Tamil Isai as a Challenge to Brahmanical Music

Culture in South India

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公開日: 2009-04-28
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作成者: 寺田, 吉孝
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URL https://doi.org/10.15021/00002618
SENRI ETHNOLOGICAL STUDIES 71: 203-226 ©2008
Music and Society in South Asia: Perspectives from Japan
Edited by Yoshitaka Terada

Tamil_ Isai as a Challenge

to Brahmanical Music Culture in South India

Yoshitaka Terada
National Museum of Ethnology

Two overlapping terms refer to classical music in South India. By far the better known of
the two is Karnātaka Sangīta (or Karnatak music), which is for many synonymous with
4

South Indian classical music.1) The other term, Tamil Isai, is relatively unknown outside the
state of Tamil Nadu, where the majority of residents speak Tamil as their mother tongue.
These two terms do not necessarily refer to two decisively separate musical systems, but
rather point to different modes of historical interpretation and competing ideologies based
on language and caste. The contrastive use of sangīta (Sanskrit) and isai (Tamil), which
4

have both been translated into English as “music,” is an eloquent testimony to the different
linguistic and caste orientations. Schematically put, Karnātaka Sangīta refers to the culture
4

of classical music based on compositions in Telugu and Sanskrit and performed and
patronized primarily by members of the Brahman caste, whereas Tamil Isai, music in the
Tamil language and/or a musical tradition nurtured by Tamils, has been advanced mostly by
non-Brahmans.
The relationship between caste and language has long been intricate, ambivalent and
contentious in the culture of South Indian classical music. This paper is a preliminary
exploration of an aspect of this relationship as manifested in the controversial events
relating to the issues of Tamil Isai (music). In particular, I will focus on the methods of
popularizing Tamil songs used by different organizations, and their role in promoting or
maintaining differing perspectives on music history. Music organizations such as the Music
Academy, Madras and the Tamil Isai Sangam symbolize and actively promote competing
ideologies based on caste and language in South Indian classical music. My primary aim in
this paper is to gauge to what extent the Music Academy has contributed to the maintenance
of Brahmanical dominance based on its continual authorization of Brahman-centered
history, and the degree to which the non-Brahman organizations have represented the
oppressed perspectives to form counter forces to the Music Academy.

Music Academy as a Citadel of Brahmanical Music Culture

The Music Academy (hereafter “Academy”) was established in 1928 to develop and
disseminate classical music and dance. The plan to establish the Academy was adopted at
the session of the Indian National Congress in Chennai (then Madras) in 1927. This
beginning indicates that the surging nationalism behind the National Congress meeting and
the desire to create “Indian music” as being just as honorable as, yet distinct from, “Western
music,” formed the backdrop for the establishment of the Academy.
203
204 Yoshitaka Terada

What is known as classical music today lost its previous royal patronage due to the
cessation of princely courts in South India in the middle of the 19th century, and needed to
find new patrons if they were to survive. Many musicians migrated to Madras in search of
individual patrons who acquired wealth from the city’s bourgeoning economy and by
working with the British as dubash, agents who mediated between the colonial government
and the local society. For such music to find a wider audience, however, it needed to be
reformulated (or “revived”) to make it attractive to the emerging urban middle classes, and
the Academy was instrumental in such reformulation both by providing academic
legitimacy, which rendered music a respectable profession and leisure activity, and by
broadening the audience base through education (Subramanian 1999).
The Academy became the center of musical performance and research early on, and it
has been since then the most influential and prestigious organization for South Indian
classical music. The Academy confers the Sangīta Kalānidhi, the most coveted musical
4

title, which is presented to a musician each year at its annual music festival in December.
The opportunity to perform at this festival is often considered the emblem of “making it” as
a professional musician. It has become a yardstick by which to measure the degree of
success and rank in the hierarchy among musicians. For this reason, the Academy has been
the site of intense lobbying by aspiring musicians and their supporting patrons (Plate 1).
The Academy was also a source of inspiration for other music organizations (known as
sangīta sabhas) which were established in great number throughout the 20th century.
4

Modeling themselves after the Academy, they started organizing annual music and dance
festivals, increasing performance opportunities for musicians. Despite the proliferation of
sabhas, the Academy has maintained its uniqueness among such organizations for its

Plate 1 The main building of the Music Academy (Chennai, 1998)

Tamil_ Isai as a Challenge to Brahmanical Music Culture in South India 205

academic activities. At the scholarly sessions during its annual festival, musicologists and
musicians gather to discuss a wide range of topics relating to music and dance. The content
of the session is reported daily in The Hindu, a leading English newspaper in South India.
Prominent musicologists at the Academy, including P. Sambamurthy (1901-1973) and V.
Raghavan (1908-1979), were also affiliated with the Department of Indian Music at Madras
University. Because the Academy provided a prestigious venue for scholarly discussion via
its annual conference and journal, it became the center of research activities. The Academy,
along with Madras University, has provided both physical space and institutional support
for Brahman musicians, patrons, critics, and journalists who form a rather exclusive
network for mutual support and encouragement.

Deification of the Musical Trinity

What type of history has been collectively projected by Brahman scholars and musicians,
and how have musical organizations such as the Academy helped maintain or fortify the
history portrayed in this way? The most important historical figure in this issue is
Tyagaraja, the 19th-century composer whose name has been equated with the essence of
South Indian classical music. Tyagaraja is one of the three Brahman composers collectively
known as the sangīta mummūrtti or Musical Trinity, who are said to represent the pinnacle
4

of South Indian music history. The contributions of these composers are regarded with such
high esteem that the history of South Indian music is often divided into three eras: the
Trinity era, which is often described as the “Golden Age” of South Indian music
(Venkatarama Iyer 1979; Music Academy 1988: 170), and two eras preceding and
following this period. All three composers are described as “saint composers” and their
lives characterized by their passionate devotion to the deity and avoidance of worldly
affairs. The power of their music is said to have been so potent that it caused miracles such
as opening temple gates, inducing rainfall, lighting lamps or even reviving the dead
(Srinivasan 1962: 42-3; Sambamurthy 1970: 169-70). Moreover, writings on music history
almost unanimously agree that the Trinity composers were born in the same time period
(the late 18th century) and in the same locality (the famous temple town of Tiruvarur)
(Jackson 1991: 30). This narrative suggests the work of the higher being who sent them to
the human world for some divine purpose, thereby enhancing their status as extraordinary
beings (Srinivasan 1962: 94).
The image of the Trinity (especially Tyagaraja) as saintly figures has been advanced
through the activities of the Academy, which include publishing articles on the Trinity in
the Journal of the Music Academy (started in 1930), teaching their compositions at its
Teachers’ College of Music (opened in 1931), conducting commemorative festivals and
music competitions highlighting their work, and celebrating their achievements at the
annual music conference. Their auditorium is adorned with portraits of the Trinity, as is the
case of performance venues for many other Brahman-controlled music associations (Plate
2). With all these activities, the image of the Trinity as saint composers who define South
Indian classical music has been repeatedly evoked and confirmed.
206 Yoshitaka Terada

Plate 2 The portrait of the Music Trinity decorates the concert hall of a music organization
(Chennai, 1999).

