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Andrew Peterson
Garth Stahl
Hannah Soong
Editors
The Palgrave
Handbook of
Citizenship
and Education
The Palgrave Handbook of Citizenship and
Education
Andrew Peterson • Garth Stahl •
Hannah Soong
Editors
Hannah Soong
University of South Australia
Mawson Lakes, SA, Australia
This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG.
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
Preface
v
vi Preface
flow across a range of educational settings, structures, and processes as relevant and
as appropriate to the age of the “learners” under consideration.
Truly international and diverse in its scope – though not universal (see below) –
this Handbook is structured around five parts. Part One – Foundational Thinkers
on, and Theories of, Citizenship and Education – includes 12 chapters which
explore the ideas of key historic and contemporary thinkers on, and theories of,
citizenship and education. Part Two – Citizenship and Education in National and
Localized Contexts – comprises 20 chapters that each explore the operation of
citizenship and education within particular contexts. In these chapters the various
authors explore the particular nuances of scholarly ideas associated with citizenship
and democracy in educational settings within national and sub-national localities/
communities that impact on and shape the implementation of citizenship and
education. Part Three – Citizenship and Education in Transnational Contexts –
contains 13 chapters that explore the operation of citizenship and education as
shaped by transnational factors, including migration, cosmopolitanism, neoliberal-
ism, global technologies, and global identities. The 12 chapters in Part Four – Youth
Advocacy, Citizenship and Education – focus on (changing) constructions of
youth and youth identity, and the ways that these interconnect (converge and/or
disrupt) notions of citizenship/citizenship education. Part Five – New Directions in
Citizenship and Education – includes 9 chapters in which the authors survey
existing literature to develop particularly novel insights on citizenship and
education.
One final note for this introduction. In any edited collection, even one as large as
this, there will be notable gaps in content and coverage. We are conscious of these
gaps and we hope to fill them in the next wave of chapters.
We have two groups of people to thank for making this Handbook possible. First, we
would like to thank all of the colleagues who have contributed chapters. Each of the
authors has been a pleasure to work with, and all have accepted our thoughts and
feedback with good grace. In turn, we have learned a great deal from the insights and
arguments each of the authors have offered.
Second, we owe a debt of gratitude to our colleagues at Palgrave. We thank
Eleanor Christie (now at Open University Press) for bringing the possibility of a
handbook on citizenship and education to our attention. Eleanor Gaffney and Ruth
Lefevre have given the project a steady hand, guiding us where needed and helping
ourselves and the authors to navigate the online system. Eleanor and Ruth have
always been on hand to answer our questions and requests, and have done so with
patience and kindness – we are very grateful to them both.
vii
Contents
ix
x Contents
xv
xvi About the Editors
xvii
xviii Contributors
Aviv Cohen The Seymour Fox School of Education, The Hebrew University of
Jerusalem, Jerusalem, Israel
Hilary Cremin University of Cambridge, Cambridge, UK
Babak Dadvand Melbourne Graduate School of Education, The University of
Melbourne, Melbourne, Victoria, Australia
Ian Davies The University of York, York, UK
Frank Deer University of Manitoba, Winnipeg, MB, Canada
Hang B. Duong College of Education, University of Lehigh, Bethlehem, PA, USA
Mark Evans Department of Curriculum, Teaching and Learning, Ontario Institute
for Studies in Education, University of Toronto, Toronto, ON, Canada
Rosemary Evans University of Toronto Schools, Toronto, ON, Canada
Jordi Feu-Gelis University of Girona, Girona, Spain
Rick Flowers University of Technology Sydney, Sydney, NSW, Australia
Sara Franch Free University of Bozen-Bolzano, Bolzano, Italy
Jun Fu Youth Research Centre, Melbourne Graduate School of Education, Uni-
versity of Melbourne, Melbourne, VIC, Australia
Liam Francis Gearon University of Oxford, Oxford, UK
Reza Gholami Department of Education and Social Justice, School of Education,
University of Birmingham, Edgbaston, Birmingham, UK
Mauro Giardiello University of Roma Tre, Rome, Italy
Bjorn Gomes Yale-NUS College, Singapore, Singapore
Saravanan Gopinathan Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy, National Univer-
sity of Singapore, Singapore, Singapore
Faith Gordon School of Social Sciences, Monash University, Melbourne,
Australia
Lucas Gottzén Department of Child and Youth Studies, Stockholm University,
Stockholm, Sweden
Sadia Habib Manchester, UK
Elena Hailwood School of Social Sciences, Cardiff University, Cardiff, UK
Fiona Hallett Edge Hill University, Ormskirk, UK
Keith Heggart University of Technology Sydney, Sydney, NSW, Australia
Kenneth Hemmerechts Political Science Department, Free University of Brussels
(VUB), Brussels, Belgium
Contributors xix
Contents
Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
A Confucian Conception of Citizenship Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
Junzi (Exemplary Persons) and Zhengming (Rectification of Names) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
A “Thick” Conception of Human Good Through Dao (Way) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8
The Utilization of Dialogue to Foster Reflective Citizens . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
Cross-References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13
Abstract
This chapter examines a Confucian conception of citizenship education by
focusing on Confucius’ teachings and actions as recorded in the Analects
(Lunyu). Confucius’ belief in the historicity and potential of human beings
motivates him to emphasize the inheritance, acquisition, critical reflection, and
appropriation of traditional knowledge for citizenship education. He balances
teacher directiveness and student autonomy by foregrounding human beings as
both recipients and creators of their own culture. Three main characteristics of a
Confucian worldview of citizenship education are highlighted in this chapter:
first, that the goal of citizenship education is to nurture junzi (exemplary persons)
who perform their social roles and participate actively in their communities in
accordance with zhengming (rectification of names); second, that a Confucian
citizenship education curriculum reflects a “thick” conception of human good
through a substantive framework of beliefs and values that centers on dao (way);
and, third, that a recommended pedagogical approach, as demonstrated by
C. Tan (*)
Policy and Leadership Studies, National Institute of Education, Nanyang Technological University,
Singapore, Singapore
e-mail: [email protected]
Keywords
Citizenship education · Confucius · Dao (way) · Dialogue · Junzi (exemplary
person) · Zhengming (rectification of names)
Introduction
What is needed for this purpose is a ‘thin’ conception of the good, free of significantly
controversial assumptions and judgments, which maximize the freedom of citizens to pursue
their diverse private conceptions of the good within a framework of justice. An example of
an aspect of a ‘thin’ conception of the good is a commitment to the requirements of basic
social morality. The label ‘thin’ here refers not to the insignificance of such values, but to
their independence from substantial, particular, frameworks of belief and value. (240)
It should be clarified that these two interpretations are not the only two
approaches to citizenship education, nor are they mutually exclusive. Instead, a
plurality of interpretations exists along the spectrum with overlaps among them.
Besides understanding citizenship education in terms of its relationship with
human good or perfection, it is also important to identify the ideological and cultural
underpinnings of citizenship education. A review of literature published in English
shows that the existing citizenship education frameworks are largely premised on
Western/Enlightenment histories, traditions, developments, and presuppositions.
The term “citizenship” is a Western concept that originates from Athenian democ-
racy (Carr 1995). Abowitz and Harnish (2006) point out that the dominant citizen-
ship discourses of civic republicanism and liberalism are both “Enlightenment-
inspired” (654). The “Western imagination” – the Enlightenment settlement, its
values, practices, and institutions – has been exported to the rest of the world as
objective and universal worldviews (Kennedy 2004). Relatively little attention has
been paid to non-Western conceptions of citizenship and citizenship education,
especially East Asian viewpoints. Although there is a growing body of literature
on Confucian perspectives of citizenship and citizenship education, these works are
primarily concerned with aspects of citizenship such as democracy, liberalism,
human rights, civil society, equality, and individuality (e.g., Shils 1996; Nuyen
2001, 2002; O’Dwyer 2003; Ackerly 2005; Kim 2010; Yung 2010; Spina et al.
2011; Shih 2014; Wang 2016; Zhai 2017). There is, to date, no systematic presen-
tation of a Confucian conception of citizenship education based on the teachings and
actions of Confucius himself.
