The Construction of Aboriginal Identity

in People Separated from Their Families,

Community, and Culture: Pieces of a Jigsaw
YVONNE CLARK
University of Adelaide

shared with others who have less understanding of

Australia’s Aboriginal political history.
boriginal history since colonisation has been largely

A shaped by government policies. The most striking and

destructive historical policies directed at Aboriginal
people concerned those that advocated the removal of
Historical Background
Since colonisation, Aboriginal people have been the recipi-
ents of a multitude of government policies. These policies
Aboriginal children from their parents and their placement in
can be divided into four broad areas and time frames that
white foster homes or institutions. This paper reports on
interviews with seven Indigenous participants who had been overlap considerably: protection ( 1840s-1950s). assimila-
removed from their families and communities early in child- tion (1950~-1970s),’ integration (1967-197Os), and self-
hood. The most dramatic psychological impact on those who determination and self-management (1970+). Coinciding
had been separated from their families and communities was with and shaping the policies have been a number of shift-
on the development of social identity. Identity was confusing ing contradictory discourses (networks of ideas and
for most participants in this study, particularly during their attitudes) about Aboriginality over the past 200 years. These
early socialisation and development. A qualitative analysis of discourses were largely created and disseminated by non-
the interviews identified four major themes around which Aboriginal Australians and have had mainly devastating
identity was discussed. These were discovering being outcomes for Aboriginal people.
Aboriginal, deception, affirmation of identity, and multiple Under the protectionist framework in South Australia
identities. Despite their social dislocation from their families came legislation that included the 1844 Aborigines
and communities, all the participants in the research have Ordinance (no. 12). which was implemented for the protec-
sought out, recovered, andlor maintained their Aboriginal
tion, maintenance, and upbringing of Aboriginal orphans
identity in various ways.
and other destitute children (Hall, 1997; State Records,
1993). The Aborigines Act (191 1) was put in place to
“protect” Aboriginal people who were considered to be a
For over a century, many Aboriginal people throughout dying race. The purpose of the act was to segregate many
Australia have been systematically taken away from their Aboriginal people into reserves away from non-Aboriginal
families and culture, by missionaries and government author- people (State Records, 1993). The attitudes towards
ities who believed that it was “for the good of Aboriginal Aboriginal people at the time were largely influenced by the
people”, and placed in white foster homes or government- theory of social Darwinism. Aboriginal people, it was
run institutions. In this process, many Aboriginal people believed, were doomed to die as an inevitable part of the
were either forced or encouraged to disclaim their cultural human process of evolution. These beliefs excused the
roots and identities. Although many of those who were taken colonists and governments from taking any action to stop
away grew up under non-Aboriginal control and guidance, the decline of the Aboriginal population. Such beliefs may
many chose to return to their own people at the first opportu- have also justified and supported the covering up of the
nity and reclaim their Aboriginality. The research reported in many massacres of Aboriginal people that occurred
this paper analyses the struggles and life stories of seven throughout Australia subsequent to white colonisation.
Aboriginal people who describe their personal journey of The Aborigines Acts in 1923 and 1939 specifically
piecing together their Aboriginality. Some participants targeted children of mixed descent for training (State
experienced stability in their foster homes but most Records, 1993). The protectionist notions meant that the
described many incidents of abuse, misunderstanding, decep- government had complete control over every aspect of
tion, and control from the very authorities that were put in Aboriginal people’s lives. The underlying feature of these
place to protect and look after them. This study allows the acts was to separate “part Aboriginal” children from their
stories of these seven individuals to be told, heard, and “full blood” mothers. Much of the Aboriginal population

I would like to thank the participants in my research who told their stories and helped me throughout the research. Many thanks also to Martha Augoustinos
for her helpful comments in getting the paper ready for publication, and to Graham Davidson and Ann Sanson for assisting in the process of the publication
of the article.
Address for correspondence: Yvonne Clark, Family and Youth Services, 826 Port Road, Woodville SA 5011, Australia.

JULY 2000 \y AUSTRALIAN PSYCHOLOGIST

VOLUME 35 NUMBER 2 pp. 150-157
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 THE CONSTRUCTION OF ABORIGINAL IDENTITY IN PEOPLE SEPARATED FROM THEIR FAMILIES,COMMUNITY, AND CULTURE