The narrative accounts of Tyagaraja are numerous, and virtually all writings on him
impress readers with his saintly attributes. P. Sambamurthy, who was a professor of music
at Madras University for 25 years (1937-61) and an active participant in the Academy’s
academic conferences, states, “Tyagaraja, the poet, saint and composer is the greatest name
in the history of South Indian Music. He is one of those minstrels of god, who came to this
world to contribute to human happiness and uplift” (1970: 1). S. Seetha, Sambamurthy’s
student and successor at Madras University, depicts Tyagaraja as “both a saint and a great
composer whose compositions breathe the highest spiritual truths” (1981: 201). H.
Narayanaswami describes his eminence as “If Carnatic Music could be imagined as a living
thing, Saint Tyagaraja will be its heart; the rest of the Composers will form the other parts”
(1989: 2). Hundreds of other writings reconfirm and perpetuate the centrality of Tyagaraja
in South Indian music by repeatedly projecting his saintly image.
Paramount to my argument is the discourse on the Trinity’s caste affiliation and the
line of artistic transmission: they were not only all Brahmans, but were also described as
having inherited music that had been passed down by a string of Brahman composers. In
Tyagaraja’s case, frequently mentioned composers include Purandara Dasa (16th century),
Kshetranya (17th century), and Sonti Venkataramanayya, with whom Tyagaraja is believed
to have studied in person (Sambamurthy 1970; Raghavan 1979, 1983). Within this
dominant narrative, one is easily led to conclude that Brahman musicians have inherited a
musical tradition of their own that saw its highest manifestation in Tyagaraja. Focusing
upon the narrative construction, my aim here is not to belittle Tyagaraja’s tremendous
contribution, but simply to bring to the foreground the power of such narrative to create an
illusion of unmediated reality that Ana Maria Alonso calls “effects of truth” (1988). As I
Tamil_ Isai as a Challenge to Brahmanical Music Culture in South India 207

later discuss, it was this construction of narrative that became a focal point of contention for
non-Brahmans, both individuals and organizations, who denounced Brahman dominance in
music.
Tyagaraja was a Telugu Brahman, and composed almost all his songs in Telugu. The
other two composers of the Trinity, Muttusvami Diksitar and Syama Satri, were both Tamil
Brahmans who nevertheless composed their songs primarily in Sanskrit and Telugu. The
prominence of these two languages in their compositions requires a historical explanation.
Tanjavur, where the Trinity lived, had been ruled by Telugu-speaking Nayak kings between
1544 and 1673. Because of their generous patronage toward the performing arts and
because Telugu was the official language, they attracted scholars, poets and musicians from
Telugu-speaking areas.2) Sanskrit, on the other hand, has been the sacred language of
religious scriptures and rituals, and historically Brahmans have been its primary custodians.
Within the context of a performance, the hierarchy of languages in music was evident:
the Telugu and Sanskrit compositions by the Trinity and other Brahman composers are
played as main items whereas a few short pieces in Tamil are played at the end of the
performance as tukkadā (miscellaneous, minor, or insignificant pieces). With the increasing
awareness of the antiquity of Tamil language around the turn of the century, many non-
Brahmans began to ask a deceptively simple question: why are Tamil songs given little
importance in Tamil-speaking areas?

Tamil Isai Movement

It was out of frustration at what was perceived to be the denigration of Tamil songs (and by
extension Tamil language and culture) in predominantly Tamil-speaking areas that the
Tamil Isai movement (Tamil Isai Iyakkam) emerged. It proposed to propagate Tamil songs
to oppose the domination of Telugu and Sanskrit compositions in which Brahman
musicians historically specialized. The first concerted effort to popularize Tamil songs was
made by Annamalai Chettiar (1881-1948), a prominent patron of Tamil culture. In 1935 he
made a substantial donation to Annamalai University, which he had himself established
earlier.
As its promoters were dissatisfied with the slow rate of progress, many Tamil Isai
conferences were held in the first half of the 1940s. In 1941, Annamalai Chettiar organized
the first Tamil Isai conference at Annamalai University, and stated in his inaugural speech,
“Music performances should begin with Tamil songs and end too with Tamil songs. The
lion’s share of the performance should be in Tamil. Songs from other languages can also
form part of the concert,” and his insistence was passed as a resolution of the conference
(Ramanathan Chettiar 1992: 24).3) This resolution jolted the classical music world “like a
clap of thunder,” to quote Anandhi Ramachandran (1983: 4), and similar public statements
that followed it became a source of controversy, generating a series of heated debates
regarding the issue of language in music at conferences, public gatherings, and mass media.
208 Yoshitaka Terada