This chapter introduces a Confucian conception of citizenship education through
a textual analysis of the Analects (Lunyu). A Confucian canon, the Analects,
compiles the sayings and conduct of Confucius and his disciples. The concept of
citizenship is defined broadly in this chapter to refer to a practice through which
humans actively participate in their communities, negotiating their range of identities
as they do so (Peterson and Brock 2017). The methodology of this chapter, it should
be added at the outset, is theoretical rather than empirical, with a focus on the
philosophical basis for citizenship education as advocated by Confucius. The next
section elucidates the key features of a Confucian conception of citizenship educa-
tion based on relevant passages from the Analects.
6 C. Tan
common people, and appropriate in employing the services of the common people”
(5.16). Calling for active citizenship, Confucius envisions himself and his disciples
assuming political leadership so that they could eliminate the oppressive regime and
enact humane policies for the common good.
How then should one perform one’s social roles – whether as a ruler or the ruled –
and contribute to the larger good? The answer, according to Confucius, is to conduct
oneself according to zhengming (rectification of names). The Analects records an
episode where Duke Jing of Qi asks Confucius about governance (12.11). Confucius
replies, “Let the lord be a true lord, the ministers true ministers, the fathers true
fathers, and the sons true sons” (translation by Slingerland 2003). Upon hearing
Confucius’ response, the Duke says, “Indeed! If the ruler be not a ruler, the subject
not a subject, the father not a father, the son not a son, then even if there were grain,
would I get to eat it?” Another passage in the Analects illuminates the principle of
zhengming:
When names are not correct, what is said will not be used effectively; when what is said is not
used effectively, matters will not be accomplished; when matters are not accomplished, ritual
propriety and music will not flourish; when ritual propriety and music do not flourish,
punishments will miss the mark; when punishments miss the mark, the people will not
know what to do with themselves. (13.3, italics added)
The expression “names are not correct” refers to not living up to the expectations
that are associated with one’s name or social role, be it as a ruler, subject, father, or
son (Tan 2013a). Confucius’ point is that one’s name conveys not just descriptive
content but also normative force. As Lai (1995) elaborates, “individuals have to live
appropriately according to the titles and names, indicating their ranks and statuses
within relationships, by which they are referred to” because these terms “prescribe
how values upholding the various roles are to be realized within the fundamental
reality of the lived human world” (252). A ruler has a “correct name” when such a
person fulfills one’s calling as a true ruler, i.e., becoming a junzi-ruler who is marked
by ren. The words of such a ruler will then “be used effectively,” i.e., his or her
policies will accomplish their goals. To put it another way, the ruler excels in
demonstrating and upholding wisdom, benevolence, and ritual propriety (15.33),
promoting virtuous officials and keeping immoral persons at bay (12.22), and
winning the hearts of the multitude by modeling qualities of reverence, tolerance,
trustworthiness, diligence, and generosity (17.6). By the same argument, a subject is
a junzi who lives up to one’s name by being loyal to one’s ruler and performing one’s
multiple roles in society, whether as a mother, sister, colleague, friend, and neighbor.
It should be added that the subject’s loyalty to the ruler is not unconditional as
Confucius discourages unquestioning obedience to authority. Confucius himself
critiques the officeholders during his time as “petty bureaucrats” (13.20) and
announces his vexation with political rulers for their immoral and oppressive
behavior (3.26, 3.1, 3.2). Rather than a blind allegiance to those in power, Confucius
advises those serving one’s lord to be honest and speak up for what is right at an
opportune time (14.22). In his exchange with Duke Ding on what causes a state to
perish, Confucius observes:
8 C. Tan
If what the ruler says is good, and no one opposes him, is this not good? On the other hand, if
what he says is not good, and no one opposes him, does this not come close to being a single
saying, that can cause a state to perish? (13.15, translation by Slingerland 2003)
With reference to 13.15, the standard for determining what is good or otherwise is
not the prevailing norm espoused by the ruler or the masses. Instead, it is dao (way),
which brings us to the next characteristic of a Confucian conception of citizenship
education.
For Confucius, knowledge is grounded in the language, customs, and institutions that
comprise culture. Culture is the given world. Thinking is cultural articulation that renders
this givenness effective. There is no knowledge to be gained of a reality which precedes that
of culture or transcends its determinations. The ‘world’ is always a human world. (67)
As part of the reservoir of information, tools, and resources for praxis, at least one normative
tradition from within the learners’ culture should be introduced to the learners. The objective
is two-fold: to provide the learners, especially children, with the cultural coherence and an
initial framework for them to acquire a substantive set of practices, beliefs, and values; and to
prepare the learners to subsequently critique the normative tradition itself and develop their
own views. (Tan 2017, 10)
“there was no separation between classroom and society, Confucius’s classroom was
the entire world ‘under the sky or heaven,’ and the process of his teaching was life
itself” (110). An interactive form of teaching encourages his disciples to critically
reflect and discuss the political and social state of affairs against the standard of dao
and the practical steps they could take to redress the prevailing unrest. Using the
analogy of a square with four corners, Confucius sees the teacher as providing only
the basic content (“one corner”), and the students are expected to make their own
inferences (“the other three corners”) (7.8). In the process, mutual teaching and
learning take place, where the teacher is both an instructor for and fellow-learner
with the student.
Two passages in the Analects shed further light on Confucius’s employment of
dialogue to foster an environment where the teacher and students teach and learn
from each other. The first passage is taken from 3.8:
Zixia asked, “‘Her entrancing smile with dimples, Her beautiful eyes so clear, Unadorned
upon which to paint’. What does this mean?”
The Master replied, “The plain base comes first, then the colors are applied.”
Zixia said, “Just like ritual propriety that come after?”
The Master replied, “Zixia, you have stimulated my thoughts. It is only with someone
like you that one can discuss the Songs.”
In the above exchange, Confucius and Zixia are discussing a line from the Book
of Songs. After Confucius replies to Zixia’s first question, the latter responds with a
second question. This time, Zixia ingeniously relates the meaning of the poem to an
ethical question on the relationship between the concepts of ritual propriety (colors)
and rightness (plain canvas). Such an inference between two topics is not planned
nor expected by Confucius, prompting him to remark that Zixia’s comment has
stimulated or awakened his understanding of the topic. The above dialogue is an
instance where the student arrives at his own conclusion while the teacher gains new
insights from his student.
The second passage is taken from 17.4 where Confucius, through a dialogue with
another disciple, is corrected of his own mistake (translation by Slingerland 2003):
When the Master went to Wucheng, he heard the sound of stringed instruments and song.
Smiling gently, he remarked, “Why use an ox-cleaver to kill a chicken?”
Ziyou replied, “In the past, Master, I have heard you say, ‘If the gentleman learns dao he
will be able to care for others, and if the commoners learn the Way they will be easy to
manage.”
[Addressing the disciples who had accompanied him to Wucheng,] the Master said,
“Take note, my disciples! What Ziyou says is true. My earlier comment was meant only as a
joke.”
In the above passage, Confucius appears to despise Ziyou’s effort to educate the
masses in Wucheng by teaching them the music of the sage-kings. Confucius holds
that it is not fitting and a waste of time for Ziyou to promote fine music and songs to
the uneducated commoners. But Ziyou replies by reminding Confucius of the latter’s
exhortation for everyone, including the commoners, to learn the dao of the sage-
12 C. Tan
kings. This prompts an apology from Confucius who clarifies that his comment is
only a joke and that what Ziyou is doing is correct. We see here how the teacher, in
this case, Confucius, is not one who always knows all and the student is not one who
knows nothing. Instead, the teacher is able to learn from the student in an open and
mutually beneficial relationship. Making the same argument, Elstein (2009) asserts
that Confucius is not presented in the Analects as infallible or authoritarian; neither
are his students portrayed as completely submissive and accepting of Confucius’
opinions all the time.
A challenge for democratic societies in furthering citizenship education is how to
produce loyal, responsible, and united citizens without indoctrinating them or
handicapping the development of their rational autonomy (Callan 1991; Tyack and
Cuban 1995). It is pertinent that research shows that citizenship education in
Confucian heritage cultures tends to encourage and perpetuate passive, responsible,
rule-following behavior rather than one’s rights, entitlements, and status (e.g., see
Hill and Lian 1995; Cummings 2001; Thomas 2002; Lee 2004a, b; Roh 2004; Sim
and Print 2005; Tan 2007, 2008). Kennedy (2004), for example, maintains that “the
emphasis for citizens is not so much the rights they enjoy but the responsibilities they
have towards family and the community” (15). Researchers have also noted the
prevalence of teacher authority, a hierarchical relationship between the teacher and
students, didactic teaching, and passive learning in countries such as China, South
Korea, and Japan (e.g., Kim 2009; Han and Scull 2010; Tan 2013b; Guo and Guo
2015; Chou and Spangler 2016; Dawson 2010). The nature of citizenship education
programs in Confucian heritage cultures has given rise to a perception that Confu-
cian approaches to citizenship education necessarily promote unquestioning obedi-
ence to authority and suppress rational autonomy of citizens.
