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Energy, Environment, and Sustainability
Sunita J. Varjani
Binod Parameswaran
Sunil Kumar
Sunil K. Khare Editors
Biosynthetic
Technology and
Environmental
Challenges
Energy, Environment, and Sustainability
Series editors
Avinash Kumar Agarwal, Department of Mechanical Engineering, Indian Institute
of Technology, Kanpur, Uttar Pradesh, India
Ashok Pandey, Distinguished Scientist, CSIR-Indian Institute of Toxicology
Research, Lucknow, India
This books series publishes cutting edge monographs and professional books
focused on all aspects of energy and environmental sustainability, especially as it
relates to energy concerns. The Series is published in partnership with the
International Society for Energy, Environment, and Sustainability. The books in
these series are editor or authored by top researchers and professional across the
globe. The series aims at publishing state-of-the-art research and development in
areas including, but not limited to:
• Renewable Energy
• Alternative Fuels
• Engines and Locomotives
• Combustion and Propulsion
• Fossil Fuels
• Carbon Capture
• Control and Automation for Energy
• Environmental Pollution
• Waste Management
• Transportation Sustainability
Editors
Biosynthetic Technology
and Environmental
Challenges
123
Editors
Sunita J. Varjani Sunil Kumar
Gujarat Pollution Control Board Solid and Hazardous Waste
Gandhinagar, Gujarat Management Division
India CSIR-NEERI
Nagpur, Maharashtra
Binod Parameswaran India
Microbial Processes and Technology
Division Sunil K. Khare
CSIR-National Institute for Interdisciplinary Department of Chemistry
Science and Technology Indian Institute of Technology Delhi
Thiruvananthapuram, Kerala New Delhi, Delhi
India India
v
vi Preface
Part I General
Introduction to Biosynthetic Technology and Environmental
Challenges . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3
Sunita J. Varjani, Parameswaran Binod, Sunil Kumar
and Sunil K. Khare
ix
x Contents
xiii
xiv About the Editors
Abstract Bio-based processes and products are getting more and more acceptance
nowadays mainly because of the environmental friendly process. Many current
petroleum-derived products would be replaced by less expensive and better per-
forming products based on renewable materials in near future. This will help for
achieving economic and environmental sustainability. Bioeconomy is now
emerging as a major industrial breakthrough and new biomass-based products are
emerging due to the advancement in technologies. These potential benefits of
bio-based products could justify future public policies that encourage a transition to
renewable raw materials for production of organic chemicals, fuels and materials.
Biosynthetic approaches for production of various industrially important chemicals
and products through microbial and plants routes have been discussed in this book.
The environmental challenges for its production under biorefinery approach and the
various methods for addressing the environmental issues have been discussed in
detail.
S. J. Varjani (&)
Gujarat Pollution Control Board—Paryavaran Bhavan,
Gandhinagar 382010, Gujarat, India
e-mail: [email protected]
P. Binod
Microbial Processes and Technology Division, CSIR-National
Institute for Interdisciplinary Science and Technology,
Thiruvananthapuram 695019, Kerala, India
e-mail: [email protected]
S. Kumar
Solid and Hazardous Waste Management Division, CSIR-NEERI,
Nehru Marg, Nagpur 440020, Maharashtra, India
e-mail: [email protected]
S. K. Khare
Biochemistry Section, Department of Chemistry, Indian Institute
of Technology Delhi, New Delhi 110016, India
e-mail: [email protected]
Keywords Biochemicals Biofuels Biosurfactants Biopolymers
Biopharmaceuticals Prebiotics Nutraceuticals Biorefinery
Waste management
wastewater treatment, food and cosmetics, etc. Another polymer having wide
application is Pullulan. This microbial pullulan acts as the promising biomaterial
that is currently used for packaging of readily oxidized food materials, controlled
drug delivery, tissue engineering and can also function as artificial molecular
chaperones. Biosurfactants also constitute an important compound having wide
application. The realm of surfactant activity widespread to different industries
including food, environmental remediation, textiles, fuel extraction, biotechnology,
antimicrobials and many more. Recent developments in the production of these
chemicals and polymers are described in this edition of book.
The enormous amount of by-products produced in food and agricultural sector
and current attention towards sustainability is attracting researchers to look into
possibilities of its utilization in recovery of nutraceuticals. Nutraceuticals are food
or food products that confer health and medical benefits, and are instrumental in
prevention and treatment of diseases. The agri-food industry by-products are an
excellent source of proteins, lipids, fibre and other bioactive compounds. Among
different methods used for extraction of these bioactive compounds (nutraceuticals),
fermentation by lactic acid bacteria is one of the economical and eco-friendly
approaches. During fermentation, chemical changes induced in organic substrate by
action of microorganisms aid in formation of bioactive compounds, either by a
process of hydrolysis of large polymers to simple molecules or transformation of
substrates. One of the chapters in this book discusses the role of lactic acid fer-
mentation in transformation/hydrolysis of by-products for efficient recovery of
nutraceuticals. The bioprocess of nutraceuticals recovery from waste by lactic acid
fermentation with better efficiency adds value to food waste, reduces environmental
pollution and has positive impact on the economy.
Prebiotics constitute non-digestible food ingredient that promotes growth of
beneficial microorganisms in the intestines. The oligosaccharides are highly stable
and are used as dietary supplement possessing prebiotic, antioxidant activity and
potential immune-modulating properties. A detailed information on manno-
oligosaccharides has been included in one of the chapters in the book.
Plants also constitute an important source for biosynthetic products. They are
well responding to environmental factors and endow rapid adaptation for survival
under multiple environmental stress. These various environmental perturbations not
only affect productivity of plant but also cause different variations in plant mor-
phology and anatomy, growth, development and metabolism as well. During
commencement of environmental stress, majority of biological processes are
directly affected, such as photosynthesis, transpiration, respiration, stomatal con-
ductance, pigment concentrations, energy and metabolism. To improve plant sec-
ondary metabolism production, it is essential to understand its biosynthetic pathway
at the transcription level.
Energy crops such as Miscanthus, switchgrass, etc., represent important sources
for biofuel production. The cultivation of perennial bioenergy crop on a drained
peatland is an interesting approach. Peatlands are globally important because of
their high carbon content. While the use of peatlands as an economic resource was
deemed necessary, the fact that such land use (drainage) leads to environmental
6 S. J. Varjani et al.
problems is increasingly being realized the world over since the 1990s. Hence,
continued attempts are being made to find suitable land use options for drained
peatlands after their intended land use. Simply abandoning these lands is considered
environmentally untenable. Therefore, several options have been suggested as
after-use options: intensive forestry, rewetting, restoration to a functional peatland,
creation of artificial wetlands, use of cutover peatlands for agriculture and culti-
vation of energy crops, etc. Decision on which option to use at a given drained
peatland is complex. As an after-use option on a cutover peatland, the cultivation of
a perennial bioenergy crop on a drained peatland in eastern Finland was explored
during 2004–2011. The long-term measurements of greenhouse gas exchange from
this study site showed that the benefits from bioenergy crop cultivation vary
strongly depending on the climatic conditions during the crop cultivation phase.
Another plant-based residue is the oil palm biomass from oil palm mills which
need a proper waste utilization application. Pyrolysis is the commonly used method
to utilize this waste. The kinetics of this process and the recently available kinetic
models such as lumped and distributed models are discussed in detail in one of the
chapters in this book.