Criticism from the Music Academy

The most trenchant (and often indignant) criticism of the Tamil Isai movement came
from the Academy and individual Brahmans closely associated with it, while supporters of
the movement were by and large non-Brahmans (Nambi Arooran 1980: 265; Rajadurai
1997: 3-28). The major points of contention may be summarized in the following four
areas.
First, many Brahman musicians and scholars emphasized the primacy of music over
language. Reacting against the 1941 resolution at the Annamalai conference, a prominent
Brahman performer and scholar, Mudikondan Venkatrama Iyer (1897-1975), stated, “Music
in its highest form did not require the help of language” (Music Academy 1942: 17).
Venkatrama Iyer served later as the principal of the Teacher's College of Music for 25 years
(1948-72) and was a frequent speaker at the Academy. Many other speakers stressed that
the essence of classical music is rāga, and language is secondary in importance (Music
Academy 1942: 17; 1945: 8-9; 1946: 3, 6-7).4) Similarly, T. T. Krishnamachari, a major
patron of the Academy, claimed that “Music was a wordless search for beauty in sound” (in
Ramachandran 1983: 6).5) During its annual conference, the Academy passed the resolution
that “it should be the aim of all musicians and lovers of music to preserve and maintain the
highest standard of classical Carnatic music and that no consideration of language should
be imported so as to lower or impair that standard” (Music Academy 1941: 17).
The second criticism concerned the artistic freedom of musicians. Some Brahman
musicians opposed the 1941 resolution as a rude intrusion into their inherent right to choose
compositions for their performance. Opposing the method, rather than the intent, of
popularizing Tamil songs, Musiri Subramaniya Iyer (1899-1975) stated during the annual
Music Academy conference in the same year that musicians have the right to choose what
they play. Semmangudi Srinivasa Iyer (1908-2003) added that the masses cannot define
good music and that “democracy in music is [an] evil” (Music Academy 1944; Nambi
Arooran 1975: 57; 1980: 261).
Their objection was intensified when another resolution was passed at the Tamil Isai
conference in 1943. This resolution requested radio stations to enforce the “fair”
representation of Tamil songs, with 80% of songs in Tamil and 20% in other languages on
radio programs from the Tiruchirapalli station, and 40% in Tamil and 40% in Telugu from
the Madras station (Ramanatha Chettiar 1993: 15-6).6) Reflecting the views of influential
Brahman musicians such as those quoted above, a unanimously passed resolution during
the conference declared, “in the interest of classical music it is not desirable to prescribe
any percentage of songs in any language in the recitals, in public concerts, Radio
programmes or in university syllabuses” (Music Academy 1944: 11-2).
Another common criticism of the Tamil Isai movement concerns the supposed dearth
of Tamil compositions of high order. Many musicians expressed the view that the great
composers of classical music wrote lyrics in Telugu and Sanskrit, and that it is wrong to
popularize Tamil songs at the expense of worthy songs in other languages.7) Behind this
criticism is the widely accepted characterization of Telugu as the most suitable language for
music, often hailed as the “Italian of the East.” The common view at the Academy then was
that “(t)he inclusion of greater number of Tamil songs would lower the quality of Carnatic
Tamil_ Isai as a Challenge to Brahmanical Music Culture in South India 209

music” (Ramachandran 1983: 6).

In response to such criticism, proponents of the movement stressed that there were
many worthy compositions in Tamil but that these were simply neglected by musicians.
They quoted the recollection of U. V. Swaminada Iyer (1885-1942), a highly respected
Brahman scholar of Tamil language and literature, of the custom of singing Tamil songs in
the past and of their fall into oblivion (Ramachandran 1983: 6). Other proponents of the
movement maintained that songs by non-Brahman composers such as Muttutandavar
“exercised great influence over ‘Carnatic’ [Karnatak] musicians till about 1900 A.D. that is
until the craze of Telugu songs got hold of them” (Arunachalam 1989: 139).8) At the same
time as these counter-arguments were advanced, proponents of the movement responded to
this particular criticism by making efforts to enlarge the repertoire of Tamil songs of high
caliber. Competitions with cash awards for singing Tamil songs were instituted at
Annamalai University, which also published the notations of more than 1,300 Tamil songs
in multiple volumes starting in 1943 (Chelladurai 1996).
Lastly, yet another criticism was advanced from the Academy that the Tamil Isai
movement was a political movement in disguise, based on language and caste prejudice.
According to them, the movement was not about music, but rather was essentially an outlet
for a non-Brahman political party (Justice Party) to circumvent Brahman ideology and
authority. The proponents of the movement negated this criticism by pointing to the
existence of many Brahman supporters, including highly prominent public figures such as
C. Rajagopalacharia (1878-1972)9) and Kalki Krishnamurthy (1897-1968).10) Even E.
Krishna Iyer (1897-1968), secretary of the Academy for the first ten years of its existence,
called in 1929 for more Tamil songs to be performed (Nambi Arooran 1980: 254; Music
Academy 1997: 22-3), but his support for Tamil songs was an exception at the Academy,
and was not reflected in its 1941 resolution to denounce the Tamil Isai movement. His
proposal for a resolution that would reconcile the both sides of argument was flatly rejected
by the all-Brahman Experts Committee (Music Academy 1941: 17; 1997: 22-3).
4

Tamil Isai Sangam

The Tamil Isai Sangam (Tamil Music Association, hereafter “Sangam”) was
4

established in 1943 at the peak of this controversy over Tamil Isai. Faced with stiff
resistance from the Academy, protagonists of the movement realized the need to establish
an organization of their own that would embody their beliefs. The Sangam started
organizing an annual festival in December to challenge the dominance of the Academy by
sponsoring many performances of Tamil songs. While the Sangam sponsored both Brahman
and non-Brahman musicians, the ratio of participating non-Brahman musicians was much
higher here than at the Academy. It also held academic conferences on Tamil Isai, to give a
sense of official authorization to their activities and to assess the continuity between ancient
Tamil music and present practice.
A music school (Tamil Isai Kallūri or Tamil Music College) was established in 1944 in
Madras and later at a few other places to popularize Tamil songs. Songs in other languages
are excluded from the curricula. Instruction is given mostly in vocal music, while a course
on periya mēlam music was also recently created (Plate 3).11) Annual competitions with
210 Yoshitaka Terada

Plate 3 A vocal music class at Tamil Isai Kallūri (Chennai, 1999)

cash awards were instituted by the Sangam to popularize Tamil songs and to encourage
periya mēlam music.
Because non-Brahman musicians were the primary purveyors of Tamil compositions,
the Sangam became the single most important patron of non-Brahman musicians and their
repertoire, as opposed to the Academy and other Brahman controlled organizations which,
according to many non-Brahmans, provided preferential patronage to Brahman
musicians.12)

Are Tamil Songs More Popular Today?

