Full Download The New Politics of Olympos: Kingship in Kallimachos' Hymns Michael Brumbaugh File PDF All Chapter On 2024
Full Download The New Politics of Olympos: Kingship in Kallimachos' Hymns Michael Brumbaugh File PDF All Chapter On 2024
Full Download The New Politics of Olympos: Kingship in Kallimachos' Hymns Michael Brumbaugh File PDF All Chapter On 2024
https://ebookmass.com/product/poetry-as-prayer-in-the-sanskrit-
hymns-of-kashmir-hamsa-stainton/
https://ebookmass.com/product/kingship-society-and-the-church-in-
anglo-saxon-yorkshire-thomas-pickles/
https://ebookmass.com/product/technopopulism-the-new-logic-of-
democratic-politics-christopher-j-bickerton/
https://ebookmass.com/product/diminishing-returns-the-new-
politics-of-growth-and-stagnation-mark-blyth/
Punished: Brides of the Kindred book 27 1st Edition
Evangeline Anderson
https://ebookmass.com/product/punished-brides-of-the-kindred-
book-27-1st-edition-evangeline-anderson/
https://ebookmass.com/product/fashioning-politics-and-protests-
new-visual-cultures-of-feminism-in-the-united-states-emily-l-
newman/
https://ebookmass.com/product/scripting-farming-simulator-with-
lua-zander-brumbaugh/
https://ebookmass.com/product/a-useful-history-of-britain-the-
politics-of-getting-things-done-1st-edition-michael-braddick/
https://ebookmass.com/product/the-new-politics-of-numbers-utopia-
evidence-and-democracy-1st-edition-andrea-mennicken/
The New Politics of Olympos
The New Politics
of Olympos
Kingship in Kallimachos’ Hymns
M IC HA E L B RUM BAU G H
1
3
Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers
the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education
by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University
Press in the UK and certain other countries.
1 3 5 7 9 8 6 4 2
and
The New Politics of Olympos: Kingship in Kallimachos’ Hymns. Michael Brumbaugh, Oxford University Press
(2019). © Oxford University Press.
DOI: 10.1093/oso/ 9780190059262.001.0001
Acknowledgments
The New Politics of Olympos: Kingship in Kallimachos’ Hymns. Michael Brumbaugh, Oxford University Press
(2019). © Oxford University Press.
DOI: 10.1093/oso/ 9780190059262.001.0001
xiv Acknowledgments
My deepest gratitude is reserved for my friends and family who have sus-
tained me through the writing of this book and the formative years that led
up to it. Although they hardly could have guessed that their labors would
bear such fruit, it is to my parents that I dedicate this book. Above all, my
wife, Lane, deserves more credit than even she knows for her devotion and
encouragement through the most difficult parts of this project. Despite the
demands of her own career, she shouldered burdens I could not carry. My
debt to her is beyond measure.
Editions and Abbreviations
Except where otherwise noted I cite Kallimachos’ Aitia from the edition of
Harder, Kallimachos’ other works from the edition of Pfeiffer, Homer and
the Homeric Hymns from the OCT of Monro and Allen, Hesiod from the
editions of M.L. West, and Pindar from the Teubner edition of Snell-Maehler.
The New Politics of Olympos: Kingship in Kallimachos’ Hymns. Michael Brumbaugh, Oxford University Press
(2019). © Oxford University Press.
DOI: 10.1093/oso/ 9780190059262.001.0001
xviii Editions and Abbreviations
This book is a study of the ways in which Kallimachos used hymns praising
the Olympian gods to shape a political discourse on kingship emerging in
the Hellenistic world. In it, I investigate how the poet crafts compelling new
portrayals of the gods that refigure the politics of the divine family. In the new
political order he depicts, Kallimachos virtually eliminates the harmful strife
traditionally associated with these figures, reframing the gods as good kings and
queens within the idiom of contemporary politics. Not only does Kallimachos
depict these gods as pro-dynastic exemplars of good governance, but he also
engages his audience in discourses on the nature of power, just rule, reciprocity,
transgression, and punishment, as well as the roles of kings, queens, and poets.