was of mixed descent, and attitudes from the colonists at the has had on the children themselves. their families. and the
turn of the century were that mixed-descent Aboriginal wider Aboriginal community.
people were not “real Aborigines”. Therefore they were not
Aboriginal identity
subject to the same process of extinction, having different
mixtures of “blood”. The latter two policies led directly to In my interviews, participants raised several important
the forced removal of many Aboriginal children from their psychological issues worthy of detailed analysis, such as
natural families and placement into institutions run by white lack of control, sexual and physical abuse, neglect, and drug
administrators for a “better” chance of survival. problems. These issues correspond to the findings of other
The governments in Australia from the 1950s to the and more comprehensive reports (HREOC, 1997).
1970s adopted policies of assimilation. Instead of protection However, I chose primarily to focus on issues of identity in
and segregation, the aim of assimilation policies was to terms of one’s Aboriginality. Identity is very important for
assimilate Aboriginal people into the wider “Australian” many Aboriginal people. From my experience, as a member
way of life. Attitudes at the time were that Aboriginal of the Aboriginal community, Aboriginal identity is
people of mixed descent were “cultureless”; such represen- paramount. When one meets with another Aboriginal
tations (academic and popular) of nontraditional Aborigines person, often one of the f m t things that is negotiated in the
as a cultureless remnant were critical in the formation of relationship is one’s identity as an Aboriginal person.
Questions and conversations revolve around where one’s
policy and government intervention.
Policies of assimilation also coincided with beliefs that clan group is from, who one’s people and relations are,
one’s links with and acceptance from that community,
Aboriginal people were incapable of looking after
whom one might know in the broader Aboriginal commu-
themselves, even with government assistance. The dominant
nity and with whom one mixes. Participation in such discus-
image of Aboriginality was about living in a run-down
sions provides information about one’s “place” in one’s
camp, devoid of true Aboriginal culture, overrun with
community, links one to the broader community, and
children and dogs, drunkenness, broken windows, dirt, and reaffirms one’s identity.
disease. With such images, the common thinking was that it The historical impact of colonisation, government
would be best for Aboriginal children to grow up in a policies, and mainstream attitudes about Aboriginality
comfortable suburban home where they would be assimi- means that certain aspects of Aboriginal cultural heritage
lated into the broader “white” community and therefore be his been lost or significantly changed for many Aboriginal
provided with a “better” life (Edwards & Read, 1989). people, particularly for those living in urban and town
Consistent with assimilationist policies, Aboriginal foster or settings. Disconnection from, and the breakdown of,
adoptive parents were considered unsuitable. The 1994 families, kin networks, and culture have hampered the
Australian Bureau of Statistics survey for Aboriginal and identity formation of many Aboriginal people. However, for
Torres Strait Islander people revealed that over 10% of those who had been removed from their family, identity in
Aboriginal people over the age of 25 reported being terms of Aboriginality may have been significantly
separated and raised in isolation from their natural families hindered, particularly in the early years of development.
(Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission Many of these children were prevented or discouraged from
[HRECO], 1995). identifying as Aboriginal as an attempt to ensure that they
The movement towards self-determination and self- had a better chance of success in the mainstream community
management began in 1967 when the National Referendum (Edwards & Read, 1989; MacDonald, 1995).
on Aboriginal people gave the Federal government simulta- In the present political climate of self-determination,
neous power with State governments to legislate on behalf negative attitudes towards Aboriginality still have devastat-
of Aboriginal people. In this referendum, over 90% of the ing consequences for Aboriginal people. For example,
Australian public voted to oppose the strict laws placed on Hollinsworth (1992) suggests that even now the dominant
Aboriginal people. The referendum gave Aboriginal people discourse in mainstream society is that Aboriginal people of
citizenship and voting rights and also included Indigenous mixed descent from urban or non-traditional communities
people in the national census. Since then, governments have are not “real Aborigines” and are generally viewed as differ-
aimed to provide services to Aboriginal people in recogni- ent from more traditionally oriented Aboriginal people. This
tion of their disadvantaged status. Despite government and dominant construction has had unfortunate consequences
community efforts, the situation for many Aboriginal people for urban Aboriginal people and those of mixed ancestry.
is still one of poverty and oppression. This is reflected by One construction of Aboriginality discussed by
high rates of unemployment, higher infant mortality rates, Hollinsworth is that of “Aboriginality as resistance”. The
reduced life expectancy, higher rates of illness, lower levels main element in this construction is that there is a collective
of education, lower levels of income, more single-parent solidarity of resistance to white authority and political strug-
families, and higher levels of imprisonment and court gle for Aboriginal people. It is also about resisting oppres-
appearances as compared to the non-Indigenous Australian sion. Aboriginality as resistance is the preferred discourse
population (Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander used by Hollinsworth because it has relevance for all
Commission, 1997; Johnston, 1991). Aboriginal people, including urban Aboriginal people with
The historical impact of the treatment of Aboriginal mixed ancestry and non-traditional lifestyles.
people, in particular, the taking away of children, is Such a discourse may or may not be legitimated by
reflected in many of the contemporary problems within the Aboriginal people when identifying themselves. What needs
Aboriginal community. For example, it has been reported to be taken into consideration is that Aboriginal identity
that, of the 99 deaths investigated by the Royal Commission needs to be self-determined based on our own constructs,
into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody, 43 were people taken experiences, and feelings. Nyoonghah (1992) indicates that
away from their families (HREOC, 1995). Recent reports, identity and Aboriginality is not necessarily the colouring
such as the Bringing Them Home report (HREOC, 1997), (blood or descent) or culture; it is the Aboriginal “essence”
have detailed the devastating psychological impact and that constitutes an Aboriginal person. Such an essence
consequences that the forced removal of Aboriginal children states, informs, and reforms Aboriginal culture and social

