and is usually
progressive, though towards the end in the fatal cases when the
mental acuteness is dulled by the increasing asphyxia the patient is
not distressed by its presence. In some cases there have been
paroxysmal exacerbations of the breathlessness, accompanied by a
state of panic, in which the patient struggles wildly and tries to get
out of bed in order to gain relief. Cyanosis is another prominent
feature throughout the illness. At first it may not be more than
duskiness, but in the later stages it becomes very evident. It is only
slightly relieved by oxygen; this, no doubt, is partly explained by the
difficulty in giving the oxygen efficiently, owing to the patient’s
objection to any mouthpiece that fits at all tightly, and partly by the
blocked condition of the bronchioles interfering with the absorption
of the oxygen.
“The condition usually begins with the presence of a moderate
number of sharp crepitant râles, often first heard in the region of the
root of the lung; these quickly become generalized. In the majority of
the cases signs of bronchopneumonia patches can be made out; these
are generally situated near the root of the lungs. In a certain number
of cases these patches spread and become confluent, giving
practically all of the physical signs of a lobar pneumonia. As the
disease progresses the air entry is diminished; on listening one is
often struck by the small volume of sound heard. The resonance of
the lungs may also be lessened. A slight pleuritic rub was heard in a
few of our cases, but this was soon masked by the bronchitis signs.”
Detailed sputum examination in twenty cases showed the presence
of the influenza bacillus in eighteen, and in ten out of these eighteen
the organism was isolated by culture. The next most frequent
organism found was the pneumococcus, which was present in
thirteen cases. The streptococcus was found in five.
Abrahams, Hallows, Eyre and French report the same epidemic:
“A typical case is as follows. The onset is usually acute; the early
symptoms are those of a ‘cold in the head.’ The temperature may be
101 or 102°, but there are no features to distinguish the condition
from acute ‘coryza’ or febricula, so that in the majority of cases the
patient does not report sick for two or three days, by which time he is
sent to the hospital. At this state two features attract particular
attention. First, the character of the expectoration: this consists of
thick pale yellow, almost pure pus, not the frothy expectoration
familiar in ordinary bronchitis; it has no particular odor and it
becomes increasingly abundant until in a day or two it may amount
to several ounces in the twenty-four hours. Secondly, the rapidity of
the patient’s breathing: this may be so evident that pneumonia
suggests itself, yet on examining the chest the only physical signs
consist of few or many rhonchi scattered widely, but most marked at
the bases of the lungs behind, associated with a wheezy vesicular
murmur; resonance everywhere is unimpaired and bronchial
breathing is absent. A little later a third point attracts notice; a
peculiar dusky heliotrope type of cyanosis of the face, lips, and ears,
so characteristic as to hall-mark the nature of the patient’s malady
even on superficial inspection. By this time dyspnoea is very
pronounced; respiration consists of short, shallow movements,
which in bad cases amount almost to gasps, reminiscent of the effects
of gas poisoning. Recovery at this stage may occur, but by the time
the cyanosis has become at all pronounced the prognosis is
extremely bad, though the number of days the patient may still live,
in spite of the severity of his distress, is often surprising. The
character of the sputum remains the same throughout, though
sometimes it is blood-tinged or actual blood may be expectorated
instead of, or in addition to, the more typical pale yellow pus. In the
later stages of the illness areas of impaired note or of actual dullness
may be found, particularly over the posterior aspects of the lungs,
associated with bronchial breathing and crepitant râles. These may
be due to the progression of the purulent bronchitis into hypostatic
pneumonia, or into actual bronchopneumonia at the bases; or, on
the other hand, they may be due to massive collapse of the lungs
secondary to the bronchitis and obstruction of the bronchioles by
pus. In a few cases, not necessarily the most serious, a frank lobar
pneumonia has developed later, and has been followed by an
empyema from which 15–30 ounces of thin pneumococcal pus has
been aspirated—in one case alone was resection of a rib unavoidable.
The condition, however, is not primarily a lobar or a
bronchopneumonia, but a bronchitis, and although a small amount
of basal bronchopneumonia has been present in one or two of our
post-mortem examinations, in other fatal cases there has been no
bronchopneumonia at all, not even the smallest portions of either
lung being found to sink in water.
“We have no doubt that the condition is primarily an affection of
the bronchi and bronchioles, and not of the alveoli, though the
alveoli may be affected later if the patient survives long enough. In a
typical post-mortem examination it would be difficult, or almost
impossible, to define the actual cause of death unless one knew the
clinical history.”
Abrahams and his collaborators describe in detail eight
consecutive cases. A study of the type of onset may be of help in
determining the character of the disease. The first patient had been
subject to bronchitis for years. He had been ill with cough and some
pyrexia for five days previous to his admission. There is no further
description of his admission symptoms. Case two was admitted on
March 17th, having taken ill the previous day with shivering, cold
and pain in the chest. The temperature was 104°, the pulse-rate 118,
and the respirations were 44. The patient was very restless and had
much dyspnoea but was not cyanosed. The third patient had taken ill
three days previous to admission with symptoms of cold in the head
and a sore throat. He complained of headache and dry cough without
expectoration, shortness of breath, and a pain behind the sternum.