In dialogue with a range of literary texts from the archaic, classical, and indeed
contemporary periods, Kallimachos renegotiates the political dynamics of the
Olympian gods who serve as paradigms for his ideology. I argue that this “new
politics of Olympos” constitutes Kallimachos’ effort to shape the political dis-
course emerging within and between the courts of Hellenistic superpowers. His
hymns for the gods define what is praiseworthy and set the agenda for a conver-
sation about power at the dawning of a new political phenomenon—Hellenistic
kingship.
Despite having written numerous explicit praises of Ptolemaic kings
and queens,1 Kallimachos makes only one such unambiguous reference in
his Hymns—to Ptolemy II in the Hymn to Delos. Nonetheless, Kallimachos
does include references in his hymns to figures outside the texts whose spe-
cific identities are obscure to us but may have been clear to contemporary
audiences. Most scholars have imagined, for example, that “our lord” (1.86)2
1 Kallimachos’ praises of the powerful include Epinikia for the Panhellenic victories of queen
Berenike II and the courtier Sosibios, epithalamia for the marriages of Ptolemy II to Arsinoë II and
Ptolemy III to Berenike II, an Ektheosis for Arsinoë II (fr. 228 Pf.), and the famed Lock of Berenike (fr.
110 Harder).
2 1.85–86: ἔοικε δὲ τεκμήρασθαι /ἡμετέρῳ μεδέοντι. The three candidates scholars usually con-
sider are Ptolemy I Soter: Carrière 1969 and Hussey 1973; Magas of Kyrene: Meillier 1979:61–78 and
The New Politics of Olympos: Kingship in Kallimachos’ Hymns. Michael Brumbaugh, Oxford University Press
(2019). © Oxford University Press.
DOI: 10.1093/oso/ 9780190059262.001.0001
2 Introduction
and “my king” (2.26, 27)3 are discrete references to specific individuals whose
identities need to be uncovered. A similar instinct has led readers to iden-
tify this or that god in connection with a prominent individual: for example,
associating Apollo in the fourth hymn closely with Ptolemy II Philadelphos4
or Athena and Demeter in the fifth and sixth hymns with Berenike II.5 Such
interpretations have been bolstered by Kallimachos’ explicit praises of these
same figures in other works and the historical practice of kings and queens
exploiting the images of Olympic gods for their own self-representation.6
In this book, I argue that, often, the openness of these and other nonspe-
cific or ambiguous references allows them to be fluid and thus more pow-
erful signifiers. Furthermore, the relationship between such references and
referents is complex because it is not one of sameness. For Kallimachos and
his contemporaries, the issue, to which Richard Hunter has called attention,
was the degree to which such figures are similar.7 In his Hymns, Kallimachos
explores the notion of “likeness,” testing its boundaries and usefulness as a
heuristic and persuasive tool. This emerges as a central theme in this study as
I examine a variety of dyadic relationships of similarity, imitation, and sub-
stitution: Zeus and Ptolemy (Chapter 1), father and son (Chapters 1 and 5),
brother and sister (Chapters 4 and 6), father and daughter (Chapter 6), pa-
tron and client (Chapters 2, and 4),8 and a hymn’s honorand and the hymn
itself as a representation of that honorand (Chapters 3 and 4).9 Indeed,
Laronde 1987:366; and Ptolemy II Philadelphos: Richter 1871, Rostagni 1916:58–59, Cahen 1930,
Tandy 1979, Clauss 1986, Cameron 1995:10, Stephens 2003:77ff. McLennan 1977 and Hopkinson
1984b abstain.
3 Pfeiffer 1949.II:xxxviii–xxxix accepts the identification in the scholia vetera of ἐμῷ βασιλῆι as
Ptolemy Euergetes, but most scholars generally prefer Ptolemy Philadelphos (e.g., Williams 1978:36).
Cameron 1995:408–9 suggests Magas of Kyrene.
4 E.g., Giuseppetti 2013:14 describes Philadelphos in the Hymn to Delos as an “alter Apollo,” fol-
lowing a parallel discussion of Theokritos’ Hymn to Ptolemy Philadelphos in Hunter 2003:143. cf.
Miller 2010 on Augustus and Apollo.