Cultivation of microalgae has appeared as an emerging alternative approach for
removing pollutants and heavy metals present in the water bodies. Biomass pro-
duction in the alga depends on rapid utilization of the organic content and other
nutrients present in the effluent and can be considered as an attractive and
eco-friendly means for treating waste streams, other than removing the pollution
load, algal cultivation adds value to the process by production of commercially
valuable products such as fuels and various chemicals from biomass. The recent
developments and perspectives in bioremediation of waste streams by algae for
removal of various pollutants for value addition of waste have been discussed in the
book. Various computational modelling methods applied to microalgae growth in
various environmental conditions have been reviewed. The possibility and potential
of employing these models for better lipid production have also been highlighted, as
better predictability of models can lead to better transgenic algal platform.
Increasing amount of waste due to urbanization, lifestyle and shift of huge
masses from rural to urban largely contribute for the need of waste management.
This developed a need of categorizing the waste into municipal waste, industrial
waste, agricultural waste, hospital waste, etc., which would make it easy for the
proper disposal, reuse and recycling of waste so determined effort should be taken
for management of waste. Vermicomposting is the biocomposting process of
organic waste by earthworms and bacterial action directing the stabilization of
organic matter. The final product produced in this process is known as vermi-
compost and it assists in enrichment of soil as well as useful for sustainable agri-
culture. This technology is a boon for recycling of the solid waste generated from
various sources including aquatic weeds. Vermicompost production from water
hyacinth (Eichhornia crassipes) and its application to a commercial crop groundnut
(Arachis hypogaea) for total yield and biomass production have been described in
one of the chapters. Deliberation on the variations of life cycle computation of solid
1 Introduction to Biosynthetic Technology and Environmental … 7
Abstract Biomass is the renewable organic material and it can serve as a continuous
source of sustainable energy by passing through proper channel. Lignocellulosic
biomass is one of the most abundant renewable resources available on earth. Huge
amount of lignocellulosic biomass is generated from agricultural and food industries
as a waste material, commonly known as agro-industrial waste. It has low value for
industries and a big problem as environmental pollutant, therefore its proper man-
agement is needed. This agro-industrial waste could be used to generate other
valuable products which aid on its value as well as manage agro-waste substances.
Thus, several technologies have been applied to recover maximal quantity of valuable
products from agro-industrial waste but applications of emerging synthetic biology in
production of high-value products seem to be more promising for its management.
Synthetic biology is a combination of engineering and biology which is helpful in
designing novel biochemical pathways, organisms, or redesign existing, genetic
circuits, biological modules, and natural biological systems. Generally, bacteria or
yeast biological systems grow easily and are able to produce altered enzymes very
efficiently with desired modifications in their genome. These engineered organisms
are able to convert agro-industrial waste into valuable products. Nowadays, several
valuable products are produced by using synthetic biology approach from industrial
waste generated from agro-food industries such as sugarcane bagasse, apple pomace,
and citrus peel. Here, we will discuss about agro-industrial waste, biosynthetic tools,
and case studies of application of synthetic biology to produce valuable products
from agro-industrial waste such as production of prebiotics, nearly calorie-free sug-
ars, and bioactive compounds.
Keywords Agro-industrial waste Synthetic biology Lignocellulosic waste
Prebiotic oligosaccharides Biofuels
1 Introduction
and they can be grown easily and rapidly to produce huge amount of desirable
enzyme or bio-product. Substantial efforts have been made to produce high-value
biomolecules from agro-industrial wastes including agriculture waste, food wastes,
fruit waste etc., by employing synthetic biology approaches. Synthetic biology has
received significant attention since last two decades, after forthcoming of compu-
tational era (Cameron et al. 2014; Andrianantoandro et al. 2006). Synthetic biology
is successful in altering the biochemistry and physiology of an organism by using
modern bioengineering technologies, so they can perform new tasks or existing
tasks more efficiently according to need. Reports are available showing applications
of synthetic biology in transforming agro-industrial residues and by-products into
products such as prebiotics, zero calorie sugars, and herbal medicines.
however, a major proportion of this biomass is left as waste. Half of the world’s
population consumes rice as a staple food and rice cultivation generates rice straw
and rice husk as major waste materials, which have negligible commercial values.
Rice straw is produced as half to same quantity as rice produced and fifth part of
harvested rice is husk. The quantity of rice crop waste is often more than rice grain
and it is considered as poor animal feed due to presence of silica, which is not liked
by animals (Singh and Sidhu 2014; Dhillon and Kaur 2016). The chemical com-
position of rice straw is 42–49% of cellulose, 26–32% of hemicellulose, 12–16%
lignin, 15–20% of ash, and 9–14% silica (Garay et al. 2009). In India, most of the
farmers burn the rice crop leftover on their field for preparation of next crop which
results in excessive air pollution (Binod et al. 2010).
Wheat straw consists of approximately 40% of cellulose, 20% of lignin, 20% of
xylose, and 3–5% arabinose. It is generally used for animal feed and has been
explored for production of compressed agricultural fiber, resins, paper, and bioe-
thanol (Kristensen et al. 2008). Another food crop is corn in which after harvesting
of corn seeds, the rest of the plant becomes waste and corn cob is the main
post-harvest waste. The application of corncob is not much more explored, except
its use as feed for poultry farms, however, significant opportunities are being dis-
cussed in different publications to produce valuable products from this abundant
biomass. Recently, corncob has been demonstrated as feedstock for production of
furfural chemical and bioethanol (Jerry et al. 2016). There are three main steps to
produce bioethanol from agro-industrial waste, physicochemical pretreatment,
cellulose saccharification, and finally monosaccharide fermentation (Jeffries and Jin
2004).
Fruits and vegetables residues belong to the highest wastage rates at consumer and
retail levels. Vegetable wastes can be used as low-cost feedstock for production of
fermentable sugar through various treatments (Díaz et al. 2017). The vegetable
wastes, such as cabbage leaves, cauliflower leaves, tomato pomace, baby corn, etc.,
have been explored to be used for production of value-added product through aid of
synthetic biology technique. The fructose sugar present in the cauliflower foliage
can be converted into nearly zero calorie rare sugar, D-psicose (Patel et al. 2016).
Recently, dual production of bioethanol and D-allulose from vegetable residue has
also been demonstrated (Song et al. 2017).
In the past decades, consumption of fruit juices has increased rather than con-
sumption of whole fruits, which led to rise in fruit processing industries. Fruit
processing wastes include citrus fruit skins, pineapple residues, sugarcane bagasse,
apple pomace, and other fruit residues. Now fruit waste became a problem in big
cities as huge municipal solid waste which has negative impacts on environment
(Cheok et al. 2016). Currently, fruit wastes are managed by landfilling or incin-
eration. However, this approach is limited by emission of methane and carbon
2 Management of Agro-industrial Wastes with the Aid of Synthetic … 15
Food wastes are produced by households, food manufacturing industries, and food
service sectors. A huge quantity of waste is produced in the form of liquid and
semisolid by food processing industries, bakery industries, milk-based industries,
livestock, and poultry farms, appropriate management of which is a challenge for
scientists, engineers, and industrialists (Ravindran and Jaiswal 2016). The residues
produced from grain processing (maize, barley, wheat, triticale, sorghum, rye, and
oats) and sugar industries (cane and beet) are majorly used for bioethanol pro-
duction; whereas, oilseed wastes (rapeseed, jatropha, canola, palm oil, soybeans,
castor, and neem) are used for production of biodiesel. Production of liquid biofuel
as bioethanol and biodiesel also produces massive amount of by-products as waste.