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identity. I interpret this essence as spirituality. It was impor- care when a baby and then another institution when older.
tant in my research, however, to step back from any pre- Another female was placed in at least two foster homes and
determined views regarding what constitutes an Aboriginal was removed from her family during middle childhood. The
identity and to allow my participants to talk freely about other 3 participants were placed in both foster homes and
their own experiences, and from this talk to identify the institutions. Two of these participants, one male and one
various constructions and representations that emerged. female, were removed from their families during middle
childhood. Another male was removed from his family as a
Theories of /dent/ty toddler and experienced at least 13 placements, moving
Theories of identity formation within the discipline of from institution to foster home on a regular basis. At the
psychology are many and diverse, including psychoanalytic, time of interview, 5 individuals lived in Adelaide and 2
developmental, and life-span theoretical frameworks. For lived in country towns in South Australia.
this research, I chose to adopt a social psychological frame- The interviews were conducted in a setting that was
work that examines individual identity in relation to the most suitable and comfortable for the participants.
social relational environment. Such a framework suggests Interviews ranged from 1.5 hours to approximately 4 hours,
that Aboriginal people will usually learn about their identity A number of semistructured and nondirectional questions
from significant others in their lives. Unfortunately, this relating to issues of being separated from family and culture
also means that they may Ieam and internalise the negative and questions concerning Aboriginal identity were asked. In
beliefs associated with Aboriginality from the wider society general, most participants answered the broad questions and
through stereotypes and racism. were able to relay the issues that mattered most to them
Self-categorisation theory (Oakes, Haslam, & Turner, through their stories. Nevertheless, the information provided
1994) emphasises the dynamic and contextual nature of self via the interviews is only a snippet or a small part of their
and identity that are always the outcome of a particular overall life narrative.
social relational context. A postmodern perspective suggests The interviews were audiotaped and transcribed. A quali-
that identity construction is established through discursive tative method combining elements of discourse analysis
acts (e.g., social, cultuyal, and historical understandings (Potter & Wetherell, 1987), narrative analysis (Riessman,
between people) and achieved and accomplished through 1993), and grounded theory (Glasser & Strauss, 1967) was
talk (Wetherell & Potter, 1992). Furthermore, Gergen used to analyse the interview data. After reading transcripts
(1991) suggested that people have many identities that several times, recurring and pervasive themes were identified
change in different contexts and can even be contradictory and grouped to form categories of meaningful information
in different contexts. associated with issues of identity. The material was analysed
Poststructuralism and feminist approaches focus on the in detail by searching for common and recurring words,
role of power in the formation of particular social identities. descriptions, metaphors, and experiences. Particular attention
Some power mechanisms operate to oppress certain groups was paid to participants’ early memories of being taken
(e.g., Linnell & Cora, 1993). Influenced by the social away, and their descriptions of alternate placements. Specific
theories of Michel Foucault, a key idea is that power is not interest was also paid to participants’ accounts of the process
centralised in the major structures of society, such as govern- of re-establishing links and relationships with their biologi-
ment, but operates diffusely, at all levels, such as through the cal families and how they currently negotiate their
institutions of the law, church, state, medicine, science, Aboriginal identity. The focus was not only on commonali-
education, media, and the family. These institutions produce ties and consistencies in the interview material but also on
discourses or dominant cultural stories that come to be contradictions and inconsistencies.
known as “truths” that influence our lives. Foucault calls this There was consultation with participants about the
dominant power powerhowledge because it is so closely relevance and sensitivity of the questions. Furthermore,
linked to the production and circulation of knowledge participants who agreed to take part were given a guarantee
through these major institutions. Despite these descriptions of confidentiality and were assured that counselling would
of power, Linnell and Cora (1993) argued that the individual be organised if they felt the need after participating in the
self is also a place where power not only operates but is also research. Participants were made aware that they were free
resisted. We can resist so-called truths about ourselves with at any time to withdraw from the study. It is important to
contrasting constructions and alternative discourses of note that most participants in this research were telling their
identity. Thus, certain individuals and groups can and do story for the first time.
refuse to conform to mainstream society. Aboriginality as Finally, in order to validate the accuracy of my interpre-
resistance, discussed by Hollinsworth (1992), is an example tations, 4 participants were given the opportunity to
of such alternative and oppositional constructions. comment on my analysis and correct any misunderstandings
and inaccuracies. The present research therefore adopts a
Method and Procedures more collaborative approach with participants than tradi-
Aboriginal people who had been taken away from their tional forms of psychological inquiry.
natural families during their childhood were approached to
take part in this research project. All participants who Results and Discussion
agreed to take part were known to me personally or were Four major themes were identified from the interview data
introduced to me by others in the Aboriginal community in around which participants discussed identity. These
South Australia. To maintain confidentiality all the names, included discovering being Aboriginal, deception, affirma-
most places and other personal details have been changed or tion of identity, and multiple identities.
omitted. Nine interviews were conducted with people
ranging in ages from their early 30s to late 40s. This origi- Discovering Being Aboriginal
nally included 5 females and 4 males. However, 1 male and Feeling and being different. For most of the participants,
1 female withdrew from the study. Of the 7 interviewed, 1 the moment or process of discovering their Aboriginality
male and 1 female were adopted when babies into one was an important and salient experience in their early child-
home. One female participant was placed in institutional hood. Many of the participants spoke about this discovery