5 E.g., Clayman 2014:80–89.
6 E.g., Smith 1988, Stanwick 2002, Eckstein 2009, and especially Müller 2009.
7 Hunter and Fuhrer 2002:168–69 raise the issue and Hunter 2003:94–103 examines it in greater
detail. Likewise, remarking on Theokritos, Griffiths 1979:57 reminds us, “If the Ptolemies are to make
it onto Olympus in these poems, they must as listeners do so on the strength of their own imaginative
energy. Theocritus does not assert that Arsinoe is Helen, nor Philadelphus Heracles. But in hearing
these poems, the patrons should find it remarkably easy to think of themselves in those terms.” See
too Prioux 2012.
8 I borrow these terms from social science research (e.g., Abercrombie and Hill 1976, Eisenstadt
and Roniger 1984) to describe the paradigmatic relationship Kallimachos establishes between Zeus
and the king, Apollo and the poets, Ares and the warrior, etc. Although these terms are normally con-
strued within the context of Roman social customs, I use them to refer to a sociological and political
framework of a dyadic codependency based on inequality.
9 See Bergren 1982 and Depew 2000.
Kallimachos and the Politics of Praise 3
Petrovic 2014.
14 Pioneering work expanding the contexts in which Hellenistic poetry can now be studied
includes Koenen 1983 and 1993, Weber 1993, and Stephens 2003.
15 In addition to those already mentioned, Bing 1988, Fantuzzi and Hunter 2004, Morrison 2007,
Petrovic 2007, Harder 2012, and Acosta-Hughes and Stephens 2012 stand out from an increasingly
rich bibliography along with a wealth of important edited volumes: Harder, Regtuit, and Wakker
1993, Harder, Regtuit, and Wakker 2002, Lehnus 2002, Martina and Cozzoli 2006, Acosta-Hughes,
Lehnus, and Stephens 2011, and Martina, Cozzoli, and Giuseppetti 2012.
4 Introduction
work of Jenny Strauss Clay, who brought a new focus to the study of the
Homeric Hymns in her book The Politics of Olympus (1989). Clay identi-
fied a preoccupation that all of the major hymns had with working out the
dynamics of the divine family that underpinned Zeus’ role as king of gods
and men. The expression of those politics, Clay demonstrates, belonged to
an emerging archaic discourse on Panhellenism. Unlike those hymns, vari-
ously composed by unknown persons in unknown places at unknown dates,
Kallimachos’ praises of the gods make for a more cohesive collection. In
the spirit of Clay’s study, my project attempts to situate this book of hymns
within a rich discourse emerging in dialogue with new political realities of
the Hellenistic age.16
While today Kallimachos is primarily associated with the newness and inno-
vation of Ptolemaic Alexandria and its legendary Library and Mouseion, the
poet’s own self-fashioning regularly emphasized his origins from the cele-
brated Greek polis of Kyrene on the Libyan coast. In his epigrams he boasts of
a lineage that can be traced all the way back to Kyrene’s founder-king Battos.
Evidence that his grandfather and namesake was a distinguished Kyrenean
general and his sister, Megatima, married into an elite family of Kypriot gen-
erals and governors bolsters the aristocratic pedigree he claims.17 Founded in
631 bce by Dorians from Thera and possibly Rhodes,18 Kyrene was a prom-
inent polis whose legendary foundation and subsequent history inspired
Panhellenic interest, as can be seen in the accounts of Pindar, Herodotos,
the fourth-century Kyrenean “Stele of the Founders,” Aristotle, Kallimachos,
the Lindian Chronicle, Strabo, Diodoros, and Pausanias.19 These and other
16 Depew 2004 and Petrovic 2016 are similarly interested in interpreting the macro-text of the
on his Battiad lineage and 29 G-P = 21 Pf. on his grandfather. Acosta-Hughes and Stephens 2012:3–4
add details about an extremely wealthy great-grandfather whom sources portray as close to Plato.
Meillier 1979:335–37 includes a hypothetical family tree.
18 While most accounts, including Kallimachos’ own, describe a colonial lineage running from
Kyrene to Thera to Sparta, the Lindians claim to have been among the initial colonists (Lindian
Chronicle XVII.109–17). Uhlenbrock 2015:148–49 argues that the early pottery evidence from
Kyrene proves extensive contact with Rhodes and may corroborate the Lindian claim. On the Lindian
Temple Chronicle of 99 bce, see Higbie 2003.