Here it is important to distinguish the conception of citizenship education as
advocated by Confucius and the formulation of citizenship education as practiced in
Confucian heritage cultures. As expounded in the foregoing, Confucius’ belief in the
historicity and potential of human beings motivates him to put an emphasis on the
inheritance and acquisition of cultural traditions and the critical reflection and
appropriation of traditional knowledge. Confucius would understandably repudiate
any citizenship education program that is targeted at stifling the independent think-
ing and agency of the learners. That said, Confucius also foregrounds human beings
as recipients of their own culture, situated within and dependent on particular social
and political formations in ancient China. Therefore, a balance is sought in a
Confucian conception of citizenship education between cultural transmission and
the development of rational autonomy – a task that poses a considerable challenge
for policymakers and educators.
Conclusion
performance does not mean that critical reflection and civil engagement are neces-
sarily imperiled in citizenship education. The condition of humans as historical
beings explains Confucius’ preference for “traditional innovation” where his novel
teachings are circumscribed by prevailing sociocultural realities. At the same time,
he fosters learner freedom by encouraging his students, as subjects and makers of
history, to reflect and transform society, thereby broadening dao. Confucius sub-
scribes to a “thick” conception of human good in the form of dao (way) that provides
a substantive and normative framework of human life and the public good
(McLaughlin 1992). A citizenship education program, from a Confucian standpoint,
should be one that develops a generation of junzi who perform their varied social
roles and participate actively in their community. Guided by zhengming (rectification
of names), all members of the society are inspired and equipped to broaden dao as a
public good. Overall, a Confucian citizenship education debunks the perception that
Confucius and Confucianism definitely support authoritarian leadership, unques-
tioning obedience to authority, didactic teaching, and mechanical learning.
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Aristotle on Citizenship and Civic
Education: The Central Role of Political 2
Participation
Benjamin Miller
Contents
Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18
Background . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19
Life and Method . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19
Major Texts and the Link Between Ethics and Politics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
Essential Concepts for Understanding Aristotle on Citizenship . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 21
The Characteristics of Aristotle’s Good Citizen . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
Aristotle’s General Definition of Citizenship . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23
Different Political Regimes, Different Types of Citizens . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26
Puzzles About Citizenship . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26
How to Become a Good Citizen . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27
Virtue Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27
The Specifics of Civic Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 28
The Contemporary Uses of Aristotle on Citizenship and Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29
Citizenship Education as Virtue Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29
Aristotle as a Social Democrat . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 30
Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31
References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 31
Abstract
This chapter examines and summarizes Aristotle’s views about citizenship and
education. Aristotle defines citizenship functionally, rather than by birth or status,
and he understood participation and political authority to be essential to citizen-
ship. Aristotle’s definition of citizenship is tied tightly to his theory of the good
human life and to his ethics of virtue. A good citizen in the ideal state is identical
to the fully ethically virtuous person. For Aristotle, the virtues of living a good
human life are the same as those needed to rule and be ruled in turn. Because of
the link between ethics and politics of the person, Aristotle’s (admittedly
B. Miller (*)
Department of Political Science, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, Urbana, IL, USA
e-mail: [email protected]
incomplete) program for civic education is connected to his program for ethical
training. This makes the civic educational process intensive and somewhat
foreign to modern conceptions of civic preparation. Despite this somewhat
foreign idea of education, a number of influential thinkers today have drawn on
Aristotelian ideas of citizenship to develop their own theories of governance for
modern states today. Social democrats, communitarians, and others looking to
revive the link between civic education and participatory communities have all
looked explicitly (and sometimes implicitly) to Aristotle for guidance.
Keywords
Aristotle · Virtue · Human nature · Citizenship · Participation · Education
Introduction
Background
Aristotle lived most of his life in Athens, but he was born in Stagira and was
Macedonian rather than Athenian. When it comes to facts about his life most
relevant to citizenship and education, the most interesting was his residency status.
Despite being one of the earliest sources to discuss the definition of citizenship, and
to organize his theory of governance around the concept, Aristotle himself never
really lived the life of a participating citizen. This was true in both the official role
and duties of citizens in Athens at the time (he was not allowed to participate in
assembly, hold offices, etc.) and with respect to his own philosophical definition of
(good) citizenship. Aristotle’s own nonparticipation as a citizen is particularly
fascinating given his seeming commitment to the idea that participation in politics
is a necessary part of the good human life.
The other important thing to note about Aristotle’s life was his education. At the
age of 17 or 18, Aristotle came to Athens and immediately took up in Plato’s school,
the Academy. He remained under Plato’s tutelage for the next 20 years, until Plato’s
death in 347 BCE. Acknowledging Aristotle’s time spent under Plato’s wing is
crucial for understanding Aristotle’s philosophy. In many ways it is clear that his
own thought is a direct (and often critical) response to Plato’s thought, as is certainly
the case for Aristotle’s Politics and Ethics, which frequently make reference to
positions Plato held.
Aristotle is one of the more difficult historical philosophers to read and under-
stand, mainly because he has a precise philosophical method, writes in a clipped
style, and rarely explains himself in great detail. For this reason, even a more cursory
investigation of Aristotle’s philosophical thought such as this chapter requires
something to be said about Aristotle’s preferred method of investigation. In the
first place, and in direct contrast to Plato, Aristotle’s ethical and political thinking
(as well as much of his other philosophy) is guided by an ironclad commitment to
integrating pure theorizing with vigorous empirical study of the world. One of the
major and striking contrasts between descriptions of Plato’s and Aristotle’s ideal
states is Aristotle’s insistence on building physical and spacial constraints into his
ideal. Even more influential for nearly all future political theorizing up to the present
day, Aristotle is strongly committed to the thought that politics is informed, guided,
and constrained by human nature. Although many later philosophers have disagreed
with him about the precise conception of human nature, few have challenged the
more general view that political philosophy is dependent on particular views about
human beings. Today, this might feel like a trivial point, but it is worth remembering
20 B. Miller
that it was Aristotle who was one of the first to frame thinking about politics in
this way.
Delving a bit deeper into Aristotle’s philosophical method, especially with regard
to his ethical and political works, it is important to understand that Aristotle usually
begins each new topic and subtopic by outlining the views of others, both philoso-
phers and nonphilosophers alike. Without an understanding of Aristotle’s method,
this procedure can be a bit disorienting and distracting. The main thing to note here is
that Aristotle believes that philosophy makes progress by gathering together the
reputable beliefs that have already been expressed on a topic. The idea is then to aim
for a philosophical position that can stay true to the core components shared by these
reputable beliefs. If no reasonable philosophical theory can meet this standard, then
the aim is to choose the theory that does the best job accommodating as many of the
core components as possible (see NE 1145b2-7 and Topics 100b21-23, 104a10-11,
104b31-36; see Reeve 1998, pp. xviii–xxv for a good politically oriented discussion
of Aristotle’s method).
Recognizing Aristotle’s method makes it easier to read through the text of both
the Ethics and Politics. Politics especially often encourages confusion as Aristotle
usually introduces a topic by describing the many different positions other thinkers
hold on a subject without offering a clear statement that these positions are not his
own. Noticing that Aristotle’s method recommends consideration of these theories as
part of the process of coming to his own position helps to cut through some of this
confusion. Understanding that Aristotle’s philosophical method involves examining
a range of possible views on the matter at hand also explains why Aristotle often
ends up adopting a position that falls somewhere in between the positions of his
predecessors on a given topic. In the history of philosophy, this fact has often led
thinkers to deride Aristotle as a philosopher of common sense, but this derision is
based on a serious misunderstanding of what Aristotle considers good philosophical
truth-finding to involve (for more on Aristotle’s philosophical method and dialectic
in the secondary literature, see the good overview in Bostock 2000).