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with clarity and intensity. The realisation of their identity In contrast to other participants, Rayleen had a feeling of
came from internal feelings of “being different” from others pride about her Aboriginality, despite being teased. She
in their family and from those in the general community. attributes this to being informed later by the matron, at the
Some participants indicated that discovery came through home, that she was very fortunate for being an Aboriginal
close attention to their physical appearance. Others discov- person. Rayleen also tried to share this feeling of pride and
ered they were Aboriginal by being told by others. This information with her sister who was also at the home.
“discovery” seemed very salient to some participants, and However, her sister resisted this as a result of pervasive and
this occasion of discovery or realisation was often reflected dominant beliefs that it was shameful to be Aboriginal.
upon throughout their stones. Most participants were told of Rayleen: It just took one white boy to call me blacky and I
their Aboriginality in a negative context, usually through asked the matron “How come I am black?“ you know. She
name-calling. Once participants knew that they were sat me down and explained that I was Aboriginal and she
Aboriginal, this identity was reinforced either by their said “You should be proud, your race is the first race”, this
caregivers or by others who often reinforced their feelings of and all that, and I was proud ... When my sister Debbie
being different. For example, participants were often treated came in the home, when I told her we was Aboriginal she
differently, particularly at school. This theme of discovery said “No I’m not, I just stayed in the sun too long and I got
and feeling different is illustrated in the extracts below. sunburnt”. That’s what her foster parents told her. So I
really had to belt it out of her.
Donna: Yeah I reckon it has. you know growing up, I
knew I was different. Most of the schools I went to, I went The ideology underlying assimilation policies was paternal-
to [name of schools omitted]. When I went to [name of istic. It was believed that Aboriginal children were taken
school omitted] there were no other Nunga2 kids. I knew I away for their own good to be looked after, protected from
was different, and the kids let me know it. the influences of their own people, and therefore to be
Teresa: But when I was, I guess I was really young when I provided with a better way of life in mainstream society. It
sort of really noticed that the colour of my skin was differ- has been argued that the primary purpose of assimilation
ent to everybody else and they, even though they called me was to prevent Aboriginal children from growing up and
their daughter, adopted parents, and I had brothers and identifying as Aboriginal so that Aboriginal people could be
sisters but they were all, they were all non-Aboriginal. And incorporated into mainstream society (Haebich, 1992).
it wasn’t until I suppose that I started going to school that However, mainstream society’s attitudes towards
the real impact started to affect me and that’s when I
started asking questions, you know. There’s no way that I
Aboriginal people were ambiguous and ambivalent. Despite
would, you know, looking at everyone else in the family 1 the policies, there were constant reminders and categorisa-
knew that, you know, I was adopted.. . tions that Aboriginal people were different. Ironically, even
Aboriginal people who may have wanted to embrace assim-
Rayleen: One little white boy called me blacky to make me ilation with open arms were still subject to stereotyping and
realise it. One thing I can say the foster parents never treated
me differently or never called me names. Even though they
racist taunts and made to feel different and outside the
were cruel, but they. It just took that one white boy to make mainstream white dominant culture.
me reahse that I was black, you know it’s funny.
Deception
Joshua: I think it might have come through with school Closely linked to discovering one’s Aboriginality was a
times, in high school more than anything. There were
theme about deceit. Participants needed to find out who they
about five Aboriginal boys there at [name of high school
omitted] and we sort of muck around. But you know kids were by finding out the truth about what had happened to
in high school there, you know you get into an argument them and why they were taken away. Many found out that
and the colour always come into it “black so and so”. there was deceit or denial associated with their initial
There’s fellas non-Aboriginals, white kids, that used to removal and subsequent placements. For example, in
stick with us and stand by us, you know what I mean. I Teresa’s story below, her foster parents had been deceived
think that’s where I found out, you know, more about about how they came to foster her. Teresa’s natural mother
being the Aboriginal side of me. was also deceived into believing that her daughter had died
Negative discourses about Aboriginality. Often when and that she was signing a death certificate when she gave
participants were informed of their Aboriginality, it was in up her child.
the context that it was a misfortune to be an Aboriginal Teresa: Yeah, I was 16, so that was a lot of, so there was
person. With the circulation of negative discourses about all this negative stuff brought into justify the reasons why
Aboriginal people, it was widely believed that Aboriginal [she had been adopted] ... Yeah, I’d met her [referring to
children who were separated from their communities and her natural mother] and then it was like a couple of years
of, basically I suppose you’d call it denial. I couldn’t cope
culture were protected from such “bad” Aboriginal influ-
because that’s when they told me that no, I wasn’t, I was
ences. These children were often perceived as the ‘‘lucky’’ taken away. Now, they told mum that I had died... Where
ones. In reality, however, self-identity suffered, as children mum just signed the papers and she thought that what she
were taught that they were inferior even in the homes and was signing was basically a death certificate... It always
institutions. Teresa indicates this in the extract below. came up that your mum couldn’t cope so, you know, it was
Teresa: And when, when mum and dad were talking, you like this, and I used to even get the feeling that my adopted
know, they were just saying, you know, “Well, we’re sort folks used to like it, they’re helping to save this little black
of lucky that we got you because your parents, you know, kid, you know ... I’m very close to my adopted dad now, so
your natural parents were alcoholics and they couldn’t, it makes it very hard. It’s made it very hard for him to deal
they couldn’t, how could they look after you?’. You know, with it.. . that we were caught up in this government thing.
sort of thing. And I grew up then sort of hating them, Another participant, whilst not deceived, was denied infor-
thinking, “Well, how come they’d give up a kid just for
drink?”. You know, and it wasn’t until I suppose, well,
mation about her parents. Lena did not know why she was
how old was l? No rights or wrongs about it. Mum and put in the home and did not know who her parents or close
dad did put a lot of negative talk about Aboriginal people kin were. Later she learnt that she actually had an aunty
and I started to really hate about, I started to hate being who was placed in the home at the same time but was
Aboriginal basically ... unaware of this.