Many Brahmans believe that the Tamil Isai movement’s intent to popularize Tamil
songs has gradually been accepted by mainstream classical music. It is true that many
Brahman opponents of the movement eventually performed at the Sangam’s annual festival.
Prominent Brahman musicians such as Musiri Subramaniya Iyer and Semmangudi
Srinivasa Iyer who, as mentioned earlier, initially criticized the Tamil Isai movement,
eventually sang Tamil songs at the Sangam, and both were awarded the musical title of Isai
Pērar_ iñar in 1963 and 1969 respectively.13)
On the other hand, the dominance of Trinity compositions in Telugu and Sanskrit
remains intact at the Academy and other Brahman-controlled sabhas. For example, during
the 1998 festival, 470 compositions were presented at the Academy, of which 143 (33%)
were songs by Tyagaraja. The total number of Trinity compositions was 228, comprising
49% of the whole. A rough estimate of Tamil songs would be about 5%. While these figures
may be read either as improvement or as stagnation depending on who interprets them, the
representation of Tamil songs at Brahman-controlled organizations continues to appear far
from the objectives initially set some 60 years ago by the movement.14)
Tamil_ Isai as a Challenge to Brahmanical Music Culture in South India 211

Public music education has also become a site of negotiation for popularizing Tamil
songs. For example, Telugu and Sanskrit songs had been predominant in the curriculum of
the Tamil Nadu Government Music College (Tamilnādu Arasu Isai Kallūri), a performing
arts college run by the state since 1949.15) When Tiruppanburam S. Shanmukasundaram (b.
1937) was appointed as the principal of the college in 1988 as the first non-Brahman to
assume the post, he managed to overhaul its Telugu- and Sanskrit-dominated curriculum to
one with predominantly Tamil songs (approximately 70% according to the teachers) and
hired many young non-Brahman musicians as instructors. Shanmukasundaram is a non-
Brahman (of the Isai Vēlālar caste) vocalist from an illustrious family of musicians who
has a long association with the Tamil Isai movement. One of his uncles, Tiruppamburam
Swaminatha Pillai (1900-1961), was not only a famous flute player but was also considered
one of the most prominent supporters of the movement. 16) However, when
Shanmukasundaram retired in 1999 and a Brahman succeeded to his position as principal,
the Telugu- and Sanskrit-oriented syllabus was restored and the representation of Tamil
songs became marginalized once again, as virtually all non-Brahman teachers at the college
had predicted.
Moreover, the state of Tami Nadu, led by Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi, declared in
the mid-1990s that it would open a state-run music school (Tamil Nādu Arasu Isaippalli) to
teach Tamil Isai in each of the 30 districts of the state. This program began in 1997 with the
opening of 10 schools, and 17 schools were in operation as of 2001 offering courses in
classical vocal music (Tamil songs), periya mēlam, tēvāram (Tamil hymns on the deity
Siva) and bharata nātyam.17) As the practitioners of these forms are mostly non-Brahmans,
these government schools provide them with more employment opportunities.
Even the Department of Indian Music at Madras University, another center of
Brahman music scholarship, has been under pressure from the university administration to
modify the Telugu- and Sanskrit-centered curriculum. During the tenure of a non-Brahman
vice chancellor, the decision to gradually Tamilize the syllabus was made through laborious
negotiations and careful lobbying.18) As of 2004, the curriculum of the corresponding course
was largely Tamil-based, and a plan to expand it to the regular courses is underway. In
addition to placing emphasis on teaching Tamil songs, the Tamilization of Sanskrit-derived
musical terminology has been proposed, and some changes have already been made.

New Radicalism against Brahmanical Music Culture

The Sangam claims to have spearheaded the movement to propagate Tamil songs, but the
evaluation of its success has not gone unchallenged: several organizations have been
established out of frustration with the Sangam’s moderate stance toward caste-based
discrimination in music and/or its inability to fight it. Two of the most radical, and thus
controversial, organizations to have appeared in the 1990s are Makkal Kalai Illakiya
Kalaham and Tandai Periyār Tamil Isai Man_ r_ am. The existence of these organizations is
rarely documented in music scholarship and journalism, as these tacitly assume a kind of
spiritualist universalism in which music stands beyond mundane human activities; attempts
to refocus music-making as a social phenomenon (not to mention a “caste” issue that has
212 Yoshitaka Terada

already been stigmatized) are consequently shunned as distasteful or even blasphemous.

Nothing but Tamil Songs

I have already discussed the image-manipulation of Tyagaraja in Brahmanical music
culture. Apart from the activities of the Academy, one of the most potent venues for
conjuring up Tyagaraja’s saintly image is Tyagaraja Aradhana, a musical tribute on his
death anniversary in Tiruvaiyaru, a small town on the Kaveri River near the city of
Tanjavur, where he is believed to have died (attained samādi or eternal bliss).19) The
function in Tiruvaiyaru, the oldest of its kind, started in 1908, but for the past 25 years or
so, it has spread not only to other parts of India, but also to many locations outside India
(North America, Europe, Australia) where South Indians have migrated (Hansen 1996; Ravi
1999: 449-51). Musicians of all grades and fans gather to pay homage to Tyagaraja by
singing his compositions in Telugu. In recent years, it has also become a media event as
portions of the festival are broadcast on TV and radio.
A scandal erupted during the Tyagaraja Aradhana in Tiruvaiyaru in 1997, which
marked the 150th anniversary of Tyagaraja’s death. The members of a left-wing
organization called Makkal Kalai Illakiya Kalaham (hereafter MKIK; People’s Association
for Arts and Literature) disrupted the festival by shouting pro-Tamil slogans and raising a
banner that read “Sing in Tamil” (Tamilil Pādu). They requested that only Tamil songs be
sung in Tamil Nadu, and that Tyagaraja’s Telugu lyrics be translated into Tamil (Kaliyappan
1999: 46; Pudiya Kalaccaram 2002). The protesters were quickly taken away from the site
(and reportedly beaten afterwards) by the police.20) Although it attracted media attention, as
the MKIK had hoped, this incident has furthered Brahmans’ exasperation toward what they
often refer to as “Tamil chauvinists.” During the festival in 1998 and 1999, the organizers
appealed to the audience for the issue of language and caste not to be a factor at the festival
for the saint, who transcended human or worldly divisions such as caste and language (The
Hindu, January 3, 1999), but the police security was so heavy that it spoiled the reverential
atmosphere the organizers had striven to create. Even a few participating musicians were
not allowed inside the site.
The event in 1997 was by no means the first clash of interests at the Tyagaraja
Aradhana festival. Ever since its inception, it has been plagued with communal tension
between Brahman and non-Brahman musicians, despite its portrayal of universal humanism
and comradeship based on the sacred art of music.21) For many non-Brahman musicians, the
festival has long been a site of negotiation to eliminate discriminatory practices, including
the separation of places for eating and performance at the festival site, and more generally
to challenge Brahmans’ condescending attitude and treatment toward non-Brahmans. For
example, it was during the 1939 festival that the performers of periya mēlam (all non-
Brahmans) were allowed for the first time to play onstage in sitting positions, as their
Brahman counterparts had always done. This change was achieved only after intense
negotiation by a charismatic and influential nāgasvaram musician, T. N. Rajarattinam Pillai
(1898-1956) (Sundaram 1998: 9). This practice became gradually accepted in the 1940s
outside this performance context after the age-old practice was broken in Tiruvaiyaru. More
recently, many posters were placed around the town in 1971 during the festival,
Tamil_ Isai as a Challenge to Brahmanical Music Culture in South India 213

condemning the Brahman domination of music (The Hindu, January 17, 1971), and a group
of periya mēlam musicians attempted, though unsuccessfully, to boycott a performance for
the procession during the festival, allegedly to humiliate the organizers.
At least for the past ten years, pro-Tamil Isai slogans have been written on the walls
around Tiruvaiyaru at the time of the festival, offending Brahmans and alienating moderate
non-Brahmans (Srinivasan 1999). In 1999, anti-Tyagaraja Aradhana slogans were written
on the walls on the road connecting Tiruvaiyaru and Tanjavur (Plates 4 and 5).