To flesh out the connection Aristotle sees between ethics and politics a bit more, it is
necessary to consider three core concepts in Aristotle’s philosophy: Virtue, The
Good Life, and Human Nature.
The virtues, for Aristotle, are the central mode by which human beings are
conceived of and assessed ethically. In simple terms, the virtues are those states of
character that human beings develop and then use to act and live their lives well. For
Aristotle, there are a number of distinct virtues, each including its own unique
constellation of emotions, kinds of thinking, domains of application, and nuances
of behavior (e.g., courage and generosity). To be a good person, in Aristotle’s view,
one must develop the virtues to the proper extent avoiding an excess or deficiency of
the given virtue (his doctrine of the mean). Acting in accordance with the virtues,
according to Aristotle, requires extensive training, some of which is controlled by
the individual. To be a good person, in Aristotle’s view, one must develop and enact
the virtues to the right extent (i.e., the mean between excess and deficiency), which
will require extensive training, some of which is controlled by the individual and
some of which must be initiated at an early age by society and the individual’s
parents.
More generally, the virtues are those character traits that make a human being an
excellent instance of its kind. In this more general sense, we might speak of the
distinct virtues of a knife, a car, a hippopotamus, or a person. According to
Aristotle’s function argument, which appears at the beginning the ethical works
(Nicomachean Ethics 1.7), the characteristic activity of human beings, and what sets
them apart from other creatures, is the ability to use reason.
22 B. Miller
The completed story is more complex than this, of course, and this becomes
clearer when the concept of the good life is examined, including how the good life
and virtues are related. For Aristotle, the virtues are not just the generic pieces that
make a thing a good example of its kind. After all, we can ask: “a good example of its
kind relative to what purpose?” For Aristotle, the virtues are the distinctly human
answer to the non-relative purposive question: “What is a good human life?”
(Answer: a virtuous life).
On this more specific understanding of the virtues (see Curzer 2012), the virtues
are those character traits that uniquely identify human beings as distinct from other
types of creatures (the ability to reason) while at the same time serving as the keys
which enable a human being to live a good life as a human being. In this way,
Aristotle’s understanding of a good human life is fundamentally ethical. Unlike
many modern thinkers, Aristotle would resist the thought that we can carve out a
clear distinction between what is good for a person (well-being) and what one should
do ethically speaking (morality or ethics). Aristotle does not connect well-being and
ethics merely as a motivational connection but as a metaphysical one tied to human
nature. The connection is not meant to be an answer to the amoralist’s question:
“Why be moral?” Instead, the connection between well-being and ethics is a deeper
truth about the nature of human beings. For Aristotle then, ethics is inseparable from
questions about living a good life.
In much the same way, Aristotle viewed ethics as linked inexorably to politics.
For Aristotle, the first thing to think about when we do political philosophy is to
think about the purpose of the state. In his view, the aim of the state is to make sure
that the people living within it have lives that are good. Aristotle’s focus here on the
formative role of the state is one of the places where he reacts directly and critically
to Plato’s view of the state. For Plato, the best government does not aim to make
every individual within it happy. Aristotle, by contrast, believes that the entire
purpose of having a government is to facilitate the good life for individuals.
Aristotle expresses this view in a couple of key statements: “Every city-state
exists by nature” (Politics 1.2 1252b29-30), “anyone who is without a city-state, not
by luck but by nature, is either a poor specimen or superhuman” (1.2 1253a4-5), and
“a human being is by nature a political animal” (1.2 1253a3-4). There is quite a lot of
debate about what these statements mean precisely, but for the purposes of this
chapter, the main thing to note is that Aristotle draws a tight link between human
nature and the existence of the state. (For further discussion of these three claims
linking nature, the city-state, and human aims, see the canonical Keyt (1991). It is
worth considering dissenting views such as Chan (1992) and Kraut (2007).) In his
view, living in a community of this form is part of the definition of the human
species. Human beings as groups and individuals could not reliably satisfy their
natural goals without creating the state as part of this process. In other words,
Aristotle views the state as a necessary component of a complete (good) human
life. (For elaboration on this view, see Cooper (2010). For a more conflict-oriented,
and less communal, interpretation of human nature in Aristotle, see Yack (1993)).
In short, Aristotle’s vision of ethics and politics is that both are fundamental parts
of human life. This intimate connection between ethics and politics sits in fairly stark
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which was worm-eaten in the step; and the Etoile shortened hers,
the head of it being sprung. We likewise took in, from on board the
store-ship, the flour and biscuit which still belonged to us, in
proportion to our number. There were fewer pulse than we at first
thought, and I was obliged to cut off above a third part of the
allowance of the (gourganes) pease or caravanses for our soup: I
say ours, for every thing was equally distributed. The officers and the
sailors had the same nourishment; our situation, like death, rendered
all ranks of men equal. We likewise profited of the fair weather, to
make good observations.
Observation of On the 11th, in the morning, M. Verron brought his
longitude. quadrant and pendulum on shore, and employed
them the same day, to take the sun’s altitude at noon. The motion of
the pendulum was exactly determined by several corresponding
altitudes, taken for two days consecutively. On the 13th, there was
an eclipse of the sun visible to us, and we got every thing in
readiness to observe it, if the weather permitted. It was very fair; and
we saw both the moment of immersion, and that of emersion. M.
Verron observed with a telescope of nine feet; the chevalier du
Bouchage with one of Dollond’s acromatic telescopes, four feet long;
my place was at the pendulum. The beginning of the eclipse was to
us, on the 13th, at 10h. 5′ 45″ in the morning, the end at 00 h. 28′ 16″
true time, and its magnitude 3′ 22″. We have buried an inscription
under the very spot where the pendulum had been; and we called
this harbour Port Praslin.
This observation is so much the more important, as it was now
possible, by its means, and by the astronomical observations, made
upon the coast of Peru, to determine, in a certain fixed manner, the
extent of longitude of the vast Pacific Ocean, which, till now, had
been so uncertain. Our good fortune, in having fair weather at the
time of the eclipse, was so much the greater, as from that day to our
departure there was not a single day but what was dreadful. The
continued rains, together with the suffocating heat, rendered our stay
here very pernicious to us. On the 16th, the frigate had completed
her works, and we employed all our boats to finish those of the
Etoile. This store-ship was quite light, and as there were no stones
proper for ballast, we were obliged to make use of wood for that
purpose; this was a long troublesome labour, which in these forests,
where an eternal humidity prevails, is likewise unwholesome.
Description of Here we daily killed snakes, scorpions, and great
two insects. numbers of insects, of a singular sort. They are
three or four inches long, and covered over with a kind of armour;
they have six legs, projecting points on the sides, and a very long
tail. Our people likewise brought me another creature, which
appeared extraordinary to us all. It is an insect about three inches
long, and belongs to the Mantis genus. Almost every part of its body
is of such a texture, as one would take for a leaf, even when one
looks closely at it. Each of its wings is one half of a leaf, which is
entire when the two wings are closed together; the under side of its
body resembles a leaf, of a more dead colour than the upper one.
The creature has two antennæ and six legs, of which the upper joints
are likewise similar to parts of leaves. M. de Commerçon has
described this singular insect; and I placed it in the king’s cabinet,
preserved in spirits.
Here we found abundance of shells, many of them very fine. The
shoals offered treasures for the study of Conchology. We met with
ten hammer-oysters in one place, and they are said to be a scarce
species[120]. The curiosity of some of our people was accordingly
raised to a great pitch; but an accident happening to one of our
sailors abated their zeal. He was bit in the water by Sailor bit by a
a kind of snake as he was hauling the seine. The water-snake.
poisonous effects of the bite appeared in half an hour’s time. The
sailor felt an excessive pain all over his body. The spot where he had
been bit, which was on the left side, became livid, and swelled
visibly. Four or five scarifications extracted a quantity of blood, which
was already dissolved. Our people were obliged to lead the patient
walking, to prevent his getting convulsions. He suffered greatly for
five or six hours together. At last the treacle (theriaque) and flower
de luce water which had been given him, brought on an abundant
perspiration, and cured him.