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Lem: Not being told yeah you’ve got a mother somewhere Joe: ...I couldn’t stay at school and I didn’t know my
around and a father somewhere around and most probably people and I always wondered who my relations were and
got a brother around somewhere. Not being told anything at that time I decided to leave school then I wanted to go
like that and because a lot of those things, like back then, and look for my, on my mothers side first, which is
were SOR of hush hush... A lot of the kids that ended up in Narmnga, so I hitchhiked over to Maitland. When I hitch-
Colebrook home? a lot of them were taken away from their hiked over to Maitland I just stood in the streets and asked
parents and not told, either told that their parents were if anyone knows my mother and I found my aunty and all
dead or their parents weren’t mentioned to them like mine my relations.. . I stayed there for a while, cruised back, then
wasn’t mentioned to me. I was 21 when I found out that I I wanted to meet my father’s side on the West Coast and
had a mother... No one told me that Freda [her aunty] was caught the bus over and again just wandered the streets and
related to me so as far as I knew she was just another big told everyone who I was and I was more than welcome.
girl in the home.. . They said your father’s at Koonibba and I caught the bus
out so yeah I. it was one of those things if you don’t know
More recently. Lena obtained a copy of some of her govern- who your people are and once you find out who you are it
ment records through Freedom of Information. The infor- put a spot in my life where I’m this person and this is where
mation in the file indicated that her mother was actually you belong... In a way I feel a loss that I didn’t have a
working at Colebrook home as a domestic whilst she was family and close-knit family and I had to live with a whole
there. Lena knew that this information was incorrect lot of boys that I didn’t know. Yes, it was really hard and
because she had only met her mother later at the age of 21. the most I miss is not having my family where I see other
kids where they have a nice close-knit family and just love
Lena: They’re saying I didn’t end up in Colebrook home
until 1963 and that I had been with my mother all that time. and there is everything that goes within the family and I’ve
missed out on it. There were stuff that we did in the home
Interviewer: How old were you in 1%3? but it’s not the same... my family, sort of like put a whole
perspective on my lifestyle. Even today I know who 1 am
Lena: I would have been about 16 years of age. They’re and where I am and people can say, I can say I’m proud of
saying I was brought up in Colebrook home at Eden Hills where I’m from, but I needed to find that out at that time
[with her mother]. before I could even go on with things.
Interviewer: But in Colebrook home you were 8. So they are Another example is Rayleen. who had emphasised through-
saying that from a baby till 1963,you were with your mother. out the interview how she felt lucky that she at least knew
Lena: Yeah from a baby to 1963. who her parents were. In contrast, many children in the
home had no knowledge of their parents. This knowledge
Interviewer: They said that your mother was at Colebrook seemed important to Rayleen’s identity.
home.
Rayleen: Anyway, when I went in the home then, I felt
Lena: Yeah working as a domestic. better, because I thought I was the only worse kid [Rayleen
was placed in a home after being in various foster place-
Interviewer: Is that true? ments]. .. So that’s when I started to appreciate that I was
Lena: That’s not true. That’s not true at all. If I hadn’t lucky at least I had parents, even though, I didn’t know
asked under Freedom of Information I would never have them. That’s when they started to take us to meet our father
found out about all these lies. then at the Aboriginal welfare.. . They told me I had a sister
so I used to stay with her [at her foster home] and they
Some participants originally attributed the blame for their asked if she would come in the home with us, with me and 1
removal to their Aboriginal families. Given the historical said “Yes”. so Debbie come in the home then. Then we
impact of colonisation, settlement patterns, racism, and lack found out we had a brother, we was really excited, we
of work opportunities for Aboriginal people in Australia, started to get to know who we were and our people was and
problems were and are still evident within the Aboriginal then they asked us if we wanted him to come in the home
community and some Aboriginal families did find it diffi- with us and we said “Yes” so that Brenton was in the home
with us. It felt good then because I was like the protective
cult to look after their children at the time. More impor- big sister, looked after them. I felt better when I was in the
tantly, however, pervasive discourses were of Aboriginal home with the kids, the children’s home, because I started
people being problematic and unable t o look after seeing kids that was worse than me like some didn’t have
themselves and their children. These discourses were used parents and I really appreciated it you know.
to justify the removals and were provided as justification to Participants were at different stages in the process of
many of the participants as children. Aboriginal children meeting members of their family. Some had become re-
were told various stories by authorities and foster parents to acquainted with all their family and some were still search-
disconnect them from their natural families. This may have ing and making links with their extended family. Knowing
also been used as a future disincentive to trace their roots immediate family was deemed by participants as a crucial
and identity. Many of the participants were told that their step in finding or confirming who they were, in general, and
parents didn’t want them, were dead or couldn’t look after in affirming their Aboriginality.
them. In finding out the truth, I believe participants were
able to move on with their lives and continue the journey in Rejection or lack of understanding from family. Although
finding out who they were. finding family was an important process for participants in
affirming their Aboriginal identity, some participants found
The Afflmation of Aborlglnal ldentlty this process of discovering their natural families not the
Most of the participants described the process of regaining dream that they had been hoping for. Some found it difficult
to fit back in with the family; for others, the process of
their Aboriginal identity as piecing together bits of informa-
tion like a jigsaw puzzle. A central component to identity making family understand what they had been through was
very hard and distressing. For example, Terry commented
was finding their natural parents and relatives and reclaim-
that despite meeting his,family he didn’t fit in with them.
ing aspects of Aboriginal culture.
Terry: I realise now that the importance of, in an Aboriginal
Identity linked to f m i l y . The example below describes the circle that the family is so important, you know, and you’ve
process of piecing together information, as family members got to have a sense of belonging and know where you come
became known to Joe. from and everything like that and for me it’s kind of created