Plates 4-5 The MKIK slogans on the wall (near Tiruvaiyaru, 1999)
214 Yoshitaka Terada

The text of two such slogans reads:

Plate 4
Karnataka music is a stolen music.
Sing in Tamil, or we will make you sing [in Tamil].

Plate 5
Demand a public apology from the Tyagaraja Festival Committee
which disgraced the Tamil Isai artist Dandapani Desikar for his singing in Tamil.22)

The supporters of Tamil Isai often cite anecdotes illustrating the ill treatment of non-
Brahman musicians and the contempt toward the Tamil language felt by Brahmans. M. M.
Dandapani Desikar (1908-1972) was a famous vocalist and a prominent supporter of the
movement (Plate 6).23) When he sang at the Tyagaraja Aradhana in 1952, he gave a
performance mostly of Tyagaraja compositions, but started and ended his performance with
Tamil songs as was his custom at any public concert. After his performance, the stage
where he was sitting was purified with water, because the sanctity of Tyagaraja had been
rudely violated by the singing of Tamil songs (Kaliyappan 1999: 39; Irankumaran 1993:
38).24) Articles critical of his insertion of Tamil songs also appeared in newspapers and
magazines. For non-Brahmans, this is one of the most widely distributed anecdotes, often
told to illustrate not only the Brahman suppression of Tamil songs but also the Brahman

Plate 6 M. M. Dandapani Desikar

Tamil_ Isai as a Challenge to Brahmanical Music Culture in South India 215

discrimination against non-Brahman musicians.25)

According to K. Kaliyappan, the secretary of the MKIK’s Tanjavur branch, they are
not opposed to Tyagaraja’s music since they regard it as deriving from Tamil Isai. Their
objective is the complete elimination of songs written in any languages but Tamil from
Tamil-speaking areas. While uncomfortable with the MKIK’s confrontational method of
protest, many moderate non-Brahmans sympathize with their thesis of Brahman domination
of music.26)

In Pursuit of Non-Devotional Tamil Songs

The Tandai Periyār Tamil Isai Manram (Periyar Tamil Music Association, hereafter
TPTIM) was established in 1993 by a wealthy Chennai-based entrepreneur, N.
Arunachalam. The name of the organization derives from Periyar or E.V. Ramasamy
Naicker (1879-1973), who was the central figure in the non-Brahman movement, a
sociopolitical movement that condemned the Brahman monopoly of power in South Indian
society. Periyar’s vehement criticism of caste-based discrimination was extended to the
Brahman monopoly of music and their suppression of non-Brahman musicians (Rajadurai
1997; Geetha and Rajadurai 1998: 318). Through his writings and speeches, he encouraged
non-Brahmans to support their fellow musicians and himself organized a music festival for
non-Brahman musicians in 1930 (Nambi Arooran 1983: 255).27)
A staunch supporter of Periyar, Arunachalam aimed to realize his philosophy (known
as Periyār kolgai, or Periyar’s principle) by establishing the organization. Arunachalam was
disillusioned not only with the Brahman monopoly of music, which he considers the
manifestation of Brahman cultural hegemony, but also with what he describes as the
“Brahman takeover of the Tamil Isai Sangam” and its consequent inability to promote Tamil
Isai and non-Brahman musicians.28) According to Arunachalam, Brahmans tactfully
positioned themselves into the organization through personal friendship and networking,
and began influencing the organization in their favor. Although the heads of the
organization remain descendents of Annamalai Chettiar, the founder of the organization,
many Brahmans have in fact become officers of the Sangam.
Many supporters of the TPTIM point to the strong presence of Brahman musicians at
the Sangam’s music festival which, from their perspective, should patronize primarily non-
Brahman musicians. They believe that the Sangam was providing more patronage to
Brahman musicians than to non-Brahman counterparts. For the festival for 1998-99, for
example, 11 (35%) out of 32 music recitals were headed by Brahman soloists; and at least
43 (47%) out of 92 accompanists were Brahmans. These figures include the performers of
nāgasvaram (double-reed aerophone) who invariably belong to non-Brahman castes, and if
these are excluded the figure for Brahman musicians will be even higher. The supporters of
the TPTIM emphatically comment on Sangam’s “excessive” support of Brahman musicians
at the expense of non-Brahman counterparts.
The primary activity of the TPTIM is its annual festival in Chennai. One would hear
none of the compositions performed either at the Academy or at the Sangam. Participating
musicians are exclusively non-Brahman, and only Tamil songs are allowed to be part of the
program. Restrictions are placed not only on language, but also on the content of the song
216 Yoshitaka Terada

text. Reflecting Periyar’s atheistic philosophy, the TPTIM does not endorse compositions in
praise of deities, and this policy excludes virtually all compositions patronized by the
Sangam. Not even compositions in Tamil are spared. Instead, the compositions performed
at this festival are songs to praise the beauty of the Tamil language and culture, or songs
that criticize what they consider anti-Tamil practices.
One frequently sung composition, Tamilā! Nī Pēsuvadu Tamilā? (Tamil! Is it Tamil
that you are speaking?), is a good example of this. The first verse of this composition reads:

Tamil! Is it Tamil that you are speaking?