This accident made every one more circumspect and careful in
going into the water. Our Taiti-man curiously observed the patient
during the whole course of his sickness. He let us know that in his
country were snakes along the sea-shore, which bit the people in the
sea, and that every one who was thus bit died of the wound. They
have a kind of medicinal knowledge, but I do not believe it is
extensive at all. The Taiti-man was surprised to see the sailor return
to his work, four or five days after the accident had happened to him.
When he examined the productions of our arts, and the various
means by which they augment our faculties, and multiply our forces,
this islander would often fall into an extatic fit, and blush for his own
country, saying with grief, aouaou Taiti, fy upon Taiti. However, he
did not like to express that he felt our superiority over his nation. It is
incredible how far his haughtiness went. We have observed that he
was as supple as he was proud; and this character at once shews
that he lives in a country where there is an inequality of ranks, and
points out what rank he holds there.
Bad weather On the 19th in the evening we were ready to sail,
which but it seemed the weather always grew worse and
persecutes us. worse. There was a high south wind, a deluge of
rain, with thunder and tempestuous squalls, a great sea in the offing,
and all the fishing birds retired into the bay. On the Earthquake.
22d in the morning, towards half an hour past ten o’clock, we
sustained several shocks of an earthquake. They were very sensibly
felt on board our ships, and lasted about two minutes. During this
time the sea rose and fell several times consecutively, which greatly
terrified those who were fishing on the rocks, and made them retreat
to the boats. It seems upon the whole, that during this season the
rains are uninterrupted here. One tempest comes on before the
other is gone off, it thunders continually, and the nights are fit to
convey an idea of chaotic darkness. Notwithstanding this, we daily
went into the woods in search of thatch palms and cabbage trees,
and endeavouring to kill some turtle doves. We Unsuccessful
divided into several bodies, and the ordinary result endeavours to
of these fatiguing caravans, was, that we returned find provisions.
wet to the skin, and with empty hands. However, in these last days,
we found some mangle-apples, and a kind of fruit called Prunes de
Monbin[121]. These would have been of some service to us, had we
discovered them sooner. We likewise found a species of aromatic
ivy, in which our surgeons believed they had discovered an
antiscorbutic quality; at least, the patients who used an infusion of it,
and washed with it, found themselves better.
Description of a We all went to see a prodigious cascade, which
fine cascade. furnished the Etoile’s brook with water. In vain would
art endeavour to produce in the palaces of kings, what nature has
here lavished upon an uninhabited spot. We admired the
assemblage of rocks, of which the almost regular gradations
precipitate and diversify the fall of the waters; with admiration we
viewed all these masses, of various figures, forming an hundred
different basons, which contain the limpid sheets of water, coloured
and shaded by trees of immense height, some of which have their
roots in the very reservoirs themselves. Let it suffice that some men
exist, whose bold pencil can trace the image of these inimitable
beauties: this cascade deserves to be drawn by the greatest painter.
Our situation Mean while our situation grew worse every
grows worse moment of our stay here, and during all the time
every day. which we spent without advancing homeward. The
number of those who were ill of the scurvy, and their complaints
encreased. The crew of the Etoile was in a still worse condition than
ours. Every day I sent boats out to sea, in order to know what kind of
weather there was. The wind was constantly at south, blowing
almost a storm with a dreadful sea. Under these circumstances it
was impossible to get under sail, especially as this could not be done
without getting a spring upon an anchor that was to be slipped all at
once; and in that case it would have been impossible in the offing to
hoist in the boats that must have remained to weigh the anchor,
which we could not afford to leave behind us. These obstacles
determined me to go on the 23d to view a passage between
Hammer island and the main land. I found one, through which we
could go out with a south wind, hoisting in our boats in the channel.
This passage had indeed great inconveniences, and happily we
were not obliged to make use of it. It rained without We leave
intermission all the night between the 23d and 24th. Port Praslin.
At day-break the weather became fair and calm. We immediately
weighed our small bower, fastened a warp to some trees, bent a
hawser to a stream-anchor, and hove a-peek on the off-anchor.
During the whole day we waited for the moment of setting sail; we
already despaired of it, and the approach of night would have
obliged us to moor again, when at half past five o’clock a breeze
sprung up from the bottom of the harbour. We immediately slipt our
shore-fast, veered out the hawser of the stream-anchor, from which
the Etoile was to set sail after us, and in half an hour’s time we were
got under sail. The boats towed us into the middle of the passage,
where there was wind enough to enable us to proceed without their
assistance. We immediately sent them to the Etoile to bring her out.
Being got two leagues out to sea, we lay-to in order to wait for her,
holding in our long-boat and small boats. At eight o’clock we began
to see the Etoile which was come out of port; but the calm did not
permit her to join us till two hours after midnight. Our barge returned
at the same time, and we hoisted her in.
During night we had squalls and rain. The fair weather returned at
day break. The wind was at S. W. and we steered from E. by S. to N.
N. E. turning to northward with the land. It would not have been
prudent to endeavour to pass to windward of it: we suspected that
this land was New Britain, and all the appearances confirmed us in it.
Indeed the lands which we had discovered more to the westward
came very close to this, and in the midst of what one might have
taken for a passage, we saw separate hummocks, which doubtless
joined to the other lands, by means of some low grounds. Such is
the picture Dampier gives of the great bay, which he calls St.
George’s Bay, and we have been at anchor at the N. E. point of it, as
we verified on the first days after our leaving the port. Dampier was
more successful than we were. He took shelter near an inhabited
district, which procured him refreshments, and whereof the
productions gave him room to conceive great hopes concerning this
country; and we, who were as indigent as he was, fell in with a
desart, which, instead of supplying all our wants, has only afforded
us wood and water.
When I left Port Praslin, I corrected my longitude by that which we
obtained from the calculation of the solar eclipse, which we observed
there; my difference was about 3°, which I was to the eastward. The
thermometer during the stay which we made there, was constantly at
22° or 23°; but the heat was greater than it seemed to shew. I
attribute the cause of this to the want of air, which is common here;
this bason being closed in on all sides, and especially on the side of
the reigning winds.
CHAP. VI.
Run from Port Praslin to the Moluccas; stay at Boero.
We put to sea again after a stay of eight days, during which time, as
we have before observed, the weather had been constantly bad, and
the wind almost always southerly. The 25th it returned to S. E.
veering round to E. and we followed the direction of the coast at
about three leagues distance. It rounded insensibly, and we soon
discovered in the offing a succession of islands, one after the other.
We passed between them and the main, and I gave them the names
of the principal officers. We now no longer doubted that we were
coasting New Britain. This land is very high, and seemed to be
intersected with fine bays, in which we perceived fires, and other
marks of habitations.
Distribution of The third day after our departure I caused our
cloaths to the field-tents to be cut up, and distributed trowsers to
sailors. the two ships companies. We had already, on
several occasions, made the like distributions of cloathing of all
kinds. Without that, how would it have been possible that these poor
fellows should be clad during so long a voyage, on which they were
several times obliged to pass alternately from cold to hot, and to
endure frequent deluges of rain? I had, upon the Extreme want
whole, nothing more to give them, all was of victuals.
exhausted, and I was even forced to cut off another ounce of the
daily allowance of bread. Of the little provisions that remained, part
was spoiled, and in any other situation all our salt provisions would
have been thrown over-board; but we were under the necessity of
eating the bad as well as the good, for it was impossible to tell when
our situation would mend. Thus it was our case to suffer at once by
what was past, which had weakened us; by our present situation, of
which the melancholy circumstances were every instant repeated
before us; and lastly, by what was to come, the indeterminate
duration of which was the greatest of all our calamities. My personal
sufferings encreased by those of others. However, I must declare
that not one suffered himself to be dejected, and that our patience
under sufferings has been superior to the most critical situations.
The officers set the example, and the seamen never ceased dancing
in the evenings, as well in the time of scarcity, as in that of the
greatest plenty. Nor has it been necessary to double their pay[122].