Bioethanol waste directly can be used as animal feed and biodiesel by-products are
used for animal nutrition as a protein source (Dhillon and Kaur 2016). The pre-
treatment of lignocellulosic biomass by enzymatic hydrolysis is able to release
maximum quantity of sugar which could be used in making isomers and oligomers
of health significance. Nowadays, industrial ecology concepts are considered as
2 Management of Agro-industrial Wastes with the Aid of Synthetic … 17
leading principle for eco-innovation aimed to “zero waste economy” in which waste
materials of industries are again used as raw material for new products.
The sources of fossil fuel are limited and world population is continuously
increasing so in upcoming few years, we may face energy crisis. Fossil fuels also
generate pollution, therefore new and cleaner alternative energy sources are
required for the future. Biofuels provide a good source of renewable energy and are
also safer for environmental concern (Balat and Balat 2009). For growing popu-
lation, we need more food as well as fuel so we have to increase the proportion land
area for crop production but for fuel production, we also need land. Land is
becoming a limiting factor in fuel production and biofuel is the only alternative
source for accessing the fuel requirement. Thus, there is little bit imbalance situa-
tion between “food and energy” therefore new technologies are emerged which will
be able to produce biofuels from agro-industrial waste (Jeihanipour and Bashiri
2015). The cost of agro-industrial waste is almost zero so the raw material for
biofuel has no limitations. The biodiesel conversion from agro-industrial waste is
carried out by transesterification of branched triglycerides into smaller
straight-chain esters (Leiva-Candia et al. 2014).
Biofuels are classified into four categories based on their production technology
as first to fourth generation biofuel. First generation biofuel used food crop (sugar,
starch, vegetable oils) and second generation used nonfood crops (wheat straw,
corn, wood, solid waste) as feedstock and produced bio-alcohols, biodiesel etc.
Third generation used algae to produce vegetable oil and biodiesel, and the fourth
generation biofuel used vegetable oil and biodiesel to generate Biogasoline
(Demirbas 2009). Brazil and the USA are the leading countries which produce
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Reform Bills equals that of his Jew Bills, or the volumes of his Biography
of Moore! He seems to think that the story of the Sybilline books was
written expressly for his guidance and conduct, and that he is entitled,
after each successive failure and rebuff, to charge the constitution with an
additional per centage of radicalism by way of penalty. He becomes louder
and broader in his demands whenever they are negatived or postponed,
and seems in the fair way to adopt some of the views of the Chartists.
We do not say this lightly—by way of banter—or in regard of general
political disagreement. We never, at any time, reposed much faith in the
judgment or sagacity of Lord John Russell; and, of late years, our opinion
of him, in these respects, has, we confess, materially declined. We have
been, in our own sphere of action, engaged in most of the political
struggles which have taken place within the memory of the present
generation; and we trust that these have not passed by without some
wholesome lessons. To change of opinion, where honestly induced and
through conviction, every one is bound to be fair and lenient; because,
undeniably, in our own day there has been a great unravelment of social
questions, and mere party prejudice is no longer allowed to be paramount.
Perhaps the only living statesman of eminence, who cleaves to the old
system, and is inveterate in his addiction to party intrigue, and what he
calls “tradition,” is Lord John Russell. Put him into Utopia, and his first
thought would be how he might establish the exclusive supremacy of the
Whigs. He is so much and so inveterately a party man, that he seems to
care little what becomes of the country, provided only that he, and his, sit
at the receipt of customs. He showed that long ago—not in the days of his
hot youth, but in those of his pragmatic manhood. He—the Whig
Constitutionalist—characterised the opinion of the Upper House as “the
whisper of a faction;” and did not disdain the violent and frantic sympathy
of mobs when such demonstrations tended to his own particular purpose,
or aided the ascendancy of his party. Ever since he has pursued the same
course. No man can tell when he is in thorough earnest, or when he is not.
He invited, by word and deed, Papal aggression; and, when the aggression
came, he started up at once, as an indignant Protestant champion, and
flung down his diminutive gauntlet, in name of Great Britain, to the Pope!
And yet, at the bidding of the Irish Roman Catholic phalanx, we find this
second Luther a strenuous supporter of Maynooth, and of the nunneries!
Had his ancestor John, the first Lord Russell—who in 1540, and 1550,
obtained grants from the Crown of the possessions of the Abbey of
Tavistock and the Monastery of Woburn—been equally zealous for the
protection of convents, he probably would have remained, as he was born,
an utterly unacred gentleman.
The proposed Reform Bill of 1852 did not attract a large share of the
public attention, and that for two reasons. In the first place, the country
was quite apathetic on the subject; and in the second place, it was
introduced at a time when the Whigs were tottering to their fall.
Nevertheless, it is a remarkable document, inasmuch as we may conclude
it to embody the experiences and observation of Lord John Russell upon
the working of our representative system during a period of exactly twenty
years. That there should have been some defects in the machinery of the
engine which he invented in 1832, is not wonderful; nor can we call him
rash for essaying, after so long an interval, to remedy these defects
according to the best of his judgment. His position in 1852 was this:—He
told the House, that he, the mechanist of 1832, was now prepared, from
the results of twenty years’ observation, to introduce certain
improvements which would have the effect, for a long time coming, of
preventing the necessity of any further change. The improvements he
proposed were these:—The qualification in towns was to be reduced from
£10 to £5; and in counties from £50 to £20. Every man paying 40s. a-year
of direct taxes was to be entitled to vote. There was to be no
disfranchisement of boroughs, but the smaller ones were to receive an
infusion of fresh blood by the incorporation of adjoining villages. No
property qualification was to be required for members, and the
parliamentary oaths were to be modified, so as to allow the admission of
Jews and other unbelievers in the Christian faith. Such were the chief
features of the proposed measure of 1852, as laid before the House of
Commons by Lord John Russell, then Prime Minister. Wise or unwise,
they were the conclusions which he had formed as to the change necessary
to be made in the English representative system; and we must assume that
he had not formed them without due thought and matured investigation.
That both the necessity for, and the nature of the change were seriously
considered by him and his colleagues in the Cabinet, it would be unfair
and irrational to doubt; and we must therefore hold that the provisions of
the bill were regarded by them not only as wise and salutary, but as the
very best which their collective wisdom could devise.
If, in 1852, this bill had been rejected by a majority of the House of
Commons, Lord John might either have remodelled it, so as to meet the
more obvious objections, or have again introduced it, without alteration,
for the consideration of another parliament. But it was not rejected by the
House, and its merits were never thoroughly discussed throughout the
country. It was, as we have said, introduced at a time when the Whig
ministry were obviously in the death throes, and in February of that year
they tendered their resignation. The bill accordingly fell to the ground
before judgment could be pronounced upon it. The public at large seemed
to care nothing about it. There was no enthusiasm manifested at its
introduction, and no disappointment expressed at its withdrawal.
The scheme, therefore, of 1852, was not only untried but uncondemned.