You are calling a beautiful child “Baby”
What the heck? You are calling your father “Daddy”
You are killing the life of Tamil
Does English eat up this beautiful Tamil?
Is it okay if your mother tongue dies in front of your eyes?
Tamil! Is it Tamil that you are speaking?29)

The song may appear on the surface as a straightforward warning toward Tamilians in
general against the excessive use of English, but the non-Brahman audience at the festival
tended to interpret it as a criticism of the Brahman custom to make heavy use of English
words and expressions in their daily conversation. Many even assert that English is so much
a part of Brahman speech that they can not speak Tamil properly. According to
Ramaswamy, Brahmans were already seen by the 1920s as destroying the Tamil language
with their excessive use of English and Sanskrit (1997: 28, 194-7).
The TPTIM makes no claim of direct affiliation with the Dravida Karaham (DK), a
political party that Periyar led, but many supporters in fact belong to the party. In addition,
Arunachalam is known to be a supporter of the LTTE (the Liberation Tigers for Tamil
Elam) which has been engaged in the militant separatist movement for minority Tamils
against the Sri Lankan government since the 1980s. In his office in Chennai, a portrait of a
tiger, the symbol of the LTTE, is hung prominently behind his desk. Arunachalam is also a
close ally and generous patron of Kasi Anandan (b. 1938), a Sri Lankan poet who has
provided lyrics for many of the songs performed at the TPTIM music festival. Arunachalam
has published Anandan’s poems from his own printing house (Anandan 1998), and released
cassette recordings of Tamil compositions including Anandan’s songs.30)
The TPTIM strives for the complete Tamilization of the Tamil language, which they
regard as having been polluted with the intrusion of other languages – a fact for which they
hold Brahmans responsible. They have replaced many Sanskrit-derived technical terms in
music with Tamil equivalents. For example, isai valangiyavar has replaced sangīta
4 4

vittuvān_ , a common term for a musician. The Tamilization of language is not restricted to
musical terms, and is a part of their effort to eliminate foreign words from the Tamil
language in general. Even for a foreign item such as the telephone they use a coined Tamil
term (tolaipēsi, literally “distance talk”).
Because of the TPTIM’s overt anti-Brahmanism and Tamilization of music, many non-
Brahman musicians shy away from performing at this festival for fear of being branded as
Tamil_ Isai as a Challenge to Brahmanical Music Culture in South India 217

Plate 7 A concert at the TPTIM’s annual music festival (Chennai, 1999). Note the portrait of
Periyar prominently displayed on stage right.

“Brahman haters” and as a consequence losing Brahman patronage. Even those who
perform for this festival do not necessarily share the organization’s objectives. Such
musicians will perform at other venues, including Brahman-controlled sabhas, if given the
opportunity, and in such cases they mostly perform the repertoire of classical music that the
TPTIM aspires to eliminate. Most non-Brahman musicians I have talked to are critical of
Brahman preferential treatment to their fellow musicians, and the reluctance on the part of
the Academy and other Brahman music organizations to patronize non-Brahman musicians.
Yet they are ambivalent about the TPTIM’s radical anti-Brahman stance: while grateful for
the performance opportunities, they are hesitant to identify themselves with it completely to
avoid being ostracized by other performance venues (Plate 7).
Moreover, the musicians’ ambivalence derives not only from ideological reasons but
also from musical considerations. Since the TPTIM endorses no classical repertoire,
musicians are obliged to learn compositions that are suggested for their performances.
Consequently, many are seen performing with texts and/or notation in front of them. Apart
from the frequently expressed criticism against the TPTIM’s overtly anti-Brahman rhetoric,
one of the major problems for the TPTIM is a lack of compositions that would not
contradict their ideology, and one would frequently hear the same songs performed
repeatedly, such as the work that can be identified as their theme song, Tamilē Uirē
Vanakkam. In order to break the monotony of playing the same songs repeatedly, some
musicians re-set this composition to different rāgams (melodic modes).31)
218 Yoshitaka Terada

Rewriting the History

Many proponents of the Tamil Isai movement claim that what is known as Karnātaka
Sangīta is in fact Tamil Isai, renamed with a Sanskrit-derived designation to make it appear
4

to be a tradition created and transmitted by Brahmans (Arunachalam 1989: 10). They have
no disagreement with the notion that Tyagaraja was one of the most significant musicians
that South India has ever produced, and do not generally question his saintly disposition. In
fact, many non-Brahmans, musicians and patrons alike, including the founder of the Tamil
Isai movement, Annamalai Chettiar, have expressed their adoration for his music.
Many musicians who belong to the non-Brahman caste of Isai Vēlālar believe that
Tyagaraja’s main musical influence came from their own ancestors during his lifetime. For
example, some question Tyagaraja’s discipleship with Sonti Venkataramanayya, a theme
unanimously accepted in the dominant discourse, asserting instead that Tyagaraja learned
music mostly from nāgasvaram musicians in Tiruvaiyaru.32) They “are prepared to honor
him [Tyagaraja] as the greatest musician of Tamil Isai” who simply used the language
medium of Telugu with the music nurtured by Tamils (Arunachalam 1989; Ilankumaran
1993: 37).33) Similarly, while Muttusvami Diksitar is known to have taught a number of
non-Brahman disciples, their musical influence on this esteemed composer – on which
many non-Brahman musicians emphatically remark – is virtually absent from the writings
of Academy affiliated scholars such as T. L. Venkatarama Iyer (1968, 1979) and V.
Raghavan (1975a, 1975b) (Terada 2000: 479).
The proponents of the Tamil Isai movement challenge the absolute position of the
Trinity in Brahman discourse by highlighting the presence of non-Brahman composers of
Tamil songs. M. Arunachalam, for example, characterizes three prominent non-Brahman
composers of the 16th to 18th centuries as the Elder Trinity or Sirkari Trinity.34) By
describing Tyagaraja and two other Brahman composers of the 18th century as the
Tiruvarur Trinity (instead of the one and only Trinity) and juxtaposing them with the Sirkari
Trinity, they aim to challenge the monopoly of Brahman composers (and by extension of
Telugu and Sanskrit compositions) in South Indian classical music. The portraits of these
non-Brahman composers are prominently displayed in the auditorium of the Sangam, in
sharp contrast to the Academy and other Brahman-controlled organizations where the
portraits of the Tiruvarur Trinity adorn their interior to the exclusion of the non-Brahman
Trinity.
In so doing, the proponents of the Tamil Isai movement have attempted to relativize
the position of the Trinity as the pinnacle of South Indian music, and insist that they are
only one set of the Trinities that have appeared in the history of South Indian music. Few
supporters of Tamil Isai aim to belittle the contribution of Tyagaraja, and they only criticize
the manner in which Tyagaraja has been made into a potent cultural icon to symbolize
Brahman music culture exclusively.
Tamil_ Isai as a Challenge to Brahmanical Music Culture in South India 219