19 Pindar: Pythian 4, 5, 9; Herodotos: 4.145– 59; the most recent edition of the “Stele of the
Founders” (SEG IX.3) is Dobias-Lalou 1994; Aristotle: Politics 1319b1–19; Kallimachos: Hymn
to Apollo 65–96; on the Lindian Chronicle, see Higbie 2003; Strabo 17.3.21; Diodoros 8.29; and
Kallimachos and the Politics of Praise 5
sources record that over the next two centuries, the rule of the Battiad kings
was tested repeatedly by conflict with native Libyans and Egyptians, in-
fighting in the royal family, and ultimately popular uprisings that led to civil
war. From the severe autocracy under Arkesilaos III described by Herodotos
(4.162–64) to the radical democracy cited by Aristotle (Politics 1319b1–19),
Kyrenean elites saw their fortunes rise and fall as political volatility led to re-
peated constitutional reform.20
Born during the final decade of the fourth century, Kallimachos’ early life
coincided with a period of intense turmoil in Kyrene when the polis suffered
several invasions and at least two revolts as democratic and oligarchic
factions vied for control.21 In a compromise that eventually brought an end
to the stasis, Ptolemy I instituted a timocratic constitution that restored the
oligarchy, but dramatically expanded it (e.g., the principal ruling body was
enlarged from 1,000 to 10,000). Although he reserved supreme authority for
himself and his stepson, Magas, the governor in Kyrene from 301, Ptolemy
essentially left the polis to govern itself internally through a mix of civic
bodies and magistrates (e.g., gerousia, boule, ephoria). A copy of this new po-
litical charter, known as the diagramma of Ptolemy (SEG 9.1), was erected
prominently in the sanctuary of Apollo at the center of Kyrenean civic life.22
While there is no chronicle of Kallimachos’ early years, it is reasonable to
assume that this political strife and the subsequent Ptolemaic intervention
would have had a tremendous impact on his family’s fortunes and, as such,
would have been formative for the future poet.
Although Kallimachos’ aristocratic family traced its bloodline to a leg-
endary dynasty of Battiad kings, the poet’s own birth coincided closely with
that of a radically different mode of kingship. This new political phenom-
enon would come to have an enormous impact on the trajectory of his life
and work. Little is known about Kallimachos’ activities before he appeared
in his early twenties at the royal court in Alexandria around 285. He may
have remained in Kyrene where the Kyrenaic school of philosophy was at its
Pausanias 10.15.6–7. For further ancient sources on the Greek presence in Libya, see Austin 2008 and
Giangiulio 2001. On the literary narratives, see too Calame 2003, Malkin 1994:143–52, 169–81, and
Malkin 1987.
20 Robinson 2011:129–36.
21 Acosta-Hughes and Stephens 2012:3–4 suggest that most studies place his birth c.305 but allow
23 The earliest event linking Kallimachos to the Ptolemaic court is the ceremony celebrating joint
rule of Ptolemy I Soter and Ptolemy II Philadelphos in 285 or its one-year anniversary in 284; see fur-
ther discussion in Chapter 2. For discussion of the intervening years and the competing traditions of
Kallimachos as a schoolmaster in Eleusis (probably a slanderous claim) or a junior courtier (plausible
but uncertain), see Acosta-Hughes and Stephens 2012:3 and Cameron 1995:4–8.
24 See Weber 2011 for elaboration of Kallimachos’ activities at court.
25 Acosta-Hughes and Stephens 2012:1–22 offer the most penetrating survey of the evidence for
his biography to date, though Cameron 1995 remains essential. See Vamvouri Ruffy 2004:217–84 and
Morrison 2007:103–220 on the personae of Kallimachos’ narrators.
26 See Hendrickson 2014, Johnstone 2014, Handis 2013, and Bagnall 2002 for cautionary critiques.
Johnstone 2014 is perhaps too extreme in some of his conclusions, but it is worth taking note of his
claim that “the history of the Library of Alexandria takes its place as one strand in this decentralized
revolution happening from Athens to Babylon and in many places in between” (p. 349).