Nothing had occurred that could reasonably shake the confidence of the
deviser in its prudence, correctness, or aptitude for the necessities of the
country; unless we are to suppose that he felt somewhat disappointed by
the exceedingly cold and indifferent nature of its reception. That, however,
could not be taken as any distinct criterion of its merits. We are not to
suppose that Lord John Russell, in framing that bill, merely looked to the
popularity which he and his party might attain thereby, or the future
advantages which it might secure to them. We are bound, on the contrary,
to assume that he, being then Premier, and in the very highest responsible
position, was acting in perfectly good faith, and had embodied in the bill
the results of his long experience and observation.
Now, mark what follows. In 1853, he again pledges himself to introduce
a measure for the amendment of the Parliamentary representation; and
redeems his pledge by bringing out, early in 1854, a measure totally
different from that which he recommended in 1852! The great points of
difference are these: By the one, the boroughs were to be preserved, and in
some cases enlarged; by the other, they are to be disfranchised to the
amount of sixty-six members. The bill of 1852 maintained the distinction
between town and county qualification—that of 1854 abolishes such
distinction. The first proceeded upon the plain principle that majorities
alone were to be represented—the second, in special cases, assigns a
member to minorities. In short, the two bills have no kind of family
resemblance. They are not parallel, but entirely antagonistic schemes; and
it is almost impossible, after perusing them both, to believe that they are
the productions of the same statesman.
Nothing, it will be conceded on all hands, has occurred during the last
two years, to justify such an extraordinary change of sentiment. We have
had in the interim a general election, the result of which has been that a
Coalition Ministry, numbering Lord John Russell among its members, is
presently in power. Trade, we are told, is in the highest degree flourishing;
and the prosperity of the country has been made a topic of distinct
congratulation. Search as closely as you please, you will find no external
reason to account for so prodigious a change of opinion. The potato-rot
and famine were the visible reasons assigned for Sir Robert Peel’s change
of opinion on the subject of protective duties—but what reasons can Lord
John Russell propound for this prodigious wrench at the constitution? He
cannot say that the proposals in both his bills are sound, safe, and
judicious. The one belies and utterly condemns the other. If his last idea of
disfranchising and reducing sixty-six English borough constituencies is a
just one, he must have erred grievously in 1852 when he proposed to
retain them. So with the other provisions. If he intends to maintain that he
has now hit upon the true remedy, he must perforce admit that he has
acquired more wisdom in 1853 than was vouchsafed him during the
twenty previous years of his political career. He must admit that he was
totally and egregiously wrong in 1852; and he has no loophole for apology
on the ground of intervening circumstances. Really we do not believe that
there is a parallel instance of a British minister having voluntarily placed
himself in such a predicament. How is it possible that he can expect his
friends, independent of the mere official staff, to support, in 1854, a
measure diametrically opposite to that which was propounded in 1852?
No wonder that Earl Grey and other influential Whigs are most desirous
to have the measure withdrawn without provoking a regular discussion.
Some of them may not have approved of the former bill; but those who did
so, or who were at all events willing to have let it pass, can hardly, if they
wish to be consistent, give their sanction to the present one. It is not Lord
John Russell alone who is compromised; he is compromising the whole of
his party. If they thought him right in 1852, they must think him wrong in
1854; for he cannot point to the smallest intervening fact to justify his
change of principle. And if they think him wrong, how can they possibly
support him? We do not believe that he can reckon on the support of the
high-minded Whigs of England. They have principle and honour and
character to maintain; and we think it exceedingly improbable that they
will allow themselves to be swept into the howling Maëlstrom of
Radicalism. Rather than that, we venture to predict that they will toss the
rash little pilot, whose incapacity and want of knowledge are now self-
confessed, overboard, and trust to the direction of an abler and more
consistent member of the crew.
Be that as it may, we must try if possible to ascertain what cause has
operated to produce this singular and rapid change in the opinions, or
rather convictions, of Lord John Russell on the subject of Parliamentary
Reform. As we have said already, there are no external circumstances,
either apparent or alleged, to account for it. The boroughs have done
nothing to subject them to the penalty of disfranchisement; the counties
have done nothing to entitle them to a considerable addition of members.
To use diplomatic language, the status quo has been rigidly observed.
Well, then, in the absence of any such tangible reason, we must
necessarily fall back upon motives, the first of which is the advice and
representation of confederates.
We at once acquit Lord Aberdeen and the majority of the Cabinet of any
real participation in the scheme of Lord John Russell. What may be the
mind of Sir James Graham and Sir William Molesworth on the subject, we
cannot tell, but we are tolerably sure that no other minister regards the
bill with favour. Even the members of the Manchester party do not seem
to consider it as an especial boon. Mr Bright knows well enough that a
new reform bill, if carried, cannot be disturbed for a number of years to
come; and as this one does not come up to his expectations, he is ready to
oppose it. Indeed, it seems to satisfy none of the extreme party beyond old
Joseph Hume, who, for some reason or other to us unknown, has of late
years been in the habit of spreading his ægis from the back seats of the
Treasury bench over the head of the noble Lord, the member for London.
The voice of the ten-pounders, as a body, was not favourable in 1852 to
the lowering of the franchise; and we have heard no counter-clamour from
the class who were and are proposed to be admitted to that privilege. The
Whig aristocracy, naturally enough, regard this bill with peculiar
bitterness. Therefore we do not think that the astonishing change of
opinion, or rather of principle exhibited by Lord John Russell, is to be
traced either to the advice of colleagues, or the influence of more matured
democrats. Our own theory is this—that he never had, as regarded
improvements on the form of the constitution or the representation,
anything like a fixed principle—that he was striking just as much at
random in 1852 as in 1854; and that, so far from having any settled or
original ideas of his own, he grasps at any which may be presented to him
with extreme recklessness and avidity.
We are quite aware that it would be, to say the least of it, gross
impertinence to make any such statement, or to express any such opinion,
without reasonable and rational grounds. We should be very sorry to do so
at any time, but more especially at the present, when we wish to see
Ministers disembarrassed of all perplexing questions at home. But it is
their fault, not ours, if we are forced to make the disclosure; and to show
that, in reality, the grand mechanist of 1832 had so forgotten his craft, if
he ever had a due knowledge of it, that after his last abortive effort, in
1852, he was fain to derive new notions from the pages of the Edinburgh
Review. In saying this, we intend anything but an insinuation against the
talents of the author of the articles to which we refer. We can admire the
ingenuity of his arguments, even while we question their soundness. We
have no right to be curious as to what section of politicians he belongs. He
may represent the philosophic Liberals, or he may be the champion of
Manchester in disguise. All we know is, that he has written three plausible
articles, after the manner of Ignatius Loyola, the result of which has been
that poor Lord John Russell has plunged into the marsh, misled by the
ignis fatuus, and is at the present moment very deep in a quagmire.