Concluding Remarks
I have discussed the role of the Academy in maintaining Brahman-centered music culture,
and various forms of resistance manifested in the activities of non-Brahman organizations.
By the various means described above (such as publications, speeches, conference
resolutions, portraits, festivals, and establishing music colleges), these organizations each
try to create and disseminate a particular sense of history.
For Brahmans, creating and maintaining a music culture of their own where they alone
have the privileged position for self-definition is crucial for maintaining their cultural
identity, which has been threatened throughout the 20th century by sociopolitical
movements against Brahmans.35) For many non-Brahmans, the Tamil Isai movement
manifests their desire to reclaim their history, which according to them has been “stolen”
(kalavādiya) or denied by Brahmans. They assert that Brahman scholars have fabricated an
image of South Indian music around a succession of Brahman composers, largely to the
exclusion of non-Brahman contributions. While the methods of popularizing Tamil Isai
vary from the moderate and reconciliatory strategies by the Tamil Isai Sangam to the more
radical and confrontational tactics adopted by the MKIK and TPTIM, they appear to share
the perception that Brahmans have appropriated the music and dance tradition that non-
Brahmans created and nurtured.
Lastly, investigating the issues concerning Tamil Isai will enable us (as outside
researchers) to break away from the constriction of the powerful dominant discourse. The
Academy, along with Madras University, has been one of the best-known music
organizations outside South India, serving as a gateway for foreign students and scholars
interested in South Indian music. Their accessibility and use of English in their writings
have made Brahman scholars and musicians the favored collaborators for non-Indian
researchers who might have internalized Brahman perspectives, thereby unwittingly
becoming instrumental in perpetuating the “Trinity myth” and the Brahman interpretations
of history.36)

Notes
1) An earlier version of this paper was presented at the biannual World Conference of the
International Council for Traditional Music (ICTM) in Hiroshima, Japan (1999) and at the Annual
Conference of the Society for Ethnomusicology (SEM) in Toronto, Canada (2000). I benefited
greatly from the comments from the floor at both meetings. A special thanks is due to the late T.
Viswanathan, who gave me a detailed response to the manuscript, and his perspectives were
invaluable in revising the paper. I would also like to thank A. Raman Unni and B. Subramaniam
for their assistance during my research in India.
2) Tyagaraja’s ancestor came to the Tanjavur area from what is today the Kurnool district in Andhra
Pradesh. Tyagaraja’s father, Rama Brahman, was patronized by Tulaja II, a Nayaka king. He was
given a house and land, which Tyagaraja is believed to have inherited. The compositions of
Tyagaraja have dominated the concert stage of classical music at least since the 1920s.
3) Nine more Tamil Isai conferences were held between 1941 and 1945 to raise awareness of the
220 Yoshitaka Terada

merit of Tamil songs: Tiruchy, Madras (September, 1941), Devakotai (October, 1941), Tiruchy
(December, 1941), Madurai (August, 1942), Pudukottai (October, 1942), Kumbakonam (April,
1943), Valampuri (May, 1944), and Ayampettai (August, 1945). At each conference a resolution
was passed regarding ways to popularize Tamil songs (Ramanathan Chettiar 1993; Ilankumaran
1993).
4) Even before the 1941 resolution, resentment was expressed toward the Tamil Isai movement. For
example, in his speech at the All India Oriental Conference in Tirupati, T. V. Subba Rao stated,
“Linguistic considerations ought not [to] be allowed to prevail in the selection of classical items.
The highest music transcends the limitation of language.” (Music Academy 1941: 53)
5) Krishnamachari’s son, T. T. Vasu (1929-2005), was the president of the Music Academy between
1983 and 2005.
6) The different percentages of Tamil songs requested in the resolution are due to the linguistic
constitution of the population. Madras, located in close proximity to Andhra Pradesh, had many
Telugu-speaking residents, whereas the Tiruchirapalli station covered central Tamil Nadu where
the vast majority of the population was Tamil.
7) For example, Ariyakudi Ramanuja Iyengar mentioned in his lecture, “Language in Music,” that
“(w)here pieces that came up to approved technical standards were available, there was no reason
why Tamil pieces should not be sung. But such pieces were very few in number.” (Music
Academy 1942: 19).
8) The compositions of Tyagaraja have dominated the concert stage of classical music at least since
the 1920s. William Jackson believes that nationalistic zeal contributed to the promotion of
Tyagaraja as the national composer (1991: 106).
9) Popularly known as Rajaji, he was a powerful leader of the Congress party and prime minister of
Madras Presidency in 1937-39 and 1952-54. See Muttaiya for a sample of his pro-Tamil Isai
speech (1996: 24-9). Despite his professed pro-Tamil stance, his intentions were questioned by
some non-Brahmans (Ramaswamy 1997: 199).
10) Kalki Krishnamurthy was an influential journalist and publisher who frequently wrote articles in
favor of the Tamil Isai movement in a popular Tamil weekly, Kalki, which he had established in
1941. A sample of his writing is provided in Muttaiya (1996: 83-7).
11) Periya mēlam refers to a tradition of instrumental ensemble that provides music at both temple
and life-cycle rituals in South India. It features nāgasvaram (double-reed aerophone), tavil
(barrel-shaped double-headed drum), tālam (a pair of small hand cymbals) and sruti box (free
reed instrument to provide drone).
12) For example, in the 1960s and 1970s, an average of five periya mēlam concerts were sponsored
by the Sangam during its annual music festival in December, whereas only one was given at the
Academy.
13) Some non-Brahmans regard these acts as representing Brahmans’ cunning tendency in pursuit of
money.
14) The figures given here are based on the list of compositions in the concert souvenir program.
Musicians occasionally makes changes in their performance and the figures for the songs actually
performed may be slightly different. But for my analysis, the musicians’ intentions are just as
significant as what they actually played.
15) For its first 25 years of existence (1949-74), it was called the Central College of Carnatic Music
Tamil_ Isai as a Challenge to Brahmanical Music Culture in South India 221

(Mattiya Karnātaka Isai Kallūri).