Description of We had New Britain constantly in sight till the 3d
the inhabitants of August, during which time we had little wind,
of New Guinea. frequent rain, the currents against us, and the ships
went worse than ever. The coast trenched more and more to the
westward, and on the 29th in the morning, we found ourselves
nearer it than we had yet been: this approach procured us a visit
from some periaguas; two came within hail of the frigate, and five
others went to the Etoile. They carried each of them five or fix black
men, with frizled woolly hair, and some of them had powdered it
white. They had pretty long beards, and white ornaments round their
arms, in form of bracelets. Their nudities were but indifferently
covered with the leaves of trees. They are tall, and appeared active
and robust. They shewed us a kind of bread, and invited us by signs
to go ashore. We desired them to come on board; but our invitations,
and even the gift of some pieces of stuff which we threw over-board,
did not inspire them with confidence sufficient to make them venture
along-side. They took up what was thrown into the water, and by way
of thanks one of them with a sling flung a stone, which did not quite
reach on board; we would not return them evil for evil, so they
retired, striking all together on their canoes, and setting up loud
shouts. They without doubt carried their hostilities farther on board
the Etoile, for we saw our people fire several muskets, which put
them to flight. Their periaguas are long, narrow, and with out-riggers;
they all have their heads and sterns more or less ornamented with
sculptures, painted red, which does honour to their skill.
The next day there came a much greater number of them, who
made no difficulty of coming along-side the ship. One of their
conductors, who seemed to be the chief, carried a staff about two or
three feet long, painted red, with a knob at each end, which, in
approaching us, he raised with both hands over his head, and
continued some time in that attitude. All these negroes seemed to be
dressed out in their best, some had their woolly hair painted red,
others had plumes on their heads, certain seeds in their ears by way
of ear-rings, or large white round plates hanging to their necks; some
had rings passed through the cartilage of the nose; but an ornament
pretty common to them all was bracelets, made of the mouth of a
large shell, sawed asunder. We were desirous of forming an
intercourse, in order to engage them to bring us some refreshments,
but their treachery soon convinced us that we could not succeed in
that attempt. They strove to seize what was offered them, and would
give nothing in exchange. We could scarce get a few roots of yams
from them; therefore we left off giving them, and they retired. Two
canoes rowed towards the frigate at the beginning of night, but a
rocket being fired for some signal, they fled precipitately.
They attack the Upon the whole, it seemed that the visits they
Etoile. made us these two last days had been with no other
view than to reconnoitre us, and to concert a plan of attack; for the
31st, at day-break, we saw a swarm of periaguas coming off shore, a
part of them passed athwart us without stopping, and all directed
their course for the Etoile, which they had no doubt observed to be
the smallest vessel of the two, and to keep astern. The negroes
made their attacks with stones and arrows, but the action was short,
for one platoon disconcerted their scheme, many threw themselves
into the sea, and some periaguas were abandoned: from this time
we did not see any more of them.
Description of The coast of New Britain now ran W. by N. and W.
the northern and in this part it became considerably lower. It was
part of New no longer that high coast adorned with several rows
Britain.
of mountains; the northern point which we
discovered was very low land, and covered with trees from space to
space. The five first days of the month of August were rainy, the
weather thick and unsettled, and the wind squally. We discovered
the coast only by piecemeal, in the clear intervals, without being able
to distinguish the particulars of it: however, we saw enough of it to be
convinced that the tides continued to carry us a part of the moderate
run we made each day. I then steered N. W. and N. W. by W. to
avoid a cluster of islands that ly off the northern extremity of New
Britain. The 4th in the afternoon we discovered two 1768.
islands, which I take to be those that Dampier calls August.
Matthias Island and Stormy or Squally Island. Matthias Island is high
and mountainous, and extends to N. W. about eight or nine leagues.
The other is not above three or four leagues long, and between the
two lies a small isle. An island which we thought we perceived the
5th, at two o’clock in the morning, to the westward, caused us again
to stand to the northward. We were not mistaken; for at ten o’clock
the fog, which till then had been thick, being dissipated, we saw that
island, which is small and low, bearing S. E. by S. The tides then
ceased to set to the southward and eastward which seemed to arise
from our having got beyond the northern point of New Britain, which
the Dutch have called Cape Salomaswer. We were then in no more
than 00° 41′ south lat. We had sounded almost every day without
finding bottom.
Isle of We steered west till the 7th, with a pretty fresh
Anchorets. gale and fair weather, without seeing land. The 7th
in the evening, the sky being very hazy, and appearing at sun-set to
be a horizon of land from W. to W. S. W. I determined to steer S. W.
by S. for the night; at daylight we steered west again. In the morning
we saw a low land, about five or six leagues a-head of us. We
steered W. by S. and W. S. W. to pass to the southward of it, and we
ranged along it at about a league and a half distance. It was a flat
island, about three leagues long, covered with trees, and divided into
several parts, connected together by breakers and sand-banks.
There are upon this island a great quantity of cocoa-nut trees, and
the sea-shore is covered with a great number of habitations, from
which it may be supposed to be extremely populous. The huts were
high, almost square, and well covered. They seemed to us larger
and handsomer than the huts built with reeds generally are, and we
thought we again beheld the houses of Taiti. We discovered a great
number of periaguas employed in fishing all round the island; none
of them seemed to be disturbed at seeing us pass, from which we
judged that these people, who were not curious, were contented with
their fate. We called this island the Isle of Hermits, or Anchorets.
Three leagues to the westward of this, we saw another low island
from the mast-head.
Archipelago; by The night was very dark, and some fixed clouds to
us called the the southward made us suppose there was land;
Echiquier. and, in fact, at day-light we discovered two small
isles, bearing S. S. E. ¾ E. at eight or nine leagues distance. We
had not yet lost sight of them, at half past eight o’clock, when we
discovered another low island, bearing W. S. W. and a little after, an
infinite number of little islands extending to W. N. W. and S. W. of
this last, which might be about two leagues long; all the others,
properly speaking, are nothing but a chain of little flat isles, or keys,
covered with wood; which, indeed, was a very disagreeable
discovery to us. There was, however, an island separated from the
others, and more to the southward, which seemed to us more
considerable. We shaped our course between that and the
Archipelago of isles, which I called the Chess-board, (l’Echiquier)
and which I wanted to leave to the northward. We were not yet near
getting clear of it, This chain discovered, ever since the morning,
extended much farther to the south-westward, than we were at that
time able to determine.
Danger which We endeavoured, as I have observed before, to
we run there. double it to the southward; but in the beginning of
the night, we were still engaged with it, without knowing precisely
how far it extended. The weather being continually squally, had
never shewn us at once, all that we had to fear; to add to our
embarrassment, it became calm in the beginning of the night, and
the calm scarce ended at the return of day. We passed the night
under continual apprehensions of being cast ashore by the currents.
I ordered two anchors to be got clear, and the cables bitted with a
range along the deck, which was almost an unnecessary precaution;
for we sounded several times without finding bottom. This is one of
the greatest dangers of these coasts; for you have not the resource
of anchoring at twice the ship’s length from the ledges, by which they
are bounded. The weather fortunately continued without squalls; and
about midnight a gentle breeze sprung up from the northward, which
enabled us to get a little to the south-eastward. The wind freshened
in proportion as the sun ascended, and carried us from these low
islands; which, I believe, are uninhabited; at least, during the time we
were carried near enough to discern them, we distinguished neither
fires, nor huts, nor periaguas. The Etoile had been, during the night,
in still greater danger than us; for she was a very long time without
steerage-way, and the tide drew her insensibly towards the shore,
when the wind sprung up to her relief. At two o’clock, in the
afternoon, we doubled the westermost of the islands, and steered W.
S. W.
We get sight of The 11th, at noon, being in 2° 17′ south latitude,
New Guinea. we perceived, to the southward, a high coast, which
seemed to us to be that of New Guinea. Some hours after, we saw it
more distinctly. The land is high and mountainous, and in this part
extends to the W. N. W. The 12th, at noon, we were about ten
leagues from the nearest land; it was impossible to observe the
coast minutely at that distance there: it appeared to us only a large
bay, about 2° 25′ south latitude; in the bottom of which, the land was
so low, that we only saw it from the mast-head. We also judged from
the celerity with which we doubled the land, that the currents were
become favourable to us; but in order to determine with any
exactness, the difference they occasioned in our estimated run, it
would have been necessary to sail at a less distance from the coast.
We continued ranging along it, at ten or twelve leagues distance; its
direction was constantly W. N. W. and its height immense. We
remarked particularly two very high peaks, neighbours to each other,
which surpassed all the other mountains in height. We called them
the Two Cyclops. We had occasion to remark, that the tides set to
the N. W. The next day we actually found ourselves further off from
the coast of New Guinea; which here tended away west. The 14th, at
break of day, we discovered two islands and a little isle or key, which
seemed to be between them, but more to the southward. Their
corrected bearings are E. S. E. and W. N. W. They are at about two
leagues distance from each other, of a middling height, and not
above a league and a half in extent each.