Some of our readers will doubtless remember that, during the autumn
of 1851, various pompous paragraphs appeared in the Whig newspapers,
announcing that Lord John Russell had withdrawn himself to country
retirement, for the purpose of maturing a grand and comprehensive
scheme of Parliamentary Reform. The task was entirely gratuitous and
self-imposed; for although the venerable Joseph Hume, Sir Joshua
Walmsley, and a few other Saint Bernards of the like calibre, had
attempted to preach up an itinerant crusade, their efforts met with no
response, and their harangues excited no enthusiasm. Nobody wanted a
new Reform Bill. The class which, of all others, was most opposed to
innovation, embraced the bulk of the shopkeepers in towns, who, having
attained considerable political and municipal influence, were very
unwilling to share it with others, and regarded the lowering of the
franchise not only with a jealous but with an absolutely hostile eye. It was
upon the shoulders of that class that the Whigs had been carried into
power; and it really seemed but a paltry return for their support and
devotion, that a Prime Minister, upon whom they had lavished all their
honours, should attempt to swamp their influence without any adequate
reason. It would be absurd or unfair to charge them with selfishness. The
first Reform Bill, acceded to and hailed by the great mass of the people,
had established a certain property qualification for voters; and no one
could allege that popular opinion was not sufficiently represented in the
House of Commons. Nay, many of the Whigs began to think that popular
opinion was too exclusively represented therein, and did not scruple to say
so. Anyhow, the Bill had so worked that there, in 1851, was Lord John
Russell, its parent and promoter, in the office of Premier of Great Britain,
and in the command of a parliamentary majority. Small marvel if the ten-
pounders asked themselves the question, what, in the name of gluttony,
he could covet more?
They were quite entitled to ask that question, not only of themselves,
but of the singular statesman whom they had been content to follow.
Could he state that there was any measure, not revolutionary, but such as
they and other well-disposed subjects of the realm desired, which he was
prevented from introducing by the aristocratic character of the House of
Commons? Certainly not. The triumph of the Free-trade policy was a
distinct proof to the contrary. Was there any discontent in the country at
the present distribution of the franchise? Nothing of the kind. The apathy
was so great that even those entitled to enrolment would hardly prefer
their claims. Even the enrolled cared little about voting—so little, indeed,
that it was sometimes difficult to persuade one-half of a large constituency
to come to the poll. All attempts at public meetings, for the purpose of
agitating a reduction of the franchise, had been failures. The people were
quite contented with things as they stood, and grumbled at the idea of a
change. And yet this was the time, selected by a Prime Minister who had
everything his own way, for getting up a fresh agitation!
Every one, beyond himself, saw the exceeding absurdity of his conduct.
The leading Whigs became positively angry; and from that period we may
date his rapid decadence in their estimation. The real nature of his
scheme, consisting of an arbitrary lowering of the franchise, was quite well
known; and as that could not, by any possibility, be carried even through
the House of Commons, his own friends thought it advisable to put the
noble Lord upon another scent.
There appeared, accordingly, in the Edinburgh Review for January
1852, an article on “The Expected Reform Bill,” which took most people by
surprise on account of its apparently moderate, philosophic, and even
Conservative tone. It would be difficult to analyse it—it is difficult, even
after reading it, to draw any distinct conclusion from its propositions and
argument. But this, at all events, was admitted, that “clearly there is no
call for Parliamentary Reform on the part of any large or influential class.
There is no zeal about it, one way or the other. An extension of the
franchise is wished for by some, and thought proper and desirable by
many; but it is not an actual want largely felt, nor is the deprivation of the
franchise a practical grievance, clear enough, tangible enough, generally
recognised enough, to have given rise to a genuine, spontaneous, exclusive
demand for redress. There is a general languor and want of interest on the
subject, manifested nowhere more plainly than in the tone and character
of the meetings got up by the Reform Association for the sake of arousing
public feeling. The nation, as a whole, is undeniably indifferent; the
agitation is clearly artificial.” Then, again, we are told that “Quieta non
movere is, in political matters, as often a maxim of wisdom as of laziness;”
and a great deal more to the same effect, which could not have had a very
exhilarating effect on the mind of Lord John Russell, supposing, as we do,
that he was in total ignorance of the article in question before it was given
to the public. Certainly, on this occasion, he had but a poor backing from
his friends.
The view of the writer in question seemed to be this—that instead of
arbitrarily lowering the franchise on the footing of a property
qualification, it is important to discover some criterion by means of which
persons morally and educationally qualified, who have not the franchise at
present, may be admitted to that privilege. We are not reviewing or
discussing the article—we are simply pointing out the sources from which
Lord John Russell has derived most of his new ideas. Therefore we shall
simply quote one passage from this article.
Source of Lord John Russell’s new idea of the Savings’ Bank Deposit
qualification.—“Our present system is defective and unjust in this—that it
selects two kinds or forms of property only as conferring the franchise. Let
us continue to maintain a property qualification; but let us not insist that
the property, so favourably and honourably distinguished, must be
invested in one special mode. If a man has accumulated by diligence or
frugality £50 or £100, and spends it either in the purchase of a freehold,
or in removing his residence from an £8 to a £10 house, his realised
property confers upon him the distinction of a vote. But if he invests the
same sum, earned by similar qualities, in the savings’ bank, or in railway
shares or debentures, or in the purchase of a deferred annuity—which
would probably be much wiser modes of disposing of it—it carries with it
no such privilege. This seems neither equitable nor wise. It might easily be
rectified, and such rectification would be at once one of the safest,
simplest, justest, and most desirable extensions of the franchise that could
be suggested. Let the production before the registration courts of a
savings’ bank book, showing a credit of £50, of at least six months’
standing, or of a bona fide certificate of shares to the same value in a valid
railway, or of coupons to the same amount, be held to entitle a man to be
inscribed upon the list of voters for that year.”—Edinburgh Review, Jan.
1852, p. 265.
Adhering to our original intention of not discussing the merits of the
different proposals of this and the other articles in the Edinburgh Review,
we shall not comment upon the unblushing impudence of such a project
as this, which would place the representation of the country principally in
the hands of millionaires and railway directors. It is unparalleledly
impudent. But we notice it now simply as the germ of Lord John Russell’s
£50 savings’ bank qualification.
By the time this article appeared, Lord John Russell’s Bill was prepared;
though no one expected that it would be carried. The Whig party were
conscious that the hour of their doom was approaching, but they wished
to bear with them into opposition a weapon which might be available for
future warfare. Lord John’s ideas had not then penetrated beyond a
lowering of the franchise and the admission to the register of parties who
paid 40s. a-year of direct taxes. These were his deliberate impressions
before the schoolmaster of the Edinburgh Review appeared abroad.
After this, Lord John Russell went out of office; but the Review kept
harping on Reform. The writer had already stated, “that a new measure of
Parliamentary Reform was demanded, rather in the name of theoretical
propriety than of practical advantage.” It seems to us that such an
admission was nearly tantamount to an argument against the policy of
making any change at all; more especially when we were told, nearly in the
same page, that “there was no call for Parliamentary Reform on the part of
any large or influential class.” If that were true, we should like to know
who “demanded” the new measure? But we must not be too critical
regarding the advances of the new Lycurgus.