16) Some opine that his motivation to appear frequently at Tamil Isai-related events was more for
monetary rewards than from his commitment to the movement. Even so, his participation should
be read, regardless of his real intentions, in the context that performance opportunities for non-
Brahman musicians were limited and that the sense of being discriminated against by Brahmans
was shared by virtually all non-Brahman musicians.
17) Interview with T. S. Latchappa Pillai, director of the program (Chennai, 2001). Bharata nātyam
traces its origin to the ritual dance offered at Hindu temples, and its practitioners (known as
dēvadāsi) belonged invariably to non-Brahman castes. As the institution of temple dance was
banned due to its suspected connection to prostitution, it was “revived” in the 1930s as a
respectable and national (bharat meaning India) art form for the emerging urban middle class.
Brahmans were instrumental in sanitizing the tainted dance tradition by changing its name (from
sadir to bharata nātyam) and practitioners (dēvadāsis to Brahmans) and by reformulating the
repertoire to eliminate excessive eroticism (Allen 1997; Natarajan 1997).
18) Interviews with P. Kodandaraman, Vice Chancellor of Madras University, and N. Ramanathan,
Head of the Department of Indian Music (Chennai, 2000).
19) The āradhana refers to a ritual of worship in memory of saints.
20) According to the Hindu, the disruption occurred three times, and a total of 18 persons were
arrested (January 29, 1997).
21) Written communication with T. Sankaran (1991).
22) The original Tamil texts read as follows:
kalavādiya isaiyē karnātaka isai
tamilil pādu! Illaiyēl Pādavaippōn_
tamilsai mēdai dandapān_ i dēsikar
tamilil pādiyatar_ ku tīttukalittu
avamān_ appaduttiya tiyāgayyar
vilākkulu kumbalē
pagiranga man_ n_ ippukkēl!
4

The theme of Brahman (Aryan) appropriation of non-Brahman (Dravidian) culture and their
claim of it as their own is by no means new. For examples, see Ramaswamy (1997: 44)
23) He served as dean of the Music Department at Annamalai University in the 1950s-60s, and
supported the Tamil Isai movement by giving all-Tamil performances, giving speeches at
conferences and appearing on radio programs.
24) Somasudara Desikar, a disciple of Dandapani Desikar who accompanied him in Tiruvaiyaru,
remembers that some Brahman musicians requested the stage to be purified because it had been
polluted by Desikar’s singing of Tamil songs (interview, Chennai, 2000). Desikar never
performed for the Aradhana again. This anecdote has been exaggerated to the extent that many
believe Desikar was physically removed from the stage by angry Brahmans when he was singing
a Tamil song.
25) A similar incident is also frequently mentioned regarding T. N. Rajarattinam Pillai (1898-1956)
who was one of the top-ranking musicians during the first half of this century. He was an
extraordinary player of nāgasvaram, but he was also a fine vocalist. When he sang Tamil songs in
a temple in Koraccal (near Tiruvaiyaru), the place he had been sitting was washed with cow dung
222 Yoshitaka Terada

for purification after he left the site, allegedly because Tamil songs were sung (interview with
Periya Dasan, Chennai, 1999). While this anecdote is told mostly to illustrate Brahman
discrimination against non-Brahman musicians, even those musicians whose ability is highly
appreciated by Brahmans, this provocative action was possibly a display of their criticism of the
Tamil Isai movement as Rajarattinam Pillai was considered one of its ardent supporters
(Sadasivam 1992: 34; Soranadan 1998: 53).
26) At the Aradhana function held at the Music Academy in 1999, the pañcaratna kīrttana (a set of
five compositions by Tyagaraja) were performed according to custom by about 50 musicians on
the stage who were invited for the occasion. Semmangudi Srinivasa Iyer, the senior vocalist, was
seen directing the group, while B. Rajam Iyer, the principal of the music college attached to the
Music Academy, was the host of the gathering, sitting prominently in the center. The musicians
on the stage were virtually all Brahmans, as were the vast majority of the audience. None of the
surviving non-Brahman sangīta kalānidhis were present. Many non-Brahmans mentioned to me
4

that non-Brahman recipients of the coveted title stay away from the Music Academy because of
the overtly brahmanical orientation with which most of the Academy's activities are perceived.
For most non-Brahmans, it was an exclusively Brahman affair. Non-Brahmans were not
prohibited from entering the site, but many have stated that the atmosphere was so overtly
brahmanical as to make it prohibitive for them to participate. The deification of the “saint-
composer” was evident in this event. Prominent on the left side of the stage was a portrait of
Tyagaraja to which worship (pūjā) was conducted after the performance in a manner identical to
that for a deity. The songs were sung with outwardly visible devotion, emulating, consciously or
not, the spiritualism that Tyagaraja was supposed to represent.
27) Periyar served as the president of the Second Tamil Isai Conference in Tiruchirapalli in 1941
(Ramanathan Chettiar 1993: 4-5).
28) Interview with N. Arunachalam (Chennai, 1998).
29) The portion of the original poem translated in the main text is given blow (Anandan 1998: 142-3).
Tamilā! Nī pēsuvadu Tamilā?
An_ n_ aiyait tamilvāyāl
‘Mammi’ en_ _r alaittāy…
Alahuk kulandaiyai
‘Bēbi’en_ _ralaittāy…
En_ n_ adā tandaiyai
‘Dādi’ en_ _ralaittāy…
In_ n_ uyirt tamilai
Kon_ _r u tolaittāy…
Tamilā! Nī pēsuvadu Tamilā?
30) Tamizhisai Paadalgal [Tamil Isai songs] by Pushpavanam Kuppusami (Vijay Musicals, VMC
556-557).
31) During the festival in 1999, the composition written in Mōhanam rāgam (C-D-E-G-A) was reset
in another pentatonic rāgam, Hamsadvāni (C-D-E-G-B).
32) Interview with B. M. Sundaram (Tanjavur, 1999). Sundaram also questions the validity of the
widely believed notion that Tyagaraja was born in Tiruvaiyaru, challenging the rare coincidence
of their birth places (also see Gurukrupa 1985).
Tamil_ Isai as a Challenge to Brahmanical Music Culture in South India 223

33) Also interview with Muttukumarasami, a disciple of Dandapani Desikar (Chennai, 2000).
34) Other related terms such as Sirkari Muvar (Chelladurai 1996) and Tamil Isai Muvar (TPTIM
1999) have been used to refer to these three non-Brahman composers of Tamil songs. They
comprise Muttutandavar (1525-1625), Arunachala Kavirayar (1711-1779), and Marimutta Pillai
(1712-1787). The Sirkari in the appellation is taken from the name of the town where
Muttutandavar was born. Also see Selvaganapati (1996) for a similar argument.
35) Music and dance are the only remaining cultural spheres of Brahmans; their dominance in other
spheres such as politics, administration, and education has been taken away as the result of the
non-Brahman movement (interview with S. V. Rajadurai and V. Geetha, Chennai, 1999).
36) Shanmukasundaram Pillai is frustrated over the internalization of the dominant discourse by
foreign scholars and students who already have a preconceived notion of South Indian music,
drawn from the dominant Brahmanical narrative on history and present practice (interview,
Chennai, 1999).

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