Direction of the We advanced but little each day. Since our arrival
winds and on the coast of New Guinea, we had pretty regularly
currents. a light breeze from east to N. E. which began about
two or three o’clock in the afternoon, and lasted till about midnight;
this breeze was succeeded with a longer or shorter interval of calm,
which was followed by the land-breeze, varying from S. W. to S. S.
W. and that terminated also towards noon, in two or three hours
calm. The 15th, in the morning, we again saw the westmost of the
two islands we had seen the preceding evening. We discovered at
the same time other land, which seemed to us to be islands,
extending from S. E. to W. S. W. very low, over which, in a distant
point of view, we perceived the high mountains of the continent. The
highest, which we set at eight o’clock in the morning, bearing S. S.
E. by compass, detached from the others, we called the Giant of
Moulineau, and we gave the name of la Nymphe Alice to the
westmost of the low islands, to the N. W. of Moulineau. At ten in the
morning we fell into a race of a tide, where the current seemed to
carry us with violence to N. and N. N. E. It was so violent, that till
noon it prevented our steering; and as it carried us much into the
offing, it became impossible for us to fix a positive judgment of its
true direction. The water, in the first tide-line, was covered with the
trunks of drift trees, sundry fruits and rock-weeds; it was at the same
time so agitated, that we dreaded being on a bank; but sounding, we
had no bottom at 100 fathom. This race of a tide seems to indicate
either a great river in the continent, or a passage which would here
divide New Guinea; a passage whose entrance would be almost
north and south. According to two distances, between the sun and
moon, observed with an octant, by the chevalier du Bouchage and
M. Verron, our longitude, the 15th at noon, was 136° 16′ 30″ east of
Paris. My reckoning continued from the determined Observations
longitude of Port Praslin; differed from it 2° 47′. We compared with
observed the same day 1° 17′ south latitude. the reckoning.
The 16th and 17th it was almost calm; the little wind that did blow,
was variable. The 16th, we did not see the land till seven in the
morning; and then only from the mast-head, extremely high and
rugged. We lost all that day in waiting for the Etoile, who, overcome
by the current, could not keep her course; and the 17th, as she was
very far from us, I was obliged to bear down to join her; but this we
did not accomplish, till the approach of night, which proved very
stormy, with a deluge of rain and frightful thunder. The six following
days were all as unpropitious to us; we had rain and calms; and the
little wind that did blow was right a-head. It is impossible to form an
idea of this, without being in the situation we were then in. The 17th,
in the afternoon, we had seen from S. by W. ½ W. to S. W. ½ W. by
compass, at about sixteen leagues distance, a high coast, which we
did not lose sight of till night came on. The 18th, at nine in the
morning, we discovered a high island, bearing S. W. by W. distance
about twelve leagues: we saw it again the next day; and at noon it
bore from S. S. W. to S. W. at the distance of 15 or 20 leagues.
During these three last days, the currents gave us ten leagues
northing: we could not determine what they had helped us in
longitude.
We cross the The 20th we crossed the line, for the second time
Equator. the voyage. The currents continued to set us from
the land; and we saw nothing of it the 20th or 21st, although we had
kept on those tacks by which we approached it most. It became,
however, necessary to make the coast, and to range along it, near
enough, so as not to commit any dangerous error, which might make
us miss the passage into the Indian Sea, and carry us into one of the
gulphs of Gilolo. The 22d, at break of day, we had sight of a higher
coast than any part of New Guinea that we had yet seen. We
steered for it, and at noon we set it, when it bore from S. by E. ½ E.
to S. W. where it did not seem to terminate. We passed the line for
the third time. The land ran W. N. W. and we Cross the line
approached it, being determined not to quit it any again.
more till we arrived at its extremity, which geographers call Cape
Mabo. In the night we doubled a point, on the other side of which the
land, still very high, trenched away W. by S. and W. S. W. The 23d at
noon, we saw an extent of coast, of about twenty leagues; the
westmost part of which bore from us S. W. thirteen or fourteen
leagues. We were much nearer two low islands, covered with wood,
distant from each other about four leagues. We Unsuccessful
stood within about half a league; and whilst we attempt on
waited for the Etoile, who was a great distance from shore.
us, I sent the chevalier de Suzannet, with two of our boats armed, to
the northermost of the two islands. We thought we saw some
habitations there, and were in hopes of getting some refreshments.
A bank, which lies the length of the island, and extends even pretty
far to the eastward, obliged the boats to take a large circuit to double
it. The chevalier de Suzannet found neither dwellings, inhabitants,
nor refreshments. What had seemed to us at a distance to form a
village, was nothing but a heap of rocks, undermined and hollowed
into caverns by the sea. The trees that covered the island, bore no
fruits proper to be eaten by man. We buried an inscription here. The
boats did not return on board till ten o’clock at night, when the Etoile
had joined us. The constant sight of the land shewed us that the
currents set here to the N. W.
Continuation of After hoisting in our boats, we strove to keep the
New Guinea. shore on board, as well as the winds, which were
constantly at S. and S. S. W. would permit us. We were obliged to
make several boards, with an intent to pass to windward of a large
island, which we had seen at sun-set, bearing W. and W. by N. The
dawn of day surprised us, still to leeward of this island. Its eastern
side, which may be about five leagues long, runs nearly N. and S.
and off the south point lies a low island of small extent. Between it
and the coast of New Guinea, which runs here nearly S. W. by W.
there appeared a large passage, the entrance of which, of about
eight leagues, lay N. E. and S. W. The wind blew out of it, and the
tide set to the N. W. it was not possible to gain in turning to windward
against wind and sea; but I strove to do it till nine in the morning. I
saw with concern that it was fruitless, and resolved to bear away, in
order to range the northern side of the island, abandoning with regret
a passage, which I thought a fine one, to extricate me out of this
everlasting chain of islands.
Hidden danger. We had two successive alarms this morning. The
first time they called from aloft, that they saw a long range of
breakers a-head, and we immediately got the other tacks on board.
These breakers, at length, more attentively examined, turned out to
be the ripling of a violent tide, and we returned to our former course.
An hour after, several persons called from the forecastle, that they
saw the bottom under us; the affair was pressing; but the alarm was
fortunately as short as it had been sudden. We should even have
thought it false, if the Etoile, who was in our wake, had not perceived
the same shoal for near two minutes. It appeared to them a coral-
bank. Almost north and south of this bank, which may have still less
water in some places, there is a sandy creek, in which are built some
huts, surrounded with cocoa-trees. This mark may so much the
better serve for a direction, as hitherto we had not seen any traces of
habitations on this coast. At one o’clock in the afternoon, we doubled
the N. E. point of the great island; which from thence extended W.
and W. by S. near 20 leagues. We were obliged to hug our wind to
coast it; and it was not long ere we perceived other islands, bearing
W. and W. by N. We saw one at sun-set, which bore even N. E. by
N. to which there joined a ledge, which seemed to extend as far as
N. by W. thus were we once more hemmed in.
Loss of the This day we lost our first master, called Denys,
master of the who died of the scurvy. He was a native of St.
ship. Malo’s, and aged about fifty years; most of them
spent in the king’s service. The sentiments of honour, and extensive
knowledge, that distinguished him in his important charge, caused
him to be universally regretted among us. Forty-five other persons
were afflicted with the scurvy; lemonade and wine only suspended
its fatal progress.
Difficult course. We spent the night upon our tacks; and the 25th,
at day-light, found ourselves surrounded with land. Three passages
presented themselves to us; one opened to the S. W. the second to
W. S. W. and the third almost east and west. The wind was fair for
none but the east; and I did not approve of it, as I did not doubt that it
would carry us into the midst of the isles of Papua. It was necessary
to avoid falling any farther to the northward; for fear, as I have before
observed, we should be imbayed in one of the gulphs, on the east
side of Gilolo. The essential means for getting out of these critical
parts, was therefore to get into a southern latitude; for on the other
side of the S. W. passage we observed to the southward an open
sea, to the utmost extent of our view, therefore I resolved to ply to
windward, in order to gain that outlet. All these islands, which
inclosed us, are very steep, of a moderate height, and covered with
trees. We did not perceive the least appearance of their being
inhabited.