In October 1852, a second article appeared, the preamble of which was
very moderate—indeed, rather calculated to impress the casual reader
with the idea that the author would have much preferred if “the vexed
question of the franchise” could have been left alone. Nevertheless it
appeared to him that there were “many reasons which make it impossible
either entirely to shelve or long to postpone the question of Parliamentary
Reform;” and, having stated these, he dashes again into his subject. He is,
however, a great deal too knowing to commence with the proposal of
innovations. He treats us to several pages of high Conservativism,
condemnatory of universal suffrage; and having thus established a kind of
confidence—acting on Quintilian’s advice, to frame the introduction so as
“reddere auditores benevolos, attentos, dociles”—he begins to propound
his new ideas. In this article we have:—
Source of Lord John Russell’s new proposal to swamp the Counties by
the admission of £10 occupants.—“The other plan is to extend the £10
qualification to counties, by which means every householder (to the
requisite value) throughout the land would possess a vote; if he resided in
a small town or a village, or an isolated dwelling, he would be upon the
county register. The only objection we can hear of to this plan is, that in
the country districts and in hamlets a £10 occupancy generally includes
some land, and would not, therefore, indicate the same social station as
the living in a £10 house in town, and that it might lead to the creation, for
the sake of augmenting landlord influence, of a numerous and dependent
class of tenant voters. But in the first place, the occupier of a £10 house in
villages and small towns belongs to a decidedly higher social grade than
the occupier of a £10 house in cities; and, in the second place, it would not
be difficult to meet the objection, by requiring that the qualifying
occupancy shall be, in the county register, a house, and not a house and
land, or by fixing a sum which shall, as nearly as can be ascertained, be
generally an equivalent to the £10 occupancy contemplated by the present
law.”—Edinburgh Review, Oct. 1852, p. 472.
That is the second instance of appropriation on the part of the wise,
ripe, deliberate statesman, who for twenty years had been watching the
progress of his own handiwork with the view to introducing repairs.
Before this article in the Edinburgh Review appeared, it had never
occurred to him how convenient it might be to swamp the counties, and
how very simple were the means of doing so! Now for appropriation third:
—
Source of Lord John Russell’s proposal to admit all Graduates of
Universities to Town and County franchise. “It is, of course, desirable,
and is admitted to be so by every party, that all educated men shall be
voters; the difficulty is to name any ostensible qualifications which shall
include them, and them alone. But though we cannot frame a criterion
which shall include all, there is no reason why we should not accept one
which will include a considerable number of whose fitness to possess the
franchise there can be no question. We would propose, therefore, that the
franchise be granted to all graduates of Universities,” &c.—Edinburgh
Review, Oct. 1852, p. 473.
Another hint adopted by Sir Fretful Plagiary! Next we come to a more
serious matter:—
Source of Lord John Russell’s proposal for disfranchising the lesser
English boroughs.—“The great majority of them are notoriously
undeserving of the franchise, and those who know them best are least
disposed to undertake their defence. The plan of combining a number of
them into one constituency would be futile or beneficial according to the
details of each individual case. If a close or a rotten borough were
amalgamated with an open or a manufacturing town, much advantage
might possibly result; if two or three corrupt or manageable constituencies
merely united their iniquities, the evil of the existing things would only be
spread farther and rooted faster. We should propose, therefore, at once to
reduce the 61 boroughs with fewer than 500 electors, and now returning
91 members, to one representative each.”—Edinburgh Review, Oct. 1852,
p. 496.
We shall see presently that this proposal was amended, as not being
sufficiently sweeping. Only thirty seats are here proscribed; but it was
afterwards found expedient to increase the black list to the number of
sixty-six. Pass we to the next instance of palpable cribbage.
Source of Lord John Russell’s proposal that Members accepting office
shall not be obliged to vacate their seats.—“The most desirable man
cannot be appointed Colonial Minister, because his seat, if vacated, might
be irrecoverable. Administrations cannot strengthen themselves by the
alliance of colleagues who possess the confidence of the general public,
because the place for which they sit has been offended by some unpopular
vote or speech. We need add no more on this head: the peculiarity of the
case is, that we have no adverse arguments to meet.”—Edinburgh Review,
Oct. 1852, p. 501.
The writer is decidedly wrong about the non-existence of adverse
arguments; and we shall be happy to convince him of the fact if he will be
kind enough to accord us a meeting. In the mean time, however, he has
humbugged Lord John, which was evidently his special purpose. Even
while we deprecate the morality of his proceeding, we can hardly forbear
expressing our admiration of his skill. We know not his earthly name or
habitation; but he is a clever fellow, for he has led, with equal audacity and
success, the ex-Premier of Great Britain, and the father of Reform, by the
nose!
But we have not yet done. The article last referred to was penned and
published before the new Parliament met, towards the close of 1852, and
before the balance and state of parties could be ascertained. The result of
the election showed that parties were in effect almost equally balanced—so
much so, that, but for the junction of the Peelites with the Liberals, Lord
Derby would have obtained a majority. The election, it will be
remembered, took place under circumstances peculiarly unfavourable to
the Government; and never perhaps was misrepresentation of every kind
more unscrupulously employed than by the Liberal press on that occasion.
Still it became evident that Conservatism was gaining ground in the
country; and it was a natural inference that, after the question of
Protection was finally set at rest, its progress would be still more rapid.
This was not exactly what the writer in the Edinburgh Review had
calculated on. He now saw that it would be necessary, if the Liberal party
was to be maintained in power, to go a good deal further than he at first
proposed; and accordingly, when he appears again before us in October
1853, we find him armed this time, not with a pruning-hook, but with a
formidable axe. We hear no more about “theoretical propriety”—he is
evidently determined upon mischief. Now, then, for his developed views,
as adopted by his docile pupil.
Source of Lord John Russell’s proposal that freemen shall have no
votes.—“There is no doubt in the mind of any man, we imagine, that
incomparably the most openly and universally venal portion of borough
constituencies are the old freemen, so unhappily and weakly retained by
the Reform Act of 1832.... The disfranchisement of the freemen is,
perhaps, of all steps which will be urged upon Parliament, the most clearly
and indisputably right and necessary, and, added to the plan already
suggested for pursuing individual cases of venality, will probably sweep
away the most incurably corrupt class of electors.”—Edinburgh Review,
Oct. 1853, p. 596.
We have already seen that, in Oct. 1852, the reviewer proposed to
abstract thirty members from the smaller English boroughs. It became
evident, however, that so paltry a massacre of the innocents would not
suffice, more especially as it had become part of the scheme to swamp the
English counties. Accordingly we are told, in an off-hand and easy
manner: “To all that we said on a former occasion as to the theoretical
propriety and justice of the small borough representation, we
unreservedly adhere. But, unfortunately, it is too notorious that these
boroughs are generally in a condition which, for the sake of electoral
purity, imperatively demands their disfranchisement, partial or entire.
Here again it is true that parliamentary statistics do not altogether bear
out our conclusion. Of the seventy-two boroughs convicted of bribery
between 1833 and 1853, only twenty-one can properly be called small—as
having fewer than five hundred electors—while some of the more
constantly and flagrantly impure places number their votes by thousands.”
So, according to the admission of even this writer, there is no case
established, on the ground of corruption, for the wholesale
disfranchisement of the small boroughs. Nevertheless we are to assume
them to be impure, because he says it is notorious that they are so; and by
this short and summary process of assertion he gets rid of the trouble of
investigation. The boroughs are not put upon their trial, for there is no
specific charge against them; but they are condemned at once because the
writer has a low opinion of their morality. This is worse than Jeddart
justice, where the trial took place after the execution. In the case of the
boroughs there is to be no trial at all. The following conclusion is therefore
easily arrived at: “There can be no doubt in the mind of any reformer that,
in some way or other, these small boroughs ought to be suppressed; that
we must have, if possible, no more constituencies under one thousand
electors.” So much for the disfranchisement; now for the redistribution.