Case four was admitted with a history of having been out of sorts
with a cold and bronchial cough for ten days previously. On
admission his temperature was 103°, pulse-rate 112 and respiration-
rate 36. He had abundant blood-stained purulent sputum.
Case five is the first case that shows a type of onset distinctly
resembling that of influenza. The patient had been ill three days with
headache, cough and generalized pain previous to his admission. The
temperature on admission to the hospital was 103°, pulse-rate 112,
respiration-rate 20. There were no abnormal physical signs in the
chest on admission. They did appear two days later. Case six related
that he had been sleeping under canvas for three nights before
coming to the hospital, and that during the first of these nights he
was taken ill with a cold which became associated with a cough and
increasing shortness of breath. On admission there was slight
cyanosis, and dyspnoea was very pronounced. Shortly afterwards he
became orthopnoeic, with heliotrope cyanosis. On the slightest
exertion, such as turning over in bed, the cyanosis increased
markedly, and although the respiration-rate remained under forty
when he was at rest, on the least exertion it increased to nearly sixty.
The sputum was purulent and abundant, pale yellow, not frothy and
not blood-stained, and the day after admission contained Bacillus
influenzae, pneumococcus and Micrococcus catarrhalis.
Case seven had been ill seven days before admission with cough
and fever. On admission his temperature was 105°, pulse 116,
respiration 24. Case eight gave a history of having had a cough for
eight days previous to admission. This cough had not incapacitated
him much at first, but he became progressively worse during the four
days before admission, with increasing shortness of breath and
abundant yellow sputum which he found it difficult to raise. On
admission dyspnoea with cyanosis was very evident.
Even from these detailed clinical descriptions it is impossible to
say definitely whether the disease was or was not influenza. There is
no doubt, however, but that clinically the disease resembled more the
so-called streptococcus pneumonias that were observed in the
United States camps in the winter of 1917–18. The descriptions of the
mode of onset are particularly at variance with the onset as we know
it in influenza.
Those who believe that the influenza bacillus is the cause of
influenza maintain that the finding of this organism in a large per
cent. of cases by both groups of observers is valuable evidence. For
reasons previously stated we cannot agree.
Description of the epidemic features is not detailed enough to be of
assistance. The first group of authors remark that the disease
constituted “almost a small epidemic.” The second group say that six
out of eight cases in their series of candidly reported patients came
from one command. The former report on twenty cases, the latter on
eight. The latter remark that although they have dealt with only eight
cases in detail, they had a much larger number altogether.
Presumably there were a decidedly larger number of patients in both
hospitals, but the actual number is not stated. In short, we do not
know whether the disease appeared to be more or less epidemic than
the apparently similar disease among our troops in the winter of
1917–18.
Both groups of observers have described in some detail the
pathology of the cases which were necropsied. The author in
attempting to obtain further comparative information has submitted
the pathologic descriptions given by the British authors to Dr. E. W.
Goodpasture, who has very kindly pointed out the points of
similarity and difference between the gross and microscopic findings
in these cases of purulent bronchitis, and the same findings in typical
influenza. He says that the lung picture, as described, is not the same
as that which was typical of the acute influenza observed in the
autumn of 1918 and again in the winter of 1920. The characteristic
picture in the latter is primarily an extensive involvement of the
alveolar structure, while as Abrahams and his associates remarked,
the condition in their case is primarily “an affection of the bronchi
and bronchioles, and not of the alveoli, though the alveoli may be
affected later, if the patient survives long enough.” Goodpasture
states that the pathology as described by the British authors is very
similar to the lung picture in interstitial bronchopneumonia
described by MacCallum for the post-measles and primary
bronchopneumonia among our troops in the winter of 1917–18. The
streptococcus and the influenza bacillus were dominant organisms in
MacCallum’s series. It also resembles the pathologic picture
described by Pfeiffer in his original article on one of the late
recurrences of the 1889–93 epidemics of influenza.
In summing up, we must admit that it is impossible to reach a
definite conclusion, but that both clinically and pathologically the
disease described among the British troops in 1916 and 1917 was not
typical of influenza as we have known it more recently. The similar
conclusion reached by Carnwath, presumably chiefly from
epidemiologic considerations, has already been described. We do not
deny that this “purulent bronchitis” may have been influenza. On the
contrary, it is a part of our hypothesis that influenza under the
proper conditions may become epidemic in practically any land. But
we do believe that the evidence has not shown that the disease
among the British troops in 1916 and 1917 was an etiologic precursor
of the great pandemic.
To return to a discussion of influenza in China, we quote from an
article by Cadbury in the China Medical Journal: “Unfortunately no
health reports are available for the greater part of the Chinese
Republic. We have consulted, however, the Health Reports of the
Shanghai Municipal Council from 1898 to 1917, and among the total
foreign deaths we find that only the following were attributed to
influenza: 1899, one death; 1900, one death; 1907, four deaths; 1910,
one death. After this no deaths are recorded from this cause up to
and including the year 1917.