Fourth passage At eleven o’clock in the afternoon, we sounded 45
of the line. fathom, a sandy bottom; this was one resource. At
noon we observed in 00° 5′ N. latitude, having crossed the line a
fourth time. At six in the evening we were so far to windward, as to
be able to fetch the W. S. W. passage, having gained about three
leagues by working the whole day. The night was more favourable,
thanks to the moon-shine, which enabled us to turn to windward
between the rocks and islands. The current, which had been against
us whilst we were passing by the two first passages, likewise
became favourable for us as soon as we opened the S. W. passage.
Description of The channel through which we at last passed out
the channel this night, may be about three leagues broad. It is
through which bounded to the westward by a cluster of pretty high
we pass.
islands and keys. Its eastern side, which at first sight
we took for the westmost point of the great island, is also nothing but
a heap of small islands and rocks, which, at a distance, seemed to
form only one body; and the separations between these islands
shew at first the appearance of fine bays; this is what we discovered
in each tack, that we made towards that shore. It was not till half past
four o’clock in the morning, that we were able to double the
southmost of the little islands of the new passage, which we called
the French Passage. We deepened our water in the midst of this
Archipelago of Islands, in advancing to the southward. Our
soundings were from 55 to 75 and 80 fathom, grey sand, ooze, and
rotten shells. When we were entirely out of the channel, we sounded
and found no bottom. We then steered S. W.
Pass the line a The 26th, at break of day, we discovered an
fifth time. island, bearing S. S. W. and a little after another
bearing W. N. W. At noon we saw no more of the labyrinth of islands
we had left, and the meridian altitude gave us 00° 23′ south latitude.
This was the fifth time of our passing the line. We continued close on
a wind, with the larboard tacks on board, and in the afternoon we
had sight of a small island in the S. E. The next day, at sun-rise, we
saw it somewhat elevated, bearing N. E. about nine or ten leagues
distance, seeming to extend N. E. and S. W. about two leagues. A
large hummock, very steep, and of a remarkable height, which we
named Big Thomas, (Gros Thomas) shewed itself at ten in the
forenoon. At its southern point there is a small island, and there are
two at the northern one. The currents ceased setting us to the
northward; we had, on the contrary, a difference to the southward.
This circumstance, together with our observed latitude, which made
us to the southward of Cape Mabo, totally convinced me that we
were at length entered into the Archipelago of the Moluccas.
Discussion Let me now ask, which this Cape Mabo is, and
concerning where it is situated? Some make it the Cape, which,
Cape Mabo. to the northward, terminates the western part of
New Guinea. Dampier and Woods Rogers place it the former, in one
of the gulphs of Gilolo in 30′ S. lat. The second, eight leagues at
farthest from this great island. But all this part is an extensive
Archipelago of little isles; which, on account of their number, were
called the Thousand Isles, by admiral Roggewein, who passed
through them in 1722. Then in what manner does this Cape Mabo,
which is in the neighbourhood of Gilolo, belong to New Guinea?
Where shall we place it, if (as there is so much reason to believe) all
New Guinea itself is a heap of great islands? the various channels
between which are as yet unknown. It must certainly belong to the
westmost of these considerable isles.
Entrance into On the 27th, in the afternoon, we discovered five
the Archipelago or six islands, bearing from W. S. W. ½ W. to W. N.
of the W. by compass. During night we kept the S. S. E.
Moluccas.
tack; so that we did not see them again the 28th in
the morning. We then perceived five other little isles, which we stood
in for. At noon they bore from S. S. W. 1° W. to S. 10° W. at the
distance of two, three, four, and five leagues. We still saw Big
Thomas bearing N. E. by E. ½ E. about five leagues. We likewise got
sight of another island, bearing W. S. W. seven or eight leagues
distant. During the last twenty-four hours we felt several strong tides,
which seemed to set from the westward. However, the difference
between my reckoning, and the observation at noon, and at the
setting of the bearings, gave us ten or eleven miles to S. W. by S.
and S. S. W. At nine o’clock in the morning I ordered the Etoile to
mount her guns, and sent her cutter to the S. W. isles, in order to see
whether there was any anchorage, and whether these isles had any
interesting productions.
Meeting with a It was almost a calm in the afternoon, and the
negro. boat did not return before nine o’clock in the
evening. She had landed on two isles, where our people had found
no signs of habitation, or cultivation, and not even any kind of fruits.
They were going to return, when, to their great surprise, they saw a
negro, quite by himself, coming towards them in a periagua, with two
outriggers. In one ear he had a golden ring, and his arms were two
lances. He came up to our boat without shewing any marks of fear or
surprize. Our people asked him for something to eat and to drink,
and he offered them water, and a small quantity of a sort of flour,
which seemed to be his ordinary food. Our men gave him a
handkerchief, a looking-glass, and some other trifles of that sort. He
laughed when he received these presents, and did not admire them.
He seemed to know the Europeans, and we thought that he might
possibly be a run-away negro from one of the neighbouring islands
where the Dutch have settlements; or that he had perhaps been sent
out a-fishing. The Dutch call these islands the Five Isles, and send
some people to visit them from time to time. They told us that they
were formerly seven in number, but that two have been sunk by
earthquakes, which happen frequently in these parts. Between these
isles there is a prodigious current, without any anchorage. The trees
and plants are almost all the same here as upon New Britain. Our
people took a turtle here of about two hundred weight.
Sight of Ceram. From this time we continued to meet with violent
tides, which set to the southward, and we kept the course which
came nearest to their direction. We sounded several times without
finding bottom, and till the 30th in the afternoon, we got sight of no
other land than a single isle to the westward, ten or twelve leagues
from us; but then we saw a considerable land bearing south at a
great distance. The current, which was of more service to us than
the wind, brought us nearer to it during night, and on the 31st at day-
break we were about seven or eight leagues from it. This was the
Isle of Ceram. Its coast, which is partly woody and partly cleared,
runs nearly east and west, and we could not see it terminated. This
isle is very high; prodigious mountains rise on it from space to space,
and the numerous fires which we saw on all sides of it, indicate its
being very populous. We passed the day and the next night in
ranging the northern coast of this isle, making our tacks in order to
gain to the westward, and double its westermost point. The current
was favourable to us, but the wind was scant.
Observations I shall here take an opportunity from the contrary
on the winds we had now met with for a long time, to
monsoons in observe, that in the Moluccas, they call the westerly
these parts.
monsoon the northern one, and the easterly
monsoon the southern one; because, during the former, the winds
blow more generally from N. N. W. than from W. and during the
latter, they come most frequently from S. S. E. These winds likewise
prevail in the isles of Papua, and on the coasts of New Guinea; we
got this information by fatal experience, having employed thirty-six
days to make four hundred and fifty leagues in.
1768. The first of September, at the dawn of day, we
September. were at the entrance of a bay, in which we saw
several fires. Soon after we perceived two vessels under sail, built in
form of the Malay boats. We hoisted a Dutch ensign and pendent,
and fired a gun, by which I committed a fault without knowing it. We
have since learnt that the inhabitants of Ceram are at war with the
Dutch, and that they have expelled the latter from almost every part
of their isle. Therefore we made a board into the bay without
success, the boats retreated on shore, and we profited of the fresh
breeze to proceed on our course. The shore at the bottom of the bay
is low and level, surrounded by high mountains; and the bay itself
contains several islands. We were obliged to steer W. N. W. in order
to double a pretty large island, at the point of which you see a little
isle or key, and a sand bank, with some breakers which seem to
extend a league out to sea. This island is called Bonao; it is divided
into two by a very narrow channel. When we had doubled it, we
steered W. by S. till noon.
It blew very fresh from S. S. W. to S. S. E. and we plyed the
remainder of the day between Bonao, Kelang, and Manipa,
endeavouring to make way to the S. W. At ten o’clock in the evening
we discovered the lands of the isle of Boero, by means of the fires
which burnt on it; and as it was my intention to put in there, we
passed the night on our tacks, in order to keep within reach, and if
possible to the windward of it. I knew that the Dutch Project for our
had a weak factory on this isle, which was however safety.
abundant in refreshments. As we were perfectly ignorant of the
situation of affairs in Europe, it was not prudent to venture to learn