Final scheme suggested to Lord John Russell for disfranchising the
small boroughs and swamping the counties.—“The third method
proposed is to merge all these small boroughs into the county
constituencies, by depriving them of their members, and reducing the
county franchise to a £10 occupancy. In this way the class would still be
represented, and the individuals would still retain their votes, and the
electoral lists of counties would be considerably modified and greatly
enriched. This plan would, we think, be far the fairest and most desirable,
inasmuch as it would give us constituencies large in number and varied in
character, and, therefore, to a great extent secure against illicit and undue
influences.”—Edinburgh Review, Oct. 1853, p. 602.
The next and last point which we shall notice is the representation of
minorities. We do not know to whom the credit of having invented this
notable scheme is really due. There are various claimants in the field. Mr
G. L. Craik, of Queen’s College, Belfast, asserts that he was the original
discoverer, having propounded a plan of this nature so early as 1836.
Ingenious as the idea may be, it will hardly rank in importance with the
discovery of the steam-engine, nor do we think that its originator is
entitled to any exorbitant share of public gratitude or applause. We shall
give it as we find it in the Review.
Source of Lord John Russell’s proposal to give members in certain
cases to minorities.—“The mode by which we propose to insure the
constituent minorities their fair share in the representation—i. e. to make
the majorities and minorities in the House of Commons correspond as
nearly as may be to majorities and minorities in the country, or in the
electoral bodies—is, to give (as now) to each elector as many votes as there
are members to be chosen, and to allow him to divide these votes as he
pleases among the candidates, or to give them all to one. But as at present
most places return two members, it is obvious that, under the proposed
arrangement, wherever the minority exceeded one-third of the total
number of the electors, they would be able to return one member, or to
obtain one-half the representation, which would be more than their fair
share, and would place them on an equality with the majority, which
would never do; while, if they fell short of one-third, they would be, as
now, virtually unrepresented and ignored. To obviate this, it will be
necessary so to arrange our electoral divisions, that as many
constituencies as possible should return three members: one of these a
minority, if at all respectable, could always manage to secure.”—Edin.
Review, Oct. 1853, p. 622.
Here, at all events, is the notion about the representation of majorities,
and the establishment of as many constituencies as possible, returning
three members. Lord John Russell’s method of working this, is to restrict
each elector to two votes.
Thus we see that all the leading features and peculiarities of Lord John
Russell’s new Reform Bill—the disfranchisement of the boroughs, the
swamping of the counties, the ten-pound occupancy clause, the
qualification by deposit in the savings’ bank, the voting of graduates, the
retention of their seats by members accepting office, and the
representation of minorities—are contained in the articles published in
the Edinburgh Review, in 1852 and 1853. This is, to say the least of it, a
very singular coincidence. Of course we do not mean to maintain that
Lord John Russell was debarred from availing himself of any useful hints
which might be offered him, or from adopting the notions of any political
sage, or harum-scarum cobbler of constitutions; we entirely admit his
right to gather wisdom, or its counterfeit, from any source whatever. What
we wish to impress upon the public is this, that, down to 1852, not one of
these notions had occurred to our grand constitutional reformer, who for
twenty years had been sedulously watching the operation of his original
measure! Nay, more than that: two years ago, his ideas on the subject of
Parliamentary Reform were diametrically opposite to those which he has
now promulgated; and that not only in detail, but in absolute essence and
form! Had he come before us this year with a scheme based upon the
principle of 1852, which was a lowering of the franchise, without any
farther disturbance of the constitution of the electoral bodies, it would
have been but a poor criticism to have taunted him with a minor change in
the details. He might have used his discretion in elevating or lowering the
point where the franchise was to begin, without subjecting himself to any
sneer on account of change of principle. But, wonderful as are the changes
which we have seen of late years in the views of public men, this is the
most astounding of them all. Never before, perhaps, did a statesman pass
such a decided censure on his own judgment, or make such an admission
of former recklessness and error. If he is right now, he must have been
utterly wrong before. The constitution of 1852, as he would have made it,
must have been a bad one. One-tenth of the members of the House of
Commons would still have been returned by constituencies which he now
regards as unfit to be constituencies any more. If the maintenance of the
small boroughs is a blot on the constitution, how was it that Lord John
Russell did not discover that blot until 1853, after the articles we have
referred to were published? Did he take his ideas from those articles? If
so, was there ever a more humiliating confession of entire poverty of
mind? If he did not take his ideas from those articles, what was it that
produced so entire a change of opinion?—what eminent political oculist
has removed the film which impeded his vision but two short years ago?
This is, in reality, a very grave matter. We are accustomed in this country
to associate measures with men, and sometimes to accept the former on
account of our belief and confidence in the sagacity of those who propose
them. But what faith can we repose in a man who thus plays fast and loose
upon a question with which he has been occupied all his life? This is not a
case of expediency arising out of unforeseen circumstances. That the
question is of the deepest import no one in his senses can deny. We know
how the constitution, as framed at present, works; but we do not know
how it may work if very materially altered. And yet we find the same
mechanist proposing, within two years, two separate kinds of alteration!
The first was simple enough, and had at least this much in its favour, that
it did not require any violent displacement of the machinery. The second
is so complex that the whole machinery must be re-arranged. It was our
sincere hope that the country had seen the last of sudden conversions of
parties—at no time edifying events, and sometimes attended by disastrous
consequences—but we must, it seems, prepare ourselves for another
conversion on the part of the Whigs, if this bill is to be carried through.
They must, supposing them inclined to support Lord John Russell, either
unsay what they said, or were prepared to have said, in 1852, or be ready
to maintain that they were then greatly in advance of their leader. The
dilemma, we admit, is an unpleasant and an odious one; but there is no
escape from it, if the Whigs are determined, at all hazards, to follow their
erratic leader.
That there is room for certain changes in the national representation we
are by no means disposed to deny. It is impossible to devise any system so
perfect as to preclude the idea of amendment; indeed, we suppose that
there never was a constitution, or phase of a constitution, in the world,
which gave entire and perfect satisfaction to all who lived under its
operation. We may be told that the present system is theoretically wrong,
that its principle is to exalt property and to exclude intelligence, and that
in some parts it is incongruous, inconsistent, and contradictory. Possibly
there may be some truth in such allegations; but then we must never lose
sight of this, that the real test of a constitution is its practical working. It is
undeniable that under the present system the middle classes have gained,
not only power, but preponderance in the state; and accordingly we find
that they are not favourable to a change which would certainly operate to
their disadvantage. The ulterior aims of the men of Manchester may
prompt them to desire a still further infusion of the democratic element,
but neither the members nor the doctrines of that school have found
favour with the British public. If public opinion generally, and the great
interests of the nation, are well and effectively represented in the House of
Commons, it does seem to us a very perilous experiment to disturb that
state of matters. We should like very much to hear from Lord John Russell
a distinct exposition of the results which he anticipates, should this
scheme of his be carried. Is there any real point of interest to the nation
which he is at present debarred from bringing forward by the exclusive
constitution of the House of Commons? What are the existing grievances
which call for so radical an alteration?
“What is there now amiss
That Cæsar and his senate must redress?”