27 Acosta-Hughes and Stephens 2012 draw on Kyrenean contexts for interpretation of Kallimachos’
Beyond what can be inferred from his richly allusive poetry, Kallimachos’
intimate knowledge of the Greek literary tradition is evidenced also in his
scholarship—especially the now lost Pinakes.28 The Suda gives the full title
for this 120-volume work as Tables of Men Distinguished in Every Branch of
Learning and their Works. In it, Kallimachos recorded authors, titles, and
incipits, along with details about the historical events related to those works.
This endeavor put Kallimachos at the forefront of a scholarly enterprise that
would continue for centuries, as he performed critical exegesis by arranging
and classifying the texts being collected in Alexandria in unprecedented
quantities.29
In addition to mythographic and lexical idiosyncrasies, Kallimachos
appears to have taken more than a casual interest in the historical contexts
of the poetry he read, as can be seen from his treatment of Pindar. Pouring in
from multiple sources and often in duplicate, the initial collection of Pindaric
poetry must have been enormous. Although Aristophanes of Byzantion is
credited with making the first critical edition of the Theban poet’s works, in
order to produce his Pinakes Kallimachos had to organize the voluminous
and diverse oeuvre into a corpus. This would have involved eliminating du-
plicate and pseudonymous texts and arranging the scores of authentic poems
into discrete, ordered bookrolls. Himself the author of a separate work On
Contests (Περὶ Ἀγώνων, fr. 403 Pf.), Kallimachos grouped together several
of Pindar’s poems into bookrolls corresponding to four major Panhellenic
contests and is likely the originator of that organizational scheme. Indeed,
the headnote to a hymn for Hieron of Syracuse, which we know today as
Pythian 2, criticizes Kallimachos because he assigned the poem to the
Nemean bookroll.30 If as an editor and a reader, Kallimachos saw such his-
torical considerations as relevant to the organization and interpretation of
Pindar’s poetry, then we should expect no less from his own compositions.
28 Hatzimichali 2013, Krevans 2011:122–24, and Blum 1991. See Hadjimichael 2014:88–93 for a
discussion of Kallimachos’ classification practice as evidenced in P.Oxy. 2368. Harder 2013 discusses
ways in which the Library may have had an impact on Kallimachos and other Hellenistic poets.
29 Porro 2009:186–88. Aristophanes of Byzantion wrote a treatise On Kallimachos’ Pinakes, on
sification, but ultimately speculative; see Lowe 2006:171–72. On Kallimachos’ contribution to the
editing of the Pindaric corpus, see Negri 2004:13–15 and Irigoin 1952:33. Günther 1999, Fuhrer
1992, Newman 1985, and Fuhrer 1988 detail Kallimachos’ interest in the Theban poet. On Pindar and
Hellenistic eidography, see Lowe 2006 and Harvey 1955.
8 Introduction
2003. Murray 1971 and Goodenough 1928 remain valuable for their insights.
35 Diogenes Laertios 2.110: Εὐβουλίδου δὲ καὶ Εὔφαντος γέγονε <γνώριμος> ὁ Ὀλύνθιος,
ἱστορίας γεγραφὼς τὰς κατὰ τοὺς χρόνους τοὺς ἑαυτοῦ. ἐποίησε δὲ καὶ τραγῳδίας πλείους, ἐν αἷς
εὐδοκίμει κατὰ τοὺς ἀγῶνας γέγονε δὲ καὶ Ἀντιγόνου τοῦ βασιλέως διδάσκαλος, πρὸς ὃν καὶ λόγον
γέγραφε Περὶ βασιλείας σφόδρα εὐδοκιμοῦντα.
Kallimachos and the Politics of Praise 9
such works and authors under the rubric of philosophy, but, like Euphantos,
the intellectuals who produced works On Kingship were polymaths whose
pursuits ranged far beyond such disciplinary or generic boundaries.36
Contemporary with these were a great many works investigating what
Aristotle posited as the corrupt counterpart of kingship. Works On Tyranny
(Περὶ Τυραννίδος) are attested starting from the fourth century for authors
including the Cynic Diogenes of Sinope and the Peripatetics Theophrastos
and Phainias, both of Eresos.