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a particular void, you know. I know my brothers and sisters tion did not experience as much devastation and degradation
but we don’t really quite connect, you know, there’s things, and may have maintained much of their traditional culture.
and I mean, I still go, still visit my family and I can put up Therefore an Aboriginal way of life reflects where one
with them for a certain amount of time but then, you lives, what has been maintained or lost from traditional
know.. . There’s three of us. We sort of have got that line of
thought because I’ve sat down with Ronnie and Daisy. I culture, what has been developed in response to colonisation
said, “You know the problem with our family is they can’t and settlement, and current mainstream influences.
see the, just what it has done to us”. They see that we The Aboriginal way of life in an urban setting is flexible
actually were the lucky ones because we were taken away. and dependent on many influences. For example, it could be
So it’s really frustrating. about knowing where one’s roots are from, having connec-
Some members of Terry’s family believed he and the other tion to family and family commitments, having an under-
siblings in the family who had also been taken away were standing of family history, mixing with other Aboriginal
the “lucky ones”. The notion that Aboriginal children who people, going to social gatherings where other Aboriginal
were taken away were fortunate seems to have also filtered people congregate, working in jobs with other Aboriginal
through to various members of the Aboriginal community at people or jobs that service Aboriginal people, studying at
the time. Most Aboriginal people have lived in poverty and Aboriginal colleges, knowing some if not all of the stories
hardship in Australia since colonisation, and many from where one’s family originates, and involvement in
Aboriginal children who were fostered or adopted were Aboriginal art and music. These could all contribute to
placed with non-Aboriginal people with the means to constituting an Aboriginal way of life. I have categorised
support them. These children were sometimes perceived as participants’ stories from my own flexible understanding of
advantaged. However, like the majority of the participants Aboriginal culture and an Aboriginal way in an urban setting.
in this study, most children who were taken away were not For example, Teresa refers to the “Nunga Way” of
placed in one stable foster home. Some were in govern- doing things.
ment-run institutions, and some were shuffled around from Teresa: But yeah, to me it was more this, yeah, this is the
homes to institutions and back to homes again with a series Nunga Way. You know. And then from then on it sort of
of different care providers. Some were abused and have led to other things, of being proud of myself. That was the
found it difficult to cope ever since. For many, their lives biggest step. And now I don’t think nothing but the Nunga
were filled with chaos and instability. way.. . Its hard not to.
All the participants in this research maintain some The participants demonstrated a diverse involvement in an
contact with their natural families. For many participants, it Aboriginal way of life. For example, Joe was involved with
was a time of great discovery, and finding their families children’s programs and teaching. Rayleen found it impor-
filled a particular void in their lives. Despite the family tant to be involved with other Aboriginal people. Teresa felt
connection, some participants indicated that they didn’t
she needed to go to an Aboriginal educational institution to
currently feel part of their natural family, or hadn’t devel-
meet other Aboriginal people and then experience the
oped a closeness, even though they would like to. Edwards
Aboriginal way of life with more traditionally oriented
and Read (I 989) reported that a particular difficulty for some
of the participants in their research was that communicating Aboriginal people from “up North” before she could link
with family members was difficult because they did not with her own Aboriginal family. For most participants,
share the same personal histories with their families. becoming involved in an Aboriginal way of life was an
Therefore, those who were taken away may find it difficult important step in affirming and maintaining identity. This
to become involved in family stories and shared experiences. perspective, which is based on living in an urban environ-
ment and being of mixed descent, defines Aboriginality
Identity linked to culture and community. Affirmation of very broadly. This, of course, may not be consistent with
Aboriginality also came through links to cultural under- mainstream definitions and constructions of Aboriginality.
standing and participation. Hollinsworth (1992) suggested However, it acknowledges the diverse and sometimes
that Aboriginal people of mixed descent are often perceived fragmentary ways in which Aboriginal people construct and
by mainstream society as not “real Aborigines”, “culture- reaffirm identity.
less”, and as a deviation from Aboriginal people living
traditional lives. This perception was instilled in some Multiple Identities
participants who constructed Aboriginal culture primarily as More recent psychological theories (e.g., Gergen, 1991)
“traditional” Aboriginal culture. Lena made reference to a suggest that people have many identities that depend on the
“true” Aboriginal identity. social relational context. Gergen indicated that people’s
Lena: With our culture as it is, that’s dying out and you identities are fluid and contradictory, depending on the
know finding our true identity, who our relations are. who
situation. Recognising the complexity and multiplicity of
we’re related to and all that, not being able to talk our own
lingo. Um and just doing everything white man’s way and identity, this section attempts to look at the various “other”
not being able to do anything that was Aboriginal. identities that participants drew upon during the interviews.
A contemporary definition of culture for urban Aboriginal Apart from her Aboriginal identity, Teresa below identi-
people or those of mixed descent is about living an fies as a human, a non-Aboriginal, a mother, and an educator.
“Aboriginal way” of life with the available resources one Teresa: My identity both had just been almost like a
has. An Aboriginal way of life reflects a particular location feeling of just being human. I wasn’t even existing in my
with its particular history in combination with mainstream mind.. . We used to drive past Victoria Square and things
like that and my adopted folks always used to say, “Oh,
influences. For example, some Aboriginal groupsfclans, in you know, look at them fellas in there” and it used to start
certain locations, had experienced devastating effects on me thinking, “Yeah look at them, they’ve got nothing
their traditional land, culture, and lifestyle from colonisa- better to do than drink, you know. And like that was
tion, patterns of settlement, missionary intervention, and so because of my ignorance. I didn’t know why they were
on. Therefore, some groups have lost much of their tradi- there, and all this, all this sort of white perspective. It took
tional culture. On the other hand, other Aboriginal groups me a long time. It wasn’t until 1 had kids that 1 really sort
who may have been in less accessible areas during colonisa- of snapped in my head ... I guess from my point of view,