“In the Hongkong Medical and Sanitary Reports, which give the
total deaths registered in the Colony, we have examined the records
from 1909 to 1917. During these nine years only two deaths were
attributed to influenza, and both occurred in 1909.
“From a personal letter from Dr. Arthur Stanley, Health Officer in
Shanghai, dated February 11, 1919, I quote the following:
“‘As to influenza we had an attack beginning at the end of May and
lasting through June and again in the latter part of October and
lasting through November. The latter was somewhat more severe.
The noteworthy features were general absence of catarrhal
symptoms, congestive pharynx frequent, as also was a slight
erythematous blush on the neck and chest, which made one think at
first of scarlet fever. Fatal pneumonia common among the Chinese
and Japanese, but among Europeans very little pneumonia.’
“In his report for May, 1918, Dr. Stanley says that the disease was
reported to have reached Peking before it came to Shanghai, but
subsequent reports showed that most of the river ports were almost
simultaneously infected, the rate of spread conforming to the rate of
conveyance by railways and boats of infected persons. The mortality
was very low.
“Newspaper reports indicate that a third appearance of the disease
in Shanghai occurred from the middle of February, 1919, which was
still prevalent in April. The symptoms were much more severe.
“For Hongkong I quote from a personal letter from Dr. Hickling,
the Principal Medical Officer of Health, dated January 29, 1919:
“‘The epidemic of influenza in the spring was a very mild one, so
far as we can judge. The disease did not last more than a few days in
most cases. The recent epidemic (October, November, December and
January) has been much more severe, often lasting two or three
weeks.’
“Only one death, which occurred on May 14th, was reported from
Hongkong in the spring. In the later epidemic the deaths reported
were as follows: October, 70; November, 95; December, 67. The first
of these deaths occurred on October 5th. The figures for January had
not been compiled, but the disease was diminishing.
“Dr. C. W. McKenny of Hongkong has kindly furnished me with
the following facts: ‘During the first five months of 1918 there were
twenty-two admissions for influenza to the Civil and Tung Wa
hospitals (3 in May). In June there were 269 cases with three deaths.
In July, August and September, 43 cases; and during October-
November, 130 cases with four deaths....
“‘The June epidemic in Canton appeared first at the Pui Ying
School, then among the employees of the Post Office, the staff of the
Canton Hospital, the Canton Christian College, and the Kung Yee
Hospital. The other schools entirely escaped. Eleven days were taken
by the disease to spread from one part of the city to the various other
parts.’”
Plague appeared in the north of China in 1917, originating
apparently in inner Mongolia. The spread extended over quite an
area, and it is reported that this epidemic of pneumonic plague has
been more extensive than any since that of 1910–11. The disease was
first reported prevalent in Patsebolong December 6, 1917. The
diagnosis was confirmed bacteriologically, and there can be little
doubt but that the cases of plague reported in various parts of China
even up to March 18th were true plague, and not unrecognized
influenza.
SECTION III.

In the following section of our report we shall have frequent


occasion to refer to a series of investigations conducted by the author
in the City of Boston during the 1920 influenza epidemic. We will
explain in some detail at this point the nature of the work done and
the methods used, in order that the subsequent references will be
readily intelligible.
An Investigation of Influenza in Boston
During the Winter of 1920.
Following every widespread epidemic interest centers in the
question as to how much havoc the disease has wrought, what
proportion of the population fell victim, and how many of these died.
With regard to influenza the vital statistics of all countries are
decidedly insufficient in furnishing this information.
In nearly all countries influenza is not a reportable disease.
Usually, as was the case in the United States in 1918, the disease was
made reportable during the epidemic, but this took effect usually at
least two weeks after the epidemic had started in a community.
Further, there is probably not a single community in which the
reported cases of influenza reach to anywhere near the total of actual
cases. The question of diagnosis, which is not always easy even in the
presence of a pandemic, causes some physicians to hesitate to report
cases. Other physicians “play safe” and report nearly everything as
influenza. Finally, in the period of an epidemic, the physicians are so
pressed with caring for the sick that they very naturally neglect to
report cases as they occur.
It becomes necessary, therefore, in collecting evidence in civil
populations, of the morbidity and fatality from influenza, to obtain
additional information to that available to the Health Officer.
The method which may be relied upon to give the most accurate
data consists in house-to-house surveys made soon after an
epidemic, in which competent inspectors obtain detailed information
concerning the illness or freedom from illness of every individual in
the areas canvassed. The majority of individuals interviewed will not
have had the disease, and it is therefore essential that in such a
census a large enough population be covered that the resulting
figures will be truly representative of the population at large.
Toward the end of January, 1920, when the recurrent epidemic
was at its height in Boston, the author undertook with the aid of
thirteen trained social service workers, and one physician, who was a
graduate of the Harvard School of Public Health, to make a sickness

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