While the proliferation of kingship treatises closely tracked the emergence
of Hellenistic kingship as a political reality, these works built on a rich literary
tradition, and precursors can be found in the works of orators, historians,
philosophers, and poets. Of particular interest is Xenophon’s Hiero, a dia-
logue written in the fourth century that dramatizes a fictional conversation
between the fifth-century poet Simonides and the tyrant Hieron of Syracuse.
Written in the genre of Sokratikoi logoi most familiar from the works of his
contemporary Plato, this discussion provides the framework for analyzing
an abstract issue that might otherwise have been addressed in a more direct
manner via a theoretical treatise.37 Here, poet and ruler set out to identify
how pleasure and pain operate differently in the life of a tyrant and that of a
private citizen. In the course of their discussion, Simonides offers suggestions
about how the tyrant might minimize pain and maximize pleasure. Through
appeals to the ruler’s self-interest and “passion for honor and praise” (τιμῆς
τε καὶ ἐπαίνου ἔρως, 7.3), the poet gently urges Hieron to abandon his former
cruel practices in favor of kinder and more generous ones. Behind this nar-
rative, it is easy to see the outlines of the archetypal Good King and the Bad
King whose characteristics Simonides urges Hieron to emulate and eschew,
respectively.
Xenophon’s choice of Simonides as the poet who steers Hieron toward
good governance and ideal kingship is grounded in a historical dynamic
that obtained between praise poets and sovereigns at least as early as the ar-
chaic period. Indeed, Simonides himself, along with Pindar and Bakchylides,
composed hymns in praise of aristocrats who won victories in Panhellenic
36 Given the paucity of evidence beyond their authors and titles, we should not rush to assume that
works labeled On Kingship constituted a genre per se. Even the titles themselves may well have been
retroactively applied by scholars like Diogenes Laertios.
37 The work is usually called Hiero or Hieron, following the practice of naming the Platonic
dialogues after Sokrates’ interlocutor, but it might well have been called Peri Tyrannidos (“On
Tyranny”); see Gray 2011 and Sevieri 2004. Morgan 2003, Anderson 2005, and Lewis 2006 are essen-
tial for understanding the figure of the τύραννος in antiquity.
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
Lui-même, à travers ses cils mouillés, ne vit pas d’abord ce
manège.
Mais bientôt, devant la flamme de ses prunelles, le cœur battant,
l’âme captée, il dut baisser ses paupières.
Elle semblait vraiment ne jouer que pour lui, et la passion qu’elle
rendait en prenait des accents d’une humanité plus poignante.
En vérité, la beauté du jeune Hamidou, par un charme connu de
Dieu seul, avait conquis la tragédienne.
Et ceux-là mêmes qui d’ordinaire l’écoutaient, son mari même, le
Roméo de la pièce, trouvèrent qu’elle ne fut jamais aussi pathétique.
Un beau matin, il reçut une lettre de son frère aîné, avec lequel il
n’avait cessé de correspondre, de loin en loin, il est vrai, mais d’une
façon régulière. Il lui annonçait la mort de leur père, et lui disait que
la succession étant réglée, il lui revenait, pour sa part, environ trois
mille lires.
C’était, pour lui, la fortune et le moyen de réaliser son nouveau
rêve. Justement, dans le quartier sicilien, un café était à louer, déjà
très achalandé et dont la salle se prêterait merveilleusement à
l’installation d’une scène, ce qui lui permettrait d’en faire un théâtre
par intermittence.
Il le loua incontinent, et, trois mois après, il s’y installait avec sa
femme toujours résignée, toujours aussi douce et aimante.
Encore qu’il eût beaucoup de peine à trouver, parmi les Italiens
de la colonie, des artistes suffisants, et n’ayant guère à sa
disposition que des amateurs bénévoles, grâce à la beauté de la
Madalena, le succès dépassa ses espérances.
Il eut, d’ailleurs, la très heureuse inspiration, comme on était aux
approches de la semaine sainte, de débuter par une de ces
Passions, dont raffolent non seulement les Siciliens, mais tout le
peuple de l’Italie méridionale.
Et il recommença l’année suivante…
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
*
* *