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YVONNE CLARK

I’d lie, I mean, I will say a lot because it is important as discourses and racist acts have many disastrous and tragic
an educator too, for all these kids to know. consequences for Aboriginal people, and some Aboriginal
Terry talked about various identities, besides his Aboriginal people internalise them, which may contribute to feelings of
identity, as an educator, as half-whitehalf-Aboriginal, and shame and worthlessness. The phenomenon of minority
as a musician. groups internalising negative representations of themselves
Terry: ...A lot of them kind of lost their identity as being has often been found in mainstream social-psychological
Aboriginal, but me, I guess I was kind of half and half. .. I’m research (e.g., Augoustinos & Walker, 1995).
lucky that I’ve got my music as my current thing, my outlet. Clearly, the research reported in the present paper cannot
Participants drew upon various identities in telling their do justice to all the significant psychological issues and
stories. Some of these identities were conflicting. Of partic- consequences associated with the forced removal of
ular interest was the shifting between an Aboriginal and Indigenous children from their families and culture.
non-Aboriginal identity. However, this conflict usually However, the life stories of the participants, their accounts of
occurred when participants were younger and placed in being taken from their families, and their continued struggles
situations where they were given conflicting information throughout childhood and adulthood to reconnect with their
about themselves and their origins. Importantly, however, families and people are remarkably similar to the testimonies
when participants were given opportunities to discuss provided by 535 Indigenous people in the Bringing Them
issues, the most central and salient recumng issue was their Home report (HREOC,1997). The repart clearly documents
Aboriginality. Other identities were usually in relation to the devastating mental health consequences that such forced
their Aboriginal identity and as a consequence of or reaction separation has had on the stolen children, their families, and
to being removed from their families. For example, mother- communities. While the present paper does not do justice to
hood or “protective mother” was an identity that was these mental health issues, it does demonstrate the process of
discussed by female participants as a coping mechanism or identity reconstruction that seven Indigenous people under-
as a reaction to the pain of being taken away and not went to find out who they are. It demonstrates the very active
wanting their own children to go through the same pain that way in which these survivors have sought out for themselves
they did. Thus, despite the fluid and sometimes shifting a complex and shifting “Aboriginal identity” with whatever
identities that participants drew upon, Aboriginality was a resources they have available. Despite their experiences, all
core identity for the participants around which I believe participants demonstrate a remarkable psychological
other identities revolved. resilience and resistance to negative constructions of
Aboriginality. The present research suggests that there is a
General Discussion need to move away from simplistic and traditional theories
of identity that view identity as a consistent, stable, and
Perhaps the most dominant feature evident in the partici- coherent phenomenon. “Stolen generation” survivors are
pants’ stones was the contradictory and fragmentary nature actively engaged in negotiating and affirming their identity
of their Aboriginal identity. The negative discourses and through the varied and contradictory practices that make up
stereotypes about Aboriginal people influenced these an Aboriginal way of life. While the non-Indigenous major-
contradictions. This was clearly evident when participants ity tend to represent and construct Aboriginal people as
spoke about hearing the negative attitudes and stereotypes passive and inactive, lacking agency and control
about Aboriginal people whilst growing up in their place- (Augoustinos, Tuffin, & Sale, 19991, the stories of survivors
ments. Many participants also felt that they were often like those in the present study clearly demonstrate the very
treated differently from other members of their adoptive or active way in which Aboriginal people are, despite their
foster families and from mainstream society in general. adversity, in the process of reclaiming a meaningful and
Thus, there were times when participants may have identi- purposeful Indigenous identity for themselves.
fied with or wanted to identify with nowAboriginal people
and mainstream white society.
Despite the contradictions, Aboriginal identity emerged Concluding Comments
as the core identity for all the participants in the study, even As an individual who is of mixed Aboriginal descent and is
though there were multiple and shifting identities referred to part of the larger Aboriginal community in South Australia, I