We apprehend that the noble lord would be greatly puzzled to frame an
intelligible answer to such queries. Well then, we are, perforce, compelled
to fall back upon theory, and to assume that he vindicates his proposal,
not because future measures will be of a better kind, or better discussed
than heretofore, but because it is desirable, for symmetry’s sake, that the
representation should be readjusted.
Be it so. We are content to take that view, albeit a low one, and to
examine his scheme without any partial leaning to the present
constitution of the House of Commons. And first, let us see what regard he
has paid to the principle of equal representation.
It will not, we presume, be denied by any one that the three kingdoms of
England, Scotland, and Ireland, ought to be put upon an equitable footing
as regards one another in this matter of representation. If imperial
measures were all that the House of Commons had to discuss, this relative
equality might be of less importance; but with separate laws and separate
institutions guaranteed to and existing in the three kingdoms, it is proper
that each should be fairly represented in the grand council of the nation.
At present that is not the case. If we take the test of population, Scotland
ought to have 18 more members than are now allotted to her; if we take
the test of taxation and revenue, she ought to have 25 more. Combining
the two, there is a deficit of more than 20 members to Scotland in her
share of the national representation. Now, that is a matter which ought, in
the very first instance, to have occupied the attention of the noble lord,
and would have so occupied it, had he laid down for himself any fixed
principles of action. It is nonsense to talk of inequalities between one
borough and another, or between town and country qualification, before
the first grand inequality is remedied. Apply the double test of population
and revenue, and you will find that Ireland is upon an equality in point of
representation with England, but that Scotland is not; and no reason has
been, or can be, assigned for this anomaly. The quota for Scotland was
fixed by the Act of Union at 45 members. It was increased by the Reform
Act of 1832 to 53, but the number is still insufficient. Lord John Russell
proposes, out of the 66 disfranchised seats, to give three to Scotland, but
he has assigned no reason for doing so. The people of Scotland are not in
the position of men supplicating for a boon. They are demanding that,
when such a change as this is made, their political rights shall be
respected and allowed; and they will not be satisfied with less than a
measure of perfect justice. We think it right to put forward this point
prominently, because it lies at the foundation of the whole question of the
readjustment of the representation.
The question of the disfranchisement of the boroughs is one which
should be approached with very great caution. In 1852, as we have already
seen, Lord John Russell did not propose to touch them—now he has made
up his mind to lop away 66 members from this branch of the
representation. This is, in our opinion, by far too reckless a proceeding.
We can see no good ground or principle for the entire disfranchisement of
any of the boroughs, a step which we think ought never to be taken, except
in case of absolute and proved corruption. When constituencies are too
small, the proper and natural plan is, to annex and unite, not to abolish;
and we believe that this could be effected with very little difficulty. The
new Schedule A contains a list of 19 boroughs, returning at present 29
members, which are to be wholly disfranchised, on the ground either that
the number of the electors is under 300, or that of the inhabitants under
5000. Therefore the privilege is to be taken from them, and the voters are
to be thrown into the counties. We agree with Lord John Russell, that
some constituencies are too small, but we do not agree with him in his
scheme of disfranchisement, and we utterly object to his proposal of
quartering the electors on the counties. They are borough voters, and so
they ought to remain; and it is a very poor pretext, indeed, to make this
disfranchisement the excuse for altering the county qualification. Let a
union of the boroughs, by all means, take place; let the number of their
members, if necessary, be considerably reduced; but let us have no
disfranchisement, or assimilation between the town and county
qualification, which would quite upset the whole system throughout the
kingdom.
We do not profess to be conversant with local details, so that we cannot
speak with perfect confidence; but it appears to us that some such
arrangement as the following, which would unite the smaller boroughs,
and at the same time diminish the number of members, might be adopted
with advantage:—
Present Combined Present Future
County. Borough.
Electors. Electors. Members. Members.
Devonshire, Ashburton, 211 1
520 1
„ Dartmouth, 309 1
„ Honiton, 335 2
649 1
„ Totness, 314 2
Dorsetshire, Lyme Regis, 297 1
665 1
Somersetshire, Wells, 368 2
Sussex, Arundel, 208 1
493 1
„ Midhurst, 285 1
Wiltshire, Calne, 151 1
1
„ Marlborough, 254 641 2
„ Wilton, 236 1
Yorkshire, Richmond, 342 2 1
642
„ Northallerton, 303 1
Essex, Harwich, 299 2
506 1
Norfolk, Thetford, 217 2
22 7
Thus, without any disfranchisement, or violent displacement, fifteen
boroughs, at present returning twenty-two members, might be formed
into seven respectable constituencies, returning one member each to
Parliament. There are, however, four others—Knaresborough, Evesham,
Reigate, and Andover—which cannot be so easily thrown together. We
would proceed with these on the same principle, by adding them to
boroughs at present returning two members, but which Lord John Russell
proposes to restrict to one member each. The following is our view:—
Present Combined Present Future
County. Borough.
Electors. Electors. Members. Members.
Yorkshire, Knaresborough, 226 2
583 1
„ Ripon, 357 2
Worcester, Evesham, 396 2
755 2
„ Tewkesbury, 359 2
Surrey, Reigate, 297 1
„ Guildford, 595 1124 2 2
Hampshire, Andover, 232 2
13 5
Here there are twenty-three seats set at liberty, without disfranchisement
in any one instance. In justice to ourselves, we must state that we have
implicitly followed the schedule attached to Lord John Russell’s bill, and
not indulged in speculations of our own. Had the latter been the case, we
might have been tempted to ask why Westbury, with an electorate of 289,
is to be spared, while Wells, with 368, is to be blotted from the list of
boroughs?
Besides these, Lord John Russell proposes that thirty other seats shall
be made vacant, by restricting boroughs now returning two members to
one. (His number is thirty-three, but we have already noticed Ripon,
Tewkesbury, and Guildford.) If it could be shown that there is a really
clamant case for representation elsewhere, the reduction might be
allowed, but only to the extent required. It seems to us perfect madness to
proceed with wholesale disfranchisement, until the necessity of
transferring seats to other places is satisfactorily established. We can very
well understand why some of the smaller boroughs which have now two
members should be restricted to one, in order to satisfy the just
requirements of some rising township which has hitherto been
unrepresented. We have no doubt that Lord John Russell is quite right in
his proposals to give members to Birkenhead, Burnley, and Staleybridge,
and to erect Chelsea and Kensington into a Parliamentary borough to
return two members. We think that two additional members each might
be granted to the West Riding of Yorkshire and to the county of Lancaster
—that Salford should return two members instead of one—and that the
London University should be represented. We think that these are rational
demands, and such as might be accorded; and the necessary number for
these purposes, and for putting Scotland on a fair footing of equality with
England and Ireland, would amount to the vacation of about thirty or
thirty-two existing seats. We have already shown how, without entirely
disfranchising any borough, twenty-three seats may be obtained; and if
nine others are required, it would be no hardship to take from each of the
following boroughs one out of the two members which they presently
return:—
Towns. Constituencies.
Birmingham, 8,780
Bristol, 10,958
Bradford, 2,723
Leeds, 6,400
Liverpool, 15,382
Manchester, 17,826
Sheffield, 5,612
Wolverhampton, 3,499
It must strike every one that there can be no principle in this. The
constituencies both of Manchester and Liverpool are more than five times