by the participants. Aboriginal identity determined many also remember feeling a bit apprehensive at times about my
things in the participants’ lives. Sampson (1993) suggested Aboriginality, particularly when attending school. I attended
that many minority groups throughout the world become many schools throughout my childhood and was usually the
involved in identity politics, whereby groups rally around only Aboriginal child attending along with some of my
core identities or issues relating to their oppression and brothers and sisters. I felt that because of my Aboriginality I
marginal position in society. This was certainly the case for was excluded and marginalised from others and from various
participants in this study who felt strongly about their activities, and I certainly felt the effects of racism. However,
Aboriginality. Although Aboriginal identity needs to be a major difference between me and those who were taken
self-determined, the construction of Aboriginality as resis- away was that I could share my experiences of racism, be
tance as discussed by Hollinsworth (1992) holds some understood, comforted, protected, and guarded by my family
validity here. The participants in this study resisted policies against some of the effects of racism and some of the
and dominant cultural stories that make up powerknowl- negative discourses that circulated and still circulate every-
edge complexes, sought to affirm their Aboriginal identity, where about Aboriginal people. My ability to resist many of
and seem proud of their identity today. these dominant cultural stories has been learned and
Many discourses still circulate to oppress all Aboriginal strengthened from childhood. Thus, my family is my link to
people, for example, Aboriginal people are not capable of my Aboriginality in various ways: biological, cultural,
looking after their children, are intellectually and socially educational and emotional. Unfortunately, many Aboriginal
inferior, are not “real” Aborigines, it is a misfortune to be an people were deprived of such opportunities to know and rely
Aboriginal person, and so on. These oppressive discourses on their natural families during their early years.
may even now contribute to some Aboriginal people The stories that each participant shared with me were
denying their Aboriginality at some stage in their life. These very powerful. This paper does not do their stories and their

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 THE CONSTRUCTIONOF ABORIGINAL IDENTITY IN PEOPLE SEPARATED FROM THEIR FAMILIES, COMMUNITY, AND CULTURE

courage justice. There are countless other people who were Haebich, A. (1992). For their own good: Aborigines and govern-
taken away and who may not be able to talk about their ment in the South West of Western Australia. Perth, WA:
experiences. While some non-Indigenous people have University of Western Australia Press.
dismissed the stolen generations as “something that Hall, A. (1997). The removal of many Aboriginal children: We took
happened in the past”, it is not widely understood that the the children. South Australia: Family and Community
consequences of these practices are being experienced Services.
today. Moreover, while most Australians now at least know Hollinsworth, D. (1992). Discourses on Aboriginality and the
of the stolen generations, few people have any detailed politics of identity in urban Australia. Oceania, 63, 137-155.
knowledge of their personal stories. I hope, by retelling Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission. (1995).
parts of these participants’ stones, it will help people in the Information paper: National Inquiry into Separation of
discipline and profession of psychology begin to understand Aboriginal and Torres Straight Islander Children from their
the importance of Aboriginal identity. Even though we have Families. Sydney: Author.
other identities that may take prominence on a daily basis,
Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Cornmission. (1997).
we live as Aboriginal people and actively construct our
Bringing them home: National Inquiry into the Separation of
identity around this core and salient part of ourselves. Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Children from their
Families. Sydney: Spinney.
Footnotes Johnston, E. (1991). Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in
I. In South Australia, the government policy of assimilation Custody: National Report (Vols. 1-5). Canberra: AGPS.
became official in 195 1. However, many preceding policies
and practices incorporated assimilationist processes. Linnell, S., & Cora, D. (1993). Discoveries. NSW Dympna House.
2. Nunga is the generic word used to refer to a South Australian MacDonald, R. (1995). Between hvo worlds: The Commonwealth
Aboriginal person. Government and the removal of Aboriginal children of par?
descent in the Northern Territory. Australian Archives, Alice
3. Lena gave permission for the name of the home to be identified
in the research. Springs: IAD Press.
Nyoonghah, M. (1992). Self-determining our Aboriginality: A
response on Aboriginality and the politics of identity